Methodological Introduction To The Panno

Krisztina Hudák
Methodological Introduction
to the Pannonian Early
Christian Church History
Through the Last Fifty Years
of Pannonia (374–456)
University of Pécs,
Center for
Ecclesiastical Studies
Pécs, 2019
Krisztina Hudák
Methodological Introduction to the Pannonian Early Christian

Church History – Through the Last Fifty Years of Pannonia
(374–456)
Krisztina Hudák
Methodological Introduction to the

Pannonian Early Christian Church History
– Through the Last Fifty Years of Pannonia
(374–456)
Pécs, 2019
Editor:
Tamás Fedeles
Copy editor:
István Kovács
Supported by:
EFOP 3.4.3-16-2016-00005
© Hudák, Krisztina
© University of Pécs, Center for Ecclesiastical Studies
To the memory of my honoured professor,
amica Dei, Dr. Marianne Sághy
(1961–2018)
Contents
Foreword .................................................................................................................... 11
I. Introduction – Some Methodological Approaches

I.1. The Selected Time Interval of this Work ................................................. 13
I.2. A Brief Research History ........................................................................... 14
I.3. The Peculiarities of our Sources ................................................................ 17
I.3.1. Historical Methodology ................................................................... 17
I.3.2. Iconographical Research .................................................................. 19
I.3.3. Archaeological Considerations and Approaches .......................... 19
I.4. Transylvania and Transylvanian Finds ...................................................... 20
I.5. Terminological Problems ............................................................................ 21
I.5.1. Orthodox and Arian ......................................................................... 21
I.5.2. Pagan, Gentile and Germanic, Individuals, Groups, Peoples ..... 21
I.5.3. Visigoths, Ostrogoths and Other Species of Goths ...................... 23
I.5.4. Chronological Terminology: pre-Hunnic and Hunnic Period ... 23
II. The Situation of the Pannonian Bishoprics and the Christian

Missions in the 370’s A.D. in the Middle Danube Region
II.1. Some Notes to the Metropolia Question of Pannonia ........................... 25
II.2. The Statistical Proportions of Christianity and Arianism in
Pannonia in the 370’s ................................................................................. 30
II.3. Were There Episcopal Basilicas in the 4th-century
Pannonian Towns? ...................................................................................... 31
II.3.1. Savaria ............................................................................................... 32
II.3.2. Scarbantia ......................................................................................... 34
II.3.3. Carnuntum ....................................................................................... 35
II.3.4. Sopianae ............................................................................................ 35
II.3.5. Iovia ................................................................................................... 36
II.3.6. Aquincum ......................................................................................... 37
II.3.7. Sirmium ............................................................................................ 38
II.3.8. Mursa ................................................................................................ 39
II.3.9. Cibalae .............................................................................................. 39
II.3.10. Aquae Iasae ..................................................................................... 40
II.3.11. Siscia ................................................................................................ 40
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■ Methodological Introduction to the Pannonian Early Christian Church History ■
II.4. A Brief Bypass Towards the Beginnings of Christianity among

the Germans in the Central and Lower Danube Region.
Why Were they Arians? ............................................................................. 40
III. Strengthening Orthodoxy in Pannonia in the Last Third

of the 4th Century
III.1. The Change of Church political Situation in the 370s ........................ 43
III.1.1. The Act of Saint Ambrose and his Journey to Illyricum ....... 43
III.1.2. Ambrose and Damasus Pope’s Pannonian Offensive ............. 44
III.1.3. The Reason of the Successes of Papal Politics in Illyricum ...... 46
III.1.4. The Problem of the Sirmian Council of 378 ........................... 46
III.1.5. The Aquileian Council (381) and the Related
Historical Issues .......................................................................... 50
III.1.6. What Can we Learn from the Synode about the Situation
of Pannonian Arianism around 381? ....................................... 51
III.2. The Bishop with a Torques - Iulianus Valens, former Arian Bishop
of Poetovio and his Supposed Gothic Relations .................................. 53
III.2.1. Previous Chronology of the Bishopric of Iulianus Valens ..... 54
III.2.2. Iulianus Valens’ „Betrayal” Act ................................................. 55
III.2.3. Some Notes on the Bishop with Torques ................................. 56
III.2.4. What Does „Gothica profanatus impietate” Mean? ............... 58
III.3. Paganism, Heresy and Orthodoxy in the Provinces of
Pannonia After the Aquileian Council ................................................. 60
III.3.1. The Decline of Power of Arianism in Pannonia ..................... 60
III.3.2. The Roman Council of 382 and the Photinians in Sirmium .... 61
III.3.3. The Audience in Constantinople in 383 and the Edictum
of Theodosius .............................................................................. 62
III.3.4. The Arian „Reaction” in the Mid-380s Until 390 A.D. .......... 63
III.3.5. Were There Any Arian Visigoth Missions in Southern
Pannonia in the 370s and the 380s? ......................................... 63
III.3.6. Have There Been Orthodox Missions among the People
of Alatheus and Saphrac after 380? ........................................... 66
III.3.7. Orthodox Missions in the North-Italian Alps
at the End of the 4th Century .................................................... 69
III.3.8. Paganism and Christianity, the Grade of Christianization
at the Turn of the 4th-5th Centuries in Pannonia .................. 69
III.4. The Arian Communities of Pannonia Secunda in the Last Quarter
of the 4th Century .................................................................................. 70
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■ Contents ■
III.4.1. The Pannonian Passion of the Four Crowned Saints

– a Pannonian Arian Source? .................................................... 70
III.4.2. The q-Evangeliarium and its Community ............................... 71
III.5. Fritigil’s Story ............................................................................................ 73
III.5.1. Fritigil and the Marcomanni .................................................... 73
III.5.2. The Conversion of the Marcomanni as Part of the
Preparation of the Imperial Foedus? ....................................... 74
III.6. The Relationship between Mission and Art in Pannonia in the Last
Third of the 4th century. The Evidence of Confirmation
of Orthodoxy in Late Roman Pannonian art ....................................... 75
III.6.1. The Iconographic Program of the St. Peter and Paul Burial
Chamber in Sopianae ................................................................ 75
III.6.2. The Relevance of Ecclesiastical Propaganda in the
Iconographical Program of the St. Peter and Paul Burial
Chamber in Sopianae/Pécs ....................................................... 76
III.6.3. The Plant of Jonah: Cucurbita or Hedera? .............................. 77
III.6.4. The Apostles Peter and Paul as Defenders of Orthodoxy ........ 78
III.6.5. The Reason for Emphasizing Victory Propaganda
in Pannonia – Roman Political Efforts in the Balkans
in the Last Years of 4th Century .............................................. 80
III.6.6. „Talking” Caskets – a Special Source Group .......................... 82
III.6.7. The Casket of Ságvár with the Depiction of Peter,
Paul and Timothy ...................................................................... 83
III.6.8. A Single Contemporary Arius Depiction from Valeria? ......... 85
IV. The Situation of Christianity in the Provinces of Pannonia

in the Last Quarter from the End of 4th Century
Until the Hunnic Period
IV.1. The Historical-Economic Environment ................................................ 88
IV.2. Barbarization of Material Culture at the Beginning
of the 5th century. The Central Danube Countryside ......................... 90
IV.2.1. Eastern Germanic Koine. Briefly About the Foederati
Problem ......................................................................................... 90
IV.3. Leaving the Pannonian Provinces in the Hunnic Period .................... 92
IV.4. The Escape of the Provincial Population from Pannonia
and the Translations of Martyrs’ Relics in the First Third
of the 5th Century .................................................................................... 94
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IV.4.1. Migrations and Relocations of relics from the Beginning

of the 5th Century to the Hunnic Period .................................. 94
IV.4.2. The Mysterious Valeria Media Province ................................... 97
IV.4.3. The Decline of the Pannonian Church Organization
in the First Third of the 5th Century ......................................... 99
IV.4.4. The Situation of Sirmian Christianity
until the Hunnic Period .............................................................. 99
IV.4.5. Transfers of Relics in the First Half of the Fifth Century ........ 101
IV.4.6. Saint Irenaeus ............................................................................. 103
IV.4.7. Saint Synerus .............................................................................. 103
IV.4.8. Saint Demetrius .......................................................................... 104
IV.4.9. Saint Anastasia ........................................................................... 107
IV.4.10. Saint Quirinus ........................................................................... 109
IV.4.11. Saint Pollio ................................................................................ 110
IV.4.12. Iovia, an Unknown Translatio Without Any Mentioning
in Written sources? ................................................................... 110
IV.4.13. The Problem of the Martyr Cult in Sopianae ........................ 111
IV.4.14. Translatio-Models of Relics in the Light of the Problems
Concerning the Quattuor Sancti Coronati .......................... 114
IV.5. Problems of Christianity in the Provincial Population
who Remained in Pannonia .................................................................. 117
IV.5.1. Ways of Life in a Late Roman Town in the 5th century ........ 118
IV.5.2. The Case of Siscia and Pannonia Prima .................................. 119
IV.5.3. Sirmium in the Hunnic period ................................................ 121
IV.5.4. Aquincum - The problem of Valeria Civitas .......................... 121
IV.5.5. The Tokod Fort and its Cross-Patterned Pottery Fragments ... 123
IV.5.6. A Brief Note About the «Basilica from Horreum» Theory ...... 124
IV.5.7. The Situation of Savaria and Pannonia Prima
Until the 456 Earthquake .......................................................... 125
V. Disappearance of Pannonia’s Ecclesiastical Significance ............ 127
Epilogue ................................................................................................................... 128

Abbreviations, Sources, Bibliography .................................................................. 129
Figures ..................................................................................................................... 169
■ 10 ■
Foreword
The e-book of Krisztina Hudák, „Methodological Introduction to the Pannonian

Early Christian Church History – Throughout the Last Fifty Years of Pannonia
(374-456)” is in fact a potential e-curriculum for university courses. The text is
based on her Ph.D. dissertation written in 2013, completed with new scholarly
literature and new methodological approaches.
This work is a synthesis of the ecclesiastical history of the last fifty years of
the late Roman Pannonian provinces. It is not simply the re-telling of the church
history of Pannonia in the examined period, but it offers through several case
studies a holistic view of various methodological problems of source interpreta-
tions in comparison with earlier summaries of the topic.
Krisztina Hudák is a church historian and a Christian archaeologist. The rich
historical source collection used by her consists of Nicene, anti-Nicene and an-
ti-Christian apologetic works, ecclesiastical letters, passion stories of martyrs,
lists of martyrologies, funerary inscriptions, representations of early Christian
art and archaeology, evidence of late Roman archeological topography. The vari-
ous kinds of sources are analysed on the basis of the own interpretation methods
of various disciplines, ancient history, ecclesiastical history, theology, hagiogra-
phy, Roman, early Christian and migration period archaeology and art history.
After an important methodological and terminological introduction (chapter
I), chapter II deals with the sources of Christian bishoprics and other commu-
nities in the Pannonian towns. The records of written sources are supplemented
with archaeological topographical data and with new interpretations about the
ecclesiastical organization of the region.
Chapter III illustrates the situation of Pannonian christianity in the focus of
various ecclesiastical political efforts promoted from Mediolanum and Rome,
concerning pro-Nicene and anti-Nicene (according to another terminology: or-
thodox and arian/semi-arian) conflicts.
The problems around the relevant church historical events of the 370-s and
380-s are shown in well elaborated case studies. Readers and students can face
with interesting questions. How can we detect a fake synode, which in fact did
not exist? The unusual clothing habits of a bishop can really be significant signs
of barbarian identity, heresy and betrayal? How can we reconstruct missionary
■ 11 ■
activities on the basis of a funerary inscription, how can we misinterpret the al-
lusions of a latin text for the sake of the reconstruction of a scattered puzzle with
many missing links? How can we use biblical representations interpreted earlier
exclusively with the methods of art history and Christian archaeology as ecclesi-
astical historical sources in order to detect relevant ecclesiastical communication
networks between Rome and Pannonia?
Chapter IV deals with important questions of Christianization and a kind of
Dechristianization in the provinces of Pannonia from the end of 4th century until
the Hunnic period. Barbarian raids from the beginning of the 5th century pro-
voked migrations of Christian communities towards safe areas of the late Roman
empire. The transfers of relics of Pannonian martyrs recorded by hagiographical,
epigraphical and archaeological sources are in the focus of the investigations. Not
all Christians left the Pannonian provinces for Italy. The question of continuity of
the Roman population in Pannonia is a popular topic of both roman provincial
and migration period archaeology. Instead of retelling earlier narratives offered
by previous historians and archaeologists, the chapter aims to show a new syn-
thesis concerning the situation of Christian communities in the 1st half of the 5th
century with the help of the nowadays relevant research methods of hagiography,
settlement history, archaeological topography and Christian iconography.
I recommend the work of Krisztina Hudák to all students, researchers and
readers who are interested in the history and archaeology of the mysterious last
period of the Later Roman empire. To those readers, who want to understand
not only the various ecclesiastical political efforts detectable in the Middle Dan-
ube region, but also the aims and motivations of the relevant agents of the inves-
tigated period, who were able to build and maintain well established Christian
connection networks throughout the Pannonian provinces, towards the great
central places of Christianity, Rome, Milan, Constantinople and Thessaloniki.
Pécs, 1 March, 2019.
Dr. habil. Levente Nagy Ph.D.

head of Department of Archaeology
at the University of Pécs
■ 12 ■
I.
Introduction – Some Methodological Approaches
I.1. The Selected Time Interval of this Work
Late Antiquity is the era from the A.D. 3rd until the 8th century, whose research
has recently been one of the most dynamically developed research areas in the
international field of Classics. It has a huge scholarly literature and various re-
search-related topics. One of the most interesting topics in the era is the religious
transformation of the Late Roman Empire and Church History (fig. 1.).1 This
period was particularly exciting in the Danube region from an ecclesiastical his-
torical point of view and there is still plenty of research to do on the subject. My
work is looking for some aspects of this research.
The time interval examined in this work (from the 370s/374 – until the Hun-
nic period) reflects partly the periodization of the Pannonian church histori-
cal monograph of Tibor Nagy, published in 1939.2 The Christian history of the
Carpathian Basin in the migration period written by András Alföldi in 1938 is
in fact only a less affected summary.3 The reason of my chronological choice
was the circumstance, that this time interval is a transition period, when we can
observe relevant historical processes of the history of Christianity in the 4th –
5th centuries A.D. The two most essential processes are the decline of Arianism
in the Roman Empire, and – as a parallel process – its appearance and spread
among the Germanic peoples. A.D. 374 is the inauguration year of the bishop
St. Ambrose in Mediolanum, who played an important role in the spread and
promotion of Nicene orthodoxy in the Central Danube region in those years.
A.D. 381 was the year of the council of Aquileia, perhaps one of most important
date for the church history of the Pannonian provinces. According to the extant
records of the council, the church political program of Ambrose was clearly the
destruction of the Arianism in the Danube region countryside. The last examined
year was the assumed date of the Earthquake in Savaria in 456. These historical
events follow each other after the death of Attila, hunnic king (453). The famous
1 Sághy–Schoolman 2017. 1.; Tóth 2017. 20.

2 Nagy 1939.
3 Alföldi 1938.
■ 13 ■
battle at the river Nedao with the probable date A.D. 4544, or the assumed settle-
ment of the Eastern Goths in Pannonia. 455 or 456 are relevant historical events
in the region,5 therefore the year 456 seems to be the most plausible closing year of
my selected period of investigation. Church history events after the Hunnic period
are not incorporated into my work, except some archeological finds, which are im-
portant for understanding some relic translation processes from Pannonia towards
the Mediterraneum, or the Christianization process among Germans, but they are
not exclusively dateable inside of the short Hunnic period, so their chronology can
be possible as late as the second third–second half of the 5th century.
1.2. A Brief Research History
The theme of my work is the history of Christianity in the Pannonian provinc-

es and in the Carpathian Basin between the years 374 and 456, with a modest
outlook towards the provinces Moesia Secunda, Scythia Minor, Noricum Medi-
terraneum, Noricum Ripense, Venetia and Histria. This period witnessed in Pan-
nonia the last decades of Roman rule with seemingly less written sources in com-
parison with the previous years. The Great Migration after 375 and its impacts on
the Pannonian section of the Danube frontier provided also confusing conditions
in the region. These conditions may make historical reconstructions difficult both
for late Roman authors who worked far away from Pannonia and for contempo-
rary researchers. This work seeks to use written source types as widely as possible
to get the most comprehensive and credible picture of these years.
Archaeological sources can be added to written historical records since the
second half of the 19th century, when there were already essential archaeological
excavations in Pannonia in the late Roman – early Christian period (eg. the exca-
vations of Adolf Hytrek in the northern cemetery in Sirmium in the 1880s years,
when the funerary basilica of St. Syneros martyr and inscriptions mentioning
the martyr have been found). The first golden age of Pannonia’s early Christian
research was in the 1930s, when a young generation of archaeologists and ancient
historians arised using positivistic research methods taken from contemoporary
German colleagues. The results of these scholary workshops are still very useful.
In 1938 Lajos Nagy published in the Memorial book in honour of the first apos-
4 Wolfram 1990. 259.; Heather 1991. 231.; Nagy–Neumann–Pohl–Tóth 2000. 181.; Kiss
2000–2002. 172.; Kiss 2008. 122., 127., based on Iordanes and another sources.
5 Nagy–Neumann –Pohl–Tóth 2000. 181.; Kiss 2000–2002. 172.; Kiss 2008. 122., 127.
■ 14 ■
■ I. Introduction – Some Methodological Approaches ■
tolic king of Hungary (Stephen the Saint) all early Christian archeological sites
which were known that time.6 In 1939, Zoltán Kádár published a monograph
about the iconography of Pannonian early Christian biblical representations.7
Tibor Nagy managed in 1939 to write a comprehensive church history of late
Roman pannonian Christianity based on the written sources and archeological
records known by him.8 Christianity has not received enough attention in Pan-
nonian research after World War II for a long time. This is primarily due to the
theme, which was not appropriate from an ideological point of view during the
communist era. Anyway, there was not enough up-to-date scholarly literature in
Hungarian libraries. Pannonian Christian archaeology continued, however, to
operate,9 much more archeological finds came from late Roman Pannonian con-
texts.10 Apart from some shorter texts written by B. Edit Thomas and Endre Tóth,
there was no relevant church historical summary published in Hungary since Ti-
bor Nagy’s work.11 The monograph of Dorottya Gáspár about early Christian ar-
cheological evidence from the Hungarian part of Pannonia was published in 2002
with some church historical considerations.12 Minor publications of Endre Tóth
from the 1970’s about early Christian small finds are extremely important from
methodological point of view.13 Some results of Tibor Nagy and Dorottya Gáspár
can be debated at several points, firstly because of the unobstructed development
of the methodology of contemporary international research, some of the import-
ant questions that they have raised should therefore now be considered again.14
6 Nagy 1938.
7 Kádár 1939.
8 Nagy 1939.
9 Eg. the early Christian churches from Sirmium from the 1970s (Duval 1979. 82–84.), the
excavations conducted by András Mócsy in the late Roman fortress in Tokod (Mócsy et alii
1981.), or Ferenc Fülep’s excavations in the area of the northern cemetery in Pécs with Chris-
tian burials (Fülep 1984.). The research of Endre Tóth in the inner fort and late Roman ceme-
tery of Kapospula, Alsóhetény-puszta also served a number of surprises (Tóth 1987–1988.).
10 Particularly important is the late Roman brick with the depiction of an orant figure with Ario
inscription (Arius?) (Thomas 1973–1974.) and the bronze casket mounts with the represeta-
tions of the St. Peter, St. Paul and St. Timothy found in the inner fort of Ságvár (Tóth 1995.;
Tóth 2014.)
11 Thomas 1982.; Tóth 1990.
12 Nagy 1939.; Gáspár 2002.
13 Only a few of Endre Tóth’s oeuvre: Vigilius’ bishopric in Scarbantia (Tóth 1974.), the continuity
of Christianity in postroman period (Tóth 1976.; Tóth 1987.), the assumed Valeria Media pro-
vince (Tóth 1989.), Ságvár (Tóth 1995.; Tóth 2014.), the early Christian burial chambers of Pécs
(Tóth 2001.) and the interpretation problems of representations of crosses (Tóth 1997–1998.).
14 The historical role of Ambrose promoting Nicene orthodoxy and some events from his life was
already examined by Tibor Nagy, based, however, on the data of older literature. More recent
■ 15 ■
About present research state, I deeply agree with the hungarian archaeologist
Endre Tóth, who said „The summary of the last half century of the history of the
Transdanubian provinces can not be the summary of their cultural history ... the
time has not come to write it yet.”15 My work is intended to serve this future syn-
thesis. I tried to incorporate into the history of the last century of Christianity in
Pannonia the history of Christianity of Germanic settlers, too. I tried to discuss
intensively how they came to contact with the provincial Romans.
In a book of the excellent irish-american historian, Peter Brown about the his-
tory of European Christianity the author questioned not only the pagan-Chris-
tian, but the Roman-barbarian, civilized-barbarian oppositions as well. This
does not mean that there are no such oppositions at all. It means rather that
we cannot automatically investigate them in this way.16 Besides Hans-Eberhard
Giesecke’s exemplary summary published in 1939,17 the publications of Edward
Alan Thompson about the earliest missions of the Goths18 can now be debated
at several points. From a methodological point of view, new research concerning
the so-called ethno-genesis of Germanic peoples made by the Vienna, Freiburg
and Heidelberg schools (among others Walter Pohl, Helmut Reimitz, Sebas-
tian Brather, etc.) cannot be ignored any more, they gain more attention in the
circles of archeologists. In any case, their views and results need to be reflected.19
A new synthesis of the history of Christianity in the Carpathian Basin is needed
today. Partly in order to re-examine the basic evidence of earlier research (Tibor
Nagy, István Bóna, Dorottya Gáspár, Endre Tóth, Péter Kovács, Olivér Gábor,
Hans-Eberhard Giesecke, Edward Allen Thompson, Vladislav Popovic, Branka
Migotti, Daniel H. Williams, Neil McLynn, Rajko Bratož, etc.), partly in order to
get an appropriate summary and evaluation of both written and archeological
sources, using adequate methodological rules.20
philological-historical studies (eg. McLynn 1994.; Williams 1995.), however, modified the
date of the episcopal inauguration of Ambrose, of his visit in Sirmium, and also the date of the
first day of the council of Aquileia; the existence of the synod of Sirmium in 378 is questioned.
We have also changed our knowledge of the Dissertatio Maximini and its formation history:
Gryson 1980.; Gryson 1982. Based on recent historical research, one has to reevaluate the
question of Germanic foederati as well.
15 Tóth 2009. 159.
16 Cameron 1990. 212–218.; Brown 1993.; Brown 1999.; Sághy 2003. 17.
17 Giesecke 1939.
18 See, above all, Thompson 1963.
19 Brather 2008.; Heather 2003.; Goetz–Jarnut–Pohl 2003.; Lotter–Bratož–Castritius
2003.; Vida 2005.
20 The basic questions of this work have long been a concern for me. During my university studies,
my first acquaintance with the era were the Goths, missions from the Roman Empire towards
■ 16 ■
I.3. The Peculiarities of our Sources
I.3.1. Historical Methodology
A relevant pillar of the interpretation of written sources used in this work is his-
torical methodology: the political history of Pannonia between 374 and 456 is
based on literary sources, which could be re-interpreted in recent years (eg. the
evidence of the foedus with Alatheus and Saphrac which is not observable in the
contexts of Pannonian settlement networks).21 As result of recent interpretations
of political history, one should also reconsider church historical problems. The
monograph of Tibor Nagy from 1939 remained up to date in research in Hun-
gary until the last years of the last century. Its historical narratives became over-
whelming for a long time. We have, however, new research results concerning
the passion story of the Quattuor Sancti Coronati22 or the funerary inscription of
Amanti[-] from the clergy of Aquileia identified earlier as Amantius, bishop of Io-
via,23 the problems of the council of Sirmium in 378, the beginnings of German-
ic Arianism or even the origin of the cult of Saint Demetrius in Thessaloniki.24
The interpretation and dating of some relevant historic events has been changed,
like the appointment date of bishop Ambrosius in Mediolanum or Anemius in
Sirmium, the „betrayal” of Iulianus Valens, the first working day of the Aquileian
Council, or the exact dating of the Dissertatio Maximini. Due to the radical de-
velopment of the Hungarian Pannonia-research in recent years in both fields of
history and archaeology, some interpretations of Rajko Bratož, evaluated as a rel-
evant international church historical standard researcher,25 have become almost
the Goths in the 4th century and gothic monasticism. Two early papers of mine with awarded
student scholarships: Additions to the Gothic wear for reconstruction (Spring semester 2000.);
Conceptional problems of the so called early Christian Arian art (Autumn 2000 semester). My
M.A. thesis dealt with the ethnic-religious backgrounds of the Christian missions towards the
Goths, with the title: Ethnic and Religious Identity and the forms of its appearances among the
Goths in the 4–5th centuries A.D. /Christian gothic mission in the Central and Lower Danube
Region and its social, political roots/. Unpublished, Eötvös Loránd University, 2002. Tutor: Dr.
Barnabás Lőrincz professor. One of my articles dealt with gothic mission strategy as a priority
of 4th century ecclesiastical policy (Hudák 2005.), another paper dealt with Gothic monks’
dress (Hudák 2007.).
21 See for instance Bóna 1969.; Nagy 1971.; Kovács 2004.; Bierbrauer 2011b. 41.
22 Nagy 2018.
23 Tóth 2009. 132–137.
24 Tóth 2010b.; Rizos 2016.
25 E.g. Lotter–Bratož–Castritius 2003.; Bratož 2011a and 2011b.
■ 17 ■
outdated, despite the fact that his collection of the most important written sources
(sometimes bypassing Tibor Nagy’s attention) is really his merit.
A consistent and critical application of historical methodology provides crit-
ical investigations of both old historical narratives spread in Hungarian research
and new topics spread in international research emerging from an incomplete
historical knowledge concerning Pannonia. Thus, among other things, the ex-
istence of the mysterious council in Sirmium in 378, or the supposed Christian
missions of Amanti [---] among barbarians around Aquileia have been subjected
to criticism (Daniel H. Williams, Neil McLynn, Péter Kovács), critical arguments
of recent research could be completed with new arguments and aspects.
A similar widespread topic of ecclesiastical history became problematic by to-
day, id est, the narrative about the q-evangeliarium, a well known gospel manu-
script from the early Middle ages that was used by Arian Goths around Sirmium.
We have to think carefully about the circumstances of historical situations,
which are not to follow precisely at all of their points, because of absence of rele-
vant auctor data. A good example is the investigation of a more exact chronology
of Christian missionary activity among Huns or other German peoples where we
have not enough precise source data.
The methodological principle in this case is that the „transition” does not
mean conversion of a complete Germanic population over a given period, but
the leaders of Barbaric people show interest in Christianity only because of a
definable political cause (eg. a later foedus), possibly allowing the missionaries to
their territory. These missions can result conversion of individuals and groups.
We have to treat auctor sources critically. Oral traditions preserved over the
time, but especially if we have a greater time and/or spatial distance between au-
thor and the event, the source value of the text is problematic. One of our most
important source for the era, the history of Goth origins of Iordanes can actually
contain earlier oral traditions, but we must treat them with caution. Archaeolog-
ical data for example have shown that migrations towards the Black Sea were not
organized tribal wanderings with one charismatic (seemingly mythical) leader,
but there were lot of migrations of small groups over a long period.26 In addition,
Iordanes’ Getica necessarily differed from its main source, Cassiodorus’s lost
Gothic story. It was not a simple extraction of Cassiodorus’s work.
When evaluating texts, one should not forget that Cassiodorus worked for
the Eastern Gothic royal court, and Iordanes wrote his Getica in Constantino-
26 Heather 1991. 6.; Horváth 2000–2002. 16.
■ 18 ■
ple.27 Contrary to Edward Alan Thompson and Peter Heather, Chapter IV.33 of
the Ecclesiastical History of Socrates Scholasticus is a basic source of Gothic
Christianization according to Noel Lenski.28 This is true: in my opinion, the re-
cord is authentic, too, although Socrates was not a contemporary witness he did
not know some of the events exactly. In Constantinople, he had indeed access to
ecclesiastical sources for Goths.29
I.3.2. Iconographical Research
Another pillar of the work is the iconographical methodology. The artefacts and
art objects that have been excavated or documented during excavations and the
depictions of art are important supplementary sources of the Pannonian ancient
Christian Church history, in particular in periods when we have no trustworthy,
well-used written sources.30 The iconographic methodology used by me closely re-
lates to typochronological observation. This is a common method in international
early Christian archaeological research, but it is rare in research in Hungary.
The critical use of an iconographic methodology lead also to more precise
dates of the St. Peter and Paul burial chamber in the northern cemetery of Sopi-
anae, which can be dated for the period around 400.31 Iconological methodology,
closely related to iconography, used above all by art historians, helps to interpret
the biblical representations from Ságvár and Pécs, and above all the symbolism
of the biblical representations of Pécs as a proof of the conscious dissemination
of Nicene orthodoxy known from sources, from Italy (from Rome and Milan)
towards the Pannonian provinces.
I.3.3. Archaeological Considerations and Approaches
The third pillar of the work is the archaeological methodology, above all the ques-
tion of the identification and dating of ancient Christian basilicas from Panno-
nian provinces. Because of the relatively low literary source evidence, the cult
buildings examined in the investigated period in particular for the 5th century, are
27 Heather 1991. 50-51.; Horváth 2000–2002. 18.

28 Lenski 1995.
29 Hudák 2002. 66.
30 Hudák 2003. chapter II.
31 Hudák–Nagy 2009.; Hudák 2009a.; Hudák 2009b.
■ 19 ■
less interpretable with written sources. For the dating of some 5th century basilicas
(eg. Sirmium) we have to take into account not just the groundplan, but also the
find material from nearby and the historical situation on the given settlement.
In other cases, however (eg. Aquincum, Tokod), archaeological methodology
is necessary to make a strict decision on whether an apse, or a column-lined build-
ing should be interpreted as places of worship on the basis of observations made
during archaeological excavations. Are there objects and finds from the site that
make a liturgical function likely? In the absence of these finds, a basilica ground-
plan with apse cannot be interpreted as ancient Christian church on the sole basis
of its layout. It may be less likely to draw far-reaching speculative conclusions relat-
ed to the Christianity of the population living in the given settlement.32
Likewise, representations of crosses cannot be clear evidence of the spread of
Christianity (like the footed crosses on a vessel from Leányfalu), because their
analogies are known from non-Christian environment, they can be simple dec-
orative motifs without special spiritual content.33
I.4 Transylvania and Transylvanian Finds
The theme and time setting of the work should include an outlook of Christian
finds in Transylvania, former Dacia. Unfortunately, the scholarly literature of the
topic may be dependent on politics. Most Transylvanian Early Christian finds
are uncertain concerning their contexts, dates and interpretations. Research car-
ried out in both Romania and Hungary discussed topics such as the continuity
of Dacian population, the Christianity of the Roman prisoners of war hauled to
post Roman Dacian territory from Pannonia, and the existence of Arian Goths
in Transylvania.34 It is certainly a research task to evaluate the topic, but it would
32 A recent discussion of these issues through the question of archaeological identification of

bishopric sites: Heinrich-Tamáska 2012.
33 Tóth 1998–1999.
34 Without the need for completeness: Thompson 1966. 78–81; Bârzu 1981. 65–67; Tóth 1986.
104; Bóna 1986. 128; Vékony 1989. 171–176; Popescu 1994. Best quality pictures mostly
in Barnea 1979. 11., 31–34., Pl. 6/2 (a gem lost before 1848 with Good Shepherd and Jonah
depictions, Torda), Pl. 7/1. (Good Shepherd gem, unknown Transylvanian site, Hungarian
National Museum), Pl. 44/2 (fake-suspicious inscribed vessel fragment with staurogram, Po-
rolissum), Pl. 45 (bronze disc with suspension chain of a lamp with the inscription „Ego Zen-
ovius votum posui „, belonging to the Biertan treasure known since 1775, which could belong
to a resident of Dacia, residing in Transylvania (?), to a Gothic Christian (?), or a captured
Roman (?), escaped or kidnapped from Pannonia (?), Pl. 109/2., 110/2. (two cross-displayers,
probably in Gyulafehérvár). Recently, talented young researchers wrote on the transylvanian
■ 20 ■
undoubtedly occupy a great deal in my work, so I will not discuss this topic here,
although it cannot be ruled out that at least a part of transylvanian early Chris-
tian finds can be connected with the deliberate or forced mobility of Romans
from Pannonia to former Dacia.
I.5. Terminological problems
I.5.1. Orthodox and Arian
Instead of the concept of Arianism, recent research on Homoians, anti-Nicene

clerics is talking about groups and trends, which are mentioned as Arians in the
orthodox sources, but they radically differ from the teaching of Arius, from a
theological point of view.35 It would therefore be more accurate if instead of „or-
thodox” and „arian”, I talked about „Pro-Nicene” and „Anti-Nicene” priests and
communities. Instead of „pagans”, it would be more accurate to say „non-Chris-
tians”.36 For the sake of easier traceability, in this work I still find it convenient to
be familiar with „orthodox”, „arian” and „pagan” expressions.
I.5.2. Pagan, Gentile and Germanic, Individuals, Groups, Peoples
During the period examined in this work, in the German world beyond the
northern border of the Roman Empire, there was a historical process where
the gentes (people) became regna (kingdoms). In general, the people who lived
closer to the Romans and had many connections with them witnessed this cen-
tralization development faster, than the more isolated gentes. According to the
Latin language, all people who settled in their own kingdom within the empire
called gens and gentes. This expression means tribe, stem, genus of common
origin, but this does not necessarily mean biologically common ancestors, but
mythical intertwining. This is a kind of metaphor, how to relate the members
of the community: common history, habits, identity, awareness of belonging to
a group, etc.
early christian finds with further comments and literature, whose systematic processing and
evaluation is in progress. Szabó 2017. 143–144.; Kőrösfői 2016. 13., 316.; Szabó 2018. 120-
127.
35 Williams 1995. 1–7., a summary of the research history of the question: Bratož 1996. 319.
36 See Jürgasch 2016.; Nagy 2016a. 122–126.
■ 21 ■
Among early medieval historians, especially Walter Pohl in the so called Vi-
enna school in recent decades the notion of ethnicity was redefined. For example,
if someone belongs to franks or goths, it does not mean that he/she belongs to an
ethnically or culturally homogeneous group.37 This is why this new approach has
recently been taken over by historians and alongside more archaeologists, though
Guy Halsall says it is a pity that some of the archaeologists still do not know that
the ethnic affiliation has nothing to do with peoples included in the sources (as
gentes) and with their geographical origins.38 Thus, it is no longer possible to ex-
pect from the early medieval cemetery archaeology to show off migrants and em-
igrants. The social structures of the local community, on the other hand, we can
investigate with archaeological methods. They also reveal, how to detect major
political events reflected in the social life of the given communities in the burials
of their cemeteries. From this point of view, the most skeptical archaeologists
believe that we cannot consider a burial with rich grave goods as pagan any more.
Even less can we attribute find material in this early period to the Germans,
since the formerly barbaric finds including “foederati material” contained usu-
ally late Roman/late antique small finds without the possibilities of any exact
ethnic interpretation.39
In the late Roman period, when countless smaller groups of people came
to the empire and fashionable types of artefacts spread across a large area, the
identification of immigrant peoples, groups by grave goods and burial rites is
problematic. The Hunnic era is particularly unsuitable for ethnic interpretations.
Clothing can be at most only the expression of personal identity in the period,
but only with constraints and not in all cases.40
In my work I also had to take into account that the Hungarian and especial-
ly international research dealing with 4th–5th century archaeology increasingly
abandoned ethnic interpretations, they refused to associate an object with any of
the known gentes from written sources.41 Consequently, a processual function-
alist model became more and more common in German-speaking areas, this
model, however, „does not deal with religious interpretations of find material
and archaeologically attested phenomena expressing faith, religion, and spiritual
culture”, as Tivadar Vida also pointed out.42 This model is not yet suitable, to
37 Pohl 2002. 9.; Halsall 2008. 105.

38 Halsall 2008. 105.
39 Halsall 2008. 106–107.; Brather 2008b. 255–256., 272.; Bierbrauer 2015. 365–460.
40 Rummel 2008. 64.; Pohl 2010. 9–23.
41 For the research historical background see Vida 2005.
42 Vida 2005. 213.
■ 22 ■
answer ecclesiastical historical questions. Therefore, in this essentially work of

ecclesiastical history concerning German ethnic and religious identity I will not
follow these methods.
I.5.3. Visigoths, Ostrogoths and Other Species of Goths
In the 370s, the Hunnic invasion represents a complete watershed in the lives of
peoples who dwelled to the east of the Carpathian Basin; the social and political
system of the Goths disintegrated. Several groups of Goths had to migrate to
the Balkans in the last third of the 4th century and in the third quarter of the 5th
century. They joined each other in the area of the empire again, where a radically
new system emerged, creating the ostrogoths and visigots who formed succeed-
ing states in the territory of the former empire.43 Procopius writes that only the
Visigoths fled during the first Hunnic invasion to the area of the empire, the
others are simply Goths (who escorted Theoderich to Italy), according to his
opinion they did not appear in the Balkans until the second half of the 5th cen-
tury.44 Ammianus Marcellinus, Eunapius and Olympiodorus of Thebes, whose
works were used later by Zosimus and Sozomenus, did not write any words
about visigoths in the 4th–5th century. Ammianus was just talking about tervingi
and greuthungi. Iordanes identified assumably incorrectly these two groups with
ostrogoths and visigots, followed by later generations of historians, who in fact
did not exist at that time.45 The name tervingi disappeared from the sources after
381 (after Athanaric’s death), later on Western Goths were called Visigoths after
a Gothic auxiliary troop named vesi/visi.46
Although Peter Heather’s ethnogenesis model is partly valid, in this work, for
the sake of simplicity, I use the terms „Ostrogoths” and „Visigoths” several times
in the discussion of events also before the end of the Hun era.
I.5.4. Chronological Terminology: pre-Hunnic and Hunnic Period
It seems to me that the boundaries of periodization used by church history are not
quite the same, as the chronological terminology used by the archaeologists. The
43 Heather 1991. 8.
44 Prokop., De bell. Goth. 3., 2., 7.; Heather 1991. 17.
45 Heather 1991. 8.
46 Wolfram 1988. 73–74.
■ 23 ■
last quarter of the century, the Bierbrauer/Tejral period D1,47 and the first half of
the 5th century, the Bierbrauer/Tejral period D248 is a problematic, not applicable
periodization from the ecclesiastical point of view (fig. 1.). I would do the distinc-
tion between the two periods rather around the year 420 B.C. in Pannonia and
in the Carpathian Basin, when the Hun great king’s headquarters were relocated
here. As part of a work hypothesis, I would call the first period as pre-Hunnic age
(375–420s), and the next period I would call Hunnic period (420s–456).
47 Bierbrauer 2011a. 367.

