P ub l i s h e r ’ s M e s s a g e
SANGSAENG 相生
SangSaeng, a Korean word with Chinese
roots, is composed of two parts: Sang,
meaning mutual (each other) and Saeng, or
life. In combination, it means living
together, helping each other—our vision for
the Asia-Pacific region. SangSaeng aims to
be a forum for constructive discussion of
issues, methods and experiences in the
area of peace education.
SangSaeng is published four times a year
by the Asia-Pacific Centre of Education for
International Understanding (APCEIU), an
organization working under the auspices of
UNESCO to promote education for
international understanding toward a culture
of peace in the Asia-Pacific region.
Cover: The University for Peace,
Costa Rica
Editorial Board: Virginia Cawagas
(peace education and curriculum development)
Lawrence Surendra
(environmental economics and social science)
John Fien (education for a sustainable future)
Lee Chan-Keun (economics)
Kim Kyung (journalism and society)
Publisher: Samuel Lee
Editor: Marion Kim
Design / Layout: Park Eun Ju
Printing: Dong Yang Printing Co.
(Yu Il Jun)
C.P.O. Box 64, Seoul, Korea
Tel: (+82-2) 774-3956
Fax: (+82-2) 774-3957
E-mail: marionkim@unesco.or.kr
Website: www.unescoapceiu.org
Signed articles express the opinions of the
authors and do not necessarily represent
the opinions of SangSaeng or APCEIU.
We welcome reproduction and translation
of material from SangSaeng, but please
indicate the source.
SangSaeng is published with financial
support from UNESCO headquarters.
No. 7, June 30, 2003
Registration No: 서울바02955
living together, helping each other
Education toward
a Culture of Peace
Although Education for International Understanding is a broad
concept that has been practiced in diverse dimensions and
directions over the last half century, the aim and mission of EIU has
always been related to the building of a peaceful world. Thus EIU is
identified as education toward a culture of peace.
The concept of a culture of peace is very broad, however; and if
it is not to remain an abstract idea, it must be effectively interpreted
and implemented through compre h e n s i ve theoretical and
pedagogical approaches. Cultures of peace may take different forms
T a b l e o f C o n t e n t s in different contexts. Johan Galtung has conceptualized a culture of
peace as one endowed with the conditions that enable peace to
happen—for example, structures and systems that promote the creative and non-violent
International Consultation on a Masters Degree in Peace
resolution of conflicts. For Elise Boulding, it is a matter of subjective ability: promoting a
Education at the University for Peace
Abelardo Brenes 5 culture of peace means strengthening the elements of peaceableness, such as peaceful
behavior, peace-building skills, and the managing of conflicts and violence in the social and
cultural contexts. A culture of peace cannot be expected to come into existence when the
Peace Education and the Philippine Peace Process
Romulo B. Halabaso 12 culture of violence is not eliminated or transformed, whether that is structural, cultural or
direct physical violence.
Foundations, Pedagogy and Curriculum of Education for Social
Justice in Catholic Schools The articles in this issue of SangSaeng show the multi-faceted character of education
Susan Pascoe / Christine Heffernan 17 toward a culture of peace. Efforts to build and strengthen peace are being carried out in
diverse contexts where many different causes of peacelessness exist. Accordingly, education
The Sarvodaya Peace Action Movement in Sri Lanka t ow a rd a culture of peace takes many forms—from education for conflict re s o l u t i o n ,
Sunil Wijesiriwardena 25 protection of human rights, and gender equity, to education for intercultural understanding,
inter-faith dialogue, equitable development and care for the natural environment. All of these
Gender Justice as a Goal of Peace Education are important elements in cultivating the capacity for peace building and transformation of
Betty A. Reardon 28
this world of conflicts and violence.
The Silsilah Dialogue Movement As this issue of SangSaeng goes to print, APCEIU is about to open its first month-long
Sebastiano D’Ambra 32 Teacher Training Workshop in EIU for educators from the Asia-Pacific region (July 6 - Aug. 2, at
our Center in Ichon, Ko rea). Meanwhile—together with the Peace Education Center of
Education for Peace and Human Rights in Korea Columbia University Teachers College—we are preparing to hold the 2003 International
Kang Soon-Won 36
Institute on Peace Education (IIPE) (Aug. 4-10 in Seoul). Future issues of SangSaeng will be
enriched with stories and reflections from both these events.
The Situation of Refugees and Internally Displaced Peoples from
Burma
Myint Myint San 41
Asian Youth Forum
Nam Sung-Eun 49 Samuel Lee
Director of APCEIU
APCEU News 51
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 3

Editorial
The Asia-Pacific Centre of
Education for International
Understanding (APCEIU) is a
UNESCO affiliated organization
working to promote education
for international understanding
toward a culture of peace in the
Asia-Pacific region. The various
publications of APCEIU, including
SangSaeng, have contributed
significantly to the growing
collection of literature on
educating for a culture of peace in the region. SangSaeng has
been particularly helpful to educators and scholars in the field
of international understanding and the various themes of a
culture of peace. This special issue features important
initiatives in peace education in both formal and non-formal
contexts. While all nine articles uphold conceptually the
holistic framework of a culture of peace, each has a theme
emphasis that makes this SangSaeng special issue a useful
reference for peace educators and researchers.
The University of Peace (UPEACE) in Costa Rica provides a
model for the promotion of education for peace worldwide
through a formally structured education system. Abelardo Brenes
writes about the recent proposal at UPEACE to open a Masters
Degree Program in Peace Education. A long-standing and still
unresolved tension critiqued in the proposal is the hierarchical
relationship of peace studies, peace education, peace action and
peace protection, which needs to be reshaped to reflect an
interdisciplinary approach. A possible contribution of this new
program is to be mindful of these artificial boundaries and
address them creatively but critically, while at the same time
recognizing and overcoming the institutional boundaries
between disciplines that result from a rigid academic ethos.
Romulo Halabaso’s paper is an example of how a government
tries to resolve protracted armed conflicts through an
integrated and comprehensive approach. This approach
includes peace education as one of the long-term solutions to
the social violence that persists in the Philippines. The
Government’s peace education efforts extend not only to the
formal education system but also to other government
agencies and non-government organizations. The initiative
described by Halabaso could be a viable alternative to the
dominant all-out war policy advocated by many governments
in suppressing armed struggles.
Susan Pascoe and Christine Heffernan write about social
justice education in Catholic schools in Australia. Their paper
not only describes the formal and structured components of
the educational system, but more importantly, it highlights the
connection between faith and action, theory and practice,
reflection and action. A challenging dimension of the Catholic
4 相生 SUMMER 2003
U n i v e r s it y f o r P e a c e
PROMOTING EDUCATION FOR
Virginia Cawagas
PEACE WORLDWIDE:
schools’ social justice education is how they encourage and
support their educators to be constructively critical of social THE UNIVERSITY FOR PEACE
injustice and the systems that support injustice.
A unique kind of education for peace is happening through
the Sarvodaya movement in Sri Lanka. Sunil Wijesiriwardena’s Abelardo Brenes
article describes how this movement uses both mass
meditation and grassroots economic and social programs to
achieve cultural transformation.
Betty Reardon, an internationally renowned peace educator
and founding director of the International Institute on Peace
Education, calls attention in her article to the need for gender
justice in peace education. While she acknowledges the
degrading effects of militarism on both men and women, she
argues that peace education should consider the different
effects of war and economic, social and political systems on Introduction
men and women. It is through the recognition of this
difference that gender equity and gender justice can be
An International Consultation on a proposal for a Masters Degree
constructively addressed. Reardon’s article also provides a
Program in Peace Education at the University for Peace was held at
section on gender sensitivity in peace education pedagogy, a
Teachers College, Columbia University, New York, on November 6-12, 2002.
most practical resource for teachers and peace activists.
The consultation was co-sponsored by the University for Peace and the
The Silsilah Dialogue Movement in the Philippines, founded by Peace Education Center at Teachers College, whose Founding Director is
Fr. Sebastiano D’Ambra, offers a peaceful option for the Professor Betty Reardon.
resolution of religious-cultural conflicts. Dialogue, one of the
pedagogical principles of peace education, has become a living The University for Peace (UPEACE) was established as a Treaty
experience of Muslims, Christians, and peoples of other Faiths, Organization with its own Charter, adopted in Resolution 35/55 of the
who share the vision of movement together towards harmony, General Assembly of the United Nations in 1980. Its mission, as an
solidarity, and peace. Other societies similarly confronted with institution of higher education within the framework of the United Nations,
ethno-cultural conflicts may learn from the Silsilah experience. guided by an independent International Council, is to promote education for peace worldwide from
its base in Costa Rica. (For information about the University, its website can be consulted at
The human rights theme of a culture of peace is addressed in
the articles of Myint Myint San and Kang Soon-Won. The
http://www.upeace.org.)
refugee problem affects every continent and almost every In 1999, within the context of the United Nations reform process, Secretary-General Kofi Annan
country in the world. Myint Myint San’s paper provides called for an expansion of the role of the University for Peace to support the Peace and Security
compelling evidence of the need for an international objectives of the United Nations. Following this recommendation, the University determined that one of
mechanism to protect refugees and internally displaced the fundamental areas of its activities should be Peace Education. The consultation provided an
people not only in Burma but in every host country. Kang opportunity to present its proposal to a group of 22 experienced academics in peace education from
Soon-Won, in discussing the educational dimension of the
different regions of the world for their advice, including recommendations on how to adapt it to meet
human rights movement in Korea, argues that while
the culturally specific needs of diverse regions. Representatives of seven U.N. organizations and offices
education for peace and human rights is widely accepted in
Korean society, it is necessary to distinguish between
and of five international non governmental organizations devoted to peace education participated as
conservative and constructive education. speakers on the first day of the consultation.
On behalf of the Editorial Board and the APCEIU staff, I wish
to thank the contributors for their thoughtful analysis of the The nature of the proposal
various dimensions of violence and peacelessness and their
constructive approaches for transformation. I hope this special The proposal for the Masters Degree in Peace Education was designed to pursue two intertwined
issue will encourage further reflection and dialogue for goals: capacity building (leadership training), particularly in regions and countries experiencing conflict
international understanding toward a culture of peace.
and development challenges; and the preparing of specialists in educational reform to change school
systems towards peace-building education throughout the world.
Dr. Virginia Cawagas, a member of the SangSaeng editorial The proposal called for a series of foundation courses in international peace studies designed to
board, is co-editor of this issue. provide students with an opportunity to understand the main challenges for peace in the 21st century;
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 5
U n i v e r si t y f o r P e a c e
to learn about the theoretical and methodological options available in peace research and conflict
resolution; to develop analytical and practical skills for conflict prevention, peace keeping, peace making
and peace building that could be applied in diverse institutional and policy scenarios, bearing in mind
UN organizations and plans; and to develop an ethically conscious sense of personal mission and
confidence as change agents.
The series of foundation courses was to be followed by a set of specialization courses in peace
education, designed to provide opportunities for students to broaden their understandings of how
educational systems operate and change in various cultures and contexts, and the implications of
these configurations and practices for promoting or impeding peace. They were to support students
in developing competence to analyze, develop and reform curricula, didactic methods and
educational resources toward a comprehensive view of peace education with topics such as human
rights, development, democracy, environmental integrity and sustainable development, and conflict
resolution—including conflict analysis and transformation at personal through global levels.
After completing these courses in one academic year, the proposal required students to carry out a
practicum or write a research thesis, tailoring the learning program to meet their particular needs and
interests, and applying the learning to create their own contribution to educational reform, development,
or research.
A holistic vision of peace educat ion
On the first day of the consultation, one of the keynote speakers, Professor Swee-Hin Toh, UNESCO
Peace Education Laureate, presented a holistic view of peace education and a set of ten guiding
principles, which provided a rich reference point throughout the consultation. He stressed the need for
peace education institutions and organizations or programs to dialogically link with various sectors and
actors in peace building.
Theme one: Six dimensions of a holistic framework for peace education, which—though developed in
the Philippines context—he considers of international relevance:
a) The need to dismantle a culture of war, which is reflected in all the different kinds of wars, not
just at the macro levels, such as wars between nations or between communities and groups
within a country, but also the micro-wars that take place within families and interpersonal
relationships.
b) The second dimension of this holistic framework is the importance of living with justice and
compassion, noting that a major source of contemporary conflicts that may result in violence
among groups and nations, has to do with the injustices of the world. Billions of human beings
continue to live deprived of their basic human needs and dignity.
c) A third part of this holistic framework is the need to promote human rights and responsibilities.
d) Fourthly, the need to build cultural respect, reconciliation, and solidarity.
e) The fifth aspect of this framework is to live in
harmony with the earth, because when we do
violence to planet earth, we reap the consequences
of all kinds of conflicts.
f) And last, but not least, humans have the great
need to nurture inner peace.
Theme two: The importance of developing peace
education in all contexts:
Peace education needs to be created through
multiple levels and contexts. In other words, it is a vision,
a process, and a struggle that needs to happen
simultaneously in all dimensions of life. This requires
organizational, institutional and curricular change within
6 相生 SUMMER 2003
U n iv e r s i t y fo r P e a c e
formal education, as well as recognizing that many non-governmental and peoples’ organizations around
the world are playing a crucial role in educating for a culture of peace. Alternative media are emerging in
many countries and many people involved in the more creative expressions of life are also playing a
crucial role in educating for peace.
Taking a developmental approach and stressing the role of parenting for peace, which was a theme
noted by the other keynote speaker, Dr. David Hamburg, former head of the Carnegie Commission on
Preventing Deadly Violence, was recognized as having key importance in the creating of solid
foundations for peace. Youth are not simply the passive objects of peace education, but are now taking
a leading role in many parts of the world, organizing and mobilizing to work for peace, once they have
understood and integrated peace-building work into their life missions.
Inter sector collaboration is crucial to achieve this. We need to be inspired and enriched by what is
going on around us. Classrooms need to be more open, in terms of reaching out to community-based
issues and events, and peace building activities.
Theme three: Peaceful pedagogy
The values and skills of critical and creative thinking need to be promoted throughout the
educational process. This should be empowering for everyone, with teachers seeing themselves equally
as learners. One of the main pedagogical challenges is to develop the capacity, the will and the courage
for responsible and deep democratic action.
Theme four: Transcending cycles of violence and counter-violence
People need to understand the root causes of the cycles of violence and counter-violence in order
to truly resolve them by getting out of these cycles.
Theme five: The great need to dismantle “globalization from above” and to build “globalization from below”
Current trends of “globalization from above” need to be countered and are being resisted by
“globalization from below.” We are seeing this expressed in many local grassroots people’s struggles for
development, based on justice and collaboration among peoples; relying on indigenous knowledge and
resources, so that people can have the space to make their own histories, rather than being squeezed
and contained by the debt trap, and by economic decisions about what they can grow or should not
grow. When we think about globalization from above, there is a culture of homogenization that is going
on, the “McDonaldization” of the world, which has a real impact on peoples’ capacities to think of their
own cultural development in ways that link with economic justice.
Theme six: Critical empowerment and how we move from despair to hopefulness
Thinking and learning about all the conflicts and problems of the world is overwhelming. The
challenge is to move from critical thinking to empowerment, in order to be able to take constructive and
courageous actions and practices. And this is where, as educators for peace, we always need to bring to
the attention of ourselves and our learners the stories that evoke tears, empathy, outrage, and joy.
These stories reflect the many incredible examples of people at the grassroots: the rural people, the
urban poor, the women, the indigenous peoples, the street children, the child workers, and the migrant
workers, who are organizing and mobilizing for justice, human rights and sustainability, despite many
obstacles. We don’t hear about them because the media do not tell us about them. We have to search
for them, and this is one of the advantages of information technology.
Theme seven: We need to build national and global civil society.
The role of civil society is at a very crucial and momentous point in human history. We are seeing
that ordinary people can organize themselves to think about issues critically and to challenge, where
appropriate, policies that are handed down by their governments and by the powerful organizations of
the world; they are finding ways to access information and to network for the purpose of deliberating
about existing laws and institutions, and are finding ways of holding organizations accountable for their
actions. It is possible to build a global civic culture and a sense of global citizenship.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 7
U n i v e r si t y f o r P e a c e
to learn about the theoretical and methodological options available in peace research and conflict
resolution; to develop analytical and practical skills for conflict prevention, peace keeping, peace making
and peace building that could be applied in diverse institutional and policy scenarios, bearing in mind
UN organizations and plans; and to develop an ethically conscious sense of personal mission and
confidence as change agents.
The series of foundation courses was to be followed by a set of specialization courses in peace
education, designed to provide opportunities for students to broaden their understandings of how
educational systems operate and change in various cultures and contexts, and the implications of
these configurations and practices for promoting or impeding peace. They were to support students
in developing competence to analyze, develop and reform curricula, didactic methods and
educational resources toward a comprehensive view of peace education with topics such as human
rights, development, democracy, environmental integrity and sustainable development, and conflict
resolution—including conflict analysis and transformation at personal through global levels.
After completing these courses in one academic year, the proposal required students to carry out a
practicum or write a research thesis, tailoring the learning program to meet their particular needs and
interests, and applying the learning to create their own contribution to educational reform, development,
or research.
A holistic vision of peace educat ion
On the first day of the consultation, one of the keynote speakers, Professor Swee-Hin Toh, UNESCO
Peace Education Laureate, presented a holistic view of peace education and a set of ten guiding
principles, which provided a rich reference point throughout the consultation. He stressed the need for
peace education institutions and organizations or programs to dialogically link with various sectors and
actors in peace building.
Theme one: Six dimensions of a holistic framework for peace education, which—though developed in
the Philippines context—he considers of international relevance:
a) The need to dismantle a culture of war, which is reflected in all the different kinds of wars, not
just at the macro levels, such as wars between nations or between communities and groups
within a country, but also the micro-wars that take place within families and interpersonal
relationships.
b) The second dimension of this holistic framework is the importance of living with justice and
compassion, noting that a major source of contemporary conflicts that may result in violence
among groups and nations, has to do with the injustices of the world. Billions of human beings
continue to live deprived of their basic human needs and dignity.
c) A third part of this holistic framework is the need to promote human rights and responsibilities.
d) Fourthly, the need to build cultural respect, reconciliation, and solidarity.
e) The fifth aspect of this framework is to live in
harmony with the earth, because when we do
violence to planet earth, we reap the consequences
of all kinds of conflicts.
f) And last, but not least, humans have the great
need to nurture inner peace.
Theme two: The importance of developing peace
education in all contexts:
Peace education needs to be created through
multiple levels and contexts. In other words, it is a vision,
a process, and a struggle that needs to happen
simultaneously in all dimensions of life. This requires
organizational, institutional and curricular change within
6 相生 SUMMER 2003
U n iv e r s i t y fo r P e a c e
formal education, as well as recognizing that many non-governmental and peoples’ organizations around
the world are playing a crucial role in educating for a culture of peace. Alternative media are emerging in
many countries and many people involved in the more creative expressions of life are also playing a
crucial role in educating for peace.
Taking a developmental approach and stressing the role of parenting for peace, which was a theme
noted by the other keynote speaker, Dr. David Hamburg, former head of the Carnegie Commission on
Preventing Deadly Violence, was recognized as having key importance in the creating of solid
foundations for peace. Youth are not simply the passive objects of peace education, but are now taking
a leading role in many parts of the world, organizing and mobilizing to work for peace, once they have
understood and integrated peace-building work into their life missions.
Inter sector collaboration is crucial to achieve this. We need to be inspired and enriched by what is
going on around us. Classrooms need to be more open, in terms of reaching out to community-based
issues and events, and peace building activities.
Theme three: Peaceful pedagogy
The values and skills of critical and creative thinking need to be promoted throughout the
educational process. This should be empowering for everyone, with teachers seeing themselves equally
as learners. One of the main pedagogical challenges is to develop the capacity, the will and the courage
for responsible and deep democratic action.
Theme four: Transcending cycles of violence and counter-violence
People need to understand the root causes of the cycles of violence and counter-violence in order
to truly resolve them by getting out of these cycles.
Theme five: The great need to dismantle “globalization from above” and to build “globalization from below”
Current trends of “globalization from above” need to be countered and are being resisted by
“globalization from below.” We are seeing this expressed in many local grassroots people’s struggles for
development, based on justice and collaboration among peoples; relying on indigenous knowledge and
resources, so that people can have the space to make their own histories, rather than being squeezed
and contained by the debt trap, and by economic decisions about what they can grow or should not
grow. When we think about globalization from above, there is a culture of homogenization that is going
on, the “McDonaldization” of the world, which has a real impact on peoples’ capacities to think of their
own cultural development in ways that link with economic justice.
Theme six: Critical empowerment and how we move from despair to hopefulness
Thinking and learning about all the conflicts and problems of the world is overwhelming. The
challenge is to move from critical thinking to empowerment, in order to be able to take constructive and
courageous actions and practices. And this is where, as educators for peace, we always need to bring to
the attention of ourselves and our learners the stories that evoke tears, empathy, outrage, and joy.
These stories reflect the many incredible examples of people at the grassroots: the rural people, the
urban poor, the women, the indigenous peoples, the street children, the child workers, and the migrant
workers, who are organizing and mobilizing for justice, human rights and sustainability, despite many
obstacles. We don’t hear about them because the media do not tell us about them. We have to search
for them, and this is one of the advantages of information technology.
Theme seven: We need to build national and global civil society.
The role of civil society is at a very crucial and momentous point in human history. We are seeing
that ordinary people can organize themselves to think about issues critically and to challenge, where
appropriate, policies that are handed down by their governments and by the powerful organizations of
the world; they are finding ways to access information and to network for the purpose of deliberating
about existing laws and institutions, and are finding ways of holding organizations accountable for their
actions. It is possible to build a global civic culture and a sense of global citizenship.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 7
University for Peace
Theme eight: Global solidarity
The work of building and educating for a
culture of peace all over the world needs global
solidarity. We need to make links across borders
and regions, because the root causes of many
forms of violence originate outside of the places
concerned. There are, of course, local causes, but
there are also global root causes, so this needs to
be worked on at the global level.
Theme nine: Healing and reconciliation
Where there are divisions and conflicts, we
need active, nonviolent healing and reconciliation.
Given that the root causes of conflicts are structural,
conflict resolution needs to deal with structural
changes and transformation as well.
Theme ten: Spirituality
In educating for a culture of peace through formal or non formal education programs, it is crucial
to reawaken the values, virtues, principles, and wisdoms for peace and nonviolence that are present
in all civilizations and in all groups of people, in all parts of the world. In relation to values such as
compassion, justice, love, sharing and forgiveness, different civilizations, faiths and spirituality
traditions may use different words. Nevertheless, when we dialogue about it, we see that there are
really no differences. At the same time, of course, we need to be aware of, and be willing to
acknowledge, the contradictions that can happen within the theory and practice of faiths and broader
civilizations.
The role that the University for Peace can play in promoting a holistic peace education
The participants considered that UPEACE can play a critical role in building global peace and that
the Masters Degree Program in Peace Education can be a significant element if it reflects certain
characteristics that make it appealing and attractive. These can stem from certain characteristics of
UPEACE’S unique charter: 1) It can be absolutely explicit about the values and principles that it’s
educating for. It can be explicitly mission-oriented, in the aims of its educational programs; 2) it can
present a very rich conceptualization of peace and security; 3) the global scope and independence that
it has, as a UN treaty organization, enables it to develop critical pedagogies based on the promotion of
universal values and principles that sustain peace; 4) its use of the diverse background of experiences
coming from its students will not only enrich the quality of the University, but will allow it to accumulate
that knowledge and share it with other universities.
The kinds of students th at the Program shou ld be designed for
The focus on educational reformers is considered important. The students to be attracted
should be persons who: 1) see themselves as seriously preparing to be agents of change, and 2) are
committed to their own societies and their own people. If they are to be educated to become “master
teachers” or master facilitators of learning, their commitment should be to go back and to replicate,
in some sort of situation, what they themselves have experienced.
The students should include teachers, because they have contact with students, but we should
not forget that administrators play a very crucial role. There should be, however, some flexibility in
that the criteria for choosing people for this program cannot be the same in every place.
A mixture of types of students was recommended. There are multiple local and international
NGOs (including universities) that are engaged in similar educational work. They can be approached
as potential partners. This justifies that at least half of the students come from peace education
activist organizations and half come from the formal systems of education. This mixture can be very
8 相生 SUMMER 2003
U n i v e r s it y f o r P e a c e
enriching for groups. An interesting criterion suggested is that a given community could recommend
their candidates, who would then go back and work for educational reform.
On st rat egies for educational reform
The facilitation of educational reforms has very broad parameters. In many countries the education
system is controlled by the state. Change in these contexts can basically be done in two ways: 1) in a
structured way, particularly through bilateral or multilateral agreements with governments and other
educational policy institutions; or (2) by providing the students with advocacy and leadership skills to
change educational systems.
There are many ways to influence educational reform if a very good program is developed. It can
be a model for other places, particularly if students are recruited who are central in their communities
or are administrators with positions of importance. Other ways are through publications, spotlighting
innovative reforms, creating model schools, and conferences. An important element is the research
component of the program. It should encourage the candidates to connect with the ministries of
education, in the case of formal schools, or to look for spaces for critical engagement that can lead to
educational innovation. One way of doing this is to bring ministries of education into contact with
NGOs or with advocates of peace education reform.
For the purpose of educational reform strategies, the Program needs to consider whether students
come from decentralized or centralized educational systems. In the former case, students need to be
knowledgeable and skillful in devising, implementing, and evaluating programs. In societies with
centralized educational systems, education professionals should be competent in many other fields: 1)
have the knowledge and skills needed to influence, first of all, legislators; 2) be knowledgeable and
skillful in influencing decision makers, through three channels: professional organizations, civil society,
and research organizations; 3) especially in not-so-developed countries, to establish the analytic basis
for the changes, professionals should also develop leadership, lobbying, and advocacy skills, along
with skills in using the media for professional purposes; and 4) skillful cooperation with research
institutions is needed. It is common nowadays for teachers and other professionals in education to be
involved in many types of research, as designers, evaluators, performers and conductors of research; 5)
it is important to have networking skills, including networking at the local and international levels, and
in relation to professional organizations; and 6) finally, skills related to the use of the possibilities of
the virtual world are of relevance.
The different circumstances of countries and regions should be taken into consideration in
planning for educational reform —for example, whether they are or have recently been in war
situations, or in processes of democratic development, or whether they are divided societies.
F undin g the programs
As for funding, various possibilities were suggested. A promising idea that was well received by
the group of consultants would consist in an international collaboration at several levels: one third of
funding coming from either the University for Peace, or the UN body, one third coming from an
international NGO for scholarships; and then, these two bodies could announce an international
scholarship through UN bodies and other sources. Applicants would need to find the remaining one
third of the funding from a local source, a local think tank, a local university, or a local NGO. Not all
participants would necessarily be able to do this, so UN bodies could search in specific communities,
particularly of underrepresented and marginalized groups, for possible applicants, and possibly aid
them in obtaining the remaining one third. Whoever pays for the remaining one third should be the
institution that will host the applicant when she or he comes back to work for that organization.
Recommendations con cernin g the structure and content of th e Program
1) Concerning the general purpose of the Peace Education Program
The Masters Degree Program in Peace Education should aim to facilitate the achievement of non
violent, socially just, and ecologically sustainable societies at all levels (from local to global), through
the involvement of an informed and critically autonomous citizenry.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 9
University for Peace
Theme eight: Global solidarity
The work of building and educating for a
culture of peace all over the world needs global
solidarity. We need to make links across borders
and regions, because the root causes of many
forms of violence originate outside of the places
concerned. There are, of course, local causes, but
there are also global root causes, so this needs to
be worked on at the global level.
Theme nine: Healing and reconciliation
Where there are divisions and conflicts, we
need active, nonviolent healing and reconciliation.
Given that the root causes of conflicts are structural,
conflict resolution needs to deal with structural
changes and transformation as well.
Theme ten: Spirituality
In educating for a culture of peace through formal or non formal education programs, it is crucial
to reawaken the values, virtues, principles, and wisdoms for peace and nonviolence that are present
in all civilizations and in all groups of people, in all parts of the world. In relation to values such as
compassion, justice, love, sharing and forgiveness, different civilizations, faiths and spirituality
traditions may use different words. Nevertheless, when we dialogue about it, we see that there are
really no differences. At the same time, of course, we need to be aware of, and be willing to
acknowledge, the contradictions that can happen within the theory and practice of faiths and broader
civilizations.
The role that the University for Peace can play in promoting a holistic peace education
The participants considered that UPEACE can play a critical role in building global peace and that
the Masters Degree Program in Peace Education can be a significant element if it reflects certain
characteristics that make it appealing and attractive. These can stem from certain characteristics of
UPEACE’S unique charter: 1) It can be absolutely explicit about the values and principles that it’s
educating for. It can be explicitly mission-oriented, in the aims of its educational programs; 2) it can
present a very rich conceptualization of peace and security; 3) the global scope and independence that
it has, as a UN treaty organization, enables it to develop critical pedagogies based on the promotion of
universal values and principles that sustain peace; 4) its use of the diverse background of experiences
coming from its students will not only enrich the quality of the University, but will allow it to accumulate
that knowledge and share it with other universities.
The kinds of students th at the Program shou ld be designed for
The focus on educational reformers is considered important. The students to be attracted
should be persons who: 1) see themselves as seriously preparing to be agents of change, and 2) are
committed to their own societies and their own people. If they are to be educated to become “master
teachers” or master facilitators of learning, their commitment should be to go back and to replicate,
in some sort of situation, what they themselves have experienced.
The students should include teachers, because they have contact with students, but we should
not forget that administrators play a very crucial role. There should be, however, some flexibility in
that the criteria for choosing people for this program cannot be the same in every place.
A mixture of types of students was recommended. There are multiple local and international
NGOs (including universities) that are engaged in similar educational work. They can be approached
as potential partners. This justifies that at least half of the students come from peace education
activist organizations and half come from the formal systems of education. This mixture can be very
8 相生 SUMMER 2003
U n i v e r s it y f o r P e a c e
enriching for groups. An interesting criterion suggested is that a given community could recommend
their candidates, who would then go back and work for educational reform.
On st rat egies for educational reform
The facilitation of educational reforms has very broad parameters. In many countries the education
system is controlled by the state. Change in these contexts can basically be done in two ways: 1) in a
structured way, particularly through bilateral or multilateral agreements with governments and other
educational policy institutions; or (2) by providing the students with advocacy and leadership skills to
change educational systems.
There are many ways to influence educational reform if a very good program is developed. It can
be a model for other places, particularly if students are recruited who are central in their communities
or are administrators with positions of importance. Other ways are through publications, spotlighting
innovative reforms, creating model schools, and conferences. An important element is the research
component of the program. It should encourage the candidates to connect with the ministries of
education, in the case of formal schools, or to look for spaces for critical engagement that can lead to
educational innovation. One way of doing this is to bring ministries of education into contact with
NGOs or with advocates of peace education reform.
For the purpose of educational reform strategies, the Program needs to consider whether students
come from decentralized or centralized educational systems. In the former case, students need to be
knowledgeable and skillful in devising, implementing, and evaluating programs. In societies with
centralized educational systems, education professionals should be competent in many other fields: 1)
have the knowledge and skills needed to influence, first of all, legislators; 2) be knowledgeable and
skillful in influencing decision makers, through three channels: professional organizations, civil society,
and research organizations; 3) especially in not-so-developed countries, to establish the analytic basis
for the changes, professionals should also develop leadership, lobbying, and advocacy skills, along
with skills in using the media for professional purposes; and 4) skillful cooperation with research
institutions is needed. It is common nowadays for teachers and other professionals in education to be
involved in many types of research, as designers, evaluators, performers and conductors of research; 5)
it is important to have networking skills, including networking at the local and international levels, and
in relation to professional organizations; and 6) finally, skills related to the use of the possibilities of
the virtual world are of relevance.
The different circumstances of countries and regions should be taken into consideration in
planning for educational reform —for example, whether they are or have recently been in war
situations, or in processes of democratic development, or whether they are divided societies.
F undin g the programs
As for funding, various possibilities were suggested. A promising idea that was well received by
the group of consultants would consist in an international collaboration at several levels: one third of
funding coming from either the University for Peace, or the UN body, one third coming from an
international NGO for scholarships; and then, these two bodies could announce an international
scholarship through UN bodies and other sources. Applicants would need to find the remaining one
third of the funding from a local source, a local think tank, a local university, or a local NGO. Not all
participants would necessarily be able to do this, so UN bodies could search in specific communities,
particularly of underrepresented and marginalized groups, for possible applicants, and possibly aid
them in obtaining the remaining one third. Whoever pays for the remaining one third should be the
institution that will host the applicant when she or he comes back to work for that organization.
Recommendations con cernin g the structure and content of th e Program
1) Concerning the general purpose of the Peace Education Program
The Masters Degree Program in Peace Education should aim to facilitate the achievement of non
violent, socially just, and ecologically sustainable societies at all levels (from local to global), through
the involvement of an informed and critically autonomous citizenry.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 9
U n i v e r si t y f o r P e a c e
For this purpose, learning goals should be focused on core values, and on changing the mindsets
that inhibit the implementation of these values and replacing them with those that would facilitate
this process. Finally, students would need to develop skills to translate these values to norms,
policies and practices for capacity building and for educational reform.
2) Shared values
Participants recommended that the Program should be based on values that can serve as a
standard to guide learning goals and as a measure against which to critique. The main shared values
recommended were: a) environmental justice, based on a biocentric worldview that places Earth’s
webbing of life, the cycling of matter and the flow of energy, in a central position; b) gender justice,
bearing in mind that gender is within the structure of patriarchy that produces militarism, and
militaristic structures always exclude women; c) the human rights framework; and d) democratic
citizenship.
For the development of such a peace values framework, it was recommended that students be
exposed to a range and diversity of charters, declarations and ethical frameworks related to the
shared values mentioned above. In this light, the Earth Charter (see http://www.earthcharter.org) was
considered to be a promising values framework for the program, which could be used to formulate
the thematic content; promote global ethics and the search for shared values; and promote the
understanding of the role of ethical principles in international and personal relations. A caution was
made, however, that no given charter or set of ethical values should be imposed, but rather students
should have the opportunity to examine and create multiple and alternative frameworks. The practice
of complementarity and joint deliberation is more crucial and democratic than the transmission of the
products of others’ deliberations.
3) The relationship between peace studies, peace action and peace education
One of the major critiques of the proposal referred to the distinction between “foundations” and
“specialization” courses, which reflects a disconnection between theory and practice. Most of peace
education does not happen in formal settings, but rather in peace movements and in activism.
Therefore, the distinction between research and activism, between academy and activism, is a false
one. This distinction reflects a hierarchy of what is considered to be good knowledge/culture versus
lower culture. All four dimensions of peace studies, peace education, peace action and peace
protection should influence each other on an equal base. Peace education needs to break out of this
hierarchy that it has been a part of. It can achieve this by drawing upon and integrating the best from
peace research and peace studies, with a strong focus on peace action. However, peace action should
not be seen as mere implementation of transmitted knowledge, but as the building up of knowledge
through a dialectical relation between the two. We cannot think of peace action without having
studied or known a given reality. Peace studies and peace action are two areas which should not be
separated, as is the case in general between theory and practice. Peace education is that element
which connects theoretical understanding with the practical work.
Finally, it was considered that the tension expressed by participants between peace education
and peace studies or between peace research and peace action can and should be a source of
growth for the University for Peace and particularly for the Peace Education Program. One of the
contributions that the program can provide is to bear in mind the criticisms raised concerning the
artificial boundaries and the very real institutional boundaries that exist between disciplines and
establish itself from the outset as an interdisciplinary program that does not abide by these
boundaries, but that does creative work that goes beyond them.
4) The learner as a creator of knowledge
The former point has important implications for how the program should be structured and for
the view of the teacher/student relationship. Peace education should emphasize that the learner is
not only a recipient, an understander, and an applier of knowledge, but rather a creator of
knowledge. Engagement in action is also a way of creating knowledge by reflecting on that action.
This reflects a Freireian pedagogy of actually producing knowledge as the fundamental learning
process. It also implies that the teacher is a learner. A learner always puts him/herself in a vulnerable
10 相生 SUMMER 2003
U n iv e r s i t y fo r P e a c e
situation of actually engaging with him/herself in a public space to be challenged by the other
learners. There should therefore be a space in all courses where one reveals one’s identities—our
current or past life, and shape—in thinking of ways that our future identities can contribute to
building a peaceful world.
5) Peace education pedagogy
Its was recommended that all courses need to integrate key pedagogical principles to show a consistent
process of peace education. What the nature of these principles should be was a major source of debate in the
consultation.
On the one hand, it was agreed that the goal of critical empowerment for personal and social
transformation needs to be emphasized in each course, and educational opportunities to practice this
goal must be included. In consequence, most participants recommended that critical pedagogy be
used to enable learners to become proactive initiators, thinkers, creators and autonomous learners.
This is consistent with the emphasis on critical action as an overall learning purpose.
Several participants, however, expressed the need for caution in embracing critical pedagogy. The
danger would be to over emphasize ideologies, agendas and processes that school-based educators
would reject as irrelevant or impossible in their contexts. Complementary and alternative pedagogical
principles were proposed. Several participants, for example, called for a pedagogy inspired by the
Gandhian tradition. This would entail bringing into the methodology of peace education the skills and
paradigms of dialogue and understanding of the other. Another participant suggested that both
positions could be integrated in a peaceful pedagogical approach that is underpinned by critical
principles, but rather than say that one is anti establishment, one talks about transforming for
alternative futures. It need not be seen as confrontational to say peaceful pedagogy is about
transformation of the world. It is about values and everyone has a sense of values or humanity. The
key question is how to get in touch with that humanity that is within each person. This is a very
Gandhian perspective, making it possible to be pedagogically critical, but in very gentle and process-
oriented ways.
Next steps
The consultation provided many other detailed recommendations concerning the use of
conceptual frameworks, skills to be fostered, alternative ways of structuring the program, and specific
topics that should be included in it. On the last days of the consultation, participants worked
together in regional groups. This resulted in an express commitment on the part of all to form
regional networks to develop and strengthen peace education and to continue cooperating with the
University for Peace in its global
mandate. Wo rk is continuing to
reformulate the proposal for a
Masters Degree Program in Peace
Education at UPE ACE, with the
committed support of the excellent
group of experts in peace education
who attended the consultation.
Abelardo Brenes is Professor of Peace
Education at the University for Peace,
Costa Rica.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 1 1
U n i v e r si t y f o r P e a c e
For this purpose, learning goals should be focused on core values, and on changing the mindsets
that inhibit the implementation of these values and replacing them with those that would facilitate
this process. Finally, students would need to develop skills to translate these values to norms,
policies and practices for capacity building and for educational reform.
2) Shared values
Participants recommended that the Program should be based on values that can serve as a
standard to guide learning goals and as a measure against which to critique. The main shared values
recommended were: a) environmental justice, based on a biocentric worldview that places Earth’s
webbing of life, the cycling of matter and the flow of energy, in a central position; b) gender justice,
bearing in mind that gender is within the structure of patriarchy that produces militarism, and
militaristic structures always exclude women; c) the human rights framework; and d) democratic
citizenship.
For the development of such a peace values framework, it was recommended that students be
exposed to a range and diversity of charters, declarations and ethical frameworks related to the
shared values mentioned above. In this light, the Earth Charter (see http://www.earthcharter.org) was
considered to be a promising values framework for the program, which could be used to formulate
the thematic content; promote global ethics and the search for shared values; and promote the
understanding of the role of ethical principles in international and personal relations. A caution was
made, however, that no given charter or set of ethical values should be imposed, but rather students
should have the opportunity to examine and create multiple and alternative frameworks. The practice
of complementarity and joint deliberation is more crucial and democratic than the transmission of the
products of others’ deliberations.
3) The relationship between peace studies, peace action and peace education
One of the major critiques of the proposal referred to the distinction between “foundations” and
“specialization” courses, which reflects a disconnection between theory and practice. Most of peace
education does not happen in formal settings, but rather in peace movements and in activism.
Therefore, the distinction between research and activism, between academy and activism, is a false
one. This distinction reflects a hierarchy of what is considered to be good knowledge/culture versus
lower culture. All four dimensions of peace studies, peace education, peace action and peace
protection should influence each other on an equal base. Peace education needs to break out of this
hierarchy that it has been a part of. It can achieve this by drawing upon and integrating the best from
peace research and peace studies, with a strong focus on peace action. However, peace action should
not be seen as mere implementation of transmitted knowledge, but as the building up of knowledge
through a dialectical relation between the two. We cannot think of peace action without having
studied or known a given reality. Peace studies and peace action are two areas which should not be
separated, as is the case in general between theory and practice. Peace education is that element
which connects theoretical understanding with the practical work.
Finally, it was considered that the tension expressed by participants between peace education
and peace studies or between peace research and peace action can and should be a source of
growth for the University for Peace and particularly for the Peace Education Program. One of the
contributions that the program can provide is to bear in mind the criticisms raised concerning the
artificial boundaries and the very real institutional boundaries that exist between disciplines and
establish itself from the outset as an interdisciplinary program that does not abide by these
boundaries, but that does creative work that goes beyond them.
4) The learner as a creator of knowledge
The former point has important implications for how the program should be structured and for
the view of the teacher/student relationship. Peace education should emphasize that the learner is
not only a recipient, an understander, and an applier of knowledge, but rather a creator of
knowledge. Engagement in action is also a way of creating knowledge by reflecting on that action.
This reflects a Freireian pedagogy of actually producing knowledge as the fundamental learning
process. It also implies that the teacher is a learner. A learner always puts him/herself in a vulnerable
10 相生 SUMMER 2003
U n iv e r s i t y fo r P e a c e
situation of actually engaging with him/herself in a public space to be challenged by the other
learners. There should therefore be a space in all courses where one reveals one’s identities—our
current or past life, and shape—in thinking of ways that our future identities can contribute to
building a peaceful world.
5) Peace education pedagogy
Its was recommended that all courses need to integrate key pedagogical principles to show a consistent
process of peace education. What the nature of these principles should be was a major source of debate in the
consultation.
On the one hand, it was agreed that the goal of critical empowerment for personal and social
transformation needs to be emphasized in each course, and educational opportunities to practice this
goal must be included. In consequence, most participants recommended that critical pedagogy be
used to enable learners to become proactive initiators, thinkers, creators and autonomous learners.
This is consistent with the emphasis on critical action as an overall learning purpose.
Several participants, however, expressed the need for caution in embracing critical pedagogy. The
danger would be to over emphasize ideologies, agendas and processes that school-based educators
would reject as irrelevant or impossible in their contexts. Complementary and alternative pedagogical
principles were proposed. Several participants, for example, called for a pedagogy inspired by the
Gandhian tradition. This would entail bringing into the methodology of peace education the skills and
paradigms of dialogue and understanding of the other. Another participant suggested that both
positions could be integrated in a peaceful pedagogical approach that is underpinned by critical
principles, but rather than say that one is anti establishment, one talks about transforming for
alternative futures. It need not be seen as confrontational to say peaceful pedagogy is about
transformation of the world. It is about values and everyone has a sense of values or humanity. The
key question is how to get in touch with that humanity that is within each person. This is a very
Gandhian perspective, making it possible to be pedagogically critical, but in very gentle and process-
oriented ways.
Next steps
The consultation provided many other detailed recommendations concerning the use of
conceptual frameworks, skills to be fostered, alternative ways of structuring the program, and specific
topics that should be included in it. On the last days of the consultation, participants worked
together in regional groups. This resulted in an express commitment on the part of all to form
regional networks to develop and strengthen peace education and to continue cooperating with the
University for Peace in its global
mandate. Wo rk is continuing to
reformulate the proposal for a
Masters Degree Program in Peace
Education at UPE ACE, with the
committed support of the excellent
group of experts in peace education
who attended the consultation.
Abelardo Brenes is Professor of Peace
Education at the University for Peace,
Costa Rica.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 1 1
E d u c a t i o n f o r c o n f l i c t re s o l u t i o n
PEACE EDUCATION
AND THE PHILIPPINE PEACE
PROCESS
Romulo B. Halabaso
S ince 1993, the Philippine government has been pursuing a
comprehensive and integrated approach in dealing with the internal
armed conflicts in the country. Its goal is not merely the absence of
armed hostilities but, more importantly, the resolution of their root
causes. It specifically requires the transformation of Philippine society
into one characterized by justice, equity, harmonious pluralism, tolerance
and respect for human rights. Otherwise known as the Six Paths to
Peace, the comprehensive peace process consists of the following
strategies:
1. Pursuit of social, economic and political reforms
2. Consensus-building and empowerment for peace
3. Peaceful, negotiated settlement with the different rebel groups
4. Programs for reconciliation, reintegration into mainstream society and rehabilitation
5. Addressing of concerns arising from continuing armed hostilities
6. Building and nurturing of a climate conducive to peace
The peace process calls for the participation of all sectors of society. This is absolutely essential
in achieving the desired social transformation. It is envisioned to be a community-based approach,
defined not only by government but also by the people themselves.
Significantly, the comprehensive peace process policy recognizes peace education as an effective
long-term solution to the persistent social violence besetting the country. More specifically, it calls for
the implementation of various peace education and advocacy programs to promote and sustain a
climate of peace nationwide. Peace education ensures the quality of people’s participation in the
peace process by developing and enhancing their capacities to analyze objectively and holistically
the critical social issues affecting them, as well as to construct feasible and lasting solutions through
dialogue and consensus-building.
The Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP), which supervises and
coordinates the implementation of the Six Paths, has undertaken concrete steps in fostering the
growth of peace education in the country and promoting a culture of peace. In collaboration with
various public institutions and civil society organizations, we have gone as far as developing school
and community-based peace modules, integrating peace concepts into the school curriculum, and
conducting seminars, training-workshops and conferences for a variety of audiences.
This paper highlights our present directions and initiatives in peace education.
Schools for Peac e
Our peace education effort particularly within the formal education system recognizes that all
schools in the Philippines must educate for a culture of peace. Along this line, our current program,
simply called Schools for Peace, aims to build a network of partner schools which will serve as our
12 相生 SUMMER 2003
E d u c a t i o n f o r c o n fl i c t r e s o l u t i o n
Members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines
participate in culture of peace training at the Southern
Command, Zamboanga City, in March 2000.
focal points or centers in the promotion of peace education as well as the peace process in their
respective areas. This entails the conduct of peace education and peace process orientation for
school administrators and teachers under the network, development of peace education curricula,
capability-building, provision of various teaching-learning and promotional materials, and providing
venues for sharing of experiences.
The program seeks to strengthen our existing partnership with the Department of Education (DEPED),
which supervises over 40,000 public elementary and secondary schools throughout the country. This year,
OPAPP and DEPED will begin to form a network of regional peace education coordinating teams and lead
schools, which will spearhead the development and implementation of area-based peace education and
advocacy programs. The lead schools will also initiate the use of the peace education teaching exemplars
which are currently being revised to harmonize them with the new basic education curriculum adopted in
2002 and to introduce additional concepts such as culture of peace, integrity of creation, global village, global
citizenship, and human security. It is important to note that values education is no longer offered as a
separate subject but has been integrated into the existing ones. DEDPED also has separate teaching
exemplars for human rights as well as gender and development.
Similarly, the program also expands our linkage with Catholic schools, which have been at the
forefront of peace education in the Philippines since the 80s. Twelve of these schools have been our
co-convenors in various peace education and advocacy activities. Likewise, 5 Vicariates and Dioceses
have been supported by the Office to undertake peace education activities for their respective
networks of schools. Last year OPAPP established partnership with the Catholic Educational
Association of the Philippines (CEAP), which has a membership of 1,183 institutions. The two
agencies, with the cooperation of the Miriam College Center for Peace Education, conducted a series
of trainings for administrators and teachers of 11 schools which were selected to become active
centers for peace education and advocacy in their respective provinces. The trainings, which are
expected to be replicated this year, included sessions on the peace process, reading the signs of the
times, holistic understanding of peace, nonviolent conflict resolution, sharing the earth’s resources,
affirming diversity and challenging prejudices, human rights, teaching-learning strategies, infusion
approach in incorporating peace concepts into the curriculum, and attributes of teachers of peace.
OPAPP complements the Schools for Peace Program by supporting extra or co-curricular
activities directly involving the students themselves, such as the children empowerment workshops
and trainers’ trainings organized by Children and Peace Philippines, peace camps, peace caravan and
peace concerts. The active participation of schools is strongly encouraged particularly during the
celebration of the Mindanao Week of Peace (last Thursday of November to First Wednesday of
December of every year) and the National Peace Consciousness Week (February 28 to March 6).
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 1 3
E d u c a t i o n f o r c o n f l i c t re s o l u t i o n
PEACE EDUCATION
AND THE PHILIPPINE PEACE
PROCESS
Romulo B. Halabaso
S ince 1993, the Philippine government has been pursuing a
comprehensive and integrated approach in dealing with the internal
armed conflicts in the country. Its goal is not merely the absence of
armed hostilities but, more importantly, the resolution of their root
causes. It specifically requires the transformation of Philippine society
into one characterized by justice, equity, harmonious pluralism, tolerance
and respect for human rights. Otherwise known as the Six Paths to
Peace, the comprehensive peace process consists of the following
strategies:
1. Pursuit of social, economic and political reforms
2. Consensus-building and empowerment for peace
3. Peaceful, negotiated settlement with the different rebel groups
4. Programs for reconciliation, reintegration into mainstream society and rehabilitation
5. Addressing of concerns arising from continuing armed hostilities
6. Building and nurturing of a climate conducive to peace
The peace process calls for the participation of all sectors of society. This is absolutely essential
in achieving the desired social transformation. It is envisioned to be a community-based approach,
defined not only by government but also by the people themselves.
Significantly, the comprehensive peace process policy recognizes peace education as an effective
long-term solution to the persistent social violence besetting the country. More specifically, it calls for
the implementation of various peace education and advocacy programs to promote and sustain a
climate of peace nationwide. Peace education ensures the quality of people’s participation in the
peace process by developing and enhancing their capacities to analyze objectively and holistically
the critical social issues affecting them, as well as to construct feasible and lasting solutions through
dialogue and consensus-building.
The Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP), which supervises and
coordinates the implementation of the Six Paths, has undertaken concrete steps in fostering the
growth of peace education in the country and promoting a culture of peace. In collaboration with
various public institutions and civil society organizations, we have gone as far as developing school
and community-based peace modules, integrating peace concepts into the school curriculum, and
conducting seminars, training-workshops and conferences for a variety of audiences.
This paper highlights our present directions and initiatives in peace education.
Schools for Peac e
Our peace education effort particularly within the formal education system recognizes that all
schools in the Philippines must educate for a culture of peace. Along this line, our current program,
simply called Schools for Peace, aims to build a network of partner schools which will serve as our
12 相生 SUMMER 2003
E d u c a t i o n f o r c o n fl i c t r e s o l u t i o n
Members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines
participate in culture of peace training at the Southern
Command, Zamboanga City, in March 2000.
focal points or centers in the promotion of peace education as well as the peace process in their
respective areas. This entails the conduct of peace education and peace process orientation for
school administrators and teachers under the network, development of peace education curricula,
capability-building, provision of various teaching-learning and promotional materials, and providing
venues for sharing of experiences.
The program seeks to strengthen our existing partnership with the Department of Education (DEPED),
which supervises over 40,000 public elementary and secondary schools throughout the country. This year,
OPAPP and DEPED will begin to form a network of regional peace education coordinating teams and lead
schools, which will spearhead the development and implementation of area-based peace education and
advocacy programs. The lead schools will also initiate the use of the peace education teaching exemplars
which are currently being revised to harmonize them with the new basic education curriculum adopted in
2002 and to introduce additional concepts such as culture of peace, integrity of creation, global village, global
citizenship, and human security. It is important to note that values education is no longer offered as a
separate subject but has been integrated into the existing ones. DEDPED also has separate teaching
exemplars for human rights as well as gender and development.
Similarly, the program also expands our linkage with Catholic schools, which have been at the
forefront of peace education in the Philippines since the 80s. Twelve of these schools have been our
co-convenors in various peace education and advocacy activities. Likewise, 5 Vicariates and Dioceses
have been supported by the Office to undertake peace education activities for their respective
networks of schools. Last year OPAPP established partnership with the Catholic Educational
Association of the Philippines (CEAP), which has a membership of 1,183 institutions. The two
agencies, with the cooperation of the Miriam College Center for Peace Education, conducted a series
of trainings for administrators and teachers of 11 schools which were selected to become active
centers for peace education and advocacy in their respective provinces. The trainings, which are
expected to be replicated this year, included sessions on the peace process, reading the signs of the
times, holistic understanding of peace, nonviolent conflict resolution, sharing the earth’s resources,
affirming diversity and challenging prejudices, human rights, teaching-learning strategies, infusion
approach in incorporating peace concepts into the curriculum, and attributes of teachers of peace.
OPAPP complements the Schools for Peace Program by supporting extra or co-curricular
activities directly involving the students themselves, such as the children empowerment workshops
and trainers’ trainings organized by Children and Peace Philippines, peace camps, peace caravan and
peace concerts. The active participation of schools is strongly encouraged particularly during the
celebration of the Mindanao Week of Peace (last Thursday of November to First Wednesday of
December of every year) and the National Peace Consciousness Week (February 28 to March 6).
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 1 3
E d u c a t i o n f o r c o n f l i c t re s o l u t i o n
Pr omoting Peace able Div ersit y
OPAPP has also undertaken area-based peace education initiatives which focus on promoting
interfaith and intercultural solidarity especially in conflict-affected culturally diverse regions.
One of these is the development and implementation of Panagtagbo sa Kalinaw, A Basic
Orientation Manual towards a Culture of Peace for Mindanao Communities. This manual was jointly
produced by OPAPP, the Catholic Relief Services, Kalinaw Mindanaw network and UNICEF between
1996 and 1998. It is intended for grassroots training to promote harmonious relationships among the
so-called tri-people of Mindanao, namely the Christians, Muslims and the indigenous peoples. The first
module guides the participants to a historical journey to trace their common roots and understand the
history of conflict as well as the peace process in Mindanao. The second module seeks to orient the
participants on the concept of conflict transformation and on various peaceful approaches to resolving
conflicts. The third module aims to evoke the participants’ vision of a culture of peace and leads them
to develop realistic action plans.
The popular and continuing use of the manual by schools, government agencies and non-
government organizations speaks of its relevance and effectiveness as a peace-building resource for
Mindanao, particularly in support of the implementation of the 1996 peace agreement between the
Philippine government and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). In 1999 and 2000, we applied
the manual in training organic members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines together with
integrees from said Muslim rebel group. We also used it recently in the drafting of a new manual
intended for the capability-building of the Local Monitoring Teams (LMTs) which were created to
Cover of Panagtagbo sa Kalinaw: A
Basic Orientation Manual towards a
Culture of Peace for Mindanao
Communities
14 相生 SUMMER 2003
Education for conflict resolution
ensure and safeguard the implementation of the 2001 ceasefire agreement between the government
and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The LMT training program includes sessions on
reflection and peace visioning, situational analysis, basic orientation on the rationale and history of
the LMTs, and technical skills training on ceasefire monitoring and case investigation, as well as
basic training on conflict resolution and management.
A parallel effort was also undertaken in the Cordillera region, a mountainous and highly multi-
ethnic area in northern Philippines with over a million population belonging to five major indigenous
ethno-linguistic groups. This gold-rich and forested region was a hotbed of communist insurgency
and largely a war zone during the 70s due to the issue of non-recognition of the indigenous peoples’
rights and exploitation of their ancestral domains. OPAPP’s peace education initiative in the area is
the formulation and implementation of peace modules initially intended for community-based
training to enhance the people’s understanding of their origin, history and uniqueness; ancestral
domain ownership and management; conflict resolution and management; self-governance and
empowerment; and culture of peace. The trainings proved to be effective in educating the
participants on the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997. The most recent application of the
modules was during the summer trainings in 2002 and 2003 of school teachers and administrators
under the Vicariate of Bontoc and Lagawe in line with its ongoing Schools of Living Tradition
Program.
Peace and Good Go ver nance
Peace education within government itself is seen to be an effective strategy to address
governance issues such as inadequate and inefficient delivery of basic services, graft and corruption,
and human rights violations, among others. It is also an appropriate tool to enhance the capabilities
of government bodies especially at the local level in performing conflict resolution functions.
Improved mediation skills of the local chief executives are expected to minimize case backlogs in the
local justice systems.
Boundary conflict resolution between two ethno-linguistic groups in Tabuk, Kalinga (a province in the Cordillera)
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 1 5
E d u c a t i o n f o r c o n f l i c t re s o l u t i o n
Pr omoting Peace able Div ersit y
OPAPP has also undertaken area-based peace education initiatives which focus on promoting
interfaith and intercultural solidarity especially in conflict-affected culturally diverse regions.
One of these is the development and implementation of Panagtagbo sa Kalinaw, A Basic
Orientation Manual towards a Culture of Peace for Mindanao Communities. This manual was jointly
produced by OPAPP, the Catholic Relief Services, Kalinaw Mindanaw network and UNICEF between
1996 and 1998. It is intended for grassroots training to promote harmonious relationships among the
so-called tri-people of Mindanao, namely the Christians, Muslims and the indigenous peoples. The first
module guides the participants to a historical journey to trace their common roots and understand the
history of conflict as well as the peace process in Mindanao. The second module seeks to orient the
participants on the concept of conflict transformation and on various peaceful approaches to resolving
conflicts. The third module aims to evoke the participants’ vision of a culture of peace and leads them
to develop realistic action plans.
The popular and continuing use of the manual by schools, government agencies and non-
government organizations speaks of its relevance and effectiveness as a peace-building resource for
Mindanao, particularly in support of the implementation of the 1996 peace agreement between the
Philippine government and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). In 1999 and 2000, we applied
the manual in training organic members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines together with
integrees from said Muslim rebel group. We also used it recently in the drafting of a new manual
intended for the capability-building of the Local Monitoring Teams (LMTs) which were created to
Cover of Panagtagbo sa Kalinaw: A
Basic Orientation Manual towards a
Culture of Peace for Mindanao
Communities
14 相生 SUMMER 2003
Education for conflict resolution
ensure and safeguard the implementation of the 2001 ceasefire agreement between the government
and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The LMT training program includes sessions on
reflection and peace visioning, situational analysis, basic orientation on the rationale and history of
the LMTs, and technical skills training on ceasefire monitoring and case investigation, as well as
basic training on conflict resolution and management.
A parallel effort was also undertaken in the Cordillera region, a mountainous and highly multi-
ethnic area in northern Philippines with over a million population belonging to five major indigenous
ethno-linguistic groups. This gold-rich and forested region was a hotbed of communist insurgency
and largely a war zone during the 70s due to the issue of non-recognition of the indigenous peoples’
rights and exploitation of their ancestral domains. OPAPP’s peace education initiative in the area is
the formulation and implementation of peace modules initially intended for community-based
training to enhance the people’s understanding of their origin, history and uniqueness; ancestral
domain ownership and management; conflict resolution and management; self-governance and
empowerment; and culture of peace. The trainings proved to be effective in educating the
participants on the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997. The most recent application of the
modules was during the summer trainings in 2002 and 2003 of school teachers and administrators
under the Vicariate of Bontoc and Lagawe in line with its ongoing Schools of Living Tradition
Program.
Peace and Good Go ver nance
Peace education within government itself is seen to be an effective strategy to address
governance issues such as inadequate and inefficient delivery of basic services, graft and corruption,
and human rights violations, among others. It is also an appropriate tool to enhance the capabilities
of government bodies especially at the local level in performing conflict resolution functions.
Improved mediation skills of the local chief executives are expected to minimize case backlogs in the
local justice systems.
Boundary conflict resolution between two ethno-linguistic groups in Tabuk, Kalinga (a province in the Cordillera)
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 1 5
E d u ca t i o n f o r c on f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n E d u c a t i o n f o r s o c i a l j us t i c e

In view of these, OPAPP, in collaboration with the Commission on Human Rights and civil society
groups, has conceived and pilot-tested in 2001 a Peace and Human Rights Training Program for the EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE
chief executives and other key officials of provinces, municipalities, cities and villages. By enabling
local leaders to understand fully, appreciate deeply and commit to perform their roles as peace and
human rights advocates and mediators, the program is expected to result ultimately in more efficient
IN CATHOLIC SCHOOLS
and effective delivery of basic services and improved peace and human rights conditions within the
local government workplaces and in the communities being served.
—foundation, pedagogy and curriculum—
To ward s New Grounds
Meanwhile, we have also undertaken initial steps to move our peace education program ahead
into new and promising grounds.
In March 2002, during the formulation stage of a comprehensive Education Program for Peace
and Development of Mindanao, OPAPP and other participating institutions and organizations initially
explored the possibility of integrating peace education in the madrasah or Islamic schools. The idea Susan Pascoe Christine Heffernan
is deemed laudable especially in the light of the worsening conflict situation in the Mindanao, where
such establishments are concentrated. A network of madrasah may be formed as part of the ongoing
Schools for Peace program.
Catholic schools hold a strong commitment to the
This year, OPAPP supported the establishment of the Interfaith Center for the Culture of
promotion of justice, to ‘faith that does justice’,
Nonviolence (ICCN) and its conduct of an interfaith nonviolence seminar-workshop. The ICCN is and to education in and for social justice. In this
actively advocating third-party nonviolent intervention or inter-positioning in response to the ongoing article, the authors describe how this faith/justice
war in Mindanao.
mandate is given expression in Catholic schools
Recognizing the critical role of social workers in facilitating grassroots peacebuilding especially in
marginalized and conflict-affected communities, the Office collaborated with the National Association of in Victoria, Australia.
Social Work Education Incorporated (NASWEI) towards the integration of peace education in the social work
education curriculum. A culture of peace orientation and module writeshop took place in May 2003.
Initial discussions have also been made with the Kalinga Bodong Council, an organization of
indigenous peace pact holders in Kalinga in the Cordillera region, for the conduct of school and
community-based information dissemination and training on the codified pagta, or the law of the
bodong (indigenous peace pact system). This proposed initiative is expected to contribute
St udent Pers pectives
significantly to the prevention of crimes and tribal wars in said province.
When I think about my experiences of social justice within my school, I think of how I
Lastly, we have moved into the frontier of peace research in recognition of its significance to the have been inspired by a number of my teachers. The tangibility of their actions and their
enrichment of peace education and the advancement of the comprehensive peace process. In contributions to social justice have been inspirational and motivating. Learning about their
December 2002, we organized the First National Peace Research Conference, which highlighted area- work with homeless people and those less fortunate than me challenged me to find my
based research and experiences in community rehabilitation efforts, innovative grassroots own way to contribute to the community. They presented me with ways to get involved in
peacebuilding, