Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Abstract
This paper examines the origin of the shadow theaters of the world including
those of India, Indonesia, Southeast Asia, Egypt, Turkey, China, and Europe, and
the relation- ships among the various traditions. Theories which have been advanced
are discussed and analyzed, along with suggestions of other possibilities. Although all
the shadow the- ater traditions of the world are highly distinctive, many links and
inµuences have existed among them. This study suggests that the shadow theater
may have originated in either Central Asia or India. The Euro-Asian steppe and
the seas between Africa, Asia and Southeast Asia may have served as avenues that
linked disparate shadow traditions, and some inµuences were probably not
unidirectional. The paper also refutes numerous the- ories concerning the
relationship between Chinese Shadows and those of the rest of the world.
Keywords: Shadow theater—shadow puppets—wayang—Karagöz—Chinese Shadows—
Ombres Chinoises—nang yai—nang sebek—nang talung.
For nomads have animals and, therefore, leather. They have tents and
³re and, therefore, a lighted screen. A shadow show of ³fty actors
packs into a small saddlebag. It is known that the Scythians of
the third and fourth centuries BCE made handsome silhouettes of
leather. And in bur- ial grounds among the Altai Mountains near
Outer Mongolia, along the old trade route between China and
Russia, there have been found cutout leather animals, one a
moose that could well have been a shad- ow ³gure (BAIRD 1973,
84).5
The use of µat ³gures made of leather, felt, paper, cloth or bark by
the nomadic tribes of Central Asia may have been related to their
shamanic religious practices. A Song dynasty Chinese source quotes
from a Tang source that Central Asian Turks (tujue £J) worshipped felt
³gures repre- senting gods that they kept in leather bags (LI 1990;
reprint, 1046–513).6 This practice has been traced among Turkish and
Mongolian peoples of Central Asia until recent times. Such ³gures
apparently represented sacred
³gures, ancestors and deceased relatives (BEAZLEY 1903; quoted in
BOMBACI 1963, 97).7 The Manchus of Northeast China also use tree bark
and paper
³gures of human beings during shamanic rituals and of animals for
burials (ZHOU, HU 1996, 8–9 and 34–36).
Although the technique of the shadow theater may have indeed
origi- nated with the nomadic tribes of the steppes of Central Asia,
de³nite proof may never be found. These tribes were illiterate and
hence no written records can be obtained. The Turkish scholar, Sabri
Esat Siyavusgil suggests that the Turks of Central Asia had long been
familiar with the shadow the- ater, which they designated the
name of kavurcak or kabarcuk. A Turco-Arabic dictionary of the
thirteenth century, published however in 1894, gives as the
de³nition for the word: “it is the shadow theater.” Siyavusgil
believes that kavurcak must have become transformed in the course
of time into kolkurcak in the Turkish dialect of Central Asia, and
eventually came to be used more speci³cally to refer to marionettes. If
one believes that more than one dialect existed in Central Asia, then
kavurcak and kolkurcak could also have been the same word in
different dialects.8 In Turkestan, the shadow theater is still known as
cadir hayal, meaning “per- formance given under a tent” (SIYAVUSGIL
1961, 5–6).
Another Turkish scholar, Metin And feels, however, that cadir
hayal refers to the marionettes in Turkestan (AND 1987, 22–23) and
that there is no evidence of the existence of a Turkish shadow theater
until the sixteenth century. Certainly the Turkish Karagöz in Turkey
did not appear until the sixteenth century, but it seems possible that
the Central Asian Turks were performing shadow performances by at
least the twelfth century. The earli- est Egyptian shadow ³gures are
called Mameluke ³gures from the Mameluke epoch (1250–1517).
The shadow ³gures of this tradition are mostly static ³gures (³gures 1
and 2)9 distinctly different from those of the Karagöz Shadows (³gure
3) which dominated the Arab world later. The Mamelukes were
Turkish military slaves from Central Asia in Egypt. They were the
dispossessed nomads of the steppes bought by the Egyptians for their
toughness and superior riding skills. These slaves were converted to
Islam and were so well-trained that they became a military elite who
³nally set themselves up as a ruling dynasty (NORTHRUP 1998, 242–53).10
Indeed, the ³rst authenticated mention of the Shadows in Egypt is
from the twelfth century concerning the Mameluke Sultan, Salah El-
Din El-Kalyouby, who made his reluctant grand vizier watch a shadow
show with him in 1171 (MIKHAIL 1996, 3; KAHLE 1940, 21).
A Persian poet, Seyh Ferididdin Attar (between 1120 and 1230)
also claims inspiration from a famous Turkish “exhibitor” in Khorasan
(in east- ern Iran where Turkish nomads resided) before he created his
mystical vision of the world in the image of the shadow theater
(SIYAVUSGIL 1961, 6–7). Connecting Turkish Shadows to the steppes of
Central Asia and Egypt is also the fact that I was told by vendors at
the Grand Bazaar in Istanbul that the shadow ³gures in Turkey have
always been made of camel hide.
INDIAN SHADOWS
Some scholars like Richard Pischel, Otto Spies, Alessio Bombaci,
Sab’n (Sabri) Esat Siyavusgil and William Ridgeway have advocated
Indian ori- gins for the shadow theater (PISCHEL 1902; MYRSIADES 1973,
27).11 Indeed, if the interpretation of certain words in the
Mahabharata (400 BCE—400 CE; MILLER 1993, 123) and Patañjali’s
Mahabhasya (second century BCE; WOLPERT 1982, 87) are correct, then
the earliest mention of shadow plays in literature are found in India.
According to Stache-Rosen, Richard Pischel notes that a commentator
of the Mahabharata, Nilakantha (seventeenth cen-
tury),12 explains that the word rupopajivanam13 in the Mahabharata is
referred to as jalamandapika in southern India during his own time.
Nilakantha states that jalamandapika refers to the display of the
reµection of leather
³gures cast on a thin cloth (STACHE-ROSEN 1976, 276). Although one
might question the reading of a seventeenth-century scholar into a
word written about two thousand years earlier, the following
interpretation is based on a much older work and provides more de³nite
proof than one person’s con- jecture. According to Stache-Rosen,
Lüder similarly interprets the word saubhikas, which appears in the
second-century-BCE work Mahabhasya, as shadow players. He con³rms
this opinion with the work of a tenth-century writer, Somadeva, who
explains in his Nitivakyamrta that a saubhika is “a man who makes
several persons visible at night on a screen made of cloth.” Sobhikas
(saubhikas) are also listed among other entertainers in several early
Buddhist scriptures of the late ³rst millennium BCE, such as the
Siksasamuccaya, the Mahavastu and the Jataka14 (STACHE-ROSEN 1976, 277).
Oral tradition also claims that shadow theater was found in Andhra
Pradesh as early as 200 BCE. According to Ramana Murty, the Andhra
Sarwaswamu states that in the sixth century, the Pallava kings and
the Kakatiya kings of South India introduced leather puppetry to
Indonesia when they conquered the groups of Islands of Yava (Java,
Indonesia; MURTY 1976, 73). Hence, one can conclude that shadow
theater has most likely existed in India since the
³rst millennium BCE, and that it had de³nitively been performed there
by the sixth and tenth centuries. A twelfth-century Ceylonese chronicle
records that King Gajabahu (r. 1137–1153) employed as spies Tamilians
and others “practiced in dance and song to appear as showmen of
leather puppets and the like” (STACHE-ROSEN 1976, 277; GRAY 1930, 627).
The earliest extant shadow playscript seems to be The Dutangada of
Subhata, which was pro- duced at a dhooly festival in 1243 (GRAY
1912, 58–59). Possibly extinct in some locations, the following shadow
traditions have been found in South India (see ³gures 4–6).
INDONESIAN SHADOWS
The relationship between the shadow theaters of India and Indonesia is
still being debated. Although the Andhra Sarwaswamu states that Indian
kings who invaded Java in the sixth century introduced to it the
Shadows, the present Indonesian shadow theater is so much more
elaborate and sophisti- cated than remnant traces of this art in India
that many have maintained that it was an autochthonous Indonesian
tradition. For example, whereas Indian shadow performances either
have very few or no musical instru- ments at all,16 those in Indonesia
are accompanied by extensive ensembles of gamelan music. Indeed, the
Indonesian Shadows (³gure 7) is probably the best-known type of
shadow theater in the world. Unlike the Chinese shad- ow theater
which is considered but a minor form of opera, the Indonesian
Shadows stands out as the “preeminent art form in Java” (KEELER 1987,
14). Despite the comparable sophistication of the Chinese shadow
theater, the Indonesian form has been hailed as “one of the world’s
most complex and re³ned dramatic and theatrical forms” (BRANDON
1993, 1).
According to Brandon, the earliest surviving records of wajang
(wayang)17 on copper plates dated 840 and 907 may have referred to
shadow performers and plays; by the eleventh century, shadow plays of
a high level of complexity were de³nitely performed:
The existence of shadow puppets in Java is ³rst hinted at in two
royal charters, establishing freeholds, inscribed on copper plates. The
³rst, dated 840, mentions the names of six kinds of of³cials who were
performers or who supervised musicians, clowns, and possibly wajang
performers (the precise meaning of the terms cannot be determined,
unfortunately). The second, from 907, describes dances, epic recitations,
and mawajang, a performance which may have been a shadow play.
Wajang is mentioned several times in the copious and elegant court
literature written between the eleventh and
³fteenth centuries at various kingdoms in east Java. A famous
reference appears in The Meditation of Ardjuna (Ardjuna Wiwaha),
composed by a court poet of King Airlangga (1035–1049): “There
are people who weep, are sad and aroused watching the puppets,
though they know they are merely carved pieces of leather
manipulated and made to speak. These people are like men who,
thirsting for sensuous pleasures, live in a world of illusion; they do
not realize the magic hallucinations they see are not real.” In
1157 the court poet Mpu Sedah wrote in the Great War
(Bratajada): “The booming of frogs in the river sounds like
xylophones [saron] accompanying the wajang play. When wind
blows over empty bamboo cylinders it is like µutes playing for the
perform- ance” (BRANDON 1993, 3).
From Khitai [Northern China] there had come some players, and
they displayed from behind a curtain wonderful Khitayan plays.
One of these consisted of a kind of picture of every people, among
which they showed an old man with a white beard and a turban
wound round his head being dragging along abound to the tail of
a horse. Qa’an [Khan] asked who this was meant to portray. They
replied that it represented a rebellious Muslim because the soldiers
dragged them out of the town in this manner. Qa’an ordered the
show to be stopped and [commanded his attendants] to fetch
from the treasury precious clothes and jewel-
studded objects such as are brought from Baghdad and Bukhara,
Arab horses, and other valuable things such as jewels, gold, silver,
etc., which are found in these parts. They produced Khitayan
wares also and laid them side by side. The difference was
enormous. Qa’an said: “The poorest Tazik Muslim has several
Khitayan slaves standing before him, while not one of the great
emirs of Khitai has a single Muslim captive. And the reason for
this can only be the wisdom of God, Who knows the rank and
station of all the peoples of the world; it is also in conformity with
the auspicious yasa of Chingiz-Khan, for he made the blood
money for a Muslim 40 balish and that for a Khitayan a donkey.
In view of such clear proofs and testimonies how can you make a
laughing stock of the people of Islam? You ought to be punished
for your actions, but this time I will spare your lives. Depart from
my presence and do not commit such actions again (BOYLE
1971, 78).
CONCLUSION
Although the shadow theater traditions of the world—the Chinese, the
Indian, the Indonesian, the Thai, the medieval Egyptian, the Turkish,
and the European—are all highly distinctive, more links and inµuences
among them seem to have existed than one might have suspected.
The nomadic steppe peoples of Central Asia may have been the ³rst
performers of shadow plays. They had tents, ³re within the tents, and
they used leather and felt
³gures in religious rituals. Many beautiful shadow ³gure-like leather
³gures dating to the ³rst millennium BCE have been found in the
graves of the Scythians of Mount Altai around Outer Mongolia.
Even if shadow plays did not originate in Central Asia, the
constantly migrating peoples of this huge expanse of landmass across
Asia and Europe seem to have served as links among various shadow
traditions of the world. The Mameluke Shadows of medieval Egypt may
have been brought by the nomadic Turkish military slaves from the
steppes who eventually became the rulers of Egypt. This steppe
connection may also account for the similar modes of decoration
found in the mostly static Indian and Mameluke Egyptian shadow
³gures. Even the similarity between the most important
³gures of the Turkish Karagöz and the Chinese Shadows of the
northeast (Manchuria and eastern Hebei)—Karagöz and Big Hand
respec- tively—may have been a result of this Euro-Asian steppe
connection.
The seas between Africa, Asia and Southeast Asia served as
another avenue that linked shadow theater traditions. A few similarities
can be found
between the Karagöz Shadows that are believed to have been descendants
of the Egyptian Shadows, and the Javanese Shadows of Indonesia; in
particu- lar, the use of a Tree of Life ³gure at the beginning of the
shows. The earli- est written mention of shadow plays are found in
India near the end of the
³rst millennium BCE. Indian inµuence can be found in several
Southeast Asian traditions. But although the Shadows of Indonesia most
likely derived from India, it became such a sophisticated local form so
early (earliest men- tion on copper plates dated 840 and 907) that
Indian Shadows and Indonesian Shadows have left their imprints as
totally different traditions throughout Southeast Asia. While ancestry
of the large static ³gures of Thailand can be traced to India via
Cambodia, the shadow traditions using small movable ³gures in
Cambodia, Thailand, and Malaysia probably orig- inated in Indonesia.
Due to their proximity, inµuence among Cambodia, Thailand, and
Malaysia of the latter tradition was probably not unidirec- tional.
Not all attributions of connections among the various shadow
tradi- tions of the world are veri³able. The European “Chinese
Shadows” did not seem to have originated from China—the silhouette
³gures of the Arab Karagöz may have been its origin—the Chinese
did not perform in a Mongol court in Persia, and the similarities
between Karagöz Shadows and Taiwan Shadows are most likely
coincidental. Indeed, aside from the dis- tinct resemblance between
Karagöz and Big Hand, assertions of interaction between Chinese
Shadows and other types have all been found to be prob- lematic. The
Chinese were probably not among the ³rst to enjoy shadow shows. No
authenticated proof of the existence of the shadow theater is found in
Chinese sources until the tenth century. It is quite possible that the
shadow theater arrived in China either through Central Asia or via
sea routes to the ports of eastern China and that mutual or
unidirectional inµuences did occur—may be some day more useful
research materials will surface. Nevertheless, however the Chinese
Shadows might have originated, my research indicates that there is a
surprising amount of homogeneity among the immensely disparate
shadow theater traditions in China.38 In many ways, this phenomenon
was also found within all the other shadow traditions of the world.
Once the shadow theater was introduced into a sedentary civilization,
it would develop into a sophisticated and indigenous form of culture
with its own distinct characteristics.
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