■ 24 ■
II.
The Situation of the Pannonian Bishoprics

and the Christian Missions in the 370s A.D.
in the Middle Danube Region
II.1. Some Notes to the Metropolia-Question of Pannonia
Since the end of the 19th century, scholarly works have been made on the church
history of Illyricum. Most of them are still useful today, because they are the
works of excellent philologists.49 It would be a tremendous job to deal with all
the sub-problems affecting Pannonia, I would like to reflect on some questions.
It is important to note that changes of the boundaries of provinces and the
late Roman geopolitical endeavors did not necessarily prevail in church life.
There were other geo-ecclesiastical emphases and aspirations, which should be
examined independently of the state affairs, as emphasized by Dominic Moreau,
a Canadian church historian.50
According to the administrative division of the provinces in the age of Dio-
cletan, the Balkans are listed in the eastern empire, the pars Orientalis.
However, Diocletianus did not focus on the Balkans: while he controlled per-
sonally important areas, Galerius received the Balkans. The territory of the Bal-
kans includes the Dioecesis Pannoniarum with Sirmium, Dioecesis Moesiarium
with Thessaloniki and Dioecesis Thraciae with Philippopolis as centers. The dio-
eceses were created and functioning during the tetrarchy and by the time of Con-
stantine the Great, they likely had an impact on the formation of ecclesiastical
administration. The first traces of the existence of the ecclesiastical organization
in Illyricum are known around 300. Dominic Moreau believes that the metropolis
system did not exist in the 4th century yet. The first steps were taken towards the
end of this 4th century in the territories around Constantinopolis.51
49 Some of these works: Duchesne 1892. 530–551. and Duchesne 1905. 229–279.; Zeiller
1918.; Moreau 2017.
50 Moreau 2017. 282.
51 Moreau 2017. 261., 267., 270–271.
■ 25 ■
I think that although the early Byzantine metropolitan organization did not
really exist at that time, there may have been a network called a ‘proto-metro-
politan’ system that could be the framework of early church administration in
the 3rd–4th centuries. These may have been roughly in line with the Roman eth-
no-cultural boundaries in the Balkans, which was divided by Dominic Moreau
into 8 areas: Noricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Moesia, Macedonia, Epirus, Akhaia,
Thracia. This division of the Balkans into 8 parts (in other words, only 3) ap-
peared from the late Republican period in Roman public opinion and thought
and was institutionalized during the reign of Diocletian. This is where the dio-
eceses of Pannonia, Thracia and Moesia appeared.52
The slovenian historian Rajko Bratož thinks that in vain was Sirmium a dio-
ecesis center, the metropolis as an ecclesiastical organization did not exist yet at
that time in Illyricum, until the end of the 4th century. In 325 and 343, Domnus
and Eutherius took part at the councils of Nicaea and Serdica as bishops of Pan-
nonia, but their titles do not yet prove the existence of the metropolis. The first
bishop of Sirmium, who looks at his city as a metropolis center is Anemius on
the Aquileian council.53
I would have some thoughts on the role of Domnus, bishop of Sirmium from
the point of view of the ecclesiastical organization of the region.
Domnus, bishop of Sirmium in the age of Constantine the Great called him-
self “metropolitan”. I think this is not a mere title, as Rajko Bratož thinks, but
has possibly a real content, an independent church province must lay behind the
metropolitan title. In contrast, the Hungarian canon lawyer, Anzelm Szabolcs
Szuromi, OPraem sets a very low chronology.
He believes that the entire ecclesiastical organization was established in all
provinces of the empire as early as in the 3rd century.54 This can be evidenced by
the number of ecclesiastical jobs and positions in the martyrs’ passion stories,
which refers to a highly organized hierarchy.55 Dominic Moreau counted with
the high chronology like Rajko Bratož. According to Moreau, the metropolis
system did not exist in the Balkans in the 4th century.56 This point is acceptable to
me, but only with the introduction of the ‘proto-metropolia’ concept.
52 Moreau 2017. 261.

53 Bratož 2011a. 217., with further sources.
54 Szuromi 2017. 37. „It is known that in the 3rd century, the bishops of the provincial headquarters
as metropolitan bishops exercised jurisdiction over all the other bishops of the province.”
55 Szuromi 2017. 33–76.
56 Moreau 2017. 270.
■ 26 ■
■ II. The Situation of the Pannonian Bishoprics and the Christian Missions... ■
Sirmium, Serdica and Thessaloniki demanded some kind of honorary privi-

lege for themselves and their intention was to secure Illyricum’s Church political
independence, at least compared to Dacia and Macedonia.57
I find it difficult to imagine that the Middle Danube region, where the Ro-
man imperial government often stayed, and serious theological and church po-
litical debates occured in the 4th century, would have been a backward country
without any structurated church administration. It is true that St. Jerome in
the second half of the 4th century complains about his birthplace Strido, but he
refers to cultural deficiencies and not administrative problems. In my opinion,
a complex structure, called „Metropolia Sirmiensis” or with another name ex-
isted already in the 4th century. Moreover, not only at the end of the 4th century,
but also probably at the beginning of the 4th century, or at least soon after 313.
Among the Pannonian martyrs, there were more belonging to the church order
(clerici): bishop (episcopus, Irenaeus), deacon (diaconus, Demetrios), lecturer
(lector, Pollio). The evolution of the entire order of clerics (ordo) can be fol-
lowed from the 2nd century onwards in the Roman empire. These ecclesiastical
positions were only fulfilled by ordination, but only performed by the bishop.
Since these various positions are present in martyrs’ passions during the period
of the great persecutions, we can almost certainly count with presbyters, mem-
bers of presbyters’ collegia, and bishops in the entire 4th century. In the 4th cen-
tury this means at least 3 bishops in each province according to strict council
standards, at least after 325 (first Council of Nicaea).58
In my opinion, the entire ecclesiastical organization, the proto-metropolia
developed in the Pannonian provinces at the latest in the first third of the 4th
century, although we do not know for sure where its center was. Probably the
secular administrative center was Sirmium from the beginning of the successful
pannonian mission. This important provincial town became a new christian ba-
sis, with a first missionary bishop and later series of bishops.
I think that the bishops of Sirmium, Serdica and Thessaloniki are not only
persons who are the ‘first to be honored’,59 this title, like the metropolitan title
of Domnus, has a real content. This may be true even if there are no written
sources left about the real meaning of the metropolitan title from this period.
Unfortunately, the lack of antique written sources, and therefore the lack of any
evidence is a characteristic feature in the Church history of this period. The larg-
57 Moreau 2017. 271.

58 Moreau 2017. 270.
59 Moreau 2017. 271.
■ 27 ■
er bishopric headquarters had a more subdivided administration since the 5th

century, and there were also several extant records. In contrast, Rome and Milan
are well-documented church centers.60
From the 380s a new vicariate with the center Thessaloniki has gained more
influence in Pannonia.61 That’s why Tibor Nagy indicated that Siricius, or per-
haps even already Pope Damasus, „wanted to put the ecclesiastical organization
of Sirmium and Salona in safety”,62 i.e. to preserve the two centers from the grow-
ing influence of Constantinople.63 In fact, however, Rome had the major right
of the ordination of the metropolitan from the last quarter of the fourth century
over Thessaloniki. They were not even competing with each other.
An independent metropolis of Salona had already existed in 418. This metro-
polis probably never stood under the jurisdiction of Thessaloniki vicariate,64 as the
metropolis of Sirmium, which was probably created at the latest in the first half
of the 4th century, following its successful establishment as a kind of “proto-met-
ropolitan” missionary center. I think that Sirmium, Thessaloniki and Salona were
three independent ecclesiastical provinces that were legally equal but they were in
continous relationship with each other. However, I think it is possible that from
the Hunnic period, the independent metropolis of Sirmium was ordered under the
jurisdiction of the metropolis of Salona. This may have been justified because the
territory of the Sirmian metropolis significantly reduced since the 430s.
Rajko Bratož counted that in Illyricum, in the Illyrian dioecesis with an area
of 200.000 km² there were seventy autonomous towns: ten in Noricum, twen-
ty in Pannonia, approximately forty in Dalmatia, of which we know only ten
bishops for their name. Six of them worked in the provinces of Pannonia, but
the bishop name of Scarbantia, Vigilius we know only from the 6th century). He
found a similar situation in the Dacian dioecesis, which embraced the Balkans
along the Danube to today’s northern Macedonia: there are twelve bishops here
known by name before the year 380 (fig. 2.).65
60 Destephen 2012. 1490.

61 Pietri 1984. 22ff. I am writing about Thessaloniki in detail in the Chapter III.6.5.
62 Cf. Nagy 1939. 225. The intellectual influence of Rome in the second half of the 4th century in the
metropolis of Salona was similarly emphasized. For migrant artisans from Rome to Salona the eas-
iest way was to get there by sea. For example, the closest parallels of the mosaic design in the basili-
ca Pag Novalja are on the barrel vault mosaics of S. Constanza in Rome. Cambi 1989. 2426., Fig. 28.
63 Nagy 1939. 225.
64 Pietri 1984. 22–23.
65 The proportions are similar in the Italian dioecesis in Italia Annonaria, the Western Alps and
Raetia: there are 20 bishoprics in Northern Italy, but we have no known bishops’ name in the
Alps (Alpes Cottiae, Raetia Prima, Raetia Secunda): Bratož 2011a. 214.
■ 28 ■
Bratož interpreted the data that after sixty years since the Constantinian turn
Christianization process has brought modest results.66 In the empire there is a
commonly observed phenomenon that more christianized areas have more bish-
oprics even in the most insignificant places as well. Elsewhere, where there was
not so much Christians and the ratio of the „pagans” was still high in the local
regions, there were no bishops even in the larger settlements.67 The Balkans and
the Pannonian provinces belonged to this latter group, where relatively large ar-
eas may have belonged to a bishopric.
Canon 6 of the Council of Serdica held in 341 provided the possibility, that
the service of the presbyters is sufficient for villages and towns of moderate size,
only the more populous towns should establish new bishoprics (similar provi-
sion is contained in the Laodicean Council).68 If there is an existing practice
behind these synthetic provisions, also applied in Pannonia, we can count with
bishops in the provinces of Pannonia Prima and Valeria in the larger towns
north of Drava.
Like bigger military administrative centers with a larger population, Aquin-
cum and Carnuntum can also be considered as potential bishops’ sees.69 All this
is only assumption, unproven theoretical option. Rajko Bratož has just recently
stressed that before the Council of Calchedon (451) there was no requirement
for all civitates to establish a bishopric. Because of uninterrupted barbarian at-
tacks, it is possible that a more complex church organization was no longer able
to develop in the 5th century in the Pannonian provinces. There may also be a
number of bishoprics that are not mentioned in written sources.
When examining the religious topography of late Roman settlements, one
must examine communities separately, who lived in military structures. A fourth
century phenomenon is the existence of women and children in the military
forts based on small finds. According to Péter Kovács, this fact is due to the
abandonment of auxiliar vici in the 4th century. The civilian population indeed
retired to nearby fortified locations. At the same time, the areas of previous vicus
settlements were occupied by cemeteries.70
66 Bratož 2011a. 214.

67 Lotter – Bratož – Castritius 2003. 53.
68 Ecclesiae occidentalis monumenta iuris antiquissima I. 2. pars 3, 500a column; I. 2, pp. 1024 (ed.
C. H. Turner); Nagy 1939. 208. According to Tibor Nagy, the establishment of ecclesiastical
communities north of Drava river in the age of Constantine already took decisions of councils
into account.
69 About Aquincum: Póczy 2003. 290.; Zsidi 2011.
70 Kovács 1999. 10–103., 166–174.
■ 29 ■
II.2. The Statistical Proportions of Christianity

and Arianism in Pannonia in the 370’s
Sulpicius Severus wrote in his Chronica: „Nam omnes fere duarum Pannoniarum
episcopi multique Orientalium ac tota Asia in perfidia eorum coniuraverunt.”71
The weight of the South-Pannonian area in the 4th century church policy has
been determined for decades by the circumstance that Arianism was just here to
settle down and to give leadership to politicians both in the cultural sphere and
in the Church organization. The personal influence of the anti-Nicene bishops,
Valens of Mursa and Ursacius of Singidunum until the 370s was also significant
in Sirmium where the imperial house was often staying. At the beginning of
the 370s when the Orthodox turnaround occurred in Pannonia, the dominant
persons of Pannonian Arianism, Valens and Ursacius, bishops of Mursa and Sin-
gidunum still lived.72
The latest information on the bishop of Mursa is from 369, when Emperor
Valens set free the exiled Eunomius to his intercession.73 Based on the two letters
written by Athanasius after 366, in 369–371 even Ursacius was still alive, because
the sources mentioning Pannonian Arianism, always list the names of Valens,
Ursacius and Gaius (fig. 3.).74
Since the middle third of the 4th century, the church political weight of Ari-
anism increased in Illyricum, thanks to a number of 4th century written sources
mentioning Southern Pannonian bishoprics, most recently presented by Rajko
Bratož in an exemplary table. Written sources mentioned bishops since the 3rd
century in the towns of Pannonia Secunda and Savia provinces. In the 4th centu-
ry, apart from Poetovio, which had been in Noricum at that time, we have a total
of five towns for bishops (Sirmium, Cibalae, Siscia, Mursa, Iovia),75 which may
already belong to a common proto-metropolis, then metropolis of Sirmium.76
71 Sulp. Sev. Chron. II. 38. 2. He makes a similar opinion in the biography of St. Martin. Sulp. Sev.
Vita Mart. 6.4.: „…cum haeresis Ariana per totum orbem et maxime intra Illyricum pullulasset.”
72 Nagy 1939. 168–169.
73 Philost. Hist. Ekkl. IX, 8.; Daniel H. Williams gives 367 for the same event: Williams 1995. 72.
74 Athan. Epist. ad Afros 1, 3.; 10.; Epist. ad. Epict. 1.; Nagy 1939. 167., 169.; in contrast: Willi-
ams 1995. 72. Ursacius’ death was around 366. According to István Baán, Valens died in 371.
Baán 2010. 127. For the history of Arianism in Hungarian research see even Kozma 1993.
75 See Large 1939. 208–218. Of these, only the Bishop’s name (Eusebius) is known from the 3rd
century from Cibalae: Bratož 2011a. Anhang I.
76 Even the canon 4 of the Nicaean council and the canons 9 and 20 of the Antiochian Coun-
cil of 341 were also transposed into civilian administrative units (civitas-paroikia, provin-
■ 30 ■
According to Tibor Nagy, the existence of the metropolis organization in the

western part of the empire, thus in Pannonia, can only be demonstrated in the
second half of the 4th century.77 The civilian territory of the four Pannonian prov-
inces probably coincided with the territory of he metropolis of Sirmium - the
bishoprics (included the bishoprics of the province capitals) could be assigned
to Sirmium. In this connection, an event emphasized by Tibor Nagy gives two
points. The Bishop of Sirmium, Anemius said in Aquileia in 381 that Sirmium
is the seat of the civil administration in Illyricum hence the bishop of Sirmium
is the head of the ecclesiastical organization. Anemius signed his name at the
council of Aquileia as Anemius Episcopus Sirmiensis Illyrici.78
II.3. Were There Episcopal Basilicas

in the 4th-century Pannonian towns?
There is a general opinion that the number of intra-mural basilicas within the
city will soon increase after the appearances of bishops in the eastern provinces
in the 4th century.79 The existence of Christian clergy can be archaeologically at-
tested by the existence of urban churches and funerary basilicae which appear at
the end of the 4th century on the map of cities.80
From Pannonia Prima and Valeria we do not know currently archeological-
ly attested episcopal basilicas from the 4th century. Town basilicas with episco-
cia-eparchia) to ecclesiastical administration. The provincial bishops (metropolitans) had the

prerogative and had the right to supervise the bishops of the province above. The Ecumen-
ical Council of Constantinople in 381, which condemned Arianism and related doctrines,
ordered the dioceses’ integration into the ecclesiastical administration. The 2. canon stated
that the main metropolis of the dioecesis has only control over the other bishops. Canon 6:
if a bishop is accused by another bishop of the same province and of provincial Council can
not make a decision, the decision must be made on the council of the dioecesis to which the
province belongs to. So the matter was not burdened by the Emperor or by an Ecumenical
Council. Only the 451 Chalkedonian Council (9. and 17. canons) provided rights of appeal to
each priest and bishop against his own metropolitan to the main metropolitan of the dioeceses
or to the Constantinople patriarch. Sources collected and evaluated: Lotter–Bratož–Cas-
tritius 2003. 54.
77 Nagy 1939. 218., 223.
78 Acta conc. Aquil. 16.: „Anemius episcopus dixit: „Caput Illyrici non nisi civitas est Sirmiensis,
ego igitur episcopus illius civitatis sum.”; Nagy 1939. 205., 207., 223–224.; Bratož 2011a.
217.
79 Gwynn 2010. 242.
80 Gwynn 2010. 242.
■ 31 ■
pal centers dating to the 4th century are well known in eastern provinces and
in the Balkans.81
In Italy and other western provinces, however, they are spread mostly only
from the 5th century, based on historical topographical results.82 It is therefore
not advisable to look for at least three-nave cathedrals dated to the 4th century
in Pannonia.
Regarding the well-known Italian examples (Rome, Milan)83 we know that in
Aquileia the double basilica was built originally for the imperial representation.
Constantine the Great gave the building to the local church. The Jonah scene and
Theodorus’ dedication was composed only later into the mosaic iconographic
program.84 However, based on the written sources, there were still 4th century
urban basilicas in Pannonian provinces, at least in Sirmium and Savaria, but
their groundplan is unknown.85
II.3.1. Savaria
Savaria, the seat of Pannonia Prima was a favorite residence of Emperors in the
4th century.86 According to Ammianus Marcellinus, in Pannonia Prima Savaria
was for Valentinian I. the only town in condition to be able to get there.87 The
biography of St. Martin of Tours mentions a strong Arian priesthood (sacer-
81 See e.g. Salona, Halmyris, Serdica: Achim 2015. I do not analyze the examples from Constan-
tinople, Antiochia, Jerusalem, Tyros known for a long, but partly only from written sourc-
es. For the methodological problems of the identification of the 4th century urban basilicas:
Brenk 2003. 3–4, 8. (Philippi as an example); Gábor – Katona Győr 2012. 6. (in the exam-
ple of Pécs).
82 In the 4th century, many places were archeologically unattainable in residential homes, domus
ecclesiae, where the worship took place. Bowes 2008. 587–588.; Nagy 2012a. 97.
83 Brenk 2003. 3.
84 Engemann 1997. 56–59.
85 There is still doubt whether they are basically churches with a basilical ground plan or rather
they are built in residential homes, we should look for large rooms suitable for liturgical pur-
poses. A 5th century urban basilica was found on the findspot Nr. 59, which I will deal with
later, can not be dated back to the 4th century.
86 As mentioned by the Codex Theodosianus, in many cases. In addition, at the time of II. Constan-
tius’ reign one built a larger bath in the governors’ palace complex: Amm. Marc. XXX. 5, 14.
87 Amm. Marc. XXX. 5, 14. István Járdányi-Paulovics actually excavated at the western wall of
the town near the barocque cathedral between 1930 and 1943. Roman ruins of a building com-
plex suitable for reception of imperial accompaniment decorated with mosaics were excavated:
Tóth 1975. 44.; Kiss–Tóth–Zágorhidi 1998. 58–60.
■ 32 ■
dotes), but he does not write about a bishop.88 No evidence can be supported
by Jacques Zeiller’s opinion, according to which Gaius and Paulus known from
written sources were the Arian bishops of Savaria.89 In the 370–380s this strong
anti-Nicene priesthood in the middle of the century was fundamentally affected
by the radical spread of orthodoxy.90
It cannot be a coincidence either, that in the passion story of Quirinus, bish-
op of Siscia, the martyr conscientiously uses during his interrogation the pro-
Nicene verus deus formula.91
It is precisely the formula which the anti-Nicene bishops, who took part in
the Council of Aquileia, refused to confess.92 A late Roman building with surely
Christian function has not been found in Savaria by today.93 Despite the fact that
it is not substantiated by clear written sources, it can be assumed that Savaria and
Sopianae as civilian headquarters of the provinces Pannonia Prima and Valeria
were also bishops’ sees.94
New research on the Basilica at the Scarbantia Gate (northern gate of Sa-
varia) is based on two ancient Christian finds (a helmet mount decorated with a
christogram and a bronze disk of a suspension chain of a bronze lamp) near the
northern city gate area (fig. 4.).95 Levente Nagy came to a conclusion that based
88 Sulp. Sev. Vita Mart. 6, 4.; Sághy 2018. 90.; Nagy 1939. 210–211, who rightly points out that
sacerdotes in plural can only refer to members of the town clergy, not to bishops. In contrast,
according to Rajko Bratož, the word sacerdotes means that in 358 when he thought of St. Martin
visiting Savaria, at least two Arian bishops were there in Pannonia Prima: Bratož 2011. 213.
89 Zeiller 1918. 140–141.
90 Zeiller 1918. 141. Jacques Zeiller held Gaius as bishop of Arian Savaria in the 350’s, without
explanation. The same opinion is found in the book of Meslin 1967. 64–67.; Bratož 1996.
328. St. Martin’s expulsion date from Savaria, 357 is sometimes given in the research but is
not supported by any evidence. Recently Dorottya Gáspár connected bishops with unknown
unknown headquarters to Savaria (Gaius, Migdonius and Megasius), without any justification:
Gáspár 2002. 148–149.; Sulp. Sev. Vita Mart. 6. 4.
91 Pass. Quir. 2.
92 Nagy 2012a. 69.
93 Kiss–Tóth–Zágorhidi 1998. 66–67.; Heinrich-Tamáska 2012. 224.
94 This is also the case with Kiss–Tóth–Zágorhidi 1998. 65.
95 In 1996, in the vicinity of the Quirinus Basilica, on Kőszegi Street Nr. 36–40. one found a silver
helmet mount with christogram: Nagy 2012a. 96. During the rescue of the helmet, the late
Roman finds were found on the residential area, the find was initially published as a fibula. So-
sztarics 1996.; Kocsis 2003. 532–533.; Nagy 2012a. 93–94. Not far from it, at Kőszegi Street
Nr. 27–31. in the middle of the atrium of a house a bronze disc belonging to a suspension chain
of a bronze lamp decorated with a staurogram was found in a dug well. Kiss 2000. They were
found in a secondary position, but the excavation observations were authentic. Sosztarics
1996. 316; Kiss 2000. 201–202. There is no clear historical evidence to interpret the helmet
mount ornamented with a christogram as part of a liturgical dress, or a fibula belonging to a
■ 33 ■
on current topographic knowledge: it can be excluded that an extra muros basil-

ica existed on the burial ground of the northern cemetery north of the northern
city gate, as Péter Kovács recently thought.96 The only cemetery of the town used
by Christians was the eastern cemetery.97 Endre Tóth and Levente Nagy believe
that at the end of the 4th century, presumably directly after 386, an intra mur-
os church was built near the Scarbantia gate, the Quirinus relics were brought
there from the eastern cemetery.98 The translatio of the Quirinus relics could
have taken place as an impact of the translations of martyr-relics in Mediolanum
propagated by Ambrose.99
II.3.2. Scarbantia
Scarbantia did not have any provincial governor’s seat. There is only indirect
evidence that the town could still be a bishopric in the 4th century. Jacques Zeill-
er and Endre Tóth demonstrated that in the 6th century Vigilius was indeed the
bishop of the city. In 568 Vigilius escaped from the Avars to Italy along with the
Langobards, and attended the Council of Grado in 572–573.100 It can be assumed
that the city was a bishop’s seat no later than the 400–420s because after this date
the public conditions in the province became increasingly confused about the
barbaric danger, the founding of new bishops’ sees losed their actuality.
bishop’s ornate. Kiss–Tóth–Zágorhidi 1998. 64., Fig. 67.; Migotti 1997. 57. According to
Renate Pillinger, in contrast with the examples of the 5th century, archeologically clearly iden-
tifiable bishops’ ornaments did not yet exist in the 4th century. Pillinger 2004. 28. I would
not take a stand on this matter, but it is certain that the monks have already recognizable wear
from the 4th century. Our usable source: Eunapius, 55th fragment. more details: Hudák 2007.
96 Kovács 2011. 89–90.; Kovács 2016. 177–178.
97 Tóth 1973. 121–124.; Nagy 2012a. 93–97.
98 Based on topographical considerations, it is possible that the basilica mentioned in the Quiri-
nus Passion is within the late Roman city wall, it is best to look for the site the NAV (Hungarian
Tax Office) headquarters in Szombathely. Tóth 2004. 250.; Nagy 2012a. 96–97.
99 This can be indirectly supported by the new chronology of the Halmyris intra muros basilica,
where the basilica’s crypt at the latest, at the end of the 4th century, hosted martyrs’ relics. Irina
Adriana Achim’s lecture on Neue Forschungen zum frühen Christentum in den Balkanlän-
dern Conference on October 15, 2012 (Nuove ricerche archeologice sui paleocristiani monu-
menti della Scizia): Achim 2015. 133–136.
100 Zeiller 1918. 141–142; Tóth 1974. 270–275.; Heinrich-Tamáska 2012. 225., emphasized
that an ancient building that can be identified as an ancient basilica cannot yet be found in the
late Roman city.
■ 34 ■
II.3.3. Carnuntum
In Carnuntum we do not know a building with a Christian purpose, except an

assumed baptistery in the military amphitheatre as a secondarily used structure.101
The baptismal chapel function of the structure was rightly questioned in recent
research.102
II.3.4. Sopianae
Among the towns of Transdanubia (Pannonia Prima and Valeria) Savaria and So-
pianae were civilian administrative centers. According to Ammianus Marcellinus103
it can be assumed that the praeses of Valeria had his seat in Sopianae.104 The role
of the town in the provincial civil administration would justify the existence of an
independent bishopric.105 There is not any clear evidence, neither archaeological
nor historical, that Sopianae became a bishopric in the 4th century, only the ex-
istence of quality works of art in the burial chambers of the northern cemetery
would allow this assumption (fig. 5.).106 The theology of Paulus, anti-Nicene bishop
was close to the concepts of Valens, bishop of Mursa, therefore, according to Ti-
bor Nagy, Paulus should have been the bishop of Sopianae in the middle of the 4th
century because of the geographical proximity of the two towns to each other.107
In Sopianae, for now, we do not know of any basilicas, which circumstance would
corroborate the existence of the bishopric.108
101 Which is a smaller room with a hexagonal object made of a spolia, perhaps with a pool. Prk
1990. 263.
102 Most recently (2011) Renate Pillinger and Levente Nagy shared their opinion during a com-
mon site visit, that in the amphitheater there was no object that could be identified as a bapt-
ismal pool (kind oral communication of Levente Nagy)
103 Amm. Marc. XVIII. 1. 5.
104 Last update: Tóth 2006. 51–53.
105 Nagy 1939. 207.; Kiss 2008. 227.
106 Katona-Győr 2000–2001. 24.; Gábor–Kárpáti–Lengvári–Pozsárkó 2004. 269–301.; Kiss
2008. 227.
107 István Szalágyi argued for Bassiana as his bishopric: Nagy 1939. 210.
108 The forum-basilica, discovered in 2009, had a late Roman building period, an excavated sec-
tion of the last third of the 4th century wall is known. In the absence of further explorations,
there is a topographic debate about whether the wall section could be the southern wall of an
ancient Christian basilica built at the end of the 4th century. Tóth 2009b. 316–317.; Pozsár-
kó–Tóth 2011. 12.; Gábor–Katona Győr 2012. 6.
■ 35 ■
II.3.5. Iovia
The identification of Iovia as a bishop’s residence has long been controver-

sial. The newest Slovenian and Croatian research tried to accept that the Pan-
nonian bishop’s seat should not be in Ludbreg (Iovia civitas) but in Kapospu-
la-Alsóhetény-puszta in southern Hungary, at the late Roman inner fortress
called also Iovia.109 In the Itinerarium Burdigalense (333 A.D.) Iovia (Ludbreg)
called civitas,110 but the town was not yet civitas in the Itinerarium Antonini dat-
ed to the end of the 3rd century (fig. 6.).111 The town as civitas can be theoretically
a possible see of Amantius, bishop of Iovia, who was present at the synode of
Aquileia, but his possible residence lacks any archeological evidence yet.
8 km away from the inner fort, in the fields of Dalmand-Felsőleperd, aerial
photographs identified buildings112 interpreted earler as a 2nd–3rd century town,
municipium Iovia,113 but recent excavations since 2017 of Gábor Bertók iden-
tified the building complex with a late Roman villa estate.114 The large surface
area surrounding the inner fortress with the groundplans of buildings, maybe
a late Roman settlement with possible farm buildings is still unknown in detail.
The remnants of public buildings are unknown yet, there is no evidence for a
bishopric cathedral.115 To the southeast of the fort, there is a late Roman-early
Christian (?) cemetery complex consisting of several masonry structures and a
fully excavated mausoleum with more apses (fig. 7.).116 The inner fort as possible
bishop’s see lacks any archeological evidence, too.
109 Bratož 1996. 356., note 241.; Lotter–Bratož–Castritius 2003. 56., 73., 75.; Bratož 2011a.
216.; Migotti 2002. 55–57.; Gregl – Migotti 2004. 131., 133., 137–138., Fig. 4., Tóth 2009.
132–133., note 671.; Heinrich-Tamáska 2012. 221. Branka Migotti and Endre Tóth write that
besides a brick with the representation of an incised fish and a cross, no remarkable ancient
Christian find is known of the settlement in Ludbreg. It cannot be justified either that the spa
building of the 2nd century BC, which was previously excavated, would have been transformed
in the 4th century to a Christian basilica.
110 Perhaps due to the city walls (?) found during the excavations of Branka Vikić-Belančić.
111 Tóth 2009. 129–130.
112 Szabó 2016., figs. 241–248.
113 Tóth 1987–1988. 56.; Bertók 2000.; Tóth 2009. 119–124.
114 Bertók 2018.
115 Tóth 1987–1988. 26.; Tóth 2009. 50.
116 Tóth 1987–1988. 50–56.; Tóth 2009. 54–57. It is decorated with decorative murals and Chi-
nese silk remains have been found in some graves, the mausoleum could have been the bu-
rial of a distinguished ecclesiastical (?) person. It is no longer necessary to interpret a helmet
mount with cristogram as an onamented brooch of a bishop. An aerial photo about the unex-
cavated mausolea: Szabó 2016. fig. 195.
■ 36 ■
II.3.6. Aquincum
In the eastern area of the Aquincum municipium, Lajos Nagy published a build-
ing with a groundplan like a double basilica (?), the exact layout and purpose of
the building is controversial, despite the fact that among the four earlier assumed
basilicae (?) in Aquincum only this building had a fully excavated groundplan.117
Regarding the late Roman topography of Aquincum, the building could
not have been a bishop’s basilica or an ancient Christian church.118 Klaus Gam-
ber thought to be an ancient Christian basilica because of the similarity of the
groundplan with the double basilica of Aquileia. The basilica of Aquileia, how-
ever, was not a Christian cult building originally,119 therefore this parallel do not
support the function identification. Recent research counts with the abandon-
ment of the civil town of Aquincum, therefore, the fourth century dating and the
Christian basilica function of the building remained improbable.120
Excavators of Aquincum evaluated some late Roman buildings as Christian
churches used in the 4th century, for example roman structures under the me-
dieval Franciscan friary, the Clarissian monastery and the provost’s church.121
The 14th century constructions largely destroyed earlier, late Roman building
blocks, so that a basilica urbana cannot be clearly demonstrated. The research
117 Nagy 1942. 370., 766-768.; Póczy 2003. 286.; Budai Balogh 2011. 79.; Gáspár 2008. 69–72.;
Heinrich-Tamáska 2012. 225. Dorottya Gáspár considered the building a synagogue, based
on a similar groundplan of the Ostia synagogue. Gáspár 2002. 20–21. This conclusion, howe-
ver, is purely architectural by analogy, therefore it is not well-founded.
118 Klaus Gamber realised a bishop’s residence based on the groundplan of the double basilica of
the gas factory in Aquincum. Gamber 1968. 26. The question was re-examined in connection
with an early Christian pillar found in Székesfehérvár. Tóth 2008. 61–62. Endre Tóth did not
rule out the possibility that the stone pillar with a staurogram representation found in a secon-
dary position in Székesfehérvár, House of Wirth in 1935 during the demolition of the building
could belong to the Aquincum basilica because in Transdanubia there was no other cult buil-
ding built in the area in the fourth century. Tóth 2013. 41–44.; Tóth 2016. 53., 55.
119 Engemann 1997. 56–59.
120 Láng 2016.
121 The excavator observed in the late Roman building block at Perc street, under the clarisian
church a subsellium, baptismal pools (?) and stone sarcophagi for martyrs (?). Bertalan 1976.
270–271. The first excavation report, however, about ancient Christian basilical remains com-
memorate under the clarisian monastery only for walls and dwellings. See: Póczy 2000. 22.;
Póczy 2003. 286–289. According to the excavation observations, the three-aisled hall church
(?) received martyrs’ burials at the end of the 4th century. Póczy 2003. 287. Buildings considered
to be Christian in Aquincum: Gáspár 2008. 66–80., with rightly critical interpretations.
■ 37 ■
has sought the bishop’s seat in Aquincum in two places.122 The small-surface res-
cue works carried out in the 1970s provided no sure evidence yet.123 Aquincum
remains an uncertain episcopal residence.124
II.3.7. Sirmium
Sirmium and Mursa were certainly bishoprics, but there were only extra muros
basilicae connected to martyrs known from the 4th century.125 There is still a lack
of published research in Sirmium. The bishop’s basilica of the town well known
from the written sources is unknown yet,126 unless it is the same as the modest
urban basilica at findspot Nr. 59 excavated in 1978 (fig. 8.). Nearby, poor loose
houses were discovered.127 This church, however, was built in the first half of the
5th century,128 after 394 or 402.129 The basilica was made of brick, and not of stone
quaders. All of this suggests that the city during this period was rather impover-
ished. More than fifty inscriptions were raised in the eastern cemetery of Sirmi-
um; a part of them was probably deliberately broken up. Miroslava Mirković
considers it possible, that orthodox Christians deliberately destroyed epitaphs
of Arian Christians, even before the construction of the Irenaeus basilica in the
cemetery.130 Recent research partly published by Ivana Popović revealed finds
and inscriptions from the cemeteries of Sirmium which were unpublished or
only mentioned earlier,131 new evidence can enhance and modify earlier con-
cepts about the ecclesiastical history in Sirmium (fig. 9.).
122 On the one hand, on the Main Square of Óbuda, under the provost’s church dedicated to St.
Peter in the 11th century, on the other hand in the place of today’s St. Peter and Paul Parish
Church at the corner of Lajos street – Mókus street, in the vicinity of the southern wall of the
late Roman fort.
123 Póczy 2000. 24.
124 Heinrich-Tamáska 2012. 225.
125 Sulp. Sev. Chron. II. 38. 5.; CIL III 4005.; Duval 1979. 83–84.; Kovács 2004b. 192.
126 The latest, thorough collection of written sources is the merit of Rajko Bratož: Bratož 2011.
Anhang I. (see Table I at the beginning of this chapter).
127 Mirković 2011. 92.
128 Popović 1987. 117–121.; Duval–Popović 1984. 543–544.; Duval 1979. 85–86.; Bratož
1996. 317.; Nagy 2012a. 50–51.; Heinrich-Tamáska 2012. 225., 228., Abb. 8. Better researc-
hed cemetery burials I discuss elsewhere.
129 In and around it, with 26 graves. Mirković 2011. 92.
130 Mirković 2011. 88–89.
131 Popović 2016a; Popović 2016b.
■ 38 ■
II.3.8. Mursa
Mursa was certainly a bishopric. An energetic Arian bishop, Valens is wellknown

from ecclesiastical historical sources about Arianism in Illyricum.132 Neverthe-
less, the exact location of the bishop’s seat is currently unknown in the late Ro-
man city structure.133
II.3.9. Cibalae
Cibalae is a well-known bishop’s headquarters in the written sources.134 Never-

theless, earlier we only knew buildings of uncertain interpretations concerning
ancient Christian use, including objects of the city’s territory.135 The latest geo-
physical and archaeological research may be successful because it seems prom-
ising results have been made at the findspot Vinkovci-Kamenica (fig. 10.).136
A great cemetery basilica and structure and surrounding cemetery is one mile
away to the east of Cibalae, according to Hrvoje Vulić, the leader of the small-
scale excavations since 2013, the building complex may be identified with the
martyrium of the martyr Pollio (and of martyr bishop, Eusebius?) (fig. 11.).137 A
new analysis of the Passio Pollionis, stressing a similar dating of both text (380s
A.D.) and excavated structure (last third of 4th century), makes this identification
possible, too.138 For the existence of the bishop’s residence with an urban basilica,
we have still no archeological evidence.
132 Bratož 2011. Anhang I., with a list of sources.
133 Formerly an extra muros late Roman apse building block was identified with a funerary basil-
ica in the southwest of the city. His Christian function can not be justified for the time being.
Migotti 1997. 19–20.; Filipović 2004. 161., 165., Abb. 5-6.; Heinrich-Tamáska 2012. 228.,
Abb. 7.
134 Bratož 2011. Anhang I., with a list of sources (see Table I at the beginning of this chapter).
135 In Cibalae there is an apse building (Duga ulica 40) and a 4th century wall structure (Jurja
Dalmatinca street - Kralja Zvonimira street 14–18.) which was interpreted as an early Christi-
an basilica. Migotti 1997. 21–22.; Iskra-Janošić 2004. 192., Abb. 47.; Rapan Papeša 2011.
121–122.; Heinrich-Tamáska 2012. 228.
136 East of the city, in Vinkovci, Kamenica, in the field survey in 2010–2012, aerial photos and
geophysical site discovery draws a building complex consisting of an ancient Christian basi-
lica, graves and mausolea. This place can be the same where the famous martyr of the town,
Pollio first lector was burned on a stake. On previous field survey and small-scale rescue exca-
vations: Iskra-Janošić 2004. 191.; Rapan Papeša 2011. 210–211.
137 Vulić 2015; Vulić 2016a; Vulić 2016b.
138 Nagy 2017. 99–104.
■ 39 ■
II.3.10. Aquae Iasae
An autonomous town in the province of Savia, known as Aquae Iasae, hosted

perhaps a possibly 4th century early Christian basilica. In the 4th century, the
earlier basilica thermarum of the 2nd–3rd century spa complex transformed into
an ancient Christian basilica could be a Constantinian reconstruction project,
according to the opinion of Branka Migotti. The date of the transformation, as
well as the dating of a fresco representing a saint (John the Apostle or John the
Baptist?) is uncertain.139 Aquae Iasae was a popular bathing resort in the imperi-
al period, but not exclusively a bishop’s home.
II.3.11. Siscia
Unfortunately, the episopal residence of Quirinus or of another bishops of the 4th

century can not be identified in the tetrarchy-era buildings found in Siscia.140 No new
buildings were found in the 4th century with clear Christian connections until now.141
II.4 A Brief Bypass Towards the Beginnings of Christianity Among

the Germans in the Central and Lower Danube Region.
Why Were they Arians?
After 271, tervingi (visigoths according to Iordanes) settled down in the eastern
neighborhood of former Dacia, and as late as in the second half – last third of
the 4th in Transylvania, too.142 The sources of the 4th century identified Gothia as
the portion of the Lower Danube, beyond the river in the Barbaricum (fig. 12.).143
139 Migotti 2002. 53–54., with further literature. More recently Migotti 2015. 62–63.; Migotti
2017. 146–149.
140 It summarizes the results of the older excavations and the location of the Siscia Roman city center
(office buildings) defined by Koščević 1995. 7–8.; figs. 2–3. Written sources for Siscia bishopric:
Bratož 2011. Anhang I., with a list of sources (see Table I at the beginning of this chapter).
141 Migotti 1997. 22–23.; Lolić 2003. 143–144., 147–148.; Heinrich-Tamáska 2012. 225.
142 The Romanian research connected the Sepsiszentgyörgy culture from the end of the 3rd centu-
ry in Transylvania to Goths and Taifals. Vékony 1989. 182.; Kiss 2000–2002. 137. note 115.
143 Ripa Gotica, Gutthiuda / Gothia. Cf. SHA Max. 1, 5.; Amm. Marc. XXX, 2, 8.; Aug. Civ. Dei
XVIII. 52.; Oros. Hist. I. 2. 53.; Burns 1980. 51. The Caucaland is probably in the lower valley
■ 40 ■
In the vast area between the river Dnieper and Transylvania, in the region of the
Sântana de Mureş – Cernjachov culture, there were more people living in the last
third of the 3rd century (fig. 13.). In the material culture, the Northern Thracians
(„Free Dacians”, carpi), Goths, Sarmatians can be distinguished.144 At the time of
the reign of Athanarik, in the A.D. 370s, Goths might inhabit the entire territory
of Transylvania, the Sântana de Mureş culture will surely spread to Transylvania
this time.145 Written sources only know Goths as residents of the area; that means
Goths were the only people in this area, who possessed a dominant political and
military power from the perspective on the Romans.146 In addition, there must
have been other ethnical components than the Goths (fig. 4.).147
Robbery marches of the Goths against the Roman Empire begun in 248,
during the campaign in 264 A.D. Goths kidnapped Christian prisoners from
Asia Minor into their territory.148 We know about a certain Eutyches, who made
an “apostolic” mission as deported prisoner among the Goths. The former pris-
oners’ descendants who had some degree of personal freedom, created Chris-
tian communities in Gothia (fig. 5.).149 Descendants of captives kidnapped from
Cappadocia also kept themselves in contact with their maternal church in the
4th century.150 According to Epiphanios of Salamis, both Orthodox and Arian
missionaries, as well as Audians worked in Gothia.151
of Olt in Wallachia or Transylvania, which belonged earlier to the Sarmatians before the reign
of Athanarik. Transylvanian Goths are rare in sources. According to Herwig Wolfram, there
may have been no Goths in Transylvania unless they were alive in the area of the Sîntana de
Mureş culture. Wolfram 1988. 73.
144 Magomedov 2001. 230–250.
145 Amm. Marc. XXXI. 3. 4–8.; 4. 13.; Magomedov 2001. 230–231.; Kőrösfői 2016. 321–324.
According to previous research, the first phase of the Sântana de Mureş culture was in the first
half of the 4th century. Kovács 1912. 249–367.; Székely 1969. 7–90.; Hudák 2002. 6. Eutropi-
us knew about the presence of taifal, terving, viktofal people in the 360’s in Dacia. Eutropius
8.2, 2; Kiss 2000–2002. 137.
146 There is no evidence of ethnically mixed villages (local people, eg. carps, possibly surviving
Dacian Romans whose material culture may have become of gothic caracter), the archaeologi-
cal finds are not suitable for answering ethnic issues. Heather 1991. 95.
147 Peter Heather did not close them out. It is important to note, that Heather used mainly Roma-
nian archaeological literature. Heather 1995. 94–95.
148 Some of them might have begun to regain their environment. Philost. Hist. Ekkl. II. 5.; Sozom.
Hist. Ekkl. II. 6.
149 The bishop of the orthodox Christian community, known as the Skythia in the Crimea, Theo-
philos, Master of Ulfila, also attended the Council of Nicaea. Euseb. Vita Const. III. 7.; Lenski
1995. 76.; Hudák 2002. 9.
150 Hudák 2002. 8–10.
151 In an unknown time, one exiled him to Gothia, who created his own church organization and
appointed bishops. Epiphan. Adv. Haer. LXX, 15. Since Audius was active in Syria in the 340s
■ 41 ■
If the evidence known by Philostorgius was right, Ulfila’s grandparents were

also Cappadocians, gothic raiders discharged them from Sadagolthina in 264.152
On the Council of Antiochia, we meet Ulfila as a scholar, familiar with Gothic,
Latin and Greek, who was a lecturer and his episcopal consecration was as late
as at 341 by the Arian bishop Eusebius of Nicomedia. This was the reason of the
Arian character of the Gothic mission of Ulfila and the Arian identity of the
Germans converted by him and by his community.153 Originally, he probably
just got into the bondage of the spiritual care of descendants of Christians in the
Barbaricum.154 In 348, during the first persecution in Gothia he had to flee back
to the empire. Constantius II rewarded to him a territory in the Haemus region
near Nicopolis, where he made his gothic Bible translation (fig. 14.) and he was
the bishop of his community, the “bishop of the Goths” to 383, until his death.155
Ulfila’s Moesian Goths were the Gothi minores who lived, even in the age of Ior-
danes, in the middle of the 6th century near Nicopolis.156
(there were also Audian communities in Mesopotamia), one must have banished them into
Gothia by 369. His community was affected by the 369–372 Gothic persecution against Chris-
tians, many of them escaped to Moesia and they were massively catholized. Dacl II. (1925)
1436–1440.; Lenski 1995. note 62.; Hudák 2002. 11–12.
152 Philostorg. Hist. Ekkl. II, 5.; Lenski 1995. 76.; Hudák 2002. 13.
153 Various aspects of the ecclesiastical historical role of Ulfila and the reception history of his
Gothic Bible translation: the papers published by Kaliff–Munkhammar 2013., with further
literature.
154 Philostorg. Hist. Ekkl. II. 5. 59.; Hudák 2002. 12. According to Noel Lenski, it is not clear
that it occured in 336 during the time of Constantine the Great, or in 341, when Ulfila was
consecrated during the time of Constantius II. in connection with the emperor’s anti-Nicene
ecclesiastical policy. Any date is true, it is clear, that the Emperors were always interested in the
Goth mission. Lenski 1995. 79.
155 Lenski 1995. 82.; Hudák 2002. 13–14.
156 Iord. Get. 267. „Erant si quidem et alii Gothi, qui dicuntur minores, populus immensus, cum suo
pontifice, ipsoque primate Wulfila, qui eis dicitur et litteras instituisse. Hodieque sunt in Moesia,
regionem incolentes Nicopolitanam ad pedes Haemi montis, gens multa, sed pauper et imbellis
nihiloque abundans nisi armentis diversi generis, pecorum et pascuis, silvaque lignorum; parum
triciti ceterarumque specierum terra fecunda.” In Nikopolis the chorepiskopos Ulfila possessed
three languages, but his followers were shepherds, there was no „Bible Translator Research
Library” assumed by previous research. Wolfram 1988. 80–81.; Vékony 1989. 185.
■ 42 ■
III. Strengthening Orthodoxy in Pannonia
in the Last Third of the 4th Century
III. 1. The Change of Church Policy Situation in the 370’s
III.1.1. The Act of Saint Ambrose and his Journey to Illyricum
Tibor Nagy summed up firstly the connections of Saint Ambrose (bishop of Me-
diolanum) with Illyricum and the Pannonian churches in Hungarian research
in his large formated pioneering monograph, which transformed late Roman
Pannonian research essentially.157 The influential picture of Tibor Nagy, however,
had to be somewhat shaded, somewhat changed in recently emerged Ambrose
monographs of Neil. B. McLynn, Daniel H. Williams, Boniface Ramsey and John
Moorhead.158
Ambrose’s biography reports that between 365 and 370 the later bishop of
Milan was a scholasticus in Sirmium in the offices of Vulcacius Rufinus, then
Petronius Probus praefecti praetorio.159 At this point, we may have a look at Pan-
nonian, or at least at the Sirmian Christian churches.
After his episcopal election in Mediolanum (Milan) in 374160, Ambrose has
– according to sources – not dealt with Imperial church politics for at least two
years. After the death of Valentinian I, however, when the orthodox Gratian be-
came the western senior augustus and after the death of Germinius, the Sirmian
Bishop’s chair was empty.161 There was a pro-Nicene fear of Empress Iustina who
was in Sirmium that time and therefore the bishopric of the emperors’ city would
fall into Arian hands.162
The established situation could be the direct approach of Ambrose’s travel to
Sirmium sometime between 376 and 378: its adventurous events with his con-
157 Nagy 1939. 169–187.

158 McLynn 1994.; Williams 1995.; Ramsey 1997.; Moorhead 1999.
159 Paul. Vita Ambr. 5.
160 Earlier research dated the appointment of Ambrose to 373. Palanque 1933. 484–485.; Wil-
liams 1995. 112. Since Nagy 1939. 169. accepted this date, it spread better in Hungarian
scholarly literature. In this work, I use the most popular date, 7 December 374 on the basis of
recent research, see Ramsey 1997. 14., 16.; Moorhead 1999. 24.
161 Zeiller 1918. 309.; Nagy 1939. 170.
162 For Iustina’s Arianism, see: Socr. Hist. Ekkl. 5, 11.
■ 43 ■
flicts with the Arian party and the election of bishop Anemius we know from
Paulinus, the biographer of Ambrose. The exact date of the travel is problematic,
as from the only source of the event, Paulinus the time cannot be clearly estab-
lished.163 Relevant scholarship dated Ambrose’s sirmian journey and Anemius’
election differently: Bratož to 375,164 Tibor Nagy to 376,165 Meslin to 376–377,166
McLynn to 377–378,167 Ramsey to 375–378,168 Bratož (earlier) and Williams to
378,169 Duval to 380170. McLynn is probably right that the turmoil when Arian
virgins captured Ambrose described by Paulinus would have been less probable
when Gratianus’ court is in Sirmium absent.171 Therefore, it is more likely that
Ambrose’s travel to Sirmium was before the arrival of Gratianus at Sirmium, i.e.
in 376 or 377. This is probably the time when Leontius bishop of Salona sympa-
thizing with Arianism was released from his office.172
III.1.2. Ambrose and Damasus Pope’s Pannonian Offensive
The bishopric of Auxentius, the Arian bishop of Milan, gained from emperor
Constantius II the rank of metropolis about 355, along with the leadership of
North Italian churches which was before a privilege of Rome. When in the time
of St. Ambrose a strong Milanese, North-Italian influence reaches the Danube
valley, it is also possible to conclude on the basis of De fide II. 139–140. whether
Ambrose promoted a strong interest in the Pannonian borderland not only for
his former residence in Sirmium as scholasticus, but for his own metropolis in
Milan, which should have been under his milanese jurisdiction. According to
Tibor Nagy, however, the influential role of Ambrose in Illyricum was only a
manifestation of „anxiety over the fate of the orthodoxy”.173 His authority did not
extend to Pannonia since Rome could have an apostolic authority before the end
163 Paul. Vita Ambr. 11.

164 Lotter–Bratož–Castritius 2003. 54.
165 Palanque 1933. 376–377.; Nagy 1939. 170.
166 Meslin 1967. 45.
167 McLynn 1994. 92.
168 Ramsey 1997. 23.
169 Bratož 1996. 316–317., 323.; Williams 1995. 126.
170 McLynn 1994. 112.; Duval 1982. 371–379. Duval dazzled with this year because Gratianus
also went to Sirmium in 380.
171 McLynn 1994. 92., 97.
172 Diss. Max. 344–345.; to date the bishop’s resignation (376–378 A.D.?): Bratož 1996. 331.
173 Nagy 1939. 229–230.
■ 44 ■
■ III. Strengthening Orthodoxy in Pannonia in the Last Third of the 4th Century ■
of the 4th century over the territory, and at the end of the 4th century and early
5th century, the de iure iurisdictio belonged to Rome. Probably only the influence
of more energetic popes spread to other Christian centers, for example to Milan
and Aquileia, Illyricum witnessed the political and cultural authority of Rome
through these new spiritual centers.174
Ambrose’s role in anti-Nicene affairs against pro-Nicene authority is not only
due to the orthodox commitment of Gratian but it related closely to the orthodox
christological mission of Pope St. Damasus, which is a hallmark of Rome.175 The
weight of the Papacy and its Church policy objectives have changed fundamen-
tally in the scholarship of recent years. In the middle of the 4th century, the papa-
cy did not play an active role in the synods or in other church political forums.
This forced passivity turned into lively diplomatic and cultural activity under the
reign of Damasus and Siricius popes, between 366 and 399. An important proof
from Rome is the local council in the year 370, just a few years after the election
of Damasus, condemning the Arian bishops Valens, Ursacius and Auxentius,176
but its anathemata against the council of Ariminium were still ineffective.
In a few years, in the period between 375, the death of emperor Valentini-
an I and 399, the death of Pope Siricius the relations between Sirmium, Rome,
Aquileia and Milan became particularly tight. Ambrose and the young, easily
influenced emperor Gratianus stood in close contact with each other. That was
the time when Ambrose wrote due to the Emperor’s earlier request, the four
books of De fide, in fact against bishop Palladius.177 The first successes of the
movements led by the orthodox churches in Italy are already documented di-
rectly after 375/376, when – supposedly due to the propagandistic campaign of
Ambrose -178 Iulianus Valens bishop escaped from Poetovio because of the rage
of the orthodox community.179
174 Nagy 1939. 227–228., with further literature. Comments related to ecclesiastical jurisdictions
I thank Zoltán Rihmer and László Odrobina, historians of church law.
175 Trout 2015. 10–12. The latest Hungarian version of the influential monograph on Pope
Damasus: Sághy 2003.; in english: Sághy 2016. For the relations between Damasus and Am-
brose, see Ramsey 1997. 40.
176 See Theodor. Hist. Ekkl. 22. 3–12.; Sozomen. Hist. Ekkl. VI. 23. 7.; Athan. Epist. ad Afros 10.;
Epist. ad. Epict. 1.; Damas. Epist. 1.; Nagy 1939. 167–168. with the year 368; Sághy 2003. 75.,
english summary of her argument: Sághy 2016. Marianne Sághy emphasized that after 367
Damasus had been summoning synodes for several consecutive years, but the condemnation
of the Pannonian Arian bishops occurred in 370.
177 Nagy 1939. 178.
178 Duval 1981. 326–327.
179 The probable date of the escape of Iulianus Valens (371–378): Nagy 1939. 170. Bratož counts
with around 380 referring to Gesta Conc. Aquil. Epist. 2. Bratož 1996. 322.
■ 45 ■
III.1.3. The Reason of the Successes of Papal Politics in Illyricum
Damasus, who was an extremely energetic pope, became head of the Church
when the leaders of Arianism in the Balkans and Illyricum have passed away or
grew old.180 The pope was in a lively struggle against the clergy called heretics by
him. Pope Damasus had a good relationship with Ambrose, who likely wanted
to seek the support of both Pope and Emperor; this help could mean primarily
theologically prepared missionary priests.
The liturgical customs of Milan did not show similarities with Antioch, but
with the Alexandrian rites.181 This indicates that in the last third of the 4th cen-
tury the orthodox community of Milan closely linked to Alexandria, the „bas-
tion” of the Orthodox.182 There are African stylistic reminiscences according to
Zoltán Kádár, among others in the Pannonian early Christian art, coming to the
region through Aquileia and Milan, like Lazarus depictions on Pannonian casket
mounts.183 I’m not sure that such a direct cultural impact is really possible in the
Pannonian early Christian art. This require must be further tested in the future,
because the mummy-like Lazarus figures in early Christian iconography reflect
rather allusions to traditional jewish funerary costums known from descriptions
of the Gospels, than to direct egyptian funerary traditions.184
III.1.4. The Problem of the Sirmian Council of 378
Most of the previous research up to the 1990s was thinking of the influence of
Pope Damasus and Saint Ambrose with the support of Emperor Gratianus con-
cerning the results of the council of Sirmium organised in 378. According to
180 Nagy 1939. 169.

181 The liturgical language in the West was also Greek until the middle of the 4th century. In Milan,
until the time of Ambrose, the ceremony was in Greek, since its predecessor, Auxentius of Cap-
padocia, as probably all Arian bishops, used Greek language. After the election of Ambrosius,
the liturgy is already in Latin. Hellemo 1989. 250.
182 Athan. Epist. ad Afros. 1.; Athan. Epist. to Epict. 1.; Nagy 1939. 169. Although it is known that
already Saint Athanasius began to propagate heavily against the synodal decisions of the coun-
cil of Ariminium (359) in the West, this propagandistic work did not have any proven impacts
on Pannonia in written sources.
183 Kádár 1969b.
184 For the earlier interpretations of Zoltán Kádár in Pannonian early Christian iconography, see:
Nagy 2014b.
■ 46 ■
the records of Theodoretus, in Sirmium there was a council for the weight of
Pannonian orthodoxy, on which Saint Ambrose also participated.185 There was,
however, no agreement between the researchers whether the visit of the bishop
of Milan in 378 coincided with the election of bishop Anemius, or Ambrose had
been to Sirmium two times? One possible occasion could be really in 378, when
Ambrose met with Gratian, who was after the 9th August, the battle of Hadri-
anopolis and Valens’ death, the only emperor of the empire for a short time.186
The synod of Sirmium in 378 was recorded in ancient Christian literature
only in book IV of the church history of Theodoretus, in which he quotes the
documents in detail.187 These data were used later by Epiphanius Scholasticus
and Nikephorus.188
An exciting question, why only Theodoretus (and no another contemporary
author) mentions an event of the Pannonian 4th century ecclesiastical history?
Despite the fact that the names of the members of the council were not main-
tained Ambrose was supposed to be present, and Anemius.189 The orthodox ac-
tivity of the bishop of Sirmium recorded on the council of Aquileia in 381 could
be relevant in 378 as well.
In 1994, Neil McLynn made a detailed philological study about the docu-
ments of the council. He found that this Synod of Sirmium did not exist at all.190
In 1994–1995, Daniel H. Williams doubted also the existence of the council,
referring to the works of G. Bardy and L. Duchesne at the beginning of the 20th
century.191 Daniel Williams found himself suspicious that no other source men-
tioned any anti-Nicene law from 378, attributed to Gratian, Theodoretus men-
185 Nagy 1939. 171.; Williams 1995. 123–127.; McLynn 1994. 92-95. McLynn collected the ear-
lier literature and conflicting views.
186 Ambros. De fide III. 1. From this source, only the meeting of Ambrose and Gratianus is cer-
tain. The location of the meeting is, however, unclear. Williams 1995. 123–124., 126.; Mc-
Lynn 1994. 92., 100.
187 Theodoret. Hist. Ekkl. IV. 8–9.
188 Cassiod. Hist. Trip. VII. 9–10.; Nikeph. Hist. Ekkl. XI. 30. The events of this „very great illyrian
Synod” were first and foremost summarized in Hungary by Tibor Nagy. Nagy 1939. 170–178.
See also Zeiller 1918. II. 319–320.; Palanque 1933. 48. 498–499.
189 Nagy 1939. 171.
190 McLynn showed that only a fictive imperial edict, a letter containing a fictitious, synodal de-
cision, and the two letters written to the churches of Karia and Phrygia tell anything of the
council in the Church History of Theodoretus. In his view, there are no reports of the synod.
The style, formulas, references of the extant letters and their remarkable versatility differs from
the style of 4th century sources of law and letters. Only the biblical quotations (only the two
letters contained more Bible quotations than Constantinus’ nine letters written against Arius
in total). McLynn 1994. 93–95.
191 Bardy 1912. 259–274.; Duchesne 1908. 398.
■ 47 ■
tioned further neither the appointment of Anemius nor the presence of Am-
brose in Sirmium that year. In addition, we do not find in any other source (in
Ambrose’s works or in the charges of the Dissertatio Maximini) either the adopt-
ed formula, or the names of six unidentified condemned Arian bishops.192
We can supplement the legitimate arguments of McLynn and Williams with
further comments:
1.) In Theodoretus’ account, the emperors write a letter to the bishops of

Asia, Phrygia, Carophrygia and Pacatiana. The order of the emperors
who sign the letter is unusual: Valentinianus I, Valens and Gratianus –
Valentinian II should be on the last place.
2.) There are bishops of two non-existent provinces (Carophrygia and Pa-
catiana) among the recipients, even though one could be replaced them
with the truly existing Caria and Phrygia Pacatiana provinces.193
3.) The letter from the three emperors actually contains ideas that are present
in some of the works of Ambrose.194 Tibor Nagy explained these elements
with the hypothesis that Ambrose participated in the council. For this
reason, he did not find the communications of Theodoretus necessarily
incredible.195
4.) The Credo of the council officially follows the Nicaenum closely. It does
not contain any great theological novelty, no new formula, so it could be
for Tibor Nagy an important step of the pro-Nicene theological move-
ment and the expansion of the unfolding orthodox reaction after Con-
stantine’s death.196
McLynn and Williams, however, believe that the “blasphemy of Sirmi-
um” mentioned in the Dissertatio Maximini is in fact nothing more than
the De fide of Ambrose sent to Gratian.197
192 Williams 1995. 124–126.

193 Nagy 1939. 171.
194 For example, according to the teachings of Mt 22, 21, the bishops of the recipient provinces
should not refuse the authority of the emperor and should not persecute the Orthodox.
195 Ambros. contra Aux. 31–36.; Ambros. Epist. XX. 8.; Epist. XX. 29.; Nagy 1939. 172.
196 Nagy 1939. 173–178.
197 McLynn 1994. 57–66.; Williams 1995. 123.
■ 48 ■
5.) The Illyrian bishops wrote according to Theodoretus a letter to the bish-
ops of Asia, Phrygia, Carophrygia, Pacatiana, that they deprived six un-
known Arian bishops from their seats.198 Meanwhile, the two leading fig-
ures of Illyrian Arianism, the bishop of Ratiaria, Palladius, and the bishop
of Singidunum, Secundianus, remained in their place. According to the
documents, the council of Sirmium did not even deal with their person
at all. Instead, Ambrose, who allegedly participated in the synod – after
returning home to Italy – invades Palladius in his De fide dedicated to
Gratian.199 Why did he not do this while he was participating in the Syn-
od in the presence of other bishops and of the Emperors?
If the synod really did not exist, what was the purpose of Theodoretus? Why was it
important to him to describe a fake imperial and episcopal correspondence with a
creed closely following the Nicaenum? It is possible that he wanted to stress a clear
and victorious position to emphasize orthodoxy three years before the council of
Aquileia and Constantinople. Among the three emperors who signed the letter,
Valens was attracted to the Arianism, the that time seven-year-old Valentinian II
told in fact anathema against his Arian mother, when the letter is no fiction.
Theodoretus missed the title of Valentinian, he wanted originally to let sign
the letter with the name Valentinian I (who was in fact dead since 375), intend-
ed to express a joint orthodox sentiment among the three emperors in order to
support the orthodox movement in Asia Minor?200
What follows if the synode of Sirmium did not exist?
1.) The behavior of Gratianus becomes more understandable. We certainly

know that Gratianus at the beginning of the year 379 (in contrast to the
resolution of the sirmian synode in 378) issued an edict, which provided
free religious practice to every Christians except the Eunomians, Photin-
ians and Manicheans.201 Only half a year after, during his milanese stay,
198 Zeiller 1918. 325; Nagy 1939. 177. These bishops are Polychronius, Telemachos, Faustus,
Asklepiades, Amantius, Cleopatra. True, these bishop names are not known from other sour-
ces, the names of the bishops are both Latin and Greek, this corresponds to our picture of the
ethnic diversity of Illyrian 4th century clergy.
199 See Ambros. De fide III. 3. For details on the creation of the work, see McLynn 1994. 102–119.;
Williams 1995. 128–153.
200 This is what McLynn 1994. 94. thinks.
201 Socr. Hist. Ekkl. V. 2. 1.; Sozomen. Hist. Ekkl. VII. 1.; Theodor. Hist. Ekkl. V. 2. Rajko Bratož expla-
ined the lenient edict with a chaotic situation after the Battle of Hadrianopolis. Bratož 1996. 322.
■ 49 ■
he set aside this edict with another: he withdrew the freedom of assembly
again from all parties except orthodox.202
2.) If the council of Sirmium in 378 did not exist, then it is not necessary to
insist that Ambrose’s visit in Sirmium and his “adventure” with the Arian
virgin was exactly in this year. Considering the chronology of the biogra-
phy of Ambrose, the event could occur between 376 and the first month
of 378, probably at the time when the court of Gratianus was still not in
the “imperial” city.
3.) It may also be that Ambrose did not necessarily have to to meet Gratian
in Sirmium. It is possible that they met only in 379 in Milan first.203 On
the basis of the word “coram” in chapter III. 1 of the De fide only so much
can be assumed, that before the book III. of the De fide was finished (380),
Gratianus had met Ambrose.204 Following the above arguments, I think it
is right for Neil McLyn that there was no sirmian synod at all in 378. Its
accounts are only later compilations.
III.1.5. The Aquileian Council (381) and the Related Historical Issues
During the year 380, while emperor Gratianus was staying in Pannonia, there
was a need of a universal council to solve the Arian question, at which on Pal-
ladius’s request, originally the Eastern Church leaders would have been in-
volved.205
St. Ambrose achieved a clever policy that at the end only the Italians and
the bishops of the dioceses of neighboring Italy were present in Aquileia. On
202 Cod. Theod. XVI. 5. 5. Neil McLynn, following the opinion of the three church historians,
Socrates, Sozomenos and Theodorethus, thinks that Valens has issued the new edict because
he saw it necessary to close the persecution of the orthodox in the eastern provinces. McLynn
1994. 91.
203 So thinks Gottlieb 1979. 26–50. and following him McLynn 1994. 100. In contrast, Williams
considers Gottlieb’s arguments unconvincing and considers the date of the first meeting cont-
roversial. Williams 1995. 133.
204 Williams 1995. 141–142. dates the first meeting before 378, before finishing books I–II of the
work De Fide I–II. Ramsey 1997. 61. dated the first two book of De fide to summer 378, the
next three books by the end of 380.
205 Gesta conc. Aquil. 8.; 10.; Nagy 1939. 179–180. This „resumed” need to summon a new coun-
cil is certainly the result of the „unsuccessfulness” of the non-existent synod of Sirmium.
■ 50 ■
the one hand, he stated that according to the Christian tradition, the bishops of
the West and East should consult separately, and therefore he called the eastern
bishops only formally.206 Another lucky possibility was for Ambrose the organi-
zation of the ecumenical council of Constantinople by Theodosius in the same
year, on which the Greek bishops preferred to take part.207 Palladius (bishop of
Ratiaria), Secundianus (bishop of Singidunum) and Attalus presbiter who lead
the community of Poetovio after Iulianus Valens’s expulsion, was frustrated by
the lack of eastern bishops. Apart from them, exclusively orthodox bishops took
part in the council with whom Ambrose conducted a rather unilateral debate.
The protesters were subjected to anathema by the council under the leadership
of Ambrose.208
III.1.6. What Can We Learn from the Synode about the Situation of
Pannonian Arianism Around 381?
The detailed history of the events of the aquileian synode is well known for a
long time, based on the remaining council letters and protocols.209
Still, the presence of Pannonian bishops in Aquileia remains an issue. Ac-
cording to the list added to the end of the protocol, besides the three arians there
were on the first day twenty-five orthodox bishops. According to Palladius’s
statement in the Dissertatio Maximini, however, only twelve–thirteen bishops
attended the council, including five from the gallian provinces, and two legates
from Africa.210 Nine bishops were late: they missed the condemnation of Palladi-
us and Secundianus, but they signed the minutes, too. The bishop’s seats can not
be found in the lists.211
206 Gesta conc. Aquil. 7.

207 Socr. Hist. Ekkl. V. 8. For the first day of the council (3rd September) see Nagy 1939. 180.
Contrary: Zeiller 1918. 327–332.; Williams 1995. 174. For the preparations of the Aquilean
Council and for its antecedents see McLynn 1994. 112–124.; Williams 1995. 162–169.; Mo-
orhead 1999. 112–119.
208 Gesta conc. Aquil. 52.; Ambros. Epist. X.
209 Nagy 1939. 180–184.; McLynn 1994. 112–124.; Williams 1995. 169–181.
210 The chapters of the Dissertatio Maximini 338 and 343 mention only 12–13 orthodox bishops.
This is, however, probably only the number of bishops from Italy, of whom thirteen are ment-
ioned in the protocols by name. Zeiller 1918. 330.; Egger 1922–1924. 29.; Williams 1995.
note 174. There were five bishops fom the Gallian provinces and two legati from Africa.
211 McLynn 1994. 126.; Williams 1995. 175.
■ 51 ■
There are some questions about the council documents:
1.) How many bishoprics were there in the Pannonian provinces during the
last quarter of the 4th century, at the time of the synode of Aquileia and in
the period of the spreading of orthodoxy?
2.) Why only some of the Pannonian bishops were called by Ambrose to at-
tend the Aquileian Synode? Why only three pannonian bishops’ seats are
present in the minutes of the council: Sirmium, Siscia and Iovia?
3.) What was the creed of the other bishops who did not play an active role
in the imperial Church politics, therefore they were not included in the
written ecclesiastical sources?
The list of participating bishops was collected by Endre Tóth (fig. 15.). Of the
bishops in Pannonia, who took part in the Aquilean Synode, we know only
the supporters of Ambrose by name and by location, Anemius from Sirmium,
Constantius from Siscia, and Amantius from Iovia.212 We do not know why are
bishops from Transdanubia (Pannonia Prima, Valeria) missing from the written
sources.
There are several ways to solve this problem:213
1.) Most of the Pannonian bishops did not attend in church political public
life.
2.) It is possible that others from Pannonia have participated in the council
of Aquileia as well, they were among the nine bishops, who came late, and
missed the condemnation of Palladius and Secundianus.
3.) They may not have participated in the synode, because there were only
Ambrose’s supporters invited, who took part in the struggle against Ari-
anism in the region.
212 The Amantius episcopus Lovetensium amendment was improved to be corrected to Ioviensium:
Gryson 1980. 371. The identification of the Pannonian town: Gryson 1980. 131., accepted by
Williams 1995. 175. Williams mentions Amantius’s earlier postulated aquileian epitaph, too.
213 Nagy 1939. 180–184.; Hudák–Nagy 2009. 59.; Nagy 2012a. 96–97.
■ 52 ■
4.) Ambrose, perhaps, was interested only in the southern Illyricum areas
south of the Drava river. He considered only that region important, so he
did not invite bishops from Transdanubia.
It is impossible to find a response to these questions because of the lack of sources.
One circumstance could be more or less important for Ambrose. As is the case of
the Vita Sancti Martini, a strong Arian priesthood was working in Savaria still in
the 350s.214 In Sirmium and Poetovio Ambrose contributed to the displacement
of the Arian bishops. (Mursa may be the city where it was not done, because of
the destruction of the town by barbarian raids.) However, there were only three
towns with condemned Arian bishops in 381 outside the Pannonian provinces:
Ratiaria, Singidunum and Poetovio, there was no problem with Savaria. This
means that either the clerical leadership of the town became after the change
of a generation by the end of the 370s orthodox, or Savaria, even if it worked a
bishopric inside of its walls, did not play a role in imperial religious politics, so
that Ambrose needed not consider that town specially.
III.2. The Bishop with a Torques – Iulianus Valens, Former Arian

Bishop of Poetovio and his Supposed Gothic Relations
Iulianus Valens, expelled arian bishop of Poetovio in Noricum arrived to the

court of Iustina in Milan from 376 to 378. We know that Valens was involved in
an anti-Nicene conspiration against Ambrose, but in the years after the aquileian
synode, the person disappears from the sources.215 From a letter of Ambrose we
know that Valens was the bishop of Poetovio between 371 and 376, then the or-
thodox community expelled him from his office. In this letter, Ambrose accuses
him with betrayal in Poetovio, he teased and desacralized his priestly vocation
with gothica impietas.216 Although he was bishop of Poetovio belonging to Nori-
cum in the investigated period, he has his role in the church history of Pannonia,
because earlier research connected his activity with Pannonian historical issues.
214 Sulp. Sev. Vita Mart. 6. 4.

215 Ambros. Epist. V. (extra coll.) 3.; Gesta Conc. Aquil. 2. It is possible that Iulianus Valens rested
for a few more years in the Arian empress, Iustina’s court, but we do not have any record of
that. Bratož 1996. 336.
216 Ambros. Epist. II. 9–10.
■ 53 ■
III.2.1. Previous Chronology of the Bishopric of Iulianus Valens
In the second book of De fide, where Ambrose criticizes barbarian attacks against
the Roman Empire he also mentions two terms (impiorum sacerdotia, proditionum
munera),217 which Daniel H. Williams related to Iulianus Valens. According to him,
it was Valens, who collaborated with the Goths besieging Poetovio in a treacherous
manner, so he received the bishop’s chair as a reward for a short time.218
D. H. Williams’s theory is problematic at two points:
1. When the barbarians of Alatheus attacked Pannonia in 379, Iulianus Val-

ens was already in Milan.
2. There is no record that the Goths who attacked Pannonia, would have been
besieged Poetovio in Noricum.219
Neil McLynn has chosen another way to try to save the credibility of the record
of Ambrose about the betrayal of Valens. He dated his bishopric in Poetovio
between 378 and 381. According to McLynn’s chronology, Valens came from Mi-
lan in 378 to Poetovio and he only returned to Milan in 381.220 John Moorhead
counts with the church-political activity of Iulianus Valens and Palladius against
Ambrose in Milan in 381 (saying that there is no legitime successor of Auxen-
tius in the see of Milan), so that Ambrose was afraid of an anti-Nicene plotting
against the peace of milanese church.221
The problem is, however, that there are no sure data for a barbarian attack
against Poetovio in 378.222 Unlike Williams, Tibor Nagy associated the record of
the De Fide about a pannonian attack not with the Goths, but with Sarmatians,
attacking in 378 only the province Valeria.223
217 De fide II. 140.

218 Williams 1995. 136–138.
219 Nagy 1939. 193.; Prk 1990. 50.
220 McLynn 1994. 122., 138.
221 Moorhead 1999. 112., based on Ambros. epist. ext. coll. 4 (=10.), 1 and epist. ext. coll. 5
(=11.), 1.
222 Based on the results of archaeological excavations, it is also not possible to infer a Gothic attack
in Poetovio. The shrinking of the early Roman area of Poetovio in late antiquity shows a very
similar tendence in comparison with the Pannonian towns, the late Roman development of
fortified high-rise settlements (Panorama, Breg, Burg, Videm, Kozjansko) cannot be so ac-
curately dated with the exception of Panorama. Ciglenečki 1987. 267–268.; Bratož 2015. 45.
223 Nagy 1971. 77.
■ 54 ■
I think Tibor Nagy is right about the attack in 378 and the attack theory of
Alatheus against Poetovio can be rejected.
II.2.2. Iulianus Valens’ „Betrayal” Act
What was exactly the betrayal of Iulianus Valens for the sake of the Goths, which
was also emphasized by Ambrose on the Aquilean Synode?
The exact text in the letter Nr. 2 of Ambrose is following:
„Nam quid de eius magistro Iuliano Valente dicamus, qui cum esset proximus declinavit
sacerdotale concilium, ne eversae patriae perdiorumque civium praestare causas
sacerdotibus cogeretur. Qui etiam torquem ut asseritur et brachiale, Gothica profanatus
impietate, more indutus gentilium ausus sit in conspectu exercitus prodire Romani: quod sine
dubio non solum in sacerdote sacrilegium sed etiam in quocumque Christiano est; etenim
abhorret a more Romano. Nisi forte sic solent idololatrae sacerdotes prodire Gothorum.”
Tibor Nagy wrote about the credibility of the analogous record in De Fide men-
tioned above: «In Milan a bishop is planting the Danube Valley Arianism on the
defendant’s floor ... and the unfortunateness of the danubian provinces will be a
direct consequence of the heresy flourishing in the region».224
I think we can say more about the “betrayal” of Valens than that. In one of
Ambrose’s letters (letter Nr. 10.) during the stay of Valens in Milan (presumably
in 377), Ambrose reports outragedly that the Arian bishop was wearing gothic
torques and bracelets.225 It may be that the former poetovian bishop wears in Milan
barbarian object types well known in Noricum and Pannonia, documented from
burial items at the end of the 4th century. The so called barbaric objects of the male
graves in the cemeteries of the same age are usually the iron knife, jerk and chop-
per,226 gothic torques and bracelets do not appear, that option is currently excluded.
Péter Kovács brought the bishop’s outfit with the well-known Germanic
fashion in connection, which was also popular in the imperial court at the end
224 Nagy 1939. 192–193.

225 Ambros. Epist. X. 9.; see further Forlin–Patruccio 1994. 265–266.
226 Besides women’s wear with octahedral earrings, bone combs, under-legged fibulae, iron belt
buckles.See eg. Vágó–Bóna 1976. 196–206.; Kovács 2004. 137–139.
■ 55 ■
of the 4th century and early 5th century.227 Magdolna Kiss believes that „accord-
ing to the law of interaction, like Roman apparel spread among barbarians, bar-
barian fashion appeared to the Romans.” 228 This may be true, but we do not get
satisfactory answers concerning this source to the question: among the Arian
bishops or other Church members why only Valens appears in gothic costumes,
if that was the fashion, and why he was the only one charged by Saint Ambrose
in this matter?
Péter Prohászka spelled out exactly what Iulianus Valens could wear: „The
military and civilian posts were signed with mantle (paludamentum, chlamys)
and golden brooch.”229 “The possession of gold objects ... typical of a certain circle
... the neckbracelets, rings, certain types of fibulae as status symbols and badges
representing power, show the inner social division of the leader groups.”230 „The
golden bracelets on neck and arm for both barbarians and Romans are the signs
of outstanding social status. They grow even among Germans into a dignity sign
function. For the Romans, however, they had a peculiar role, since gold and sil-
ver torques and armilla (bracelet) served from the Republican era as rewards of
outstanding military service like medals today.”231
The torques (necklaces) and gold, silver, but especially bronze versions of the
armillas (bracelets) were worn by soldiers as a kind of dona militaria on their
armor, already in the 3rd century.232 The torques of the imperial period at the
Barbaricum is not necessarily Germanic fashion and in the case of its existence
within the empire, it need not be associated exclusively with Germans.233 The
torques of the court guards do not refer to their Germanic origin, rather to their
military rank.234
III.2.3. Some Notes on the Bishop with Torques
Philipp von Rummel has recently dealt in detail with the “gothic” attachment
and wear of Iulianus Valens. The sketch of his argument is following:
227 Zosim. V. 40. 3.; Zosim. V. 42. 3.; Sozom. Hist. Ekkl. IX. 6.; Eutropius II. 17., 187-189.; Cod.
Theod. XIV. 1. 4.; Kovács 2004. 138.
228 Kiss 2008. 80.
229 Prohászka 2004. 97.
230 Prohászka 2004. 109.
231 Prohászka 2004. 51.
232 Prohászka 2004. 52.; Mráv 2015.
233 Rummel 2008. 62.; Mráv 2015. 299.
234 Rummel 2008. 60.; Mráv 2015. 287-299., with further examples and literature.
■ 56 ■
We do not know much about Iulius Valens. He came from Milan, he belonged
to the party of Ursinus counter-bishop then he was a bishop of Poetovio. After
the Gothic destruction of the town, he returned to Milan where he joined a local
Arian community. It may also be that Iulianus Valens was at first bishop of Po-
etovio and joined the ursinian community of Milan only after the destruction of
his former town.235 Despite his invitation, Iulius Valens did not go to the aquilean
synode. Ambrose formally did not condemn him, perhaps had he previously
been involved in cases. Due to these cases, Ambrose called him a lawless and
traitorous person.236 A decisive source for Valens should be the text containing
the expression Gothica profanatus impietate.237 Moreover, Iulianus Valens threw
himself in the “pagan”, “tribal” habit of necklaces and bangles, in such an ornate
he showed himself to the Roman army. This is why Ambrose thinks of a sacrilegi-
um in the eyes of every Christians, completely contradicted by Roman customs.
Moreover, the idolaters, pagan priests of the Goths also looked like him.
The treasure trove of Pietroasa is famous for its neck posture decorated with
runic description, where the terms guthani and hailag can be clearly distin-
guished, that is „Goths” and „Saints.”238 Rummel mapped also the spread of this
type of bangles in archeological material.239 The bangle with the two words ap-
pears to be identical to the torques in Ambrose’s reference, according to which
gothic priests wore such neck bangles and bracelets, so Iulianus Valens was
wearing a typical German dress.240
Who are the Goths meeting Iulianus Valens?
Alatheus’s and Saphrac’s group?

They were around 380 foederates in Pannonia. According to two letters of
Ambrose, there were also Arians among the greuthungi of Alatheus who served
later in Roman auxiliary troops in Northern Italy.241 Peter Heather, however,
wrote already in 1991 that the source texts of Zosimus and Jordanes did not
prove their permanent settlement in Pannonia,242 but almost certainly, there was
235 Although the first version is more likely. Rummel 2008. 47., note 10.
236 Gesta conc. Aquil., Ep. 2. 9–10.; Rummel 2008. 48.
237 Gesta conc. Aquil., Ep. 2. 9.
238 Rummel 2008. 49. Picture of the treasure: Rummel 2008. 51., Abb. 2.
239 Rummel 2008. 50. Abb. 1.
240 Rummel 2008. 51.
241 Ambros. Epist. X.9.; Epist. XX.9-12.
242 Heather 1991. 334–343. The question with further comments of Péter Kovács and Volker
Bierbrauer is discussed later in detail.
■ 57 ■
another raid into Pannonia in 380 by the greuthungi, who are not necessarily
identical with this group.243
Gothic soldiers?
It is unlikely that Iulianus Valens would have been in permanent contact with
them. These soldiers (Arians in northern Italian auxiliary troops or among the
imperial bodyguards in the court of Iustina) were not a few, but they still did not
have decisive weight in the late Roman army that time.244 The investigated text
tells about Roman army, it is not important for Ambrose in this textual context
to stress the conspectus of any Gothic soldiers as members of the Roman army.
III.2.4. What Does „Gothica profanatus impietate” Mean?
1.) The term is about “barbarian” jewellery as an element of stranger, barbarian

or barbarianizing identity?
According to Péter Kovács, Magdolna Kiss and Péter Prohászka – as I explained

above – more or less yes. According to Rummel, not for this text. Ambrose com-
plains in another works that a young soldier appears in military equipment with
gold necklaces at a party.245 It follows for Rummel, after analyzing the linguistic
context, that any necklaces for Ambrose are not a sort of a Germanic ornament,
they ment in the Roman army some kind of awards. The appearance of military
honors on a priestly person are problemtic for the bishop of Milan.246 But these
were the Goths as members of the cavalry in imperial service riders, not simply
Roman soldiers.247
2.) Does it refer to heresy?
Rummel’s opinion: yes, impietas gothica refers to the heresy of Iulianus Valens,
which could be gently formulated with an association of the “heretic” Goths.248
243 Rummel 2008. 52.
244 Rummel 2008. 53.
245 Ambr. De helia et ieiunio 13. 46.
246 Rummel 2008. 54–58. According to Rummel, Tertullian’s work De corona could be an antec-
cendent of the chain of associations in the investigated text of Ambrose, because crowns and
medals of soldiers symbolized idolatry in Tertullian’s concept.
247 Zos. Hist. Nea IV. 40. 8.
248 Rummel 2008. 54.
■ 58 ■
3.) What does „more indutus gentilium” mean?
a,) It means „barbarian tribal habit” in the textual context, which is other
than traditional roman costume.
b,) According to Rummel, it is a pagan habitual behavior.
4.) What does sacerdotes gothorum mean?
Rummel thinks this term means here, in this case Arian priests and not Gothic
priests. I agree with Rummel that Iulianus Valens’ torques do not indicate simply
traditional barbarian jewellery tradition for Ambrose, but rather the postulated
otherness of a kind of barbarian, therefore heretic, i.e. not real Christian identity.
Ambrose clearly expresses this charge of otherness in the formulation of the text.
According to my conclusion, this kind of Arian otherness could be expressed in
Northern Italy with the association of the term Goth. That is to say, among the
Goths, there was a bigger, decisive number of Arians, or members of a social
group had to be Arian Christians who were small in number, but they should
have a weight as members of a kind of gothic social élite. Is it possible, that in
the 370s, when Arianism was already in a defensive position in Illyricum, Arian
clergy used the possibility of cross-border reimbursement and Iulianus Valens
participated in an anti-Nicene mission toward the Goths?
There are following problems concerning the arguments of the Arian Roman
clergy’s missions beyond the frontiers:
1.) Although Ambrose could certainly read Tertullian, it is not certain that
Ambrose defined the torques as military award as a sign of idolatry in a
Roman army full of Christian soldiers that time.249
2.) In principle, there is a possibility, that Iulianus Valens and Auxen-

tius, emerging in the court of Iustina in Milan in 384 (himself bishop
249 I think Philipp von Rummel is not right when he wants to understand the locus of Ambrose
though the De Corona of Tertullian. He does not take into account that at the time of Tertullian
the Roman soldiers had to undergo the oaths, sacramenta militiae, related with initiations like
in the mystery religions. In these rites, Christians were not allowed to attend, see Gáspár 1982.
7–63. In the late Roman army with Christian soldiers, such rituals could not have occurred at
the end of the 4th century. The sign soldiers were marked with during the ceremony, became
the christogram. Gáspár 1982. 63–79.
■ 59 ■
of Durostorum and a disciple of Ulfila)250 was engaged in the missions

launched earlier by Ulfila no later than in the first half of the 370s.
3.) The clergy of the communities with anti-Nicene creeds could be in prin-
ciple missionaries among barbarian migrants in the provinces and in the
Barbaricum beyond the imperial borders, too, where the Roman law was
not enforced. In the Central Danube region, we do not know, however,
how many Roman citizens fled or deliberately went to the Barbaricum to
the Germans in the fourth century, if there was such an example. There
are no sure records about Arian clerks in Illyricum, who were preach-
ing to Germans in the Barbaricum during the reign of Constantius II.
Auxentius himself, a Roman disciple of Ulfila preached besides his own
church community also to gentiles in Mediolanum, but we have no data
about missions towards the Germans.251 This lack of evidence is striking,
because even in Milan there were Germanic imperial guard members,
who belonged to the Arian camp of Iustina between 378 and 386.252
4.) We do not know the exact date and length of the bishopric of Iulianus
Valens in Poetovio, therefore we can not accurately date any potential
connections of Valens with Ulfila and his disciplines.
III.3. Paganism, Heresy and Orthodoxy

in the Provinces of Pannonia after the Aquileian Council
III.3.1. The Decline of Power of Arianism in Pannonia
After the completion of the Aquileian Synode, Ambrose notifies the results of
the council in two letters, which were adressed to the churches of Gallia and to
Gratianus.253 In his second letter, he asked for the measure of secular power to
remove the heretics from their churches, and urged the ban on the gatherings of
the believers of Photinianus, radically anti-Nicene former bishop of Sirmium.
250 For the connections of Auxentius with Ulfila, or for the role of Auxentius in Milan, see Willi-
ams 1995. 202–209.
251 Ambros. contra Aux. 25.; McLynn 1994. 185.
252 Williams 1995. 232.; Hudák 2002. 44.
253 Ambros. Epist. IX.; X. Detailed analysis: McLynn 1994. 137–144.
■ 60 ■
However, the council itself was not a significant event in the 4th century
church history of the empire on its own, neither Paulinus’ vita Ambrosii, nor Ru-
finus’ church history mentioned it.254 Earlier proponents of anti-Nicene creeds,
Valens, Ursacius and Auxentius themselves „survived” before a couple of similar
banning councils.255 The significance of the Aquileian Council is apparent by the
circumstance, that the emperor himself enforced the synodal decisions by the
virtue of the civil administration, of Syagrius praefectus praetorio.256
At the end of 381, the decisions of the council broke actually the Arian church
organization in the Pannonian provinces.257 Last but not least, the orthodoxy
won not only in the Danube region, but in the entire Adriaticum, in all areas
where the spiritual influence of Aquileia and Milan was decisive in the second
half of the 4th century.258 This turn is marked by the literary work of Chromatius
and Rufinus.259 According to Levente Nagy, „the religious political situation is
clear in the 380s...: the orthodox victory on the Aquileian Synode in 381 resulted
the decline of the the anti-Nicene teachings and church organization collectively
called „Arian” in contemporary sources.”260
III.3.2. The Roman Council of 382 and the Photinians in Sirmium
The Aquileian Council did not really achieve results against the Photinians in
Sirmium. After the council, Ambrose directed his eyes towards another univer-
sal synode, which was eventually organised in 382 in Rome. However, most of
the eastern bishops met again in Constantinople, and except Acholius, bishop of
Thessaloniki, who came personally to Rome, they represented only a delegation
of three members.261 Among the leading orthodox leaders of the West Anemius
also participated in Rome, his presence proves still an important church polit-
254 Williams 1995. 183.

255 McLynn 1994. 139.
256 Diss. Max. 343.
257 Nagy 1939. 184. According to Tibor Nagy, this process was promoted by the fact, that Mursa,
a headquarters of Arianism was destroyed by the ostrogoth-hunnic-alanic troops lead by Alat-
heus and Saphrac in 378–379. Epist. Maximi Tyranni ad Val. Aug. = Collectio Avellana 39. 4.;
Nagy 1939. 193.
258 Pavan 1984. 62.
259 During the episcopate of Chromatius (388–408 A.D.), there was a vivid intellectual and litera-
ry life in Aquileia
260 Nagy 1939. 184–187.; Hudák-Nagy 2009. 59–60.; Nagy 2012a. 96.
261 Ambros. Epist. XIII. 6.; Theodor. Hist. Ekkl. V. 8-9.
■ 61 ■
ical influence of Sirmium.262 The anathema of the Roman synode was against
the “ebionite-like” heresy of Photeinus, former bishop of Sirmium.263 Our most
important source about the photinian community of Sirmium are even the chap-
ters 12–13 of the letter Nr. 10 of Ambrose. This letter showed that Sirmium was
still a serious photinian basis as late as in 381.
III.3.3. The Audience in Constantinople in 383

and the Edictum of Theodosius
The last ray of hope for the gradually descending Arian communities in Illyricum
and also in Pannonia was the emperor Theodosius, who organized in Constan-
tinople an audience in 383 for „heretical” bishops.264 The meeting was, however,
a disappointment for Palladius, Secundianus and Ulfila,265 because the emperor
adopted only the creed formulas of Nectarius and the Novatians as Orthodox.
He declared all other creeds as heresies and he banned soon in his following
edict all kinds of their religious meetings, denominations, theological controver-
sies and consecrations.266
According to Tibor Nagy, the Arians of the Danube Valley became „sectari-
ans”, this way of thinking is typical in the text of the Dissertatio Maximini. This
collection of Arian texts charged Ambrose with the authorship of all anti-Nicene
defeats, including Theodosius’ edict in 383.267
It is undeniable, that Saint Ambrose had a decisive role in weakening the Ar-
ianism in the region. At least, however, such an important factor was the gradual
262 Theodor. Hist. Ekkl. V. 8. 1.

263 Who profess Lord Jesus only deriving from Mary for the sake of the ebionite heresy. See: Da-
masus, Confessio fidei catholicae 5.; Theodor. Hist. Ekkl. V. 11.
264 Socr. Hist. Ekkl. V. 10.; Sozom. Hist. Ekkl. VII. 12.; Diss. Max. 304.; 308.; 337ff; more recent
analysis of the event: McLynn 1994. 146.

265 Diss. Max. 304.
266 Socr. Hist. Ekkl. V. 10., 21–26.; Sozom. Hist. Ekkl. VII. 6.; VII. 12.; Theodor. Hist. Ekkl. V. 16.
5.; Diss. Max 310. For the documents of the Dissertatio Maximini dated to 384 (apology of
Palladius, biography of Ulfila and creed formula), and the excerpts of the acts of the council of
Aquileia in the 5th century (with the commentaries of Maximinus):
Nagy 1939. 187.; McLynn 1994. 373–375.; Williams 1995. 170–171. According to Williams, Ma-
ximinus cited two legal acts on the basis of the Codex Theodosianus (see Cod. Theod. XVI. 4.
1–2.), although in reverse order. Valuable critical editions of the work with the name Scolies
ariennes: Gryson 1980.; Gryson 1982.
267 See Diss. Max. 310.; Nagy 1939. 186–187. These kinds of conspirations of Ambrose in connec-
tion with the edict in 383 are not attested in any sources.
■ 62 ■
absence of the imperial court in the Middle Danube area, thereby significantly
reducing its ecclesiastical political weight. In addition, the Empire in fact „re-
treated” from Arianism and turned clearly towards the orthodoxy.
III.3.4. The Arian „Reaction” in the Mid-380s until 390 A.D.
Illyrian Arians clinging to illegality were probably hoping to witness the events
of the years in 385 and 386, the re-emergence of Arianism and the attacks against
Ambrose by Valentinian II. and Iustina in Milan.
However, there are no clear data on changes, which would have significantly
affected the life of the Illyrian anti-Nicene communities. In a letter of Magnus
Maximus (spring 386) to Valentinian II. the usurpator smolders the milanese
court because of their anti-Nicene behavior and the pursuit of Catholic priests in
the territories controlled by Valentinian II. The letter mentions only one Panno-
nian town, Mursa as a former Arian center, which has already been destroyed.268
III.3.5. Were There Any Arian Visigoth Missions

in Southern Pannonia in the 370s and the 380s?
None of Germanic people in the Carpathian Basin in closer contact with Panno-
nia beyond the frontiers of the empire were wholly Christian in the last third of
the fourth centry, at least only few individuals. In fact, before 476, there was still
no German peoples beyond the frontiers who were entirely Christian, only sin-
gle persons, families, or one restricted group of believers of the new religion.269
Tibor Nagy was still in the opposite view in 1939:
„... During the fourth century, barbarian people coming from the east to Pan-
nonia were mostly Christians and the that time already weakened Pannonian Ari-
anism could not do anything else than expressing its supreme Christianity with the
help of their former church organization, theology, liturgy, art, etc. And thus [local
arian christianity] sought to enrich and deepen the superficial, primitive beliefs of
the newcomers.” 270
268 Epist. Maximi Tyranni ad Val. Aug. (Collectio Avellana 39.) 4.; 8.; Bratož 1996. 335.
269 See Sozom. Hist. ekkl. II.6.; Delehaye 1912. 274–291.; Hudák 2002. 42.; Hudák 2007. 203.
270 Nagy 1939. 196–197.
■ 63 ■
His view could not be refuted that time, but by now it has become more and
more clear, that neither linguistic, nor archeological arguments support it. Prob-
ably Tibor Nagy’s opinion was taken by András Mócsy, which became by now
also outdated:
„However, most of the Germans settled in the Carpathian Basin were Arian
Christians who although could not guarantee the uninterrupted continuity
of the church organization, but they held Christian cult buildings again in
use or even rebuilt them.” 271
These opinions are not acceptable by the relevant sources I will examine on the
following pages, or by the current state of research. Large numbers of German
people were converted to the new religion only after the collapse of the western
Empire and partly because of political reasons. Exceptions are visigoths, among
whom there were many Arian Christians even before their reception in 376,
thanks to the regular reimbursements organized by the Gothic communities of
Ulfila in Nicopolis and Durostorum. Their presence is proven by their persecu-
tions in 346 and 369–372 in Gothia.272
Fritigern may have directed the receptions of the Visigoths into the empire
in 376, thanks to the diplomatic intercessions of Ulfila and his auxiliary bishops,
Auxentius and Selenas.273 An important source of their crossing the Danube is
fragment Nr. 55. of Eunapios.
Eunapios said that among the Goths crossing by the Danube there were Ger-
mans with monk wear in order to mislead Roman authorities. They were, how-
ever, in fact pagan Goths dressed like Christian monks. In my opinion, the Ger-
mans with monk wear described by Eunapius could be indeed Arian monks. 274
Herwig Wolfram considered that the interpretation of Eunapios’ fragment Nr.
55 is far from reality: most of the german migrants were not Christians, because
Christians like Saint Sabas were a minority in Gothia, moreover only those Chris-
tians were persecuted who were said to threaten the traditional institutions of ger-
man gentes and gods.275 I agree with that opinion, the gothic clergy and the monks
271 Mócsy 1984. 263.

272 Kyrill. Katekh. X. 19.; Ambros. Expos. Evang. sec. Lucam II. 37.; Sozom. Hist. ekkl. VI. 37.;
Giesecke 1939. 63–70.; Calend. Goth. Oct. 23.; Delehaye 1912. 283. I summarized the ques-
tion most recently in the Hungarian research: Hudák 2002. 42.; Hudák 2005. 58–61.
273 Burns 2009. 369.
274 Hudák 2007. 201–209.
275 Wolfram 1988. 84.
■ 64 ■
were a minority at that time. The Goths – in order to be accepted into the empire
– wanted to show their more favorable Christian identity to the Romans.276
Asceticism had anyway deep roots in the Goths: as early as the middle of the
rd
3 century, Goths could see in Gothia devoted ascetics, later they knew about
the monasteries of Audius, there were also orthodox Gothic monks in the mon-
astery Promotus in Constantinople. Eunapius could see the results of this long
lasting relationship: Goths in monk wear. If their presence was not just literary
exaggeration or deception of Roman authorities, they might be monks belong-
ing to Ulfila’s circle as well.277
Saint Ambrose wrote in two letters that among the greuthungi of Alatheus
there were already Arians in the 380s, they served in auxiliary troops in north-
ern Italy. 278
The introduction of German soldiers into the auxiliary troops during the wars
of the 380s is a well-known fact. There were also Arian Goths in Iustina’s court
in Milan (Ambrose himself did not care about them at all) who came from the
Balkans since 376, but they were probably not necessarily Pannonian foederati.279
Pacatus wrote in his panegyric only about soldiers (including allied barbar-
ians), who invaded Pannonian towns in the 388 campaign against Magnus Max-
imus, or more accurately they were accommodated in the towns.280 We do not
know more about their religious identity.
If there was indeed a missionary activity in the Balkans among greuthungi
in the 4th century (especially after 377), as Edward A. Thompson put it,281 this
activity lacks both written sources and archeological finds. The Eastern German
archeological material in the region (associated also with greuthungi, later ostro-
goths) shows until the last third of the 5th century traditional german (i.e. pagan)
276 Eunapius frg. Nr.55. (in Müller’s edition) or 42.8. fragment respectively (in Blockley’s edition).
The fragment was preserved in the Excerpta de Sententiis of Constantinus Porphyrogenetus in
the 10th century. Noel Lenski says that the Goths were not even fully Christians, although there
already existed any Gothic church organizations with bishops and monks. Eunapius does not
say that this event would be related to the year 376. It does not come out of the text, whether
these Goths were Christians, or they pretended to be Christians themselves, or they accepted
that if they were admitted into the empire, they would go to Christianity. According to Lenski,
the text of the fragment is unsuitable to date the immigration event. Lenski 1995. 70–71. I
think Eunapius wrote here about the reception of the Goths in 376. I do not think that Eunapi-
us distorts the narrative, he just misinterpreted the narrative he heard. Hudák 2007. 201–209.
277 Hudák 2007. 201–209.
278 Ambros. Epist. X. 9.; Epist. XX. 9–12.
279 Nagy 1971. 81.; McLynn 1994. 182–183.
280 Pacat. Paneg. XXXII. 3–4.; Kovács 2004. 134.
281 Thompson 1963 75.
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elements without any archaeological proofs of any christianization process.282

The 5th century lead sheats from the grave 5 (or 6) of the Hács-Béndekpuszta
cemetery with Gothic texts associated with the Bible translation of Ulfila inter-
preted as parts of a scriptural amulet283 can be dated more convincingly to the
third quarter of the 5th century.284 Consequently, the analysis of this important
ecclesiastical historical source is beyond the timeframe of my work.
III.3.6. Have There Been Orthodox Missions

among the People of Alatheus and Saphrac after 380?
A metric funerary inscription from Aquileia285 became famous for a long time
since its first detailled publication and interpretation of Rudolf Egger. The recip-
ient of the lost inscription, Amanti[---] was identified with Amantius, orthodox
bishop of Iovia, who participated in the council of Aquileia, the terms bini populi
and gemini duces in the metric inscription were associated with the people of Al-
atheus and Saphrac, so the inscription would be an important evidence of their
orthodox mission after 379.286
“Egregius fidei sanctus mitisq(ue) / sacerdos

dignus, quem cuper/et ple(b)s aliena suum,
dign(u)s ita geminis ducibus/ consortia sacra
parti/cipare fidei, consilio regere,/
hoc iacet in tumulo, proprium cui/ nomen Amanti
venturi meriti/ prescia causa dedit,
bis denis /binis populis presedit in annis,/
si non migrasset, laus erat ista/ minor,
depos(itus) s(u)b d(ie) VII/ idus Aprilis/ ind(ictione) XI/
d(e)p(ositus) Ambrosius diac(onus) kal(endis) Decemb(ribus)/
Mariano et Asclepiododoto v(iris) c(larissimis)
cons(ulibus)/ ind(ictione) VII”
Ambrosius deacon died on the 1st December 423, Amanti[---] in 398 or in 413.
282 Kiss 1995. 317-319.

283 Bollók 2016. 44–49., with further literature.
284 Bollók 2016. 53–54., with further literature.
285 CIL V 1623.
286 Egger 1922–1924.
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Earlier research tried to reconstruct the migrations and attacks of the Goth-
ic-Hunnic-Alanic barbarian group lead by Alatheus and Saphrac in Pannonia on
the basis of written sources and “barbarian” or “barbarized” archeological finds,
who should settle down after campaigns in 379 in an unknown region of Panno-
nia in 380, when they received a foedus as foederati in the province.287 The bish-
opric of Amanti[---] - Amantius, Iovia have been identified besides Ludbreg in
Croatia since the 1970s with the inner fort Iovia, Kapospula, Alsóhetény-puszta
in southern Transdanubia288 where he made missionary activity among Barbar-
ians until 398 when he fled to Aquileia.289
The funerary inscription is lost by now. Amanti[---] was a priest who died
in 398 or 413, he may have converted two peoples (bini populi) and two lead-
ers (gemini duces) before his death for twenty years. However, as Péter Kovács
pointed out, the combination of the bini populi – gemini duces nouns cannot be
justified, since the gemini duces are in the 3rd line of the inscription, and the bini
populi is in line 10. The Amanti genitivus is not only quite common in case of the
names Amantius, but the names Amandus, Amantus can also be reconstructed.290
It is difficult to solve the problem of the identification of the two leaders and
two peoples (dual leadership was not unusual for the Germans), for which besides
the interpretation of Rudolf Egger several other experiments happened.291 In 2004,
Péter Kovács challenged the widespread idea of the identification of the two peoples
with Pannonian foederati (like the greuthungi – Hunnic – Alanic group of Alatheus
and Saphrac) by re-interpreting historical and archaeological sources.292 Thinking
over a part of Tibor Nagy’s opinion, he interpreted the events following way: in 379
Alatheus and Saphrac actually attacked Pannonia and Dalmatia, Mursa and Strido
were destroyed, but they went soon away to the Balkans (to slay the Greek cities
and then to chase away Athanaric from his residence). Gratianus made a foedus not
only with them, but also with Fritigern to an unknown, presumably Balkan area.293
Magdolna Kiss interpreting the same texts argues that the verb “katalambano”
in the disputed Zosimus text means „to take possession” rather than „to go”. Thus,
contrary to Péter Kovács’s translation, Alatheus and Saphrac received permission
287 Várady 1969. 405.; Salamon-Barkóczi 1982. 147–148.; Tomka 2001. 172.; Kiss 2008. 66–70.
288 The first idea of this identification taken over by other scholars: Harmatta 1970. 286, note 10.
289 Bratož 2011a. 216, with further literature..
290 Kovács 2004. 135–136.
291 Thompson 1963. 66–67, with further literature.
292 Kovács 2004. 131–141.
293 Iord. Get. 27. 140–142.; Zos. Hist. Nea IV. 34. 2–4.; V. 37. 1.; Ambros. De Fide II. 140.; Pacat.
Paneg. XI. 4.; XXXII. 3–4.; XXXIV. 1.; Sozom. Hist. Ekkl. IX. 4. 4.; Kovács 2004. 131–137.; see
further Nagy 1971. 69., 75–76.
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not only to „move to Pannonia”, but to possess a territory in Pannonia.294 The other
processed sources do not prove, but do not exclude the possibility, that these barbar-
ians settled down in an unknown region of the Pannonian provinces.295 Athanaric
was defeated on the far side of the Danube by Fritigern (they certainly did not take
there women, children, old people) and then Athanaric fled to Constantinople and
died there, his attackers returned home and abandoned harassing Romans.
If the people of Alatheus and Saphrac had not settled in Pannonia or in Moe-
sia, Emperor Theodosius could not have brought twenty thousand armed goths
in the 394 campaign against Ingenuus.296 The Ulfila-believers near Nicopolis, the
gothi minores, and the Athanarik-refugees fleeing the empire were never twenty
thousand in sum.297 If Zosimus is right, Alatheus and Saphrac could actually get
settled but the sources do not reveal the permitted territory: one of the Panno-
nian or Moesian provinces? If the Getica of Iordanes overestimated the number
and the strength of the army with twenty thousand soldiers, it does not provide
a convincing argument for the Pannonian installation of the foederati. Magdolna
Kiss was also aware that there are no traces of Pannonian archeological finds re-
cording large-scale barbarian settlements after 380. The barbarization of the late
Roman material culture is the result of a longer process,298 and there is too much
hypothesis about the interpretation of Amantius’s covenant.299
From the archeological point of view, the Alatheus-Saphrac group, consisting
of at least three ethnic groups (including Goths, greuthungi) were completely un-
identifiable.300 Thus, it is not yet possible to prove the establishment of the people of
Alatheus and Saphrac in Pannonia Secunda or Savia in the 380s and 390s, because
– contrary to the rhetorical exaggerations of our sources – these provinces were not
destroyed that time. Daily life was in spite of some barbarian raids relatively peace-
ful and uninterrupted until the beginning of the 5th century.301 The name Amant[---]
on the aquileian tombstone cannot be identified certainly with the bishop of Iovia,
294 Zos. Hist. IV. 34. 2–4.; Kovács 2004. 143.; Kiss 2008. 219.
295 Kiss 2008. 220–221. with the collection and presentation of written sources about the history
of goths between 376 and 380.
296 Iord. Get. 145. We know about a hunnic raid in Moesia in 395, Goths escaped from the Huns.
Consequently, Alarich came back with his troops from Italy, because his soldiers were afraid
of the Huns and they wanted to care about their family members left in the Balkans: Claud. in
Rufin. II. 22–277.; Eutr. I. 17. 243–251.
297 Kiss 2008. 223–224.
298 Kiss 1995b. 47–54.; Kiss 2008. 70., 77., 55. note. Critical comment on the question: Bierb-
rauer 2011b. 124., 134.
299 Kiss 2008. 218.
300 Bierbrauer 2001a. 367.; Bierbrauer 2011b. 122–137.; Bierbrauer 2015. 422–446.
301 Kovács 2004. 136–137.
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and therefore the theories about the missionary activities of Amantius in the region
of Ludbreg or Alsóhetény-puszta are according to our contemporary knowledge
unacceptable. The research task, however, is in this case to re-identify the priest on
the aquileian tomb and the two people as objects of missionary activity.302
III.3.7. Orthodox Missions in the North-Italian Alps

at the End of the 4th Century
We only know from a few sources about the large-scale missionary activity of
some northern Italian Christian communities in the hidden valleys of the Alps
between the 390s and the 400s, with the support of the church of Aquileia. Vig-
ilius, bishop of Trento (consecrated by Valerianus, bishop of Aquileia) sent mis-
sionaries to the Alps. Three of them suffered martyrdom in the valley of Non in
397, and in the valley of Rendena in 405, the bishop himself was also killed with
stones by angry pagan inhabitants.303 Our fragmentary knowledge of the early
Christian history of the region is proven by the fact, that if there were no extreme
events during this long mission, eg. martyrium, we cannot even know about its
existence at all. That is why it is conceivable, but in the absence of other sources,
it can not yet be proven, that Amanti[---] of Aquileia made succesful mission-
ary activity in two Northern Italian Alpine communities, even twenty year long,
from 393 to 413.304 In this case, he did not die, was not martyred, did not share
the fate of his martyr fellows in 397 and 405. The detailed investigation of the
connections of Amanti[---] with the contemporary Alpine missions is further
research task for the future, it does not belong to the church history of Pannonia.
III.3.8. Paganism and Christianity, the Grade of Christianization

at the Turn of the 4th–5th Centuries in Pannonia
After the raids of Alatheus and Saphrac, a relatively quiet period followed in the
life of the Pannonian and Moesian provinces.305 Was there any need for further
302 Recent research partly took over the old hypothesis of Egger, for example Bratož 2011. 216.;
Lotter–Bratož–Castritius 2003. 56., 73., 74. Heather 1991. 343. remained skeptical.
303 AA SS Mai VII. 1867. 145A.; AA SS Junii VII. 1867. 37–49.; Acta S. Vigili 7.; Bratož 1996.
359.; I thank to Levente Nagy for information about these hagiographical sources.
304 It is also possible, that the clerical office of the dead priest lasted for twenty years in the text of
the inscription only for the sake of the metrum.
305 Kiss 2008. 225.
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missions conducted by Aquileia in Northern Italy between Gentiles? Theodosius,

who pursued Magnus Maximus’ army in 388, was celebrated by the local leaders
of Emona with pagan priests.306 The panegyricus of Pacatus describes the cere-
mony in Emona, but bishop Maximus and the local Christian community is not
mentioned in the text. The lack of Christian ceremony can be not only explained
by the pagan attitude of Pacatus, imperial victories were namely celebrated with
holy masses only after 394, the battle of Frigidus in the Empire.307 These sources
may show that in Northern Italy there was still a relevant pagan population in the
last years of the 4th century, the scale of the pagan population in the Pannonian
provinces can not be established because of few, mostly indirect data.
After the anti-pagan edicts of Theodosius in 391–392,308 the number of pa-
gans may have shrunk in the Pannonian provinces as well. It cannot be coinci-
dental, that after 390, almost all Illyrian officers known from written sources are
orthodox Christians,309 but these are again only indirect data.
In the second half of the 4th century, until the beginning of the 5th century,
there was a strong process of christianization in the whole empire with regard to
archaeological finds310, which was observable also in Pannonia.
III.4. The Arian Communities of Pannonia Secunda

in the Last Quarter of the 4th century
III.4.1. The Pannonian Passion of the Four Crowned Saints

– a Pannonian Arian Source?
The Pannonian passion of the four crowned saints (quattor sancti coronati), pan-
nonian stone carver martyrs was dated in the Ph.D. dissertation of István Bugár
between 350 and 380, because of possible anti-Nicene creed formulae found in
its latin text of late Roman origin.311 Simpronianus martyr, and the captive of
the porphyry quarry, Quirillus speak during the baptism of Simplicius (the fifth
stone carver) about the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit who have created the
world together. The formulation is similar to the creed formula in the two an-
306 Pacati Paneg. 37. 3–4.

307 Bratož 1996. 336.
308 Cod. Theod. XVI. 10. 10–12.
309 Bratož 1996. 342.
310 Pergola 2014. 151.
311 Bugár 2013.
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ti-Nicene anathemata of the synode of Sirmium in 351 promoted by Arian bish-

ops Valens and Ursacius.312 The fifth stone carver believes in the divine nature of
Christ, like Palladius on the synode of Aquileia in 381, but in his creed carefully
avoids the verus deus formula, even the most permissive Arians were not willing
to pronounce Christ as verus deus.313
The research has already raised the possibility that the story of the fifth stone
carver, Simplicius is only a later interpolation, which introduces smaller or larger
changes in the act of the original passion.314 Because of the existence of the sus-
pected Arian elements, this interpolation dated the text no later than the end of
the 4th century – beginning of the 5th century.315 As in Rome only four saints were
honored by the names of the Pannonian stone carvers in the 4th century until the
appearance of the Pannonian passion story in the Roman hagiographic tradition,
Levente Nagy, dealing with the text of the passion story could give only one ex-
planation. According to him, the cult of the Pannonian martyrs became popular
in some orthodox communities. Therefore, an unknown (perhaps Sirmian) Arian
community invented the Simplicius story using not quite Nicene formulas.316
III.4.2. The q-Evangeliarium and its Community
Our historical sources are silent about the fate of the Arian communities in Pan-
nonia Secunda after the 380s, up to the 5th century. Due to this circumstance, the
so-called q-evangeliarium can have a special source value. This evangeliarium
contains the four gospels and was initially in use as early as around 400 A.D. We
know the text from an illuminated codex from the 6th century.317 Philological
studies have shown that the vetus latina texts of the Gospels (originally in the
order of Matthew, John, Luke and Mark) are in close stylistic contact with the
Arian Latin translation of Origenes’ commentary on Matthew. Moreover, the
homily on the Gospel of John written by the Arian Maximinus used the same
text of the Gospel of St. John, which is preserved in this evangeliarium.318
312 Passio IV sanct. cor. 4.: Simpronianus: „Deus quem nos confitemur, ipse omnia creavit, et Iesus
Christus filius eius dominus noster, et Spiritus Sanctus.”; 7, Quirillus: „Ut credas in Iesum Chris-
tum dominum nostrum dei filium creatorem omnium rerum”; Bugár 2013. note 30.
313 Passio IV sanct. cor. 7: „Ego credo quia veritate ipse est deus Iesus Christus”; Bugár 2013. note 30.
314 Nagy 2012a. 182.; Nagy 2018. 100–106.
315 Nagy 2012a. 182.; Nagy 2018. 100–106., 110–114.
316 Nagy 2012a. 182.
317 Metzger 1977. 300.
318 Tóth 1995. 146–148., with further literature.
■ 71 ■
Because of its linguistic connections, earlier research considered that the

q-evageliarium was made in Illyricum at the turn of the 4th-5th centuries and is
commonly used by Goths. Later, in Sirmium (?), an illuminated copy was made
of it, because there was a note in a secondary pericope recording the ceremony
of Timotheus martyr, honored in the area around Sirmium.319
What can we learn about the q-evangeliary and about its historical environment?
What is the evidence previous research also agreed with?
1. It was made in Illyricum.

2. It is Arian.
3. Goths used it.
4. It dated to an early period of Germanic christianization around the 400s
A.D.
What else can we add to this:
1. It is demanding, contains all four gospels, it can be used to an elaborately

designed liturgy
2. With regard to the christianization process among Germans, the date
around 400 is too early.
According to the biography of Saint Severinus, there were still many Arians in
Southern Pannonia since the last of the 4th century A.D.320 The use of biblical
texts, however, does not prove in itself that Gothic migrants used this evange-
liarium in Pannonia, only because we know from other sources, that there were
foederati in the region. Older theories have become unsustainable through the
intensive research of recent years.
The Arian Gothic communities organised by Ulfila since 348 from Nicopolis
and Durostorum probably did not use these gospels in the last third of the 4th
century, because they had already their full-text Gothic Bible written before 375
for liturgical use.321
319 Nagy 1939. 195–196.

320 Eugipp. Vita Sev., prooem. 8.
321 Sozom. Hist. Ekkl. IV. 27.; Iord. Get. 51.; Hudák 2005. 58.
■ 72 ■
In my opinion, not Germans, but Arian provincials used the q-evangeliari-

um. Instead of the improbable 4th century Pannonian Germanic missions, more
likely is the assumption that an Arian community living in Illyricum, perhaps in
Sirmium has read these gospels.
III.5. Fritigil’s Story
III.5.1. Fritigil and the Marcomanni
In the biography of Ambrose we read about an unknown orthodox missionary,

who succeded to convert the Marcomannic queen, Fritigil in 396. After asking
for information about Ambrose, Fritigil and the bishop of Milan came into con-
versation by letters. In Ambrose’s reply, he asked the queen for intervening with
her husband for the maintenance of peace. According to the biography, his re-
quest was successful, because the Marcomani became foederati.322 According to
the Notitia Dignitatum, the gens marcomannorum, at least its tribune lived on
the limes section between Arrabona-Brigetio, as foederati as late as in the end of
the 4th century.323
In the 1930s, Hungarian research already connected the two records of the
Vita Ambrosii and the Notitia Dignitatum324, and searched for the tribunus gen-
tis marcomannorum possibly in the auxiliary fort of Ad Statuas (Ács-Vaspusz-
ta) between Arrabona and Brigetio.325 The Marcomannic queen’s residence was,
however, already sought out by the territories of Scarbantia and Mursella, too.326
Historical-archaeological evidence did not appear in any of these places. The
post-Valentinian layers of the auxiliary fort Ad Statuas really contained possibly
German-made, handmade ceramics, but the note of the Notitia Dignitatum can
be valid for the Ad Mures auxiliary fort (Ács, Bumbum kút), too, since both forts
are located on the Arrabona-Brigetio frontier section, from which the Notitia
Dignitatum no longer mentions Roman commanders.327 The center of the settled
people can thus be the Ad Mures fort as well, where there is only one fan-shaped
322 Paulin. Vita Ambros. 36. The story is shortly mentioned in McLynn 1994. 366. and Moorhe-
ad 1999. 104., without any church historical commentary.
323 Not. Dign. Occ. XXXIV. 24.
324 Nagy 1939. 194–195.
325 Gabler 1989. 648.; Kovács 2004. 141.
326 Gáspár 2002. 104.; Nagy 1983.
327 Gabler 1989. 649.
■ 73 ■
corner tower known by excavations.328 In the absence of extensive exploration

on the findspots, the residence of the Marcomanni can not be identified for sure.
There are a number of problems with the relationship between St. Ambrose and
Fritigil:
1. The personal encounter of Ambrose with Fritigil cannot be justified.329
2. Their relationship hardly had an impact on Marcomannic society. We do

not even know about the conversion of Fritigil’s husband.
III.5.2. The Conversion of the Marcomanni as Part of the Preparation of

the Imperial Foedus?
The above data make most likely, that the aim of the correspondence between
Fritigil and Ambrose was primarily to create a diplomatic-political relationship.
The main purpose was not necessarily the conversion of the Marcomanni, but
the preparation of a foedus between the king of the Marcomanni and the Impe-
rial court. In this respect, we are facing with a similar phenomenon as in 376,
when the Goths settled down in the empire after their reception. Conversion
means in this case, that the élite of the Goths left their own religion and took
Christianity supported by the Roman Emperor.330 Expressing Christian identity,
looking like monks or Arian Christians, these attitudes of the Goths crossing the
Danube were decisive in the fact that Arian Emperor Valens decided to inject
Goths in 376 into the empire.331
For the better understanding of the Fritigil episode, it is worth mentioning
that Fritigern who was still the great persecutor of Christians in the area un-
der his rule in 372, afraid of the Huns in 376, carried out a reception into the
Christian empire using his personal relationship with Ulfila. In 396, St. Ambrose
played already this role of intercessor, who – if we can believe in Paulinus’ story
– used the religious interest of the the queen for political purposes.
328 Petényi 2003. 73–74.

329 Thompson 1963. 60.
330 Gwynn 2010. 258.
331 Gwynn 2010. 258.
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III.6. The Relationship Between Mission and Art in Pannonia in

the Last Third of the 4th century. The Evidence of Confirmation of
Orthodoxy in Late Roman Pannonian art
III.6.1. The Iconographic Program of the St. Peter

and Paul Burial Chamber in Sopianae
The mural paintings of the St. Peter and Paul burial chamber in the northern
cemetery of Sopianae are perhaps the most representative highlights of early
Christian art in Pannonia.
A recent iconographic and iconological analysis of the murals took place after
several previous attempts in the last decade.332 The style-critical examination of
the paintings allowed their more precise date, which refers in my opinion to the
period around 380/390–400/410.333 Following the new dating, a new review of
Pannonian Church history at the end of the 4th century is worthwhile, now with
the help of art historical methods. The symbol system of early Chistian art that
has been fully formed by the end of the 4th century can help us to decode the
messages of the images in funerary contexts.
Southern Pannonia is one of the main meeting places for cultural influences
both from Italy and the Balkans in the late Roman era.334 The direction of re-
lations was determined by the usual presence of the imperial court in nearby
Sirmium until 378, for this reason, the wider environment of the imperial head-
quarters in Sirmium may also lived in the sparkling of artistic life.
The cultural influences of Italy and the Balkans are unique in the ancient
Christian graves and burial chambers in the northern cemetery of Pécs.335 Inside
the Balkan Peninsula, there are a number of 4th–5th century underground burial
chambers that depicted primarily early Christian symbols, scenes of everyday
life, or the figures of the deceased persons.336
332 Hudák 2009a.; with a supplement of technical investigations: Hudák 2014.

333 Hudák 2009b. 232.
334 Pavan 1984. 61.
335 Hudák–Nagy 2016.
336 The painted burial chambers/painted graves of Sercica, Ossenovo, Philippopolis, Durostorum,
Beška, Diocletianopolis, Thessaloniki, Naissus, Sopaianae, Vinkovci, Sirmium belong to the
same artistic circle, althouth the paintings of Durostorum and Beška have no early Christian
scenes. Djambov 1989. 2512. fig. 1.; Tchaneva–Detchevska 1989. fig. 1.; Pillinger–Po-
pova–Zimmermann 1999. 12–15.; Fülep 1984. 36.; Dyggve 1935. 73.; Radulescu–Lungu
■ 75 ■
Although there are many symbols in Pécs, too,337 and burial chamber Nr. 3
at Naissus, Jagodin Mala cemetery may have an iconographic concept similar to
Pécs, Peter and Paul burial chamber,338 specific Bible scenes and cycles are rarely
found in the Balkans.339
Sopianae has, unlike the Balkans, but similarly to Rome, characteristic series
in biblical themes, not only in the Peter and Paul burial chamber, but also in the
so called early Christian mausoleum, burial chamber Nr. XXXIII, where we have
paintings strikingly similar to those of the Roman catacombs, too.340
The Pannonian churches, at least from the time of Ambrose, were – with the
words of Lajos Nagy – in a kind of „pending relationship” with „North-Italian
points of orthodoxy”. Pannonia was forced to „take over artistic influences”. „This
blocked the invasion of oriental art through Constantinople and Moesia in the 4th
century”.341 The observations of Lajos Nagy are, however, only partly right. The
eastern influence through Constantinople with stylistic analogies, as seen in the
medallion busts on the barrel vault of the St. Peter and Paul burial chamber of
Pécs with good analogies from the column of Theodosius in Constantinople, has
already reached Pannonia that time (fig. 16.).342
III.6.2. The Relevance of Ecclesiastical Propaganda in the Iconographical

Program of the St. Peter and Paul Burial Chamber in Sopianae/Pécs
What could be the reason for the fact that we meet in a rural town with murals
similar to Roman catacombs far away outside Rome at the end of the 4th century
when the great Germanic migration already began, and the eastern frontier of
Pannonia, including Sopianae, had even a longer break that time between two
major barbarian invasions?
1989. 2588.; Tóth 2001. 1129.; Mirković 1954–1956. 87–100.; Pillinger 1986. 97–98.; Vale-
va 1989. 1245–1258.; Valeva 2001.
337 See for example the fence of the Paradise or depictions of christograms in Naissus or Thessa-
loniki. Gerke 1954. 147–199.; Pelekanidis 1963. fig. 9.; Marki 2007. Abb. 56–57.; Kádár
1969. 187.; Tóth 2001. 1131.; Gáspár 2002. 73.; Nagy 2016b. 218–219.
338 Hudák 2009b. figs. 1–4.; Pillinger 2011. 29–33., fig. 11–14., 19–22.; Kaplarević 2015. 85.
339 Except burial chambers in Thessaloniki (Marki 2007. Abb. 55., 56., 65–70., 72., 74., 83–87.,
92–93.) and some recently found painted graves in Plovdiv and Sirmium, shown on display at
early Christian archeological conferences in Nijmegen and in Exeter in 2018 – personal com-
munication of Levente Nagy.
340 Hudák–Nagy 2009. 18–26.; 40–56.; Nagy 2016b. 211–212.
341 Nagy 1931. 23.
342 Hudák 2009b. 229., 232.
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In the Central Danube region, Nicene orthodoxy began to suppress Arianism

from the 360s. By the end of 381, the collective offensive and political pressure
of Emperor Gratianus, Pope Damasus and Ambrose led to the collapse of Pan-
nonian Arian congregations. The Aquileian Council held that year showed the
victory of orthodoxy in the Danube region.
At the council of Rome in 382, a common decision was born to develop the
cult of martyrs for the sake of the believers in each area so that they can regain
faithfulness and repress heresy. The construction works of Christian basilicae by
Ambrose in Milan and the forms and techniques of the mosaics in the chapel
Sant’ Aquilino of the church San Lorenzo (if we can date them to the age of Am-
brose) can reflect contemporary church political decisions and debates.343
Relevant examples of the emanation of this artistic concept can be the paint-
ings of the St. Peter and Paul burial chamber and the representations of the apos-
tles, St. Peter and St. Paul with the martyr (?) Timotheus on the casket mounts
from the inner fort of Ságvár found in 1973, analyzed on the next pages.
III.6.3. The Plant of Jonah: Cucurbita or Hedera?
The spread of orthodoxy is often related to the dissemination of the Latin Vul-
gata texts of the Bible translated by Jerome at the end of the 4th century. In the
panel with the Jonah Scene on the eastern wall of the St. Peter and Paul burial
chamber in Sopianae, there is a plant above the prophet in the southeastern cor-
ner of the image with clearly visible green leafs (fig. 17.). Looking at the plant,
some researchers interpreted it as gourd leafs, others as ivy leafs.344 The word ivy
appeared in the Latin Bible translation of the book of Jonah by St. Jerome, in the
Vulgata (after 389/390–392 A.D.) and in Jerome’s Commentary on Jonah (after
396 A.D.), causing a great indignation of some Christians in the communities,
for example in Oea, in North Africa.345 In case of the right interpretation of ivy
leaf, this painting could be an extraordinary church historical source concerning
the reception history of the Vulgata texts of Jerome.
For the first sight, the leaf looks really like ivy, but according to György Heidl,
we can identify the plant with the qiqeion as well. Qiqeion is the original name of
the plant in the Hebrew Bible, translated as gourd (kolokynte, cucurbita) in the Sep-
343 Nagy 1939. 171–185.; Pavan 1984. 62.; Effenberger 1986. 143.; Hudák-Nagy 2009. 59.
344 Hudák - Nagy 2009. 48.; Heidl 2005. 212., 229.; Heidl 2014. 219–223.
345 Aug. Epist. LXXXII.35.; Hudák–Nagy 2009. 48.
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tuaginta and as ivy (hedera) in the Vulgata. Jerome made a thorough description
of the plant in his Commentary on the book of Jonah in 396, explaining his con-
troversial decision how to translate the name of this typical plant for Palestina.346
However, the interpretation of the excellent philologist György Heidl are
problematic at more points. It is obvious that we have no clear data, although
it cannot be ruled out that Jerome’s commentary on Jonah has been read in a
small rural town almost immediately after its appearance. It is unlikely that a Ro-
man itinerant painter, who used to work with sample books, in Sopianae strictly
adhered to Jerome’s text and painted a plant he had not seen before. It is also
unlikely that the painter himself was of Palestinian origin who painted the plant
based on his own experiences.347
For the first sight, as I told, the leafs look like ivy leafs. But for the second
sight, there is a long patch next to the head of the man standing on the ship look-
ing like a gourd. From the point of view of the composition, György Heidl rightly
stresses, that gourd trees are never depicted alone on the early Christian paint-
ings, they are growing always on a pergola-like structure.348 Gourd trees on their
own are apparent, however, on early Christian sarcophagi and other small finds
(like gold-sandwich glasses) because of compositional reasons, actually because
of the lack of more room for a pergola-like structure in the field of the image.349
Regarding iconography and compositional schemes of early Christian art of
the 4th century, the plant of Jonah in Pécs can be indeed a gourd tree, so this icono-
graphic debate is – in my opinion – not relevant as a church historical source in
this issue. I explained elsewhere, that this issue is not relevant from chronological
point of view, because the dating of the paintings to the end of the fourth century
is well attested on the basis of another analogies of contemporary late Roman art.350
III.6.4. Apostles Peter and Paul as Defenders of Orthodoxy
Zoltán Kádár raised at first the possibility, that the wall paintings in Pécs can be
intepreted in the context of church history, more precisely in the context of the
pro-Nicene ecclesiastical historical policy in the last third of the 4th century. Pope
Damasus, but even more Ambrose may have sponsored a great cultural-ecclesi-
346 Heidl 2005. 221–225.; Heidl 2014. 219–223.

347 Hudák 2009a. 73., note 122.
348 Heidl 2005. 221–229.; Heidl 2014. 221–222.
349 Koch 2000. Abb. 12., 27., 59., 71.
350 Hudák 2014. 257.
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astical propaganda (especially regarding Peter and Paul, two non-heretic saints
protecting Rome) with increasing respect that promoted orthodoxy against Arian-
ism (fig. 18.).351 According to a possible ecclesial historical concept, Peter and Paul
apostles, the new founders of Christian Rome became the heavenly supporters and
defenders of the true faith, Ambrose honored them in Milan, too, so their cult and
iconography could spread in the direction of Northern Italy and Illyricum as well.352
Is there any specific church political reason of the new fashion of the newly
established iconography of the representations of Peter and Paul in the second
half of the 4th century in those territories of the empire, which are under the ec-
clesiastical jurisdiction of the Roman pope, and therefore are they affected by the
intellectual impact of Rome?353
If yes, Peter and Paul, two great martyrs of the city of Rome can appear in
Sopianae as the bearer of the tradition of the universal Church led by Rome.354
In the middle of the 4th century, „Pannonia played a leading role in the history
of Christianity, because it was the stronghold of Arianism supported by the ruler”.355
In the last third of 4th century, the ecclesiastical political situation has been
changed in the Pannonian provinces, too, as I showed it above. According to
Zoltán Kádár, it is orthodoxy, which has a significant role to play from the be-
ginning of the 370s.356
In conclusion, the iconographical program of this burial chamber reflect in
its own funerary context the victory of orthodoxy in Pannonia. The apostles are
pointing to the christogram. This gesture can reflect victory,357 the victory of both
faith and true faith (orthodoxy) in the life and hopes of the dead buried here. The
composition scheme Peter, Paul and christogram is a variation of the dominus
legem dat scheme typical in the city of Rome on sarcophagi, mosaics, gold-sand-
wich glasses, etc.358 The gesture of acclamation towards Christ respect divine dig-
351 Kádár 1939. 9.; Kádár 1969. 187.

352 Essential ideas about the social role of the cult of the saints in Rome and in the West: Brown
1981.; in the anti-heretical policy: Sághy 2003.; in englsh: Sághy 2016. Concerning the role of
Peter and Paul in the context of their representations: Bisconti 2000b.
353 Since the pontificate of Liberius, forerunner of Pope Damasus, the cult of St. Peter gained an
extraordinary role in the local liturgy. Hellemo 1989. 84.; Pietri 1986. 48ff.
354 Hellemo 1989. 89.
355 Tóth 1991b. 745.
356 Kádár 1969. 187.
357 Kádár 1939. 6.
358 Sotomayor 1962. 108ff., see especially the sarcophagi from Lateran Nr. 108. and 151.; recent
analysis of the dominus legem dat compositional scheme and its possible theological interpre-
tation: Bugár 2014.
■ 79 ■
nity.359 Peter and Paul share the glory of Christ, but in fact, not only the saints and
martyrs share it, but the whole church.360 The interpretation of the scene in Sopi-
anae in connection with the anastasis (resurrection) is relevant since the 1930s.361
The prospective interpretation of the symbols in connection with afterlife,
more precisely eternal life, resurrection of the body, overcoming the death can
be relevant still today.362
III.6.5. The Reason for Emphasizing Victory Propaganda in Pannonia –

Roman Political Efforts in the Balkans in the last years of 4th century
Is it necessary to associate the symbol system of early Christian works of art

in Pannonia with Orthodox religious policy known only from written sources?
Why was it necessary to propagate orthodoxy at the very end of the 4th century
in Sopianae, while Arianism lost all its significance in the region already earlier,
in the 380s?
There were some reasons for these phenomena in the church policy.
The role of the Balkans has been more relevant from the point of view of the
imperial government after the middle of the 4th century.363 After the founding
of Constantinople, there were efforts to bring the Balkan bishoprics under the
influence of Constantinople. It can be said concisely, that Rome’s primacy was
emphasized because Illyricum was under the de facto jurisdiction practiced by
Thessaloniki by the end of the century.364 It was a difficult situation, because in
the secular administration this area belonged to the Eastern Empire i.e. to the so
called eastern provinces since the age of the tetrarchy. Rome wanted to consoli-
date its power in the region from the 380s. That is why the Thessaloniki Vicariate
was created. This ecclesiastical effort of Rome was relevant in the last quarter
of the 4th century, which brought important changes to the Church administra-
tion in the Middle and Lower Danube region. Pope Damasus founded the Vicar-
iate of Thessaloniki in 380 or 383 (it operated until 732).365 In addition, another
completely new administrative and religious center was created in 324. It was the
359 Euseb. Hist. Ekkl. 9. 9. 10.; Paleani 1986. 372.
360 Paleani 1986. 372.
361 Nagy 1937. 133–134.; Kádár 1939. 25., stressing the Pannonian relevance of similar interpre-
tations in the fragments of Victorinus of Poetovio; Gerke 1939. 18.
362 Nagy 2016b.215–217.
363 Moreau 2017. 268.
364 Hudák–Nagy 2009. 61.
365 Kurtscheid 1951. 129ff.; Moreau 2017. 271ff.
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episcopate of Constantinople, which became a patriarchate from 381. Constan-

tinople, although not an apostolic foundation, had the power of claiming a ‘sec-
ond Rome’ title. This title ranked him immediately after Rome, although imperial
government legally recognized it in the 6th century.366 At the end of the 4th centu-
ry and at the beginning of the 5th century, Rome appears to be more connected
to Salona (thus to Dalmatia) and Mediolanum to Sirmium (Pannonia).367 These
profound changes indicate complicated church political and theological relations
of the period. Anti-Nicene, i.e. Arian and Photinian teachings, though strongly
diminishing at the end of the 4th century and the beginning of the 5th century were
still present in Pannonia, especially in Sirmium and its surroundings.368
The fact that the iconographic parallels of Sopianae have clear links to simi-
lar painted depictions from Rome and Thessaloniki, in my view, reflects a clear
intention. There was a need for a social representation of the western orthodox
clergy led by Rome and the local orthodox élite. Triumphal propaganda with
similar iconographic features appearing in the Christian funeral art can clear-
ly refer to this close relationship. There was an artistic connection network be-
tween regional centers in Italy, Illyricum and the Balkans between cca 370–410.
This is not a unique phenomenon, because the artistic forms do not appear ex-
clusively l’art pour l’art. Behind the representation appears the commissioner’s
intent (eg. theological ideas and knowledge).369 Regarding the late Roman era, I
think that there should be venerated saints also in Sopianae. This sacred chain’
is the “carefully selected channel”370, where the Orthodox communities celebrating
their political and theological victory wanted to convert late Roman public religious
thinking in these regions.
Chr. Mavropoulou-Tsiumi for example explained the iconographical similar-
ities of the Old Testament Susanna scene from the Susanna grave in Thessaloniki
with analogies from roman catacombs – completely independent of me – also
with the jurisdiction of Rome above Thessaloniki and dated the painting to the
second half of the 4th century.371 István Bugár tended to accept this ecclesiastical
political meaning of the paintings in Sopianae, too.372 This means that Rome had
366 Szuromi 2017. 66–67.

367 Moreau 2017. 272.
368 A good example for that is the q-evangeliarium with Vetus Latina texts (contemporary with
the investigated paintings of Sopianae) used by Arians in Sirmium and or its surroundings.
Hudák–Nagy 2009. 61.
369 Bisconti 2000a. 30., 52., 76.
370 Tóth 2017. 24.
371 Mavropoulou–Tsiumi 2007. 101.
372 Bugár 2014. 294.
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an elemental interest in emphasizing his prerogatives on every front, on both

literary and artistic levels. Although we do not know, whether the painting of
the Pécs burial chamber was made for a bishop or for a church personality,373 the
unified program of representations is strongly associated with Orthodox con-
cepts. The central place of Peter and Paul in the composition of the painting pro-
gram can refer to their role as patrons of Rome. If there was a rotulus (scroll of
Scripture) in the hands of the apostles, the scene may belong to a dominus legem
dat composition.374 This interpretation is, however, not sure, the last restoration
could not provide more precise identification.
The biblical representations of the eastern and western walls belong to the
liberation scenes often depicted in Roman catacombs. Although the theological
program planned between the images of the side walls cannot be surely detected,
the individual scenes naturally have a theological meaning. As consequence of
the fall of Adam and Eve, humans moved away from the Creator, but God did
not let down his creatures. He saved Noah from the flood, saved Jonah from the
stomach of the whale (from the darkness of death, where he spent three days
old, just as Christ in the grave.) He even saved the whole humanity by sending
his only son as a Savior. According to the above interpretation, the Noah and
adoration (three magi, Mary and child) scenes painted on the western wall, are
symbols of joy and redemption after the commitment of the sins.375
The scenes of the St. Peter-Paul burial chamber are probably not only the the
themes of resurrection, salvation, defeat of death, eternal life, they can represent
also the victory of the Nicene Catholic church over heresies.376
III.6.6. „Talking” Caskets – a Special Source Group
Bronze casket mounts with biblical representations are peculiar archeological

and visual sources of the Pannonian Christianity in the 4th century. We know
little about their original function: the earlier eucharistic function of the wooden
caskets with bronze mounts (Eucharist-bearer) were rightly refuted,377 they were
probably objects without liturgical function.378
373 Fülep 1984. 41.

374 Bugár 2014. 286.
375 Lk 11. 29–32.; Jn 3. 16–21.; Vanyó 2000. 171.; Hudák–Nagy 2009. 60.
376 Kádár 1969. 187–188.; Giordani 1978. 243., 251.
377 Gáspár 2002. 75–76.
378 Nagy 2012b. 89.
■ 82 ■
The most likely assumption is that important personal objects, documents,

female toilet utensils were held in the caskets, and their surface was adorned
according to the owner’s taste, „worldview” with mythological or biblical or both
mythological and biblical scenes. Using iconographical conventions and chrono-
logical observations, we can separate more or less caskets with mythological and
biblical themes in connection with the classicising stilo bello style in Italy from
the middle third of the 4th century379 from another casket group, which can be
dated rather to the last third of the century with only biblical representations in
the style of contemporary sarcophagi from Italy.380
III.6.7. The Casket of Ságvár with the Depiction of Peter, Paul and Timothy
Endre Tóth found during the excavations of the inner fort of Ságvár (Tricciana)
in 1973 two fragments of bronze casket mounts with the inscribed representa-
tions of Peter, Paul and Timothy, which belong to the group of caskets made in
the last third of the 4th century (fig. 19.).381 The mounts were found in a rubbish
pit in the eastern tower of the southern gate, belonging to the second building
period of the fort with round towers (2nd half – last third of 4th century).
The shape of the legs, heads and hands of the figures and their unproportion-
al short bodies reflect the style of the Petrus and Paulus depictions from the vault
of burial chamber Nr. 3 of the SS. Pietro e Marcellino catacomb (dated to the end
of 4th century).382 The speciality of the casket iconography is indeed the inscribed
depiction of Timotheus.
Endre Tóth does not want to identify the figure with Timothy, bishop of
Ephesos, fellow of Paul from the New Testament (whose relics were translated
from Ephesus to Constantinople in 356), but with a martyr from Sirmium, who
was mentioned in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum created in Northern Italy
in the 430s with the feast day 15 May together with seven another martyr virgins
from Sirmium, too.383 An indirect argument for Endre Tóth’s view about a pop-
ular martyr of Sirmium can be the q-evangeliarium itself created in Illyricum at
the end of the 4th century, which contains an additional entry in its 7th century
379 Nagy 2012b. 88-89.; Hudák 2018.

380 Hudák 2003. 5–16., 42–45., 52–56., 88–89.; Hudák 2018.
381 Tóth 1987–1988. 35.; Tóth 1995. 116–121., 139–140.; Tóth 2014. 125–126.
382 Sotomayor 1962. 164.; Testini 1966. 291.; Hudák 2003. 53–54.
383 Mart. Hier. Idus Mai; Tóth 1989. 218–219.; Tóth 1995. 142–146.; Tóth 2014. 131–133.; Ko-
vács 2011. 45.; Kovács 2016. 151.
■ 83 ■
codex: „in Timothei et vi ...”.384 We do not know anything about Timothy’s life,
compared to Demeter or Syneros or Irenaeus, he himself did not enjoy an out-
standing respect in the city. The Ságvár find, however, if Endre Tóth’s interpreta-
tion is correct, can provide an evidence of the knowledge and cult of a sirmian
martyr in Valeria, to the far north of Sirmium.
The Vatican Museum preserves at least eight gold-sandwich glasses probably
made in Rome, including the depictions of the Roman Timothy martyr executed
possibly in 306 or 311 and venerated as late as in 354 in cimiterio Romae via Ostiensi
on the 22th august.385 The images show him mostly in the companion of Peter, Paul,
Christ, and with other Roman martyrs (Iustus, Simon, Florus, Pope of Sixtus II,
Hippolytos, St. Lawrence) together.386 These representations show Timothy part-
ly as bearded old man,387 but another gold-sandwich glases (two items from the
Vatican and another one from a grave in Augusta Praetoria) show him a beardless
young men.388 Timotheus on the casket of Ságvár is also a beardless young man.
Two cases are possible:
1. The Ságvár caskets depict Timothy, the Roman martyr who has still no
established iconography389 (the biblical Timothy from the New Testament
is rather unknown in the early Christian iconography).
2. Endre Tóth is right to say that this younger Timothy is the Pannonian mar-
tyr from Sirmium who is not identical with another Timothy, the martyr
venerated in Rome.390
In my opinion, if Timothy is a Roman martyr, the iconographical traces of his

representation came from Italy to the Pannonian inner fortress, but the casket it-
self may have been produced in Pannona. Even because of the provenance of the
384 Tóth 1995. 146.; Tóth 2014. 133., 135.

385 Verrano 1990. 846–850.
386 Morey 1959. Nr. 38.: Peter, Timoteus, Hippolytus; Nr. 55., 74., 258., 313.: Timoteus, Sixtus;
Nr. 344.: Christ, Peter, Paul, Sixtus, Lawrence, Hippolytus, Timoteus; Nr. 352.: Timoteus (with
Timote inscription); Nr. 364: Christ, Peter, Paul, Timoteus, Iustus, Simon, Florus; Tóth 2005.
146., notes 115–116. and Tóth 2014. 132., 134., note 53. collected the examples.
387 Morey 1959. Nr. 344.; Spier 2007. 13., fig. 6.
388 Augusta praetoria, Saint-Martin-de-Corléans cemetery, grave 17, with Pimoteus incription in
the companion of Peter, Paul, Florus and pope Sixtus II. Milano Capitale 1990. 292.; fig.
4e.4e.2c. Vatican Museum, together with pope Sixtus II again: Morey 1959. Nr. 55., 74.
389 Another Timotheus, a presbyter had also veneration at the Via Tiburtina with a pseudo-dama-
sian inscription. Verrano 1990. 849.
390 Tóth 1995. 146.
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casket which was produced in Pannonia, could depict a local Pannonian martyr
as well. Another problem complicates the interpretation, if we agree with Hyp-
polite Delehaye and Tibor Nagy, that Timotheus was originally a Syrian martyr
from Antiochia, who could be venerated in Sirmium on the 15. May and in other
cities on another feast days as well.391 A martyrology namely often gives up a hol-
iday in a particular town for a foreign martyr, if there is a respect for him there
for some reason. The most common reason for this is the presence of the foreign
martyr in the town venerated together with the relics of the local saints, but a
deep connection network between the Christian communities of two towns can
be also a reason for the admission of a martyr among the local martyrs. In this
case Timotheus on the Ságvár casket is – like Peter and Paul – not a local Pan-
nonian martyr.
Endre Tóth has briefly touched the debates about Peter’s primacy and about
the possible traditio legis and dominus legem dat composition on the casket: Pe-
ter has already received and read the bookroll (the divine law) given by Christ,392
rolled it down, at least in the picture. The interpretation of the representation can
be supplemented by the fact that the late 4th century caskets with depictions of
apostles can indicate a strong missionary wave from the italian centers (Aquileia,
Milan, Rome), which reached Pannonia together with an anti-Arian polemic
attitude as late as the late Valentinian – Theodosian period.
This does not mean that these objects were made in Italy, only compositional
and iconographical solutions are rather artistic condensations of the Pannonian
reconquista of orthodoxy. This is a possible meaning of the not only theological,
rather ecclesiastical political messages of our Christian images showing strong
Italian impact in composition, iconography and style.
III.6.8. A Single Contemporary Arius Depiction from Valeria?
We know only one depiction from Valeria, which can possibly be the condensa-
tion of the Arian-orthodox debate in connection with an archeological source.
There is a brick in the collection of the Wosinsky Mór Museum in Szekszárd with
an incised male figure with a stock and an ARSO subtitle (fig. 20.). The brick
came from Kisdorog, Tolna County in southern Transdanubia, from a late Ro-
391 Delehaye–Quentin 1931. ad locum Mart. Hier. Idus Mai (256:1.); Nagy 1939. 61.; Kovács
2011. 45.; Tóth 2014. 131–133.; Kovács 2016. 151.
392 Tóth 1995. 134–139.; Tóth 2014. 128–130.; new interpretation of the depiction type: Bugár
2014.
■ 85 ■
man tomb and probably from the second half of the 4th century.393 The publisher
of the brick, Edit B. Thomas interpreted the ARSO inscription as ARIO, so the
figure became in his publication an extraordinary representation of the heretic
presbyter in the late Roman Empire.394 Dorottya Gáspár, on the other hand, in-
terprets the subtitle as ARCO, so the male figure would stand in an arcus,395 i.e.
under a vault, which is not visible above the incised drawing. At first reading,
it seems as if the slightly curving third letter would be an “S”, so the inscription
should be ARSO. The letter “O” does not refer necessarily to dativus or ablativus.
There are also names in nominative, ending with “O” in 4th century Pannonia,
like the name of Seuso, the owner of the famous silver treasure exhibited now in
the Hungarian National Museum.
A relevant argument of Edit Thomas for the Arius interpretation is the read-
ing of the third letter as an “I”, which is in fact possible, when we assume that
the author of the drawing followed cursive Greek writing where cursive I may
indeed look like as an “S”.396
Another argument of Thomas for the Arius interpretation can be the obser-
vation, that the shape of the standing figure can show caricature signs. The figure
has no hair, so it could be a mocking allusion to the shaved heads of Egyptian
priests, like Arius.397
A third argument for the Arius interpretation was made by Levente Nagy,
who looked for the name Arius in Roman onomastic collections, finding out that
the name Arius is conventionally rare in Pannnonia, so it can be rather a foreign
than a local person.398
In this case, the heretic Arius himself would in fact be the object of the brick
incision, so the representation would be unique in the whole Empire.
Another argument of Edit Thomas about the priestly garment of the figure
is not convincing enough for me, since the identification of the dalmatica as a
distinctive priestly garment is highly controversial before the 4th century.399 De-
spite the fact that the brick itself has a fairly long dating possibility (the second
half of the 4th century), the representation may be important for the Pannonian
presence of Arianism.
393 Thomas 1973–1974. 77; Bóna 1999.

394 Thomas 1973–1974. 77–116.; Thomas 1982. 285–286., Abb. 33.
395 Gáspár 2002. 58–59.; Kat. 24. II. a. fig. 43.
396 Thomas 1973–74. 115.
397 Thomas 1973–74. 61–62.
398 Nagy 2014b. 274.
399 Pillinger 2004. 28.
■ 86 ■
Particularly important is the fact that besides this possible Arius image, we
know nothing about the Christian churches and their confessional affiliation in
the late Roman Valeria. The closest central town to the area of Kisdorog in Vale-
ria was Sopianae, but it is impossible to prove the existence of any nearby Arian
community because of the lack of any other sources.
The representation seems to me slightly caricaturistic along with the inscrip-
tion formulated in dative, I assume that the drawing is indeed a sketch of Ari-
us scratched on the brick. The supposed P(alma) E(merita) sign under the left
elbows of the figure could be an argument against caricaturistic interpretation,
supposing rather a supporter than an opponent of Arius and his teaching. On
the photo made by Renate Pillinger in 2012 (with the permission of the muse-
um), however, the letter „E” cannot be deciphered and a „P” seems to be not a
letter, but a well noticeable key of Roman type.
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IV.
The Situation of Christianity in the Provinces of

Pannonia in the Last Quarter from the End of 4th
Century Until the Hunnic Period
IV.1. The Historical-Economic Environment
I agree with the current opinion that the reasons of the fall of the Roman Empire
were not constant barbarian attacks and wanderings, but a row of tragic events
within a short time one after the other.400 These tragic events were only partly
attacks and migrations. The Romans lost their domination over the Germans
forever after 375, apart from some breath-taking breaks in the 380s and the 390s;
within a short time, they were forced to become defenseless defenders at least
in the Northern provinces.401 After the Battle of Hadrianopolis (378), the shock
of the Romans was so great that Rufinus saw that battle the beginning event of
the decline of the empire.402 Roman institutions tended to adapt to the gradually
transformed situation, besides a kind of continuity of the population in the more
protected parts of the empire.403
Political and commercial regionalization already prevailed in the western
mediterranean, and in the northern provinces, including Pannonia at the end of
the 4th century.404 Parallel with the decentralization in industry and art, the use
of local technological solutions becomes dominant and then the fragmentation
of economy becomes steady. For a while, everyday work and daily life is going on
even in Pannonia.405 There were movements and attacks, but the administration
and the military defense system continued to work.406 The military construction
400 Halsall 2008. 104., with further literature.

401 For example Alarich was in 395 already in the vicinity of Constantinople with his troops, only
clever diplomacy could hold them away from the imperial center. Kiss 2008. 84.
402 Rufin. Hist. Eccl. 11.13.
403 Halsall 2008. 104.
404 Wickham 200. 821–822.
405 Tóth 2009. 161.
406 Visy 2012. 44.
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■ IV. The Situation of Christianity in the Provinces of Pannonia... ■
works continued in Pannonia after the 380s (Restkastells, towers inside of the
former forts were built407), during these works, „pursuits of speed and searching
for cheaper solutions” can be observed.408
The peaceful period also brought peace to the inner areas:409 the last years
of the 4th century still favoured the boom and economic prosperity of the lo-
cal workshops. It is enough to think only of the cereal export from Pannonia
mentioned by Ambrose410, or of the large-scale late 4th century buildings of the
northern cemetery of Sopianae,411 including St. Peter and Paul burial chamber.
During the activity of peraequator Flavius Lupus in 396–397, the taxes in Pan-
nonia Secunda could be used for the building of walls of the still undefended
towns.412 The inscription of the bronze tablet found at Beremend, Ida-major413
also speaks for a peaceful time in the end of the 4th–early 5th century, when Vale-
rius Dalmatius, former governor of province Lugdunensis Tertia settled down
in the region.414 The extraordinarily luxurious villa estate in Nagyharsány with
mosaic floors415 is only 7 km away from Beremend, Ida-major. One of the mosa-
ics made possibly at the end of the 4th century shows the personification of one
of the the major cities of the empire, Antiochia.416 It is possible that this villa was
the property of Valerius Dalmatius, as Zsolt Mráv assumed.417
In Pannonia, in the words of András Mócsy, there was still „a kind of equi-
librium state”.418 This is a more peaceful period, in which „the population is all
the same despite all the difficulties they lived in”419 until the first years of the 5th
century. Endre Tóth thinks that this period can be expanded until the 430s.420
407 Fazekas 2014. 32–35.

408 Tóth 2009. 161.; Kiss 2007.; Kiss 2008. 67–68.
409 Kiss 2008. 69.
410 Ambros. Epist. XVIII. 21. : “… Frumentum Pannoniae, quod non severant, vendiderunt: …”
411 Like the building of the large cella septichora. Visy 2006.
412 AnnÉp. 1968. 113.; Nagy 1971. 339.; Kovács 2004. 137.
413 ILS 8987.; Mommsen 1902. 836–840.
414 Kiss 2008. 69–70. The boundary between Valeria and Pannonia Secunde could be situated
near Beremend, Ida-major. Tóth 2009. 165., note 973.
415 Earlier excavation report: Fülep–Burger 1979. 293. Since 2017 Zsolt Mráv launched new trial
excavations in the spot.
416 Tóth 2009. 165., note 973.
417 Tóth 2009. 165., note 973.; Mráv 2003. 351.
418 Mócsy–Gabler 1986. 373.
419 Tóth 2009. 165.
420 Tóth 2009. 165.
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IV.2. Barbarization of material culture at the beginning of the 5th

century. The Central Danube countryside
IV.2.1. Eastern Germanic Koine. Briefly about the Foederati Problem
The provincial frontier population witnessed the inflow of economically „parasite”

Germanic population when a kind of Germanization process began.421 The 5th cen-
tury in the Central Danube region can be described as Eastern Germanic Culture
Complex (Jaroslav Tejral), or Eastern Germanic koine (Volker Bierbrauer).422
In the middle of the 5th century, Leonianus was born in Savaria, who later
became an abbot in Vienne, in Gallia. His tombstone also tells us that Leonianus
came to Gallia after 472 along with the eastern Goths of Widimer.423 Saint Martin
in Braga who worked in Hispania was also of Pannonian origin.424
The creation period of the koine is still the last third- last quarter of the 4th
century (Bierbrauer/Tejral period D1) in southeast Slovakia and northwest Hun-
gary, with the strong effects of the Cernjachov culture. Over time, in the first
half of the 5th century (Bierbrauer/Tejral D2 period) the Eastern Germanic koine
evolved between today’s Lower Austria and Romania, whose elements are iden-
tifiable mainly in élite burials.425 Within the Eastern Germanic koine, the people
(gentes) that appear in the written sources are surely present, but their identifi-
cation is archeologically almost impossible. Systematic archaeological work that
has been going on for more than a hundred years is increasingly drawing a pic-
421 “Local craftsmen started to work according to Germanic taste, according to their needs, “bar-
barian” taste and styles was mixed with the Roman style. In the closed, walled towns, barbar-
ians appeared only from the 5th century with their full economic and political weight. Arche-
ologically, the appearance of Germans in cities is difficult, because urban dwellings, Christian
cult sites - unlike the Huns - are not always destroyed, but will be put into use. Thus, a destruc-
tion layer of a building can be slightly later than its barbarian use. The situation is different for
earthquakes: an earthquake in 447 in Constantinople destroyed the walls of many other cities
that attracted the Huns and the Germans. The walls were everywhere rebuilt by the townspeo-
ple to preserve their lives and wealth.” Hudák 2002. 39. See also Bóna 1984. 271–272.
422 Bierbrauer 2015. 372., with further literature. An important archeological source of the 5th
century German Christianity can be a silver bowl from Kismákfa (near Sárvár, North-West
Transdanubia) with 12 birds (alluding to the 12 apostles?), if it is really of early Christian
origin. However, it has not been decided that the Kismákfa finding is false or true, as it is not
exactly proven where it can be dated within the 5th century. It was probably the third quarter of
the 5th century. Tóth 1994–1995.
423 Tóth 1976. 110.; Kiss–Tóth–Zágorhidi 1998. fig. 71.
424 Gregor Turon. Hist. V. 37.; Venant. Fortun. Carm. C. 2., 231–232.; Tóth 1976. 110.
■ 90 ■
ture about sciri, herules, Danube suebi, gepids, ostrogoths of the Hunnic period,
who can not be archeologically detected and isolated within the koine.426
German members of Roman guards and troops helped the acceleration of
Germanization, among whom there were Christians.427 According to Magdolna
Kiss, a much lower number of foederati and members of the Gothic-Hunnic-Al-
an group of Alatheus and Saphrac soon dissolved among the local Provincials.
Their find material should not be therefore massive and one cannot separate
them from Roman and other barbarian objects.428
In the forts of Lussonium and Visegrád-Gizellamajor, soldiers and their fam-
ily members carried out agricultural work in the lands and traded with barbar-
ians on the other side of the Danube up to the first half of the 5th century.429 Péter
Gróf connected some graves in the cemetery of the Visegrád, Gizellamajor fort-
let (Visegrád, Diós) to Cernjachov material culture. He believes, that since the
380s there were barbarians who had settled and were integrated into the life of
the limes fortlet.430 The common presence of the finds of Roman and barbarian
character and the uniform burial order of the cemetery refers to the integration
of the settling barbarians431 and to a peaceful coexistence,432 which we can ob-
serve elsewhere, in the interior arrangement of other Pannonian cemeteries.433
Smoothed pottery become highly fashionable, their use spreads over time, the
same traits and patterns found in many items refer to close relationship between

427 This meant, that in spite of the protest of the Orthodox Church, it was necessary to have a tem-
ple for them. In the empire, the Arian temples of Germanic origin appeared. Maybe the first (?)
Arian temple was consecrated in Rome between 462–470 in the Suburba district, when Rici-
mer was the magister militum, which was named after the Catholization of the church Santa
Agatha. At the time of Theodoric, the number of Arians in Rome was still quite enough. Greg.
Magn. Dial. III. 30. In Ravenna must have been stood an Arian church before 476 because
of the existence of the Germanic guards. Its operation was also possible by the ecclesiastical
political conditions under Emperor Honorius. Deichmann 1974. 244ff. Apart from Ravenna,
however, nowhere are known larger numbers of Arian churches. The reason for this is that
written sources have scarcely survived. Pope Gregory mentions only some of them: the Saint
Agatha (today Sta Agatha dei Goti) and the St Severinus churches. Greg. Magn. Epist. III. 19.;
IV. 19. Arian churches came through recatholization processes in orthodox hands. Their inte-
rior space was sometimes completely transformed, even in order to try to abolish the memory
of Arianism. Dacl 1924. 2819.
428 Kiss 2008. 71., 75–76.; Bierbrauer 2011b. 122–137.; Bierbrauer 2015. 365–460., with criti-
cal methodological comments.
429 Lengvári 1995. 26–27.; Gróf 1992. 133.; Fazekas 2014. 124–134.
430 Gróf 1992. 133.
431 Gróf 1992. 133.
432 Alföldy 1996. 131–132.
433 Kiss 2008. 69.
■ 91 ■
towns and areas of Pannonia where smoothed ware was produced.434 In 2005,
Endre Tóth chronologically divided this ceramic material into two groups,435 but
recently processed settlement and funerary contexts show the chronology of this
kind of pottery from the second third of the 4th century until the second half of
5th century,436 consequently the smoothed ware cannot be the proof of 4th–5th
century ethnic interpretations any more.
For the last third of the 4th century were rather destructions than systematic
migrations characteristic. Not only barbarian raids and burglaries, but also Ro-
man tax burden could make people escape for other territories, for example the
coarse tax policy of Probus praefectus praetorio which received negative evalua-
tion in contemporary sources (368–375, 383–387).437
IV.3. Leaving the Pannonian Provinces in the Hunnic Period
The peaceful period of the Pannonian provinces ends from the beginning of
the 5th century.438 Due to renewed barbarian attacks, more provincials fell out
of the circulation of the Western Roman Empire, often for a long time or per-
manently.439 The lives of the provinces of Pannonia are different in the first third
of the 5th century and there is no clear written record of any source about exact
events: which province when was torn apart from the Empire?440 Edward Alan
Thompson considered in 1948 that after the Battle of Hadrianopolis, most of
Pannonia, especially the eastern regions, were under Hunnic rule.441 However,
András Alföldi had already shown in 1942 that in the last third of the 4th century
most of the limitanei (troops guarding the frontiers) were still on their place.442
According to András Alföldi, the province of Valeria was officially offered to
434 Kiss 2008. 69–78. At the same time, the research led by Sándor Soproni still considered that the
Pannonian appearance of the smoothed pottery can be linked to the appearance of the peoples
of Alatheus and Saphrac. Soproni 1978. 206.; Soproni 1985.; Salamon–Barkóczi 1982. 147–
162.; Grünewald 1979. 80–88.; Grünewald 1986. 10–11. This view cannot be longer main-
tained. Kiss 2008. 72–73. Katalin Ottományi believes smoothed pottery is widespread in a larger
number from the 370s, but from the Romans to the barbarians. Ottományi 1996. 71–133.
435 Tóth 2005.
436 Heinrich-Tamáska – Prohászka 2008. 149.; Bierbrauer 2011b. 134., with further examples.
437 Bratož 2011b. 590–594.
438 Visy 2012. 44.
439 PRK 1990. 50–51.; Bóna 1993. 18–23., 44–62.; Kovács 2004. 140–141.
440 Tóth 2009. 161.
441 Thompson 2003. 33.
442 Alföldi 1942. 746.
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the Huns in 406, then Pannonia Prima in 433.443 During the excavations carried
out in the meantime, however, distribution of archaeological finds did not prove
these two phases.
In the 420s, Ruga Hunnic king moved the Huns’ headquarters from the Low-
er-Danube Region to the Carpathian Basin. The Huns may appear in this area
more likely only around 425,444 or at the latest around 420–425.445 „After extend-
ing their rule to the Great Hungarian Plain, Valeria ... soon came under their au-
thority and occupation.”446
In the earlier relevant literature, the end of Valeria included the following years:
406447, 409448, 406449, in 425 or shortly thereafter, in 434–435450, 443451. Pannonia
Prima, according to the earlier literature, could be handed over in the following
years: 431452, 433453, 433 or later454, 434–435455. (Emperor Avitus tried at last to re-
conquer Pannonia Prima in 455.456) Savia’s defense was a key to Italy’s security457,
according to previous opinions, the province was handed over in 433 or 446.458
The only reliable date was 441, when Sirmium cam under Hunnic rule. An-
drás Alföldi believed that the Western Roman government had given Transdanu-
bia to the Huns under a contract.459 László Várady and András Mócsy doubted
it because of the lack of relevant data.460 The commencement of the dispatch of
Valeria and the emptying the population is the most rational explanation for the
lack of the office of the praeses in the Notitia Dignitatum.461 The first version of
443 Alföldi 1926. 90.; Tóth 2009. 159., with relevant previous literature.
444 Harmatta 1953. 9.
445 Mócsy 1974. 194.
446 Tóth 2009. 162.
447 Mócsy 1962. 581.
448 Demougeot 1951. 365–366.
449 Alföldi 1926. 90.
450 Bóna 1984. 269.; Bóna 1993. 48.
451 Harmatta 1953. 6.; Tomka 1993. 12.; Tomka 2001. 171.
452 See the data of O. Seeck for refuting the date. Tóth 2009. 173.
453 Alföldi 1926. 90.; Nagy 1971. 71.; Tomka 1993. 12.; Tomka 2001. 171.; Thompson 2003. 63.,
73.
454 Bóna 1984. 158.
455 Bóna 1984. 269.
456 Sidon. Apoll. Carm. 7.
457 Tóth 2009. 177.
458 Bóna 1984. 271. Endre Tóth is skeptical of these inferred years without written sources. Tóth
2009. 176.
459 Alföldi 1926 90.
460 Várady 1969 303–307.; Mócsy 1968 9–20.
461 Tóth 2009. 172.
■ 93 ■
the text of Notitia Dignitatum dates back to 395/396, the last emendations were
changed around 420–430.462
Endre Tóth pointed out that a new Roman frontier defense model was cre-
ated by the end of the first decade of the 5th century, according to which Valeria
can be “binded down from the Empire.”463 In spite of the fact that at that time,
around 410, no province was occupied by the Huns, the dates 406, 433, 445–446
are fictitious, without any proofs and evidence.464
I agree with Endre Tóth’s view that these years (eg. 406 and 433) should not
be taken into account.465 However, the dates of András Alföldi remained valid in
the international research until present.
IV.4. The Escape of the Provincial Population from Pannonia

and the Translations of martyrs’ relics in the First Third of the 5th
Century
IV.4.1. Migrations and Relocations of relics from the Beginning

of the 5th century to the Hunnic Period
From the military point of view, apart from some minor burglaries, after more
calmer years the next serious wound was 401, Alarich’s campaign and then 402,
the passing of vandals and suebes through the region. When the Huns appeared
around 395 with a larger population at the Lower-Danube, Germans of the Dan-
ube region went into intensive escape. As result of barbarous retreats, the local
provincial population began to escape to the inner provinces.
According to the data of Claudius Claudianus and Zosimus, Pannonia Se-
cunda increasingly lost contact with the Western Empire after 402. In Savia
Goths were present with their king, Athaulf, until 408. 466 Between 402 and 408,
462 Kulikowsky 2000. 360.

463 Tóth 2009. 177.
464 Tóth 2009. 175–176.
465 Tóth 2009. 176.: “The date 433 and the “Ravenna Treaty” can be definitively canceled from the
history of the Pannonian provinces, although the date has been accepted in both Hungarian
and foreign literature. [...] there are no direct source data for the transfer of the province(s) by
contract.”
466 Zosim. Hist. Nea V, 37, 1. Péter Kovács on the basis of his source analysis localized Athaulf ’s
Goths to Savia, closer to Italy, instead of the previously accepted Pannonia Prima. Kovács
2004. 135.
■ 94 ■
visigoths of Alarich lived near Pannonia Secunda, settled down by Stilicho.467

Based on a record of Sozomenus, it can be concluded that they were to the east
of Pannonia Secunda and Dalmatia.468
Radagaisus with „ethnic” groups of complex composition has created great
fear among the peoples of the provinces. His barbarian troops ravaged and
slaughtered in 405 through the Pannonian provinces towards Italy.469 The
crown of the events was Alarich’s Italian campaign in 410, then the appearance
of the Huns in the Carpathian Basin after 420. After leaving the provinces, the
abandoned Roman garrisons were occupied by self-imposed bands or local
troops belonging to Rome, perhaps to a Germanic commander. The roads of
the empire were overthrown by the Goths, then by other Germanic peoples,
the Alanic troops, and finally the Huns raided and piled up the towns of the
provinces.470
The massive escape of the Pannonian population to the more protected Ital-
ian territory began already in the early years of the 5th century. According to our
present knowledge, mass migrations began after 405, the attack of the troops of
Radagaisus. There are more imperial regulations published in 408 because of the
problem that the refugees could not prove their origin and many of them got
into slavery.471 Rajko Bratož analyzed the migrations from Pannonia in the first
half of the 5th century in 2011. He separated two major waves for which he had
connected relic translations. 472
1. The first migration wave at the beginning of the 5th century, cca. 401–410.
Three attacks: 401 (Alarich), 405 (Radagaisus), 408 (Alarich).473
Relic-translations:
1. Quirinus, even before 405, from Savaria.474
467 Claud. cons. VI. Honorii 227.; Zosim. Hist. Nea V. 26. 29.; PRK 1990. 50.
468 Sozom. Hist. Ekkl. IX. 4. 4., the source is correctly interpreted by Kovács 2004. 135.
469 Zosim. Hist. Nea V. 26.; Oros. Hist. VII. 37.; Chron. min. I. 299.
470 Hudák 2002. 39.; Burns 1980. 59.; Sokol 1997. 220ff.
471 Cod. Theod. V. 7. 2. = Cod. Iust. I. 4. 11.; Cod. Theod. X. 10. 25. Summary of their assessment:
PRK 1990. 51., 280.; Nagy 1947. 255–256.
472 Probably not all Pannonians moved to the southern, more protected provinces, who finan-
cially could do it. Bratož also believes that a part of the Roman élite remained in Pannonia.
Bratož 2011b. 605–606.
473 Bratož 2011b. 595–598.
474 Bratož 2011b. 600.
■ 95 ■
2. The quattor crowned saints from Sirmium. He dated probably the Passio
Sancti Sebastiani with a similar story and similar martyrs’ names from
Rome as an analogy of the passio IV sanctorum coronatorum to the mid-
dle of the 5th century. Consequently, he dated the translation of their relics
to the beginning of the century.475
3. The relics of six clerical martyrs from Pannonia Secunda (Fortunatus,

Donatus, Romulus, Silvanus, Venustus, Hermogenés) to Aquileia around
410.
2. The second migration wave occured in 441 from Sirmium to Thessaloniki.476

Relic translations of St. Demetrius and Anastasia.477
I think that there are some problems with Rajko Bratož’s dates:
1. The Alarik’s campaign of 401 did not affect Transdanubia either.478 Why
would they flee then from Transdanubia? Hungarian research dated the
translation of the Quirinus relics more correctly to 405.479
2. Bratož dated the translations of the six martyrs from Pannonia Secunda
without considerable arguments to the period around 410 (perhaps due
to the 408 campaign). These martyrs had their cult in Italy, but we do not
know when one took their relics to Italy.480 There is probably a not verifi-
able theory of Rudolf Egger in the background of the dating.481 Egger said
Christians migrated around 409–410 from Pannonia Secunda together
with Athaulf to Italy with the relics of their saints. The main argument
of this theory is the postulated identification of Ulfius vir illustis in the
legend of Hermagoras martyr with Athaulf, who was also vir illustris.482
475 Bratož 2011b. 601.

476 Bratož 2011b. 605–606.
477 Bratož 2011b. 605–606.
478 The Alarik’s troops from Macedonia went through „Pannonia and Sirmium” to the Iulian Alps:
Iord. Get. 147.: „sumpto exercitu, per Pannonias ... Stilicone et Aureliano consulibus ... et per Si-
rmium, dextroque latere quasi viris vacuam intravit Italiam „; Kiss 2000–2002. 152.; Kiss 2008.
88.
479 Cf: Nagy 2012a. 102–108. See more on this topic in my chapter about the relics of St. Quirinus.
480 Nagy 2012a. 26–27., with further literature.
481 Egger 1948. 208–246.
482 Levente Nagy also does not consider it convincing enough. Nagy 2012a. 27.
■ 96 ■
IV.4.2. The Mysterious Valeria Media Province
When Endre Tóth dealt with the topographical data of the unknown geographer
of Ravenna, which seemed to be confused at first glance,483 but he managed also
to recognize on the Tabula Peutingeriana map484 an entry written with a different
colour: Valeria Media between Dalmatia and Pannonia Prima, partly in the area
of Savia. Valeria Media seemed to be a previously unknown, new late-Roman
province of the 5th century. Endre Tóth attempted to illuminate its history in
connection with the former southwestern Pannonia and Noricum area.485
The story of the province mentioned in a number of medieval sources486 is
still waiting for writing. Rajko Bratož, however, thinks that the wave of migra-
tion in the Hunnic period towards Italy, did not result a new province with own,
provincial administration.487
According to the hypothesis of Endre Tóth, Aëtius could have established
new province in the 430s (this is the period of the last emendation layer of the
Tabula Peutingeriana map) when former Valeria Ripensis was occupied by the
Huns. The civil and military administration has ceased to exist and the Romans
fleeing from Valeria formed a new one among the high mountains of the South-
eastern Alps.488
He argued that the territory of the former Valeria Ripensis province is the
only area, where Roman place names did not survive in the Middle Ages.489 To
the east of the Lake Balaton there are no geographic names, ie. the population
has radically changed.490 In his earlier opinion, an argument for the evacuation
of the province is the circumstance, that during the last corrections of the Notitia
Dignitatum, somebody deleted the data about the civilian administration, only
the data about the military management of the province remained in the list.491
He also thought that creating a new province and resettling the civilian popu-
lation may have been just a plan or just started, but not necessarily finished.492
483 Anonym. Rav. IV. 20.

484 Tab. Peut. Regio Transpadana Segm. III. 2–3; Tóth 1989. 208–210.; Abb. 2–3.
485 Tóth 1989. with the full literature and philological problems of the topic.
486 Arbeo, Vita S. Corbiniani 15.; Aethra. Ister Cosmogr. 103.; see even 16–17. century maps of
Wolfgang Lazius and Ferenc Forgách; Tóth 1989. 210–216.
487 Bratož 2011a. 605., Anm. 89., 91.
488 Tóth 1989. 224–225.
489 Tóth 1976. 112–113.; Bóna 1993. 46., 48.
490 Tóth 2009. 164.
491 Tóth 2009. 178–179.
492 Tóth 2009. 180.
■ 97 ■
In the cella septichora mausoleum of Sopianae, northern cemetery built only

for funeral purposes, the lack of burials and the unfinished condition of the build-
ing can only be explained, that the people left their place of residence.493 The inner
fortress of Iovia was also left unexpectedly and briefly by the population some-
time in the first decade of the 5th century,494 not the material culture changes in
the 5th century in its first decade in Eastern Transdanubia, but the population?495
Archaeological data can change the hypothesized Valeria Media story: in the
territory of Slovenia there are several 4th century hillforts, some of them disappear
in the middle of the 5th century,496 while many other fortresses, fortified settle-
ments, or refugia (in many cases with ancient Christian basilicas) were just estab-
lished in the second half of th 5th century and were still in use in the 6th century.497
Is it possible that these new settlements were already established in Valeria Media?
The fortified fortresses, settlements and refugia are partly in the territory of
former Savia, partly of Noricum Mediterraneum, partly in the area of Venetia
and Histria (eg. Kuzelin, Kukelj, Ozalj, Zbelovska Gora, Tinje, Tonovcov Grad,
Bašelj, Hom, Dunaj, Vrbljani): among them, there were also continuously inhab-
ited places (eg. Kuzelin in the place of a prehistoric site was inhabited with minor
interruptions from the end of 4th until the end of 6th century).498 We have remains
of Christian churches in fortified settlements mostly in the territory of the former
Savia province (Ozalj).499
Despite the fact that some late antique hill settlements (Panorama, Breg,
Videm, Kozjansko) can not be accurately dated,500 between their first (second
half of the 4th century – the beginning of the 5th century) and second periods
(second half of the 5th century – 6th century, sometimes from the middle of the
7th century) there is a gap, even the Hunnic period.501
493 Tóth 2009. 163.

494 Tóth 2009. 163.
495 Tóth 2009. 163.
496 Kiss 2008. 69.
497 Initially for the purpose of border protection (protecting Italy), the first periods of Slovenian
highland fortresses were used for refugium purposes during and immediately after the reign of
Valentinianus I, 364–378: Ciglenečki 1997. 200–201. Fortresses in Slovenia, which were ex-
plored until the 1980s, are listed described: Ciglenečki 1987. 271ff, recent research of Tonovcov
Grad: Ciglenečki–Modrijan–Milavec 2011. 273–287. During this period, a number of Slove-
nian caves were inhabited by refugees for a short time, some caves served as a cult place, for exam-
ple Tomiceva Jama (Škocjan), Jama Zlodjev (Zgornja Pohanca), Godič: Ciglenečki 1997. 201.
498 Sokol 1997. 222.
499 Migotti 2002. 51.; Šimek 2016. 173–177.
500 Ciglenečki 1987. 267–268.
501 Ciglenečki–Modrijan–Milavec 2011. 70–71., 270–271., 273–274.
■ 98 ■
Thus, these forts are not (or not necessarily) settlements established by refu-
gees arriving from Valeria in the 430s.
Moreover, more late Roman cemeteries from Transdanubia are dateable re-
cently until the middle of the 5th century including Hunnic period,502 so the dat-
ing of the migration of masses from Transdanubia in the Hunnic period may
witness later reconsideration.
In sum, there is no archaeological evidence for the Valeria Media theory, the
lack of Roman geograpgical names, the collapse of the civil administration, or
the abandonment of some buildings in Iovia or Sopianae can prove an intensive
migration process towards Italy, but not necessarily the establishment of a new
province with a new civil administration.
IV.4. 3. The Decline of the Pannonian Church Organization in the First

Third of the 5th Century
The turbulent public states of the migration period did not benefit the ecclesias-
tical life of the provinces. Bishops of the Pannonian churches were absent from
the councils from the beginning of the 5th century, some communities may have
been broken up.503 The political situation was quite different in the northeastern
part of Gallia, on the left bank of the Rhine or in Carinthia, where the orthodox
church organization may persist and remained unchanged in spite of missing
bishops in the towns and other local problems.504
The Christian communities of Pannonia may have been pushed within the
walls of towns, forts, secluded villa estates far from road network. The inhabitants
of Pannonian and Noricum vici often entered the military forts in the 4th century,
where their presence can be archeologically proven even in the 5th century.505
IV.4.4. The Situation of Sirmian Christianity until the Hunnic Period
At the beginning of the 5th century, when the Danube limes begins to collapse,
the significance of Sirmium becoming gradually a border town decreases in the
502 Heinrich-Tamáska–Straub 2015. 623–625.

503 Bóna 1973. 281–338.
504 Eg. for Lugdunum: Reynaud 1998. 19–22.
505 Summary in Kovács 1999. More about the appearance of civilians and children in military
structures, with additional literature: Kiss 2008. note 65.
■ 99 ■
networks of church administration (Eastern Illyricum was since 392 an own

praefectura), while the significance of the more protected Salona grew.506 The
decay of Sirmium as a center of church administration exacerbated persistent
barbarian raids and burglaries. The written sources of the religious life of the
former imperial center are shrinking by the 5th century.
In 409, Pope St. Innocent praised the Cornelius, sirmian Bishop departed for a
couple of years a letter to a bishop of Marcianus of Naissus when he wrote about
local Bonosian heretics.507 That is, Arians were still tolerated in Sirmium, where
Laurentius was the bishop (401–417), even in the first quarter of the 5th century.508
. If such news came to the pope, they were not just the local affairs of the city
or its region. Sidonius Apollinaris explained in one of his letters, that there were
photinians in Sirmium still in the years around 410, who held their meetings at
landowners’ holdings, most of them were rusticani.509 These are the last reports
about the Arian510 and Photinian511 communities of Sirmium, former headquarter
of heresies.512
An important memory of this era is the q-evangeliarium associated with the
Arians. In the opinion of Rajko Bratož, the escape of the inhabitants towards the
Adriaticum and Italy took place already in the first decade of the 5th century.513
In my opinion, this dating is partly a bit early.
From 424/425, but no later than 437, the town of Sirmium belongs to the Eastern
Roman Empire. The church organization may be considered continuous during the
conquest of the Huns and even afterwards. Archeological finds of the urban basili-
ca excavated in 1978, can support this assumption. According to the archeological
506 Bratož 2011a. 217.

507 Innoc. Epist. XVI.: „… sanctae recordationis vir Cornelius episcopus Sirmiensis urbis.”
508 Innoc. Epist. XVI. XLI.; Bratož 2011a. 239–243., Appendix; Duval 1979. 81. The city name
in the letter is emended as Sirmium by Zeiller 1918. 145–146., Siena by Pietri 1976. 919–
920. Pietri’s emendation needs, however, further improvements.
509 Sidon. Apoll. Epist. VIII. 4. 1.
510 In 428, after Nestorius became patriarch of Constantinople, the Arians were still problematic
communities. In May 428, Nestorius condemned together with the Emperor heresies, including
Arianism. We do not know how Sirmium was affected by this provision. Nagy 1945. 74.
511 Photinians fled to the Balkans after 380 from Sirmium, where they merge into the Bonosian
heresy (Bonosus was bishop after 384 in Naissus). After Italian bans (400, 407, 418) they fled
to the west. In 442, they were banned by the synod of Arles. Bratož 2011b. 603–604. The
Ephesian Synod accused Nestorius in 431 of being photinian, following the heresy of Paulus
of Samosata, Marcellus of Ancyra and Photeinus. Proklos sees in his condemnatory speech
against Nestorios in the concept of the Theotokos’s rejection the renewal of the falsehood of
Photeinos. Nagy 1945. 75., 78.
512 Bratož 2011a. 218.
513 Bratož 2011a. 218.
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observations, the basilica was built in the 5th century, perhaps in its second quarter
and middle (fig. 8.).514 According to Vladislav Popović, the basilica is identical with
the St. Demetrius church built in Sirmium by Leontius praefectus, mentioned in
the second passion story of St. Demetrius.515 Levente Nagy thinks that there is no
historical-archaeological evidence for this theory yet.516 On the other hand, in my
opinion, it is likely that the passio altera was written at the time of the 6th century,
when Demetrius connections with Sirmium were known.517 A destruction layer
belonging to the attacks of Alarich between 401 and 408 can provide a terminus post
quem for the 5th century dating of the church.518 Only indirect arguments support
the dating to the second quarter of the 5th century, since the reassignment of Sirmi-
um to the Eastern Roman Empire was around 425, Marcellinus victory in 427.519
IV.4.5. Transfers of Relics in the First Half of the Fifth Century
From the beginning of the 5th century, we hear about bishop’s names only from
a few South Pannonian towns, Sirmium, Siscia, Bassiana, Sirmium himself
changed only seven times rulers between 405 and 427.520 The Orthodox ecclesi-
astical administration of Pannonia Prima has probably fallen before.521
The great emigrations from Pannonia were responsible for the transfers of
relics of the local saints in Italy and the Eastern Roman Empire.522 Apart from the
great construction programs of funerary basilicae in the Constantinian Rome,
the building of extra muros cemetery basilicae have become customary in the
western provinces in the last third and the end of the 4th century.523 Almost at
514 The relatively small (30×11 m) three naved apsidal basilica contained an exedra with some
steps in good condition, an altar with ciborium and a cancellum of semicircle shape. Duval
1979. 85–88.; PRK 1990. 262.; Popović 1987. 117–122.; Duval–Popović 1984. 543–544.
515 Popović 1987. 121.
516 Nagy 2012a. 50–51.
517 Tóth 2007. 34–40.
518 The date 401 of the attack is most likely. Cf. Iord. Get. 147. This burned destruction layer con-
tained coins minted between 383 and 395 and another coin minted between 394 and 402. The
foundation walls of the church and 25 graves of the cemetery around the church including a
sarcophagus were dug into this destruction layer. Popović 1987. 119–121.
519 However, the graves of the cemetery around the church have few grave goods, one iron knife, a
brooch and a bone comb are not suitable for exact date. The coins minted from 408 to 423 near
the church are not found in intact archeological context. Popović 1987. 121. See also Nagy
2012a. 50–51.
520 Marrou 1985. 209.; Hudák 2002. 40.
521 Alföldi 1938. 154ff.; Hudák 2002. 40.
522 Tóth 2000. 22–39.
523 Bowes 2008. 588.
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the same time, the transfers of Christian martyrs’ relics from original tombs to
churches became a wide spread habit in Italy and in the western provinces af-
ter the famous example promoted by Ambrose with the relics of Gervasius and
Protasius in Milan in 386.524 In spite of an imperial decree prohibiting the inter-
ference of burials, Ambrose continued to move the relics of various saints also
after 386, some of St Peter’s and St. Paul‘s relics were also transported to Milan.525
It is also due to the influence of Damasus, Ambrose and the intellectual move-
ment around them that the fashionable forms of martyrdom in the Mediterrane-
um are beginning to spread from the second half of the 4th century towards the
Northern provinces. The cult of martyrs received a new impetus and it served
Orthodox religious policy purposes.526
At the end of the 4th century, the cult of martyrs had already attracted huge
masses. This means, where there are relics, pilgrims go there. Pilgrims liked to
be in relatively safe places, where Roman law and administration worked con-
inuously.
I think that the transfers of relics of saints from the Pannonian provinces to
Italy may have been possible until Savia was under Roman administration, from
the 430s on it was rather better to move relics safely towards Byzantium. That
priority could be the reason of the transports of relics from Sirmium to the more
protected southern ecclesiastical centers, Thessaloniki and Byzantium. There-
fore, we can define the dating of relic transfers better.
In the following chapters, I examine six surely recorded and two assumed
relic transfers from Pannonia examining their historical-archaeological sources
and problems associated with them. The basis of my investigations consists of
three criteria developed by the Christian archeologist Pasquale Testini.
The cult of martyrs and saints can be proven at a particular time in a settlement
or cemetery, if:
1) the place of relics is indicated by an inscription;
2) there was a funerary basilica above the grave or near the graveyard;
3) martyr cult is proven by a local tradition in the examined settlement sur-
viving until the Middle Ages.527
524 Paul. Vita Ambr. 33; Dassmann 1975. 54–58. For the 4th century spread of the martyr cult see
Brown 1993. 64–94., English: Brown 1981.; Sághy 2003. 31, 158, 164., English: Sághy 2016.;
Sághy 2005. 46–63.; Dassmann 1975. 52–55.; Vanyó 2000. 139.
525 Paul. Vita Ambr. 33.; Cod. Theod. IX. 17. 6–7.; McLynn 1994. 209–219.
526 Warland 1989. 2079.; Nagy 1939. 180–184.; Hudák–Nagy 2009. 59.; Nagy 2012a. 96–97.
527 Testini 1980. 126–127.
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Adapting criterion No. 3 to Pannonian conditions, Pannonian martyrs tend

to have local legends and traditions rather in the settlements where their relics
arrived from Pannonia because of an armed attack.
Péter Kovács has the merit of collecting all known passion stories of Pan-
nonian martyrs adapting historical-archeological source critique based on the
latest literature available to him in 2011.528 Levente Nagy dealt with five passions
(Irenaeus, Syneros, Qurinus, IV Sancti Coronati, Pollio) from both hagiograph-
ical and archeological point of view.529 In this chapter, I only deal with the issue
of relic translations which I can chronologically insert into the Church history of
the Pannonian provinces.
IV.4.6. Saint Irenaeus
Saint Irenaeus is my first example in Sirmium, where Pasquale Testini’s all three
criteria are proven. In the eastern cemetery located east of the city, the 32 x 15 m
large apsidal cemetery basilica of the martyr was found in 1976 with an inscrip-
tion mentioning the martyr in context of the depositio ad sanctos, and the cult
of the martyr in the local tradition was preserved (fig. 21.).530 Concerning the
transfer of his relics there is not any evidence in the examined period.
IV.4.7. Saint Synerus
In the case of the Synerus (gr. Syneros) martyr, Testini’s first two criteria are rel-
evant. Two inscriptions found in the 1880s attested the cult of the martyr in the
northern cemetery of Sirmium and in recent years, we know new evaluations of
the results of the old Hytrek’s excavations from publications (fig. 22.).531 Howev-
er, we do not know about transfers of his sacred relics during the period studied
by this work.
528 Kovács 2001. 38–128.; English: Kovács 2016. 146–212.

529 Nagy 2012a.; Nagy 2017.
530 Nagy 1939. 69.; Duval 1979. 83–84.; fig. 6; Prk 1990. 264.; Tóth 1990. 21.; Nagy 2012. 51–
52. The detailed publication in volume IX. of the serie Sirmium did not appear. Until then, see
Popović 2016a.; Popović 2016b.
531 Nagy 1939. 68–69.; Duval 1979. 82–83.; Prk 1990. 264.; Jeremić 2005.; Nagy 2012a. 68–71.,
with further literature.
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IV.4.8. Saint Demetrius
Demetrius, a deacon of Sirmium, was perhaps less significant among other

Sirmian martyrs.
In the new critical edition of the Passio Pollionis by Hajnalka Tamás, however,
the author of the passion story listed the martyrdom of Demetrius among the
other sirmian martyrs, Montanus and Irenaeus in the introductory chapter of
the passion story.532 This new edition corroborated the earlier postulated Panno-
nian provenance of the martyr instead of Thessaloniki even for experts of early
Byzantine hagiography.533
Hyppolite Delehaye, the great hagiographer was followed mostly by later re-
search, he believed that his relics were transferred by a local Orthodox church
around 412–413 afraid of a devastating Hunnic attack from Sirmium to Thes-
saloniki, where Leontios praefectus praetorio Illyrici had built a basilica for the
martyr.534 The Illyrian praefectura illyrici moved from Sirmium at the time of At-
tila according to a (probably fake) source referring to the age of Iustinian.535 This
chronological reference led Jacques Zeiller, András Alföldi, Michael Vickers and
Péter Kovács to the assumption that the cult of the sirmian deacon was trans-
ferred to Thessaloniki only at the time of the Hunnic siege of Sirmium during
the time of Attila, in 441.536
The saint patron of the city soon became in Thessaloniki a holy patron of
the Byzantine world.537 There were many legends around his original story in
the Byzantine era: his first passion (passio prima) considered him a simple mar-
tyr executed in Thessaloniki, whose social rank is not mentioned. On the other
hand, the second passion story (passio altera) considered him as a descendent
of a Macedonian consular family. Identifying Demetrius personality and history
still raises many problems.538
In the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, compiled in the 430s, and in an ear-
lier syrian martyrs’ list from Antioch (written around 362, complemented in
532 Pass. Poll. I.4.; Tamás 2012b. 27.

533 Rizos 2016. 196.
534 Pass. Dem. altera 15.; Delehaye 1933. 228–229.; Nagy 1939. 70.
535 Iust. Nov. XI.
536 Zeiller 1918. 82–83.; Alföldi 1926. 96.; Vickers 1974. 349.; Kovács 2011. 73.; Kovács
2016. 168.
537 The Orthodox church venerates him as a megalomartyr between 23–26 October.
538 Critical summary of problems: Popović 1987. 95–121.
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411), the Sirmian Demetrios appears and he was not executed in Thessaloniki.539
These circumstances have convinced many researchers of the Sirmian origins
of Demetrius martyr cult long before the new record of him in the Passio Polli-
onis.540 How could this cult leave Sirmium and arrive at Thessaloniki? A further
question, when did Leontios build the St. Demetrios Basilica?
Recently, in 2011, Péter Kovács collected the possible dates for the operation
of Leontios praefectus: 412–413; 435–441; or around 510.541 The possible build-
ing dates of the church are consequently: 5th century, or at the beginning of the
6th century, then rebuilding in the 7th century, and finally once again destroyed
by fire in 1917. The history of the construction of the St. Demetrius’ Basilica
supports the latest construction date. Leontius can be attested around the year
510.542 However, following the fire, some walls of a former (5th century?) small
building were found,543 so that the possibility of a translatio after 441 from Sirmi-
um to Thessaloniki cannot be excluded.
However, the relics of Saint Demetrius were not there anymore in the ba-
silica destroyed in 1917. A brownish powdered soil (some soil soaked in mar-
tyr’s blood?) was found in a cross-shaped recess (enkainion) under the altar.544
Because of the lack of Thessaloniki relics, in 1974 Michael Vickers thought the
Demetrius relics had not been taken from Sirmium.545
On the other hand, Vladislav Popović pointed out that the time Sirmium, Sa-
lona and the whole Dalmatia became Eastern Roman property is not dated by the
marriage of III. Valentinian and Eudoxia (437), but by the time of their engage-
ment (424/425). At that time, after Honorius’ death (423), II. Theodosius occupied
Salona, he was the only leader of the whole empire. Indeed, as Popovic showed,
539 Mart. Hier. V Idus April: „syrmi […] fortunati donati […] et alibi demetri diaconi”; Brev. Syr.
LV: „en sirmio démétrios”; Tóth 2007. 24.; Kovács 2011. 43. The term alibi in the Martyrologi-
um Hieronymianum can allude to the veneration of the saint even in Ravenna by the beginning
of the 5th century. Tóth 2007. 39.
540 Pass. Dem.. altera 4; Marrou 1985. 209.; Duval 1979. 80.; Vickers 1974. 341–343.; Gáspár
2002. 153.; Tóth 2007. 34–40., english: Tóth 2010.; Kovács 2011. 72.; Kovács 2016. 167–168.
541 In the text of the passion story, Leontius allowed the construction at least the first building
period of the St. Demetrius basilica of Thessaloniki. Its possible building dates: before 441,
447–448, 2nd half of the 5th century, or around 510. More detailed narrative about the problem:
Kovács 2011. 72–73.; Kovács 2016. 166–168.
542 Tóth 2007. 35–36., with further sources and literature; English: Tóth 2010. 163.
543 Tóth 2007. 27.
544 Tóth 2007. 26–27., with the summary of the construction history of the church and with
further literature.
545 Vickers 1974. 339., 343.
■ 105 ■
the first celebration day of the St. Demetrius feast coincides with III. Valentini-
anus’ imperial acclamation of 424 in Thessaloniki.546
Contrary to the opinions of the previous research, Popović maintained his
opinion about the timing of the passions. Thus, Demetrius was a fictitious mili-
tary saint and his martyr character was created in the confused war years of the
410s. He argued that Leontius created Demetrius’ cult in Thessaloniki around
413–414, according to the available passion details.547
Popović did not rule out the possibility that Leontios was appointed for the
second time, since between 424 and 427 we do not know any persons in the
praefectus praetorio illyrici position. From the year 425 Sirmium belonged to the
Eastern Roman Empire. In his opinion, just a little later, in 426, took place the
journey to Illyricum mentioned in the second passion of Demetrius. Then Le-
ontios built up the basilica in Sirmium of Demetrios. He identified this building
complexe in 1978 at the so-called 59th archaeological site, the 5th century basilica
urbana in Sirmium.548
There are some uncertain elements in Popović’s theory, although recent Ser-
bian research accepted his chronology about the origins of the Demetrius cult
and the building of the urban basilica in Sirmium.549 On the one hand, we do not
know who filled the post of praefectus illyrici between 424 and 427: Leontios, or
just somebody else.
Popović contradicts Delehaye’s earlier theory, but does not explain the ques-
tion: if there was a cult of St. Demetrius already in 412–413, why was he in the
Martyrologium Hieronymianum (and earlier in the Syrian Martyrology) only
deacon of Sirmium?
I think, any of the theories should be true, it is probable that the origins of
Demetrios’ cult did not coincide with a relic transfer from Sirmium. In the sec-
ond passion that asseverate the Thessalonikian origin of the cult, the author lit-
erally writes that Demetrius did not allow Leontios to carry his relics into Sirmi-
um: only his bloody chlamys and an orarion enclosed in a silver lipsanotheca
(relic holder).550
Regarding regularities of the processes of the creations of legends in hagiog-
raphic texts, I think that the passio prima, which only knows the Thessaloniki
cult, can rely on the same authentic traditions as passio secunda, which describes
546 CIL III 1984.; Cod. Theod. XI. 20.,5.; Iord. Rom. 329.; Popović 1987. 103–104., 111.
547 Popović 1987. 96–97., 113–117.
548 Pass. Dem. altera 17.; Pass. Dem. tertia 23.; Popović 1987. 111–117.
549 Kaplarević 2015. 85.; Popović 2016b. 187–188.
550 Pass. Dem. altera 16.
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the events from Thessaloniki’s point of view.551 Consequently, a chronological

sequence between the two passion story versions (passio prima should be ear-
lier than passio secunda) is not possible because of the lack of surely dateable
elements in the texts.
Following analyzes of excellent Hungarian philologists (Péter Tóth, Péter
Kovács and Hajnalka Tamás), it seems to me that Delehaye’s theory is right and
thus the Sirmian origin is true. St. Demetrius was a Sirmian martyr. In this way,
during the Hunnic era, in 441, his relics: shreds of his blooded garment, some
blood-soaked soil cloths of Demetrius were transferred to Thessaloniki (but the
bodily remains of the saint were not transfered). As late as around A.D. 510,
Leontios was the one who promoted the Demetriu’s cult in Thessaloniki. A little
earlier, he built the basilica of the saint at the end of the 5th century – early 6th
century, perhaps on the place of an earlier smaller building.552
IV.4.9. Saint Anastasia
One cannot know anything about the life of an Anastasia who probably suffered
martyrdom on December 25. The gesta martyrum romanorum corpus, written in
Rome at the latest between the second quarter of the 5th century until 6th century,
presents Anastasia as a Christian matrona in the city of Rome.553 Her passion was
analyzed in detail first by Hyppolite Delehaye in 1936.554 In 1996, Kate Cooper
wrote a new hagiographic analysis about her.555 There is no mention of the Pan-
nonian cult and its relationships in her book. In 2007, Peter Tóth approved the
analysis of Delehaye again.556 From the middle or the second quarter of the 5th
century the Anastasia cult has been rooted in the city of Rome, meanwhile the
relics of Anastasia got into Byzantium by Gennadius Patriarch (458–471).557 The
Second Passion of St. Demetrius mentions that Leontius, who built a church in
551 In contrary of the theories of Greek scholars who argued for the origin of the saint and its cult
in Thessaloniki instead of Sirmium: Tóth 2007. 28–29. Another reconstruction attempt of the
origins of the cult: Tóth 2007. 34–40.; english: Tóth 2010. 145–154.; Rizos 2016. 198–204.,
with similar conclusions.
552 Tóth 2007. 34–40.; Kovács 2011. 72.; Kovács 2016. 167.
553 Acta SS. 25. Dec.; Cooper 1996. 116–143.
554 Delehaye 1936.
555 Cooper 1996. 116–143.
556 Tóth 2007. 31–32., english: Tóth 2010. 154.
557 Theodor. Hist. Ekkl. II. 65.; Nagy 1939. 71. That time Sirmium belonged already to the Eastern
Roman Empire.
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honour of Demetrius in Sirmium, was the founder of another church in honour

of Anastasia.558
Serbian research tried recently to identify the remains of the funerary ba-
silica of Anastasia with a funerary building destroyed in the 19th century in the
northern cemetery in Sirmium.559 A newly published inscription – unfortunately
without any exact findspot – can prove the cult of Anastasia martyr in Sirmium
and the hypothesis of Delehaye, too, about her Sirmian origin.560
Compared to Irenaeus martyr carreer, since the 5th century, the martyr cults
of Demetrius and Anastasia have risen gloriously.561 In case of the Demetrius
cult, only the third criteria of Testini is surely valid (local traditions reflected in
passion stories), in case of Anastasia, the fragmentary inscription allows he ful-
fillment of all three criteria (inscription, presumably existence of a basilica and
local traditions reflected in passion stories). The location of the basilica dedicat-
ed to them (the second criterion) cannot justified from archaeological sources
and written sources are rather contradictory. The relics of Anastasia got surely in
Byzantium, where she became a legendarious saint by the end of the 5th century.
In Constantinople, a passion containing fictitious elements was made of her.562
Irenaeus, whose cult was certainly more popular in Sirmium, had not any trans-
fer during the investigated period. Obviously, in the first half of the 5th century the
remaining people in Sirmium were more attached to the relics of their dearest saint.
It is questionable whether some of Sirmium’s inhabitants really moved to Valeria
Media Province, identified by Endre Tóth. The date will be no later than 441 or 455
when the town of Sirmium came under a Hunnic territory, then East Gothic ter-
ritory. Or, maybe, there were some Arian people or communities of Sirmium and
its surrounding who moved to Valeria Media, taking with them the q-evangeliary?
Due to absence of written sources, these questions are fortunate for archaeo-
logical discoveries but only partially answerable.
558 Pass. Dem. altera 17.; Popović 1987. 97.

559 Popović 2016b. 184–185.
560 On the fragmentary funerary inscription „…beati[ssimae nost]re Anast[asiae? ---] hoc loco d[e-
positus]…” is clearly visible, ie. a funerary basilica of Anastasia could be the place for the owner
of the grave. Popović 2016b. 182. Péter Kovács offered a good reconstruction of the Latin text,
a certain Flavia Decembrina would have commissioned the inscription for a certain Flavius
Felix or Simplex (?) near the grave of Anastasia martyr: Kovács 2016. 211–212. The reconst-
ruction of Péter Kovács reads: „[---a]d beati[ssimam/ marty]re(m) Anast[asiam/ ---in] hoc loco
d[epositus Fl(avius)/ Felix or Simple]x (?) qui conv[ixit annis/ ---] qui vixit an[nis--- marit]o eius
d(ie) pridie [---/---]T Fl(avia) Decem[rina/ ---]+V[---] or po]su[it memoriam]”
561 Zeiller 1918. 190.; Nagy 1939. 68.
562 Tóth 2007. 32., English: Tóth 2010. 157–159.; Rizos 2016. 205–206.
■ 108 ■
IV.4.10. Saint Quirinus
In Savaria, the Christian community placed the body of the bishop Quirinus, ex-
ecuted by governor Amantius, temporarily in a locus orationis, then in a basilica
built near the northern, Scarbantian Gate.563 The excellent archaeologist, Tibor
Nagy convincingly argued in 1947 for the transfer of his relics around 405 to
Rome.564 The appendix of the passion story created in Rome around at the end
of the 5th and early sixth centuries mentions the reason of the transfer, barbaric
troops (probably of Radagaisus) passed through the Pannonian provinces.565 The
soldiers of Radagaisus were already in Italy in 406,566 so the fear of his attack,
which caused the translatio from Savaria, dates probably before the year 406.
Tibor Nagy drew attention to the topographical error of the author of the
appendix. Contrary to the text, Christians coming from Scarbantia certainly did
not bring the saint bishop’s body to Italy, but the Savarian Christians took the
sacred bones with them from the basilica567 located at the Scarbantian gate.568
The relics of Quirinus, already mentioned in the Martyrologium Hieronymia-
num, were placed into the Mausoleum Platonia, which is annexed to the San
Sebastiano cemetery basilica in Rome.569
A recent monograph by Anna-Maria Nieddu contains some unpublished,
older excavation data about the 4th–6th century San Sebastiano basilica and the
associated building Platonia (fig. 23.). Grave Nr.13 located in the middle of the
Platonia mausoleum with relics of Quirinus and other unknown persons (mar-
tyrs) (fig. 24.) and an inscription praising Quirinus dates no later than the begin-
ning of the 5th century.570
Levente Nagy wrote in his monograph in 2012 about some Pannonian mar-
tyrs on the archaeological data of the Quirinus martyr cult in Rome (the Quiri-
nus tomb of the Platonia mausoleum and his reliquiary found there). Based on
these archaeological data and on the date of the Italian depictions of Quirinus,
Levente Nagy approved Tibor Nagy’s excellent older model with some minor
563 Pass. Quir. 5., 6–7.

564 Nagy 1947.
565 Kiss–Tóth–Zágorhidi 1998. 63.
566 Bóna 1993. 21.
567 Kiss–Tóth–Zágorhidi 1998. 63–64.
568 Nagy 1947. 249., 255–257.
569 Nagy 1939. 72.; Nagy 1947. 244., 247. The bones were later distributed in the 7th–12th centuri-
es in various churches. Nagy 1939. 72–73.
570 Nieddu 2009. 229–252.
■ 109 ■
modifications.571 Consequently, in case of Quirinus, we know the place of his

veneration exactly in Rome, but only presumably in Savaria.
IV.4.11. Saint Pollio
In the case of Pollio of Cibalae, the second and third criteria of Pasquale Testi-
ni are valid. New survey, geophysical research and excavations identified since
2012–2013 the funerary basilica of Pollio and adjacent graves in the findspot
Vinkovci-Kamenica (figs. 10-11.).572 The local tradition about his activity and
cult remained in the passion story of Pollio, dated to the 380s–390s, based on
some expressions familiar in the works of St. Ambrose.573
We have data about the early transfer of Pollio’s relics to Ravenna in the first
third of the 5th century,574 but the funerary basilica may have been in use even
until 6th century based on a coin found during the excavations.575
IV.4.12. Iovia, an Unknown translatio Without any Mentioning

in any Written Sources?
In the area of the late Roman inner fortress of Iovia, Kapospula-Alsóheténypuszta

(South-Transdanubia, Tolna County, Hungary) and the settlement and cemetery
around it, in the first third of the 5th century, there may have been some relic trans-
fers, which we know only from some excavation observations.576 The richly deco-
rated mausoleum in the cemetery of Iovia fort was built in the 360s (fig. 7.). There
is no evidence that the Mausoleum was built for Amantius, the only bishop known
from the written sources (the synode of Aquileia in 381).577 If the excavation obser-
vations for the retreating of the tombs and the lifting of the skeletons are correct,
they seem to be so, and if the possibility of grave robbing also can be excluded, one
571 Nagy 2012a. 98–108.

572 Vulić 2015.; Vulić 2016a.; Vulić 2016b.
573 Tamás 2014.; Nagy 2017. 101–103.
574 Tamás 2012a. 180.; Kovács 2016. 171.
575 Vulić 2016a. 141.
576 In the late Roman cemetery of Iovia, Endre Tóth found three tombs in his 1980s excavations
where the tombs were dismantled and the skeletons carefully highlighted. After a thorough
removal of the remains of one of the tombs in the nine-apsidal mausoleum of specific ground-
plan, the brick-shaped roof lids of the brick wall were restored to their original position. Only
the removal of the plaster from the bridges indicated the grave’s resolution. Tóth 1990. 25.
577 The Christian identity of the people buried there was thought because the almost complete
absence of grave goods. Their richness and high social rank can be deduced from construction
of the mausoleum, and the remnants of linen and gold wires. Tóth 1990. 25.
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can say, that three skeletons, buried in the Mausoleum, were missing due to a relic
transfer during the emigration of the local community towards Italy.578 They may
even be the martyr(s) of the local community,579 but for some reason the bones
did not arrive in Italy, so the cult of these martyrs could not be established there.
However, we do not know of any martyr cult in Iovia without both inscriptions
and local traditions.580 We will probably never find answers to these questions.
IV.4.13. The Problem of the Martyr Cult in Sopianae
None of the classic criteria of the martyr cult of Testini is valid in the northern
cemetery of Sopianae, although recently Olivér Gábor argued for its presence in
the Peter-Paul and the Nr. 5. burial chambers of octogonal groundplan.581 The lo-
culus behind the northern wall of the Peter-Paul burial chamber deserves special
attention, because some of the researchers presumed the construction as a place
for martyr relics (fig. 16.).582
Friedrich Gerke and Zoltán Kádár, both archaeologists who previously ana-
lyzed the wall paintings of the burial chamber, thought that the Peter-Paul-chris-
togram-laurel wreath composition on the northern wall alludes to the sign of
the resurrection of Christ (fig. 18.). Likewise peacocks, dungeon and the white
apostolic dress of the four figures on the ceiling. The white tunics with black bor-
der tricks of the four figures may indicate the presence of martyr(s) in the tomb
who won the death in Christ.583
In the religious symbolism of the early Christian age, the white dress itself
was a symbol of holiness, belonging to God.584
578 Endre Tóth regards the building as a community funeral. Tóth 1987–1988. 39–52.
579 According to Zsolt Magyar, the reason for the hierarchically located burials of the Mausoleum
of Alsóhetény could be the existence of a martyr in the central tomb building, so that he counts
with additional funerary buildings at the beginning of the 5th century. Magyar 2012. 136.
580 Magyar 2012. 136.
581 Gábor 2018.
582 Dyggve 1935. 67–75.; Fülep 1984. 41.; Testini 1980. 126–127.; Hudák 2009a. 69.
583 Hudák–Nagy 2009. 82.
584 Gerke 1954. 161., 164., 178., 186., 190.; Kádár 1939. 8.; Kádár 1940–1941. 66.; Delehaye
1927. 26–33. The wreath symbolized victory over death. Candelabra candles are also displayed
in the wall paintings of the Peter and Paul burial chamber, on the barrel vault and in the foreg-
round, for analogies see Testini 1980. 132. The busts of the barrel vault almost merge into the
paradise environment, which is the Paradise Garden, where the central christogram represents
Christ. Gerke 1954. 190–191. In the 4th century, flowers, fruits, and peacefully behaving ani-
mals are predominantly elements of mosaics and tomb painting, for the sake of the the eternal
memory of builders or donors. Kádár 1939. 15.; Bagatti 1958. 122–123., 133.
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Hungarian research considered the figures depicted with individual features as

the depictions of a family buried in the grave, winning their salvation,585 although
on the barrel vault there are only four men (a family consisting of four brothers?),
without women and child(ren) (fig. 25.). The burial chamber was originally de-
signed for only one sarcophagus at the northern wall.586 In 2005, I assumed again,
that the four medaillon busts on the barrel vault of the Peter-Paul burial chamber
were not depicting the dead buried in the tomb, but martyrs. I think that the four
medaillon busts are martyrs, belonging to a four-member martyr group. This is
clearly indicated by the iconography and symbolism of the representations. The
cosmological-symbolic interpretation of the four heads contradicts the icono-
graphic conventions of early Christian art.587 Nonetheless, the presence of any
martyr cult in Sopianae would be only possible to assume if a cemetery basilica
(martyrium) was there in the northern cemetery of Pécs.588
If a cemetery basilica existed in Sopianae589 and martyr’s relics really arrived
at the cemetery at the end of the 4th century, they could not stay in Sopianae for
a long time because of the worsening barbar attacks. Especially after 405, when
the most part of the Roman population (taking with them heavenly protectors)
moved towards Italy and other protected areas of the Empire in more waves.590
If we assume that the heads in medaillons in the Peter-Paul burial chamber
may still be martyr-representations, after looking for analogies, we can conclude
585 Mócsy 1974. 170.; Tóth 2001. 1134.

586 Fülep 1984. 41.
587 Hudák–Nagy 2009. 81–82.
588 Deichmann 1983. 61. For example, in the early Christian crypt of the Saint Stephen church
of Chur, built in the first half of the 5th century, the small hidden relics were also located under
the altar of the basilica built above the tomb. Sulser–Claussen 1958. 163–166.
At the beginning of the 4th century, few people could gather to celebrate the martyr’s celebra-
tion because of the great Christian persecution. Deichmann 1983. 58.
589 Gosztonyi 1939. 36., 61. Traces of the Ancient Christian Cemetery Basilica have not been discove-
red during today’s cathedral. Ferenc Fülep did not suppose under the cathedral an early Christian
cemetery basilica, at least in the area of the medieval crypts. He believed that the nearby seven-car-
ved tomb building, the cella septichora could serve this purpose due to its relatively larger di-
mensions. Fülep 1984. 56–59.; Recent geophysical survey identified a late Roman apsidal building
below the medieval lower church with east-west orientation. Its interpretation as a burial chamber
or as the missing funerary basilica is uncertain without excavations. Bertók–Gáti 2014. 147–153.,
figs. VI. 1–2. In 2005, a research group under the leadership of Zsolt Visy rediscovered the cella
septichora. Pozsárkó–Tóth–Visy 2007; Hudák–Nagy 2009. 27. The septichora construction of
the cella remained unfinished sometime at the beginning of the 5th century. The building was not a
cemetery basilica; it was a mausoleum of a distinguished person. Based on the excavation results,
there is no indication that it is a basilica for any community worship. Hudák–Nagy 2009. 27–28.
590 Mócsy 1974. 188–195.; Nagy 1987–1988. 242–243. Similar relocations from Noricum towar-
ds Italia are recorded in the St. Severinus’s biography of Eugippius.
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that there is only one martyr group in Pannonian Christianity with four mem-
bers, the so-called quattuor sancti coronati working in an unknown pannonian
marble quarry as roman sculptors.591 In this connection, however, one can dis-
cover quite surprising specific Pannonian relations.
Simpronianus martyr used in the passion story a creed formula probably
wide spread in Pannonia in the 4th century, which is partly Arian.592 This is even
true if the name of the porphyry quarry (Mons Porphyreticus), the workstation
of the stonemason sculptors, is an existing toponyme in Egypt, where Christians
probably also worked.593
Péter Kovács,594 and a few years later Levente Nagy performed detailed analy-
ses of the passion story. According to Levente Nagy, the original story of the four
Pannonian stonemason sculptors dates in the second half of the 4th century. The
so-called Simplicius-interpolation with the story of the fifth sculptor converted
also to Christianity contained some Arian creed formulations, in his opinion
they were fitted and interpolated to the basic text between the end of the 4th cen-
tury and the beginning of the 5th century.595
591 Dezső Simonyi raised at first the possibility of relationship between the stone carvers and
Sopianae, in connection with the name Quinque Basilicae. Simonyi 1959. 89–101.; in italian:
Simonyi 1960.; Nagy 1939 61–65. According to Tibor Nagy, the fifth stone carver, „the pagan
Simplicius and the accompanying narrative is a later interpolation.” Ferenc Fülep and Endre
Tóth did not accept the points of Dezső Simonyi, according to which the name Quinque Ba-
silicae refers to the four (in fact five) martyrs. Simonyi 1959. 87–102. In Pécs, there is no trace
of the survival of the Christian Roman population until the time of the Hungarian conquest.
Neither any roman granite and marble quarry in the Geresd and Villány Mountains cannot
be identified, nor the place where the stone carvers worked. Fülep 1984. 294.; Tóth 1991.
104. Recent studies show that there was neither stone carving nor stone sculpture here or in
the Mountains of Fruška Gora. Peacock 1995. 364–365. It is important to note that if there
were five stonecutters originally, they were traditionally confused with another four martyrs
from Rome, four soldiers. Bugár 2013. 291–294. In Rome, in the first half of the 4th century,
only four stone carvers were honored and the respect of the four persons as quattuor sancti
coronati continued in the Middle Ages.
592 This creed formulations appear besides the passion story of the IV sancti coronati in the extant
oeuvre of Victorinus of Poetovio and in the acts of the Councils of Sirmium in 351 and 357.
Bugár 2013. 291–298.
593 Euseb. De Mart. Pal. 8., 1; Peacock 1995. 366–367. The author of the passion story possibly
may have transferred the quarry of the passion in Egypt to Pannonia. The hard porphyry was
a sign of pagan stubbornness, indomitable hardness, a symbol of inanimate idols for both the
author and the audience of the passion. Hudák–Nagy 2009. 87.; Nagy 2012a. 127. This ten-
dency appears in the creed the stone carvers. Bugár 2013. Special thanks to Levente Nagy for
drawing attention to this problem of the passion interpretation.
594 Kovács 2001. 115–124.; English: Kovács 2016. 192–202.
595 The name of the fifth sculptor, Simplicius is unknown before the 7th century in Rome. Nagy
2012a. 140–150.
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The transfer hypothesis of the sculptors’ relics to Sopianae that based on the
iconographic and iconological analysis of the wall paintings of the Peter-Paul
Burial chamber is only a reality when there was a first translatio at the end of
the 4th century coming from Rome to Sopianae, which do not appear in the pre-
served written sources. In the first half of the 4th century, the cult of four stone-
mason sculptors was present in the SS. Pietro e Marcellino catacomb, in Rome.596
Surprisingly, in that catacomb, whose mural paintings provide most parallels to
the Peter-Paul burial chamber (fig. 26.).597 There seems to be a kind of commu-
nis opinio among the researchers of the topic (Hyppolite Delehaye, Jean Guyon,
Reinhard Seeliger, Péter Tóth, Levente Nagy) about the fact that the IV Sancti
Coronati in Rome is the same group as the Pannonian stonemason sculptors.598
They had a cult since Emperor Constantine the Great in Rome, the SS. Piet-
ro e Marcellino catacomb.599 Levente Nagy believes that the bodies of the saint
stonemason sculptors were never in Rome (there was not any translatio of skele-
tons). They could only be honored by brandea (textile bands) in Rome.600
IV.4.14. Translatio-Models of Relics in the Light of the Problems

Concerning the Quattuor Sancti Coronati
The confused hagiographical dossier of the IV Sancti Coronati and the formation of
their cult both in Pannonia and in Rome caused many unsolved problems for both
hagiographers and church historians in the 20th century. Krisztina Hudák from
iconographic point of view,601 Levente Nagy from hagiographic point of view602 tried
to reconstruct the history of the passion story and the related cult following way:
In the Pannonian passion story four sculptors (Castorius, Nicostratus, Sim-
pronianus, Claudius) worked in a marble quarry in Pannonia. Their following
workplace was the porphyry quarry in Egypt, the Mons Porphyreticus. They suf-
596 Testini 1980. 127. More detailed analysis: Guyon 1975., with various further sources.
597 The number of the analogies with another catacombs and burial chambers is more restricted.
Wilpert 1903. Taf. 45., 97., 101., 130., 156., 188., 218., 233.
598 Nagy 2012a. 164–165., with further literature.
599 The formation of the Roman cults of the Saints in detail: Nagy 2012a. 151–181.
600 Nagy 2012a. 165. Due to the topographical situation (in the Age of Tetrarchy, a military ceme-
tery was still in use) it was obvious that the four martyrs who were honored but not dead were
identified with the corpses of four cornicular martyrs who were honored with them one day.
Pass. IV sanct. cor. 22.; Nagy 2012a. 155–158.; Nagy 2018. 112–113.
601 Hudák–Nagy 2009. 80–86.
602 Nagy 2012a. 109–190.; Nagy 2018.
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fered martyrdom during the Great Persecution after 303. In the first half of the
4th century, their cult arrived at Rome in the SS. Pietro e Marcellino catacomb, at-
tested in 354 in the codex-calendar of Philocalus among Roman martyrs. There
was still no relic transfer of the bodies from Pannonia to Rome. In the last years
of the 4th century, an unknown Pannonian Arian person or community add-
ed the story of the fifth martyr, Simplicius with suspicious anti-Nicene creed
formulations to the Pannonian narrative, but Roman Christians knew only the
four martyr sculptors of Pannonian origin. The hypothesis of an anti-Nicene in-
terpolation in the passion story explains many inconsistencies in the text of the
passio IV sanctorum coronatorum. The graves of the Pannonian martyrs were not
known in Rome, consequently the group of the four sculptors was mixed with
another group of four soldiers cornicularii,, who suffered martyrdom in Rome.
A partial relic transfer of few pieces from the four stonemason sculptors, or
more precisely, from the four roman soldiers who were confused with them,
could have occurred at the end of the 4th century from Rome to Sopianae when
the Peter-Paul burial chamber was built in Sopianae for an unknown commis-
sioner, who could have good personal contact with Rome. This transfer explains
the construction of the narrow niche (loculus) behind the northern wall of the
Sopianae burial chamber. The only attested analogy of this construction is Salo-
na, Marusinac cemetery. Here, the mausoleum of Anastasius martyr speaks for
the function of the loculus as a relic holder. The research has not yet been able to
serve any explanation so far for the architectural design of the loculus.603
It would probably not have been possible for more than one complete skele-
ton to fit into the 200 x 35 cm loculus. Rather it was possible to place a small relic.
It is also the case that martyr remains are placed on the upper level of a two-sto-
rey building.604 The latter examples refer to the relic movement between Italia
and Noricum, which was primarily propagated by St. Ambrose, Milan’s bishop
since the 380s. In Rome, in the first half of the 4th century, only four stonemasons
were honored.605
This transfer explains also the mysterious iconography of the four busts in
medaillons on the barrel vault. The four men can be not only ordinary dead men
but martyrs staring at the viewer from the garden of Paradise.
603 The question was examined in detail during the iconographic analyses of the paintings of the
Peter-Paul tomb. Hudák 2009a. 64–70.
604 Testini 1980. 90–91.; Brown 1993. 115–116, 124; Testini 1980. 609; Warland 1989. 2083;
Pillinger 1986. 2094–2124; Bratož 1996. 345. The most important sources for relics at the end
of the 4th century: Paulinus Nolanus, 32nd Letter 2.; Victricius of Rouen: De laude sanctorum.
605 See also: Brown 1993. 60.; Sághy 2003. 158; Dassmann 1975. 54–58.
■ 115 ■
We must not forget, that pieces of relics as gifts for honoured people or com-
munities are often present in the empire at this time. However, in the case of
Pannonia, there is no single historical source for this phenomenon. Thus, this
theoretical model, however logical it seems to be on an iconographic and archi-
tectural basis, cannot be justified in the absence of specific pannonian written
sources. It remains a hypothesis.
Provincial population no longer used the buildings of the late Roman cem-
etery in Sopianae were no longer used by the provincial population, after the
beginning – first third of the 5th century.606
After the 430s, the Martyrologium Hieronymianum compiled in North-
ern Italy reports that the relics of the four stonemason sculptors and their cult
(again?) are in Rome, presumably in the SS. Pietro e Marcellino Catacomb. This
data speaks again for a translatio of the four sculptor martyrs from Pannonia to
Rome, the first reports about their fifth colleague arrive at Rome slightly later.
In the 6th and 7th century, the cult of the martyrs is attested in the IV Sancti
Coronati Basilica (titulus Aemiliae) in Rome, on the Caelius Hill. The chronol-
ogy of the presumed 5th–6th century basilica, the architectural antecedent of the
later IV Sancti Coronati Basilica, built at Mons Caelius, is uncertain.607
This theory about the story of the IV (from the 7th century in fact V) sancti cor-
onati and their cult from the 4th until 7th century, can solve not only architectural
but also iconographic problems of the Peter-Paul Burial Chamber. The translatio
model, together with the analysis of the orthodox-character wall paintings of the
burial chamber, can indirectly answer several questions of the formation of the
text of the passio IV sanctorum coronatorum, which has not been solved so far.
First and foremost: why was it necessary for the author of the Simplicius Passion
to add a fifth Arian saint to the well-known four stonemason sculptors?608 Why
are in Rome only four and not five stonemason sculptors attested?
Let us play a bit with the thought! In this theory, Sopianae received a few
pieces from Rome from the relics of the Pannonian stone sculptors, and wall
painters arrived with the relics. This circumstance would explain the composi-
tional similarity of the Biblical scenes of Peter and Paul Burial Chamber of Pécs
606 Maybe the tomb Nr. V. is an exception. Kárpáti 2002.

607 We do not have enough data about the existence of the basilica before the 6th century. Our
only data on the existence of the basilica is in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum codex in
Bern, which probably contain a later, 7th century note. The exact date of the late antique apsi-
dial room, which was under the later basilica, is also problematic. This hall was identified with
the earliest church. Simonyi 1959. 88–103.; Nagy 2012a. 158–165.
608 Nagy 2012a. 177–180.
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with the SS. Pietro e Marcellino Catacomb, with a spectacular mural painting of
the barrel vault of the burial chamber Nr.3. (fig. 26.). That scene present Peter
and Paul apostles with four martyrs, dated to the end of the 4th century.609
IV.5. Problems of Christianity in the Provincial Population

who Remained in Pannonia
The territory of Italy after AD 400 suffered from increasingly serious economic
and political crises. For this reason, the role of Italy in cultural and artistic life
reduced greatly, regardless of economic and political disruption of border prov-
inces.610 In Pannonia, like other border provinces on the Danube, the area of the
limes and border towns were almost depopulated from the last decade of the 4th
century,611 or only garrisons lived there, with reduced civil population.612 From
the first third of the 5th century, the civilian population moved continuously
from Sopianae to the more protected areas (see previous chapters). A significant
part of them had previously worked in the collapsed roman administration. The
pannonian towns and other settlements showed an increasingly poor picture.
Until the end of the 6th century, the direction of the refugees was determined:
primarily they wandered towards the more protected Dalmatia613 and Italia.614
We do not know much about the changes in the Pannonian church organi-
zation and the Christian communities in the Hunnic era. In the 430s, Pannonia
Prima and the two provinces of Noricum and then Raetia Secunda also belonged
to the administrative district of Aquileia. After the Hunnic attack in 452, the en-
tire Aquileian community moved to more protected town of Grado. According
to the written entries of the synods of Salona in 530 and 533, Savia and its only
recorded bishopric, Siscia, belonged to Dalmatia.
The church organization in Valeria was probably shattered by the 430s. Some
provincial population lived, however, here and in the other provinces of Pan-
nonia in the towns and fortresses surrounded by walls. Thus, the collapse of
the administration system of the Empire did not mean that all the Romans had
609 Wilpert 1903. Taf. 252; Deckers–Seeliger–Mietke 1987. Farbabb. 2., no. 3.
610 Wickham 2000. 819–820.
611 For example in case of Carnuntum: Amm Marc. XXX. 5.2. It should be noted that the findings
of the 5th century are somewhat contradictory to Ammianus’s somewhat commonplace data.
612 Barkóczi 1961. 113.
613 In 568, langobards and other Germans move to Italy. Bratož 2011b. 607–608.
614 In 581, inhabitants escape from Sirmium towards Salona and Italy. Bratož 2011b. 608–611.
■ 117 ■
moved.615 This is also shown by the situation outlined by an extermely important

source of the daily life in the second half of the 5th century, the Vita Sancti Sever-
ini. Some low rank priests could stay with the romanized community.616
However, the connection probably permanently broke with the orthodox
clergy of the main centers, which previously meant both spiritual and political
support for those living in the territories occupied by the barbarians.
IV.5.1. Ways of Life in a Late Roman Town in the 5th Century
The towns were the small islands of Romanitas. Due to the 4th century christian-
ization process, the urban, the Roman and the Christian identity intertwined
by the 5th century. Despite the frequent political changes, townspeople tried to
maintain the legal order in their towns in the 5th century. The force of Roman
law, imperial ius publicum and ius privatum, remained valid for them, they also
insisted on Christianity as the inherent part of late Roman life in the “normal
riverbed”. Even for those who were not particularly religious because the church
became gradually the relevant, then the only forum for experience of social life.
In the 5th century, there were fewer non-Christian inhabitants in the towns.
This circumstance depends on the increase of the authority of the local bish-
op as defensor urbis and associated with an elevated nervous condition caused
by frequent war attacks. The local protector bishop or a holy inhabitant of the
town or its territory, or the relics of a local martyr protected the town with some
kind of spiritual power (tutela) at some complex historical situations when any
army would have been helpless. Following the relics of the deceased martyrs
from the late Roman cemeteries into the towns, they became for the town and
its inhabitants advocates and patrons, and their relics became the custodia of the
town. This protective intention is helpful by the political „instrumentation” of
the Saints, which follows in this era.617 The saints as celestial supporters helped
the fides catholica against invading Germans. By the local relics of a saint in a
town, the saint became advocatus and patronus of the inhabitant of town, and
615 Hudák 2002. 40–41. In the 5th century, there were two options for the romanised citizens:
trying to escape, or to flee to the closest cities, to the refugees, the farther from the imperial
border. A significant number of people fled from Pannonia and Noricum, with their goods,
from the beginning of the 5th century, but especially in the second half of the 5th century. Their
destination is Italia and its „outer circle”, today’s Carinthia, Slovenia, western part of Croatia,
and the antique Byzantium. Sokol 1997. 221ff.
616 Alföldi 1938. 160. only alludes to this possibility.
617 Vilella 1995. 502ff.
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its relics are the guarantee of custodia of the Roman civilization, the late Roman
town. Common words are on the inscriptions of the larger bishoprics not only
pater ecclesiae but pater populi, pater pauperorum.618
IV.5.2. The Case of Siscia and Pannonia Prima
Several settlements in Pannonia have archaeological traces of surviving Christi-

anity. As far as the pannonian Orthodox (since the reign of Theodosius: Catho-
lic) communities are concerned, we have some scattered information about the
leadership of the clergy and the lower priesthood, indicating a slow decline of
the local church and Christianity.
Based on some of the written sources, after 517 the Catholic church did not
regard the people in Pannonia as descendants of Heretics.619
Based on some archaeological sources, it can be concluded that Siscia, even
to a lesser extent, was inhabited in the first half of the 5th century. Some of the
workshops continued to work and the coinage worked in the town with smaller
or larger interruptions until 423.620 The existence of the lower clergy in Siscia was
considerably continuous for a long time.621 Rajko Bratož counts with barbarised
population in Savia and Pannonia Secunda until the 5th century. He counts also
with a late Roman culture becoming more “Gothic and Suevian” in Savia and
„more Gepid” in Pannonia Secunda.622
In Transdanubia, László Barkóczi and Attila Kiss have argued in favor of the
theory that at least some of the romanised population had been remained, they
attempted to distinguish between types of small finds that can be argued for the
continuity of the population.623 Primarily, in the western part of Transdanubia,
the number of provincial populations could be higher in number who remained
in the area.624
Zosimus recorded that shortly after the departure of Alarich and Athaulf
from Pannonia, in 409, Generidus dux maintained Roman rule in Pannonia Pri-
618 Vilella 1995. 503.; Chadwick 1991. 9ff.

619 Hormisd. Ep. imp. 141–142.
620 Sokol 1997. 221., 224.
621 Priscus fragm. 7.; Menandr. fragm. 27.
622 Bratož 2011b. 607. This assumption can be partly proven by new excavation results from
Cibalae from the 5th–6th century: Vulić–Roksandzić–Rapan Papeša 2016. 147–159.
623 Barkóczi 1994.; Kiss 1965. 81–123.; Tóth 2009. 161.
624 Kiss 2008. 24.
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ma for some years as a joint commander of Noricum and Pannonia Prima.625

As a result, urban life continued undisturbed for a few years after the exodus of
the majority of former urban leadership and upper clergy, followed by a gradual
impoverishment.626 However, the urban life of Christians in Savaria did not end
after the earthquake in 456. Savaria and its surrounding was fortunate because
this area was not permanently occupied by any groups of Huns, Eastern Goths,
Langobards, Avars after the fall of the Roman administration; both ethnic and
power relations favored the survival of the Christian Roman population in com-
parison with former Valeria Ripensis.627
Following the earlier assumption of Jacques Zeiller’s work, Endre Tóth made
Hungarian research aware of the historical situation that the episcopal organiza-
tion in Scarbantia may even existed in the 6th century, Vigilius, bishop of Scar-
bantia was recorded in the acts of the council of Grado in 572.628 A contrary
attempt to refute the existence bishopric of Vigilius in Scarbantia remained un-
proven.629 The issue of the continuity of the provincial population has recently
gained new momentum for Keszthely-Fenékpuszta through intensive and con-
tinuous research by Róbert Müller, Orsolya Heinrich-Tamáska and their colleg-
ues.630 Most of the issues related to the continuity and findings of the inner fort
of Fenékpuszta are beyond our timeframe, so I do not discuss them.
The survival of the 5th century church organization in Noricum, evoked from
the biography of St. Severinus in smaller fortified towns in the territories of for-
mer auxiliary forts under a presbyteric, in case of Lauriacum under episcopal
leadership is not very lucky to paralellise with the situation in Valeria and in
another Pannonian provinces. In Valeria for example, the Hunnic reign did not
promote Christian missions. Since the Roman administration in Noricum at
least de iure worked until 476, the historical situation in these two provinces is
therefore necessarily very different.
625 Zosim. Hist. Nea V. 46. 2.

626 Kiss–Tóth–Zágorhidi 1998. 71–72.; Gáspár 2002. 101–105., in contrary: Tóth 2002.
628 Zeiller 1918. 141–142.; Tóth 1974.; Nagy 2012a. 83.
629 Gáspár 2002. 101–105., in contrary: Tóth 2002.
630 New paradigmatic interpretations concerning the chronology and interpretation of the Fenék-
puszta inner fort were published at first in Heinrich-Tamáska–ProhászKa 2008. 149–151.
Then came plenty of relevant publications, before all the volumes of the Castellum Pannoni-
cum Pelsonense serie. Relevant concepts about continuity can be read in Heinrich-Tamáska
2011., with various examples and further literature.
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IV.5.3. Sirmium in the Hunnic Period
In 441, Sirmium came under Hunnic authority.631 Under the the years of Hunnic
rule there were raids, attacks and destructions rather than regular Hunnic occu-
pation of the town. The civil population (especially the men who were familiar
with arts and crafts) were taken captive.632
After 453, the town came to the Eastern Roman Empire for a short time.
Soon, after 455 the eastern Goths occupied Sirmium. The town presumably was
the headquarters of eastern Gothic king Valamer.633 It was difficult to find out
who lived in Sirmium after the Hunnic era: Romans moving from the coun-
tryside, Roman townspeople, or stranger Barbarians. According to excavation
observations, simple huts were built in the former southern part of the Sava.634
IV.5.4. Aquincum – The Problem of Valeria Civitas
In the 430s, Valeria Ripensis came de iure under Hunnic reign. In fact, it was just
a confirmation of the political situation that existed since the 420s. Some part
of the population of the province migrated towards the southwest. In the cem-
eteries of the rural areas of the province, a strong presence of Barbarian origin,
Barbarian products, habits (eg. horse burials, modified skulls) can be observed
from the turn of the 4th–5th centuries, suggesting a coexistence or living side by
side of the Roman-Barbarian populations.635 However, some burials dated after
425, referring to the settling of another ethnic group, at least partly linked to the
connection with the Alans. This is the archeological horizon called earlier Unter-
siebenbrunn-Rábapordány-Regöly.636
Despite resettlements of the population, it is likely that former provincial
Christians lived in province Valeria not only in the Hunnic era, but also in the
second half of the 5th century. Among them, famous people may be also distin-
guished. The episcopus doctus, Ennodius wrote the biography of a holy man, a
631 Bratož 2011a. 219.

632 Mirković 2011. 89.
633 Duval 1979. 58–59.
634 Mirković 2011. 91.
635 Kovács 2004. 139–140., with further literature; Bierbrauer 2015. 365–460., with critical
comments.
636 Bóna 1993. 149–160.; Kovács 2004. 141–143.
■ 121 ■
certain Antonius from the monastery of Lerinum (near Marseille) in his biog-
raphy. He wrote in 506, that Antonius, born in Valeria civitas, was sent to the
holy man of Noricum, Saint Severinus at the age of 8 after his father’s death. He
studied there until Severinus’ death in 482. Then his uncle, Constantius, took
care of young Antonius.637 He was born long after the time limit set in this work,
but his father, Secundinus was also Christian and he lived in the town of Valeria
in the Hunnic age.
Following the excellent Austrian historian and archaeologist, Rudolf Egger,
the latest research identified this town called Valeria with Aquincum.638 Endre
Tóth thought that Valeria civitas was really a name of a town instead of the prov-
ince, but not necessarily Aquincum. There was a settlement in Dacia Ripensis,
also called Valeriana, which was built around with a wall in the 6th century.639 It
is not clear from Ennodius’s work whether this Valeria town (a town in Valeria
province or another town in Dacia Ripensis) was still inhabited by provincial
Romans in the second half of the 5th century.640
As a result of modern intensive archaeological research in Aquincum for over
a hundred years, it can be stated that the late Roman town’s ever-shrinking mixed
Roman and Barbarian populations returned behind the walls of the late Roman
forts that was built in the first half of the 4th century in the earlier legionary fort
and the military town. The military amphitheatrum was also transformed into a
late Roman fortress.641
However, due to the favorable geographical location of the town, the near-
by Danube crossings and the intersectional zone of important trade routes, the
town constantly attracted immigrants, mainly barbarians.642
In spite of the fact that Christians have certainly lived in Aquincum, there
was no sure evidence of 5th century Christianity.643 There are no Christian objects
from the settlements of the Roman-Barbarian population nor from the cemeter-
ies in the first half of the 5th century (eg. Szőlő street, Vályog street, Gazdagrét
district). 644 The only “Christian-like” object in the end of 4th – first half of 5th
637 Ennod. Vita Ant. 6–7. A good summary: Rohr 2001; should be handled with basic but mul-
tiple points: Lotter 1971.; To the Christian and monastic-like late antique lifestyle: Barnish
1993. 13–19.; Brunert 1994. 268–308.
638 Some work of the latest literature: Nagy 2000. 45.; Rohr 2001. 112.; Póczy–Zsidi 2003. 65.
639 Tóth 2009. 185–186.
640 Tóth 2009. 186.; Zsidi 2011. 561.
641 Zsidi 2011. 551–556.
642 Nagy 1993. 353.; Nagy 2000. 42–43.; Póczy–Zsidi 2003. 63–66.
643 Zsidi 2011. 559–561.
644 Nagy 2000. 43–45.; Póczy–Zsidi 2003. 66–68.
■ 122 ■
century, a jar with pedestal crosses, was found several kilometers north of Aqui-
ncum, in the late Roman watchtower of Leányfalu (fig. 27.).645 However, similar
cross-shaped decorative motifs are not necessarily symbols of Christianity in all
cases. Endre Tóth has gathered some similar pedestal cross motifs. Those, for
chronological or other reasons, cannot be taken as Christian symbols.646
IV.5.5. The Tokod Fort and its Cross-Patterned Pottery Fragments
Noteworthy is the late Roman settlement of Tokod (near Esztergom, Hungary)

and the pottery-kiln that was built to the west of the contemporary fort and a late
Roman villa estate identified by aerial archaeology.647 In the 1960s, two cross-pat-
terned grey ceramic fragments were found here (fig. 28.). The Tokod fort was sup-
posed to serve for military equipment, food storage and other logistic purposes
(fig. 29.). It was built during the reign of II. Constantius or I. Valentinianus, but
is not on the list for province Valeria of Notitia Dignitatum. The fort was in mili-
tary use in the first third of the 5th century, until the Hunnic reign and possibly in
non-military use in the whole first half of the 5th century.648
A special research problem is the 5th century pannonian history of Christian
inhabitants of the late Roman fort of Tokod. There were found in the site some
cross-patterned pottery fragments (fig. 28.). András Mócsy with his collegues dat-
ed to the middle third and the second half of the 5th century some small buildings
discovered on the inside of the wall of the Tokod fort (fig. 29.).649 András Mócsy as-
sumed a continuous period of the provincial population in the Tokod fort during
the Hunnic era and later, up to the end of the 5th century.650 A silver plate brooch
and iron sword from the findspot raised the possibility, that in the second half of
the 5th century already another german groop lived here.651
645 Nagy 1938. 77., fig. 42.; Gáspár 2002. 65., fig. 167.; Nagy 2000. 44., fig. 45.
646 Tóth 1997–1998. 121–127.
647 Szabó 2016. fig. 91., 225.
648 Mócsy et alii 1981. 43–44.; Prohászka 2003. 21., fig.14.; Heinrich-Tamáska–Prohászka
2008. 145–147., fig. 4a-e.
649 The working group, led by András Mócsy, processing the findings of the Tokod fort and set-
tlement, attempted to date the two cross-patterned vessel fragments on the basis of the North
African terra sigillata parallels much more later, to the second half – end of 5th century: Mócsy
et al. 1981. 44–45., 80–82.
650 Mócsy et alii 1981. 44–45., 80–82.
651 Mrt 5. 346.; Prohászka 2003. 21.
■ 123 ■
On the other hand, Endre Tóth drew attention to the latest, well-dated tombs
of the late Roman cemetery that belonged to the Tokod fort and to the settle-
ment. They were established in the first third of the 5th century. Endre Tóth also
dated the cross-patterns for the pre-Hunnic period, assuming that the “dish
user” romans lived in the settlement, around the fort, until the 430s.652 In the fort
of Tokod could be still a station of a military unit in the first third of the 5th cen-
tury. The 5th century assemblages are in many cases very difficult to date in the
absence of coins. It is not possible to decide whether the late Roman cemetery
of Tokod existed in the Hunnic era or not. The latest tombs of the cemetery are
dated to the middle of the first half of the 5th century (also known as the Hunnic
period), the distorted skulls, silver needles, pearls framed with beads, and bone
combs are not so exact to date.653 Orsolya Heinrich-Tamáska and Péter Prohász-
ka dated the latest small finds and the consequently the using of the fort to the
first half of the 5th century.654 The lack of Hunnic era-type objects in the burials
may indirectly refer to a surviving Roman population. The chronological prob-
lem has to be solved by the more precise date of the cross-representations and
the exploration of the unexplored inner areas of the Tokod Fort.
IV.5.6. A Brief Note About the „Basilica from Horreum” Theory
In 1984 two Hungarian archaeologists, László Barkóczi and Ágnes Salamon

published a groundbreaking study about the Pannonian granaries. They thought
that the pannonian late Roman population used horrea (granaries) in the forts
as a Christian church (basilica) after the cessation of the military function of the
fort. Relevant examples were Tokod, Tác, Pilismarót. They based their ideas on
the similar groundplans of the basilica to the horreum, and on the continuous
existence of Christians in the Pannonian provinces in the 5th century recorded by
the biographies of Antonius of Lerinum and Severinus of Noricum.655 Another
Hungarian archaeologist, Dorottya Gáspár developed this theory. In her opin-
ion, the granary discovered inside the Tokod fort, like the inner buildings found
in the Castra ad Herculem hillfort in Pilismarót (26 km from Tokod) were origi-
nally built as a Christian basilica based on its groundplan, and after the cessation
of the Roman administration it was used by the inhabitants forming an ancient
652 Tóth 1997–1998. 127–128.

653 Barkóczi–Salamon 1984. 183–184
654 Heinrich–Tamáska–Prohászka 2008. 146–147., fig. d-e.
655 Barkóczi–Salamon 1984. 175–179.
■ 124 ■
Christian community.656 Even if Romans lived inside the Tokod fort in the Hun-
nic era and in the second half of the 5th century, it is not impossible to use the
massively constructed building, the former horreum as a place of worship.
However, there is no historical or archaeological evidence to this effect: a hall
with one central nave and an apsis at the end and the three-naved constructional
schema was also a common type in the late Roman architecture. In my opinion,
the identification of these structures as Christian churches must rely on other
data, on the existence of altar, priests’ banks, remains of liturgical equipment,
written sources and inscriptions.657
IV.5.7. The Situation of Savaria and Pannonia Prima

Until the 456 Earthquake
In the earlier flourishing town, Savaria, surrounded by walls, in other towns and
in some rural parts of Pannonia Prima we assume a presence of a Christian pro-
vincial population in almost all the 5th century.658 In Pannonia Prima, the Roman
administration was preserved for almost two decades, which only ceased in the
420s, at the latest in the 430s to 440s.659 That time like Valeria Ripensis, Pannonia
Prima was presumably at least de iure under Hunnic reign. Most of the élite of
Savaria and local Church leaders, packed Quirinus’ relics, left the town at the be-
ginning of the 5th century. More people went to Italy, as indicated by tombstones.
However, the removal of saints’ relics does not necessarily mean the dissolution of
the local church organization. A possibly important document about the savarian
Christianity is also the latest inscription known from the town. It is dated back to
the beginning of the 5th century and made for the cemetery guard (custor cymiteri),
Nammius Quintus, who died at the age of 86 and for his wife, Irene, died at the age
of 81.660 If the date of the inscription is correct, the Christian origin is more likely.661
656 Gáspár 2002. 92–93., 138. About the interior buildings discovered in the Pilismarót fort, Dor-
ottya Gáspár considers two of them as an ancient Christian basilica and one of them as a
synagogue. This is an exciting idea, but their identification are uncertain in the absence of any
sufficient archaeological evidences.
657 See eg. Tóth 1990. 20–21.
658 Gáspár 2002. 66., 123., 139.
659 Tóth 2009. 180–189.
660 Kiss–Tóth–Zágorhidi 1998. 64., fig. 6.; Gáspár 2002. 125., fig. 354.; Tóth 2011. 197., Nr.
150.
661 Tóth 2011. 197. In contrary Gáspár 2002. 125., stating that the custor cymiteri term is known
also from „pagan” inscriptions.
■ 125 ■
The categorization of similar monuments, whether Christian or not, is rein-

forced not only by the date of creation, but also by the place where the archaeo-
logical object was found. The probable original findspot of the savarian inscrip-
tion was around St. Martin’s Church, the late roman eastern cemetery of the
town, where other ancient Christian tombs and tombstones also came to light.662
According to a chronicle record, an earthquake broke out in Savaria on Sep-
tember 7, 456, on a Friday. The catastrophic power of this geological event has
been questioned by recent seismological and archaeological research.663 The
Chron. Min. I. 304 is originally applicable for year 455, but 7 September fell only
in 456 on Friday. Andreas Schwartz assumed the earthquake on 10 September
454, when 10 September was also on Friday.664 Considering the historical data
and the parallel data of the Severinus biography, year 456 is the more likely date.
However, in the 5th century, poor, dilapidated houses could collapse as a house of
cards even in the case of a minor downfall.665
However, Savaria’s urban life and the life of urban Christianity did not stop
after 456.666 The luck of Savaria and its surroundings was that this area was not
permanently occupied by any group of Huns, Eastern Goths, Langobards, Avars
after the fall of the Roman administration. Here, “ethnic” and power relations
were more favorable to the survival of the Christian Roman population than in
the former Valeria Ripensis.667
662 Kiss–Tóth–Zágorhidi 1998. 64.; Tóth 2001. 188–200.

663 Tóth 2014b. 321–326.
664 Schwartz 2001. 30.
666 The clericus Leonianus was born in Savaria in the Hunnic period, then later became an abbot
in Vienne, in Gallia. His tombstone also tells us that Leonianus came to Gallia after 472 along
with the eastern Goths of Widimer. Tóth 1976. 110.; Kiss–Tóth-Zágorhidi 1998. fig. 71.
667 In the 6th century Saint Martin in Braga who worked in Hispania was also of Pannonian origin.
Gregor Turon. Hist. V. 37.; Venant. Fortun. Carm. C 2. 231–232; Tóth 1976. 110.; Kiss–Tóth–
Zágorhidi 1998. 72.
■ 126 ■
V.
Disappearance of Pannonia’s
Ecclesiastical Significance
During the 5th century, much of Pannonia and Noricum was lost for the Roman
World. Only the western part of former Illyricum remained under the rule of a
bishop. It is unlikely that Rome wanted more influence in this area. On the other
hand, Dacia and Macedonia was overtaken by the Diocese of Thessaloniki with
his representative in the praefectura of Eastern Illyricum, whose positions were
confirmed in 421. This circumstance delayed the formation of a metropolitan
organization in the Balkans. A political tug over the Church between Rome and
Constantinople decreased a little bit during the 5th century. The significance of
the Thessaloniki vicariate slowly disappeared. The political and cultural influ-
ence of Rome in the region is approximately lasted until the mid to second half
of the 5th century.668
668 Moreau 2017. 273–275.
■ 127 ■
Epilogue
The purpose of writing my work was to introduce the reader to the history of
Pannonian Christianity. Of course, it would be worthwhile to write more works
about the beginnings of Pannonian Christianity and the Church history after
456, but the preparation of their modern synthesis is the task of further research.
■ 128 ■
Abbreviations, Sources, Bibliography
Abbreviations
AAAd Antichità Altoadriatiche

AB Art Bulletin
ActAntHung Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungariae
ActArchHung Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungariae
AEspA Archivo Español de Arqueologia
ArchÉrt Archaeologiai Értesítő, Budapest
AlbaRegia Az István Király Múzeum Évkönyve, Székesfehérvár
Aluta Aluta. Muzeul Sf. Gheorghe - Sepsiszentgyörgy
Am Journal of Phil. American Journal of Philology
AN Aquileia Nostra
AnBoll Analecta Bollandiana
Annales Annales Universitatis Scientiarum Budapestinensis de Rolando
Eötvös nominatae
AnnÉp Année Épigraphique
AntTan Antik Tanulmányok
ArchAu Archaeologia Austriaca
ArchBalt Archaeologia Baltica
ArchHung Archaeologia Hungarica, Budapest
ArchJug Archaologia Jugoslavica
ArhVest Arheološki Vestnik
BAR-IS British Archaeological Reports, International Series
BBÁMÉ A szekszárdi Béri Balogh Ádám Múzeum Évkönyve
BudRég Budapest Régiségei. Régészeti és történeti évkönyv, Budapest
Bull AC Bulletino di Archeologia Cristiana, Città di Vaticano
ByzZ Byzantinische Zeitschrift, München
CahArch Cahiers Archéologiques, Paris
CG Calendarium Gothicum
CIAC Congresso Internazionale di Archeologia Cristiana
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
CommArchHung Communicationes Archeologiae Hungaricae
Corso di cult. Corso di cultura sull’arte ravennate e bizantina
sull’arte rav. e biz.
■ 129 ■
CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum

Dacia Dacia. Revue d’Archéologie et d’Histoire Ancienne, Bucarest
DACL Dictionnaire d’ Archéologie chrétienne et de la liturgie
DAF Documents d’Archéologie Française, Paris
DissArch Dissertationes Archaeologicae
DissPann Dissertationes Pannonicae
EM Erdélyi Muzeum. Erdélyi Muzeum Egyesület, Kolozsvár
FVLK Forschungen zur Volks- und Landeskunde, Sibiu – Hermanns-
tadt
FA Folia Archaeologica, Budapest
GGG Glossarium Graeco-Gothicum
GRBS Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies
Historia Historia. Zeitschrift für alte Gechichte
HPS Hungarian Polis Studies
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
ILS Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae
JAC Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum
Jahrb. Öst. Byz. Ges. Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinischen Gesellschaft,
Graz – Köln
JAMÉ Jósa András Múzeum Évkönyve
JbAC Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, Münster
JEH Journal of Ecclesiastical History
JÖAI Jahrbuch des Österreichischen Archäologischen Instituts, Wien
JPMÉ A pécsi Janus Pannonius Múzeum Évkönyve
JRA Journal of Roman Archaeology
JTS Journal of Theological Studies
KMMK Komárom Megyei Múzeumok Közleményei, Tata
MCA Materiale si Cercetari Arheologice, Bucuresti
K.u.K Kaiserliche und Königliche (Monarchie)
MEFRA Mélanges de l’ École Française de Rome. Antiquité.
MEV Magyar Egyháztörténeti Vázlatok
MFMÉ Stud. Arch. Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve, Studia Archaeologica
MiChA Mitteilungen zur Christlichen Archäologie
MittArchInst Mitteilungen des Archäologischen Instituts der Ungarischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften
MGH AA Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auctores Antiquissimi
MRT Magyarország Régészeti Topográfiája
NAWG Nachrichten der Akademie der Wisenschaften in Göttingen. I.
Philologisch-Historische Klasse
P.G. Patrologiae Graecae (Migne), see Sources
P.L. Patrologiae Latinae (Migne), see Sources
■ 130 ■
■ Abbreviations, Sources, Bibliography ■
RivAC Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana

RLAC Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum. Sachwörterbuch zur
Auseinandersetzung des Christentums mit der antiken Welt.
(Hrsg.: Th. Klauser)
RE Pauly-Wissowa Realenzyklopedie der Classischen Altertums-
wissenschaft
RevHistEccl Revue d’ Histoire Ecclésiastique
RGA Reallexikon zur Germanischen Altertumskunde
RM Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts. Rö-
mische Abteilung
RÖ Römisches Österreich
Sic itur ad astra Sic itur ad astra. Fiatal Történészek Folyóirata. A Sic itur ad astra
Egyesület folyóirata, Budapest
SpNova Specimina Nova Dissertationum ex institutis historiae antiquae
et archaeologiae universitatis quinqueecclesiensis
CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum
Sirmium Sirmium. Archeological investigations in syrmian Pannonia
StAC Studi di archeologia cristiana, Città di Vaticano
StPatr Studia Patristica
TVKM Tapolcai Városi Múzeumok Közleményei
Viator Viator. Medieval and Renaissance Studies
VigChr Vigiliae Christianae
WMMÉ Wosinskí Mór Múzeum Évkönyve, Szekszárd
ZAC Zeitschrift für Antike und Christentum
ZalMúz Zalai Múzeum
ZDA Zeitschrift für Deutsches Altertum
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Complex at Vinkovci, Croatia. In: Tóth, Endre–Vida, Tivadar–
Takács, Imre (Ed.), Saint Martin and Pannonia: Christianity on
the Frontiers of the Roman World. Exhibition catalogue: Abbey
Museum, Pannonhalma, 3 June – 18 September 2016 - Iseum
Savariense, Szombathely, 3 June – 13 November 2016. Szombat-
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d’ Archéologie Chrétienne, Lyon, Vienne, Grenoble, Genève, Aos-
te, 21-28 Septembre 1986. Città del Vaticano, 1989. 2077–2088
(Publications de l’ École Française de Rome 123.)
Westfall Thompson Westfall Thompson, James: Economic and social history of
1959 the Middle Ages (300–1300). Vol. I. New York, 1959.
Wickham 2000 Wickham, Chris: Italy at the end of the Mediterranean world
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Atti del Convegno in onore di John W. Hayes. Roma 11-13 mag-
gio 1995. Firenze, 1998. JRA 13. (2000/2) 818–824.
Williams 1995 Williams, Daniel H.: Ambrose of Milan and the End of
Nicene-Arian Conflicts. Oxford, 1995.
Wilpert 1903 Wilpert, Joseph: Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms. Frei-
burg, 1903.
Wolfram 1979 Wolfram, Herwig: Geschichte der Goten. Wiesbaden, 1979.
Wolfram 1988 Wolfram, Herwig: History of Goths. Berkeley–Los Angeles–
London, 1988.
■ 167 ■
Wolfram 1990 Wolfram, Herwig: Die Goten. Von den Anfangen bis zur Mitte
des sechsten Jahrhunderts. Entwurf einer historischer Ethnogra-
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Zeiller 1918 Zeiller, Jacques: Les origines chrétiennes dans les provinces
danubiennes de l‘empire romaine. Paris, 1918.
Zsidi–Topál– Zsidi Paula–Topál Judit–Madarassy Orsolya: Ókeresztény
Madarassy 2000 temetőkápolnák és temetkezések Aquincumban. In: Zsidi Pau-
la (szerk.), Ókeresztény emlékek Aquincumban. Budapest, 2000.
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nauprovinzen – Nuclei frühmittelalterlichen Lebens? München,
2011. 549–569. (Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Phil.-hist. Klasse)
■ 168 ■
FIGURES
■ 171 ■
■ Figures ■
Fig. 1. Summary of the various periodisations of Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages
(taken from Heinrich-Tamáska – Syrbe 2016. fig. 3.)
Fig. 2.: Map showing the bishoprics of the provinces of Illyricum. Numbers below the
episcopal sees mean the year of the council where the bishop participated
(taken from Bratož 2011b. Abb. 1.)
PANNONIA PRIMA
Unbekannter Ort (Savaria?)
Gaius um 355-366 Synod. Mediolan. a. 355 (ep. ad Euseb. Vercell., in Brennecke
1984, 165-166 Anm. 74); Sozomenos, HE 4,17,3 u. 7; 4,18,8 (GCS
NF 4,163,9; 164,3; 166,12); Hilarius, Coll. Antiar. Pár., A 1,4,2;
5,1,2; 5,3,1; 9,3; B 5,1; 6,1; 8,1 (CSEL 65, 45; 82f.; 86; 96f.; 159f.;
161; 174); Athanasius, De synodis 10,7 u. 11,1 (Hrsg. H.-G. Opitz
[Berlin 1940], 238,1 u. 36)
SCARBANTIA (eccl. Scaravasiensis)
Vigilius vor/um 579 Synodus Gradensis (concil. Mantuanum a. 827, MGH Leges III,
Conc. 2, 588,19f.)
VALERIA
Unbekannter Ort (Sopianae?)
Paulus um 356-366 Synod. Mediolan. a. 355 (ep. ad Euseb. Vercell., in Brennecke
1984,165-166 Anm. 74); Hilarius,
Coll. Antiar. Pár. B 5,1; 6,1 (CSEL 65,159f.; 161)
IOVIA (Heténypuszta)
Amantius um 380-398 Gesta concil. Aquileiensis 1;64 (CSEL 82/3, 325; 327; 363); Brusin
1993, Nr. 2904 (= CIL 5,1623 oder ILCV 1061)
■ 172 ■
■ Figures ■
PANNONIA SECUNDA
SIRMIUM
Irenaeus (martyr) †304 Breviárium Syriacum (Lietzmann 1911,10);
MH, Apr. 6 (AA SS Nov. II/2,177); BHL 4466; 6869; BHG 948-
951; Inschrift: N. Duval, Sirmium „vilié impériale” ou „capitale”?.
Corsi di cultura sull’arte ravennate e bizantina 26,1979, 83f. (Bra-
toz 2004, 216).
Domnus (Domnion) 325(?), 335 Concilium Nicaenum a. 325 (E. Honigmann, Une liste inédite des
Pères de Nicée, Byzantion 20,1950,67 Nr. 186); Athanasius, Histó-
ria Arianorum 5,2 (Hrsg. H.-G. Opitz [Berlin 1940], 185,16)
Euterius 343 Concil. Serdicense (Hilarius, Coll. Antiar. Pár. B,2, 4 (CSEL 65,
137 Nr. 40); Athanasius, Ápol. sec. 48,2 (Hrsg. H.-G. Opitz [Ber-
lin 1938] 125 Nr. 33)
Photinus um 345-351 Zahlreiche Belege (G. Bardy, Dictionnaíre de Théologie Catho-
lique 12/2, [1935] 1532-1536)
Germinius 351-um 370 zahlreiche Belege (Jülicher, Germinius, RE 7/1 [1910] 1262f.)
Anemius 381, 382 Gesta concil. Aquileiensis 1; 16; 55 (CSEL 82/3, 325; 327; 335;
359); Scholia Arriana in concilium Aquileiense 20/32 (CCSL
87,158 bzw. SC 267, 228); Theodoretos HE 5,9,1 (GCS NF 5,
289,7)
Cornelius vor 409 Innocentius, Ep. 16 (PL 20,520B)
Anonymus 441 Priscus, Frg. 11,2 (Blockley 1981,262)
Trasaricus 572(?) Johannes Biclarensis, Chronica, a. 572.1 (MGH AA11, 212f. bzw.
CCSL 173A, 63)
Sebastianus 591; 595 Gregorius I., Registrum ep. 1,27,1; 5,40,1 (CCSL 140,
(episc. Resiniensis oder Sermiensis) 35; 318); vgl. Risinum (Praevalitana)
CIBALAE
Eusebius (martyr) Mitte 3. Jh. MH, Apr. 28 (AA SS Nov. II/2,215);
Acta Políionis (BHL 6869); Bratoz 2004, 224f.
MURSA
Valens ca. 335-370 zahlreiche Belege (W. Ensslin, Valens Nr. 21,RE 7A2 [1948] 2141-
2146
BACENSIS CIVITAS (BASSIANA)
Anonymus 535 lustinianus, Novella 11 pr. (Schoell/Kroll 1959, 94,8)
SAVIA
SISCIA
Quirinus (martyr) +308 MH, Iun. 4 (AA SS Nov. II/2, 302f.;) BHL 7035-7038; Hierony-
mus, Chron. a. 308 (GCS 47, 229(e));
Bratoz 1984, 212f.
Marcus 343 Hilarius, Coll. Antiar. Pár. B, 2, 4 (CSEL 65,138 Nr. 52); Athanasi-
us, Ápol. sec. 48,2 (Hrsg. H.-G. Opitz [Berlin 1938] 126 Nr. 50)
Constantius 381 Concil. Aquileiense 1; 61 (CSEL 82/3,325; 327; 362)
Joannes 530 Synodus Salonitana I (Klaic 1967,81)
Constantinus 533 Synodus Salonitana II (Klaic 1967, 85)
Fig. 3.: Written sources about Pannonian bishoprics

(taken from Bratož 2011b. Anhang I.)
■ 173 ■
Fig. 4.: Excavation drawing of the northern insulae of Savaria near the Gate of Scarban-
tia, with the findspots of an early Christian helmet mount with christogram and of a
bronze fitting of a lamp suspension chain (taken from Kiss 2000. fig. 1.)
Fig. 5.: The northern cemetery of Sopianae (taken from Tóth Zs. 2012. fig. 2.)
■ 174 ■
■ Figures ■
Fig. 6. Groundplan of the late Roman civitas Iovia, Ludbreg in Croatia

(taken from Migotti 1997. 24, fig. 6.)
■ 175 ■
Fig. 7. Groundplan of the late Roman mausoleum in the cemetery of the inner fort
Iovia (Kapospula, Alsóhetény-puszta) with earlier incineration burials
(taken from Tóth E. 2009. Pl. 36.)
■ 176 ■
■ Figures ■
Fig. 8.: The urban basilica of Sirmium and its reconstruction

(taken from Nagy 2012a. fig. 5.; Popović 1987. Abb. 4.)
Fig. 9. The topography of Sirmium, Roman town and cemeteries

(taken from Jeremić 2005. fig. 1.)
■ 177 ■
Fig. 10. The results of geophysical survey at the findspot Vinkovci-Kamenica in 2012,
showing traces of a great funerary basilica complex with surrounding walls and mauso-
lea (taken from Vulić 2016b. 90, fig. 2.)
Fig. 11. Reconstruction model of the early Christian funerary complex of Vinkov-
ci-Kamenica on the basis of the geophysical survey and first excavation results
(taken from Vulić 2016b. 92, fig. 9.)
■ 178 ■
■ Figures ■
Fig. 12.: Map of Scythia and Gothia (taken from Hudák 2005. 55.)
Fig. 13.: The territory of the Sântana de Mureş – Cernjachov culture with the possibly
routes of Emperor Valens’ campaigns against the Goths
(taken from Heather 1991. 85., fig. 3.)
■ 179 ■
Fig. 14.: A page from the Gothic Bible codex of Ulfila,

the Codex Argenteus with silver letters
(taken from Hudák 2005. 59.)
■ 180 ■
■ Figures ■
Név Székhely Tartomány Irodalom

Valeríanus Aquileiensis Venetia Lanzoni 1927, 886-887; PChrl 2236.
Pannónia
Anemius Sirmiensis II Bratoz 1987,190
Constantins Arausicus VII.
Viennensis
Justus Lugdunensis Lugd.
Eventius Ticinensis Liguria Lanzoni 1927, 986; PChrl 668
Abundantius Triclentinus Venetia Lanzoni 1927, 937; PChrl 1.
Eusebius Bononiensis Emilia Lanzoni 1927, 785; PChrl 698
Sabinus Placentinus Liguria Lanzoni 1927, 815; PChrl 1969.
Felix PChrl 772
Numidius
Limenius Vercellensis Liguria Lanzoni 1917, 1039; PChrl 1306
Maximus Emonensis Venetia PChrl 1467
Exsuperantius Dertonensis Liguria Lanzoni 1927, 827.; PChrl 729.
Bassianus Laudensis Liguria Lanzoni 1927, 993-994; PChrl 269.
*
Pilaster Brictianus Venetia Lanzoni 1927, 962-963; PChrl 817.
Constantins Sisciensis Savia Bratoz 1987,189.
Heliodorus Altiniensis Venetia Lanzoni 1927, 909; PChrl 965
Felix Diadertinus Dalmatia
Alpes
Theodoras Octodorensis Graiae
Domninus Gratianopoli- VII
tanus Viennensis
Proculus, Massiliensium VII
Viennensis
Diogenes Genavensis Liguria Lanzoni 1927, 835; PChrl 560.
Amantinus Ioviensium Valeria Bratoz 1987,189.
Ianuarius - PChrl 1024
Artemius - PChrl 196.
Almacius - PChrl 90.
Iovinus - PChrl 1152
Maximus - PChrl 1168
Macedón ius - PChrl 1343
Fig. 15.: Participants of the council of Aquileia (taken from Tóth 2009. 130-131.)
■ 181 ■
Fig. 16.: The northern wall, southern wall and barrel vault of the St. Peter and Paul
burial chamber in Sopianae (photo: András em Török)
Fig. 17.: Jonah scene from the eastern wall of the St. Peter and Paul burial chamber
in Sopianae, detail (photo: András em Török)
■ 182 ■
■ Figures ■
Fig. 18.: The northern wall of the St. Peter and Paul burial chamber with the
representation of Peter, Paul and the christogram (photo: András em Török)
Fig. 19.: Casket mounts with the representations of Peter, Paul and Timothy from the
inner fort of Ságvár (photo: Renate Pillinger, with the permission of the Hungarian
National Museum)
■ 183 ■
Fig. 20.: Brick incrustation with the representation of Arius (?) (photo: Renate Pillinger,
with the permission of the Wosinsky Mór Museum)
Fig. 21.: The funerary basilica of Saint Irenaeus in the eastern cemetery of Sirmium
[findspot Nr. 55.] (taken from Nagy 2012.fig. 7.)
■ 184 ■
■ Figures ■
Fig. 22.: Groundplans of the funerary basilica of Saint Syneros based of old
(Adolf Hytrek) and more recent (Miroslav Jeremić) reconstruction efforts
(taken from Nagy 2012a. fig. 12.)
Fig. 23. Reconstruction model of the 4th century S. Sebastiano basilica in Rome
(taken from Ferrua 1990. fig. 14.)
■ 185 ■
Fig. 24.: Grave 13 of the Platonia mauseoleum of the S. Sebastiano basilica in Rome,
with the reliquiary of Saint Quirinus and other martyrs in the side niche of the grave
(Nagy 2012a. fig. 18.)
Fig. 25.: Medaillons of the barrel vault of the St. Peter and Paul burial chamber
(photo: András em Török)
■ 186 ■
■ Figures ■
Fig. 26.: Wall painting from cubiculum Nr. 3 of the SS. Pietro e Marcellino catacomb,
Rome: Jesus Christ, Peter, Paul and four martyrs besides the lamb of God: Petrus,
Marcellinus, Tiburtius, Gorgonius
(taken from Fiocchi Nicolai – Bisconti – Mazzoleni 1999. 131.)
■ 187 ■
Fig. 27.: Jar with smoothed cross patterns from the watchtower of Leányfalu
(photo: Renate Pillinger with the permission of the Aquincum Museum)
Fig. 28.: Grey pottery fragments with representations of crosses from the settlement
near the late Roman fort of Tokod (photos: Renate Pillinger, with the permission of the
Balassa Bálint Museum in Esztergom)
■ 188 ■
■ Figures ■
Fig. 29.: Aerial photo about the late Roman fort and villa estate of Tokod (Aerial Arche-
ological Archive, Universtiy of Pécs, taken from Szabó 2016. fig. 91.)
■ 189 ■
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Methodological Introduction To The Panno

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Methodological Introduction To The Panno

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Krisztina Hudák

Methodological Introduction to the Pannonian Early Christian

Methodological Introduction to the

I. Introduction – Some Methodological Approaches

II. The Situation of the Pannonian Bishoprics and the Christian

II.4. A Brief Bypass Towards the Beginnings of Christianity among

III. Strengthening Orthodoxy in Pannonia in the Last Third

III.4.1. The Pannonian Passion of the Four Crowned Saints

IV. The Situation of Christianity in the Provinces of Pannonia

IV.4.1. Migrations and Relocations of relics from the Beginning

V. Disappearance of Pannonia’s Ecclesiastical Significance ............ 127

Epilogue ................................................................................................................... 128

The e-book of Krisztina Hudák, „Methodological Introduction to the Pannonian

Pécs, 1 March, 2019.

Dr. habil. Levente Nagy Ph.D.

I.1. The Selected Time Interval of this Work

1 Sághy–Schoolman 2017. 1.; Tóth 2017. 20.

1.2. A Brief Research History

The theme of my work is the history of Christianity in the Pannonian provinc-

I.3. The Peculiarities of our Sources

I.3.1. Historical Methodology

26 Heather 1991. 6.; Horváth 2000–2002. 16.

I.3.2. Iconographical Research

I.3.3. Archaeological Considerations and Approaches

27 Heather 1991. 50-51.; Horváth 2000–2002. 18.

I.4 Transylvania and Transylvanian Finds

32 A recent discussion of these issues through the question of archaeological identification of

I.5. Terminological problems

I.5.1. Orthodox and Arian

Instead of the concept of Arianism, recent research on Homoians, anti-Nicene

I.5.2. Pagan, Gentile and Germanic, Individuals, Groups, Peoples

37 Pohl 2002. 9.; Halsall 2008. 105.

answer ecclesiastical historical questions. Therefore, in this essentially work of

I.5.3. Visigoths, Ostrogoths and Other Species of Goths

I.5.4. Chronological Terminology: pre-Hunnic and Hunnic Period

47 Bierbrauer 2011a. 367.

The Situation of the Pannonian Bishoprics

II.1. Some Notes to the Metropolia-Question of Pannonia

52 Moreau 2017. 261.

Sirmium, Serdica and Thessaloniki demanded some kind of honorary privi-

57 Moreau 2017. 271.

er bishopric headquarters had a more subdivided administration since the 5th

60 Destephen 2012. 1490.

66 Bratož 2011a. 214.

II.2. The Statistical Proportions of Christianity

According to Tibor Nagy, the existence of the metropolis organization in the

II.3. Were There Episcopal Basilicas

cia-eparchia) to ecclesiastical administration. The provincial bishops (metropolitans) had the

on current topographic knowledge: it can be excluded that an extra muros basil-

In Carnuntum we do not know a building with a Christian purpose, except an

The identification of Iovia as a bishop’s residence has long been controver-

Mursa was certainly a bishopric. An energetic Arian bishop, Valens is wellknown

Cibalae is a well-known bishop’s headquarters in the written sources.134 Never-

II.3.10. Aquae Iasae

An autonomous town in the province of Savia, known as Aquae Iasae, hosted

Unfortunately, the episopal residence of Quirinus or of another bishops of the 4th

II.4 A Brief Bypass Towards the Beginnings of Christianity Among

If the evidence known by Philostorgius was right, Ulfila’s grandparents were

III. 1. The Change of Church Policy Situation in the 370’s

III.1.1. The Act of Saint Ambrose and his Journey to Illyricum

157 Nagy 1939. 169–187.

III.1.2. Ambrose and Damasus Pope’s Pannonian Offensive

163 Paul. Vita Ambr. 11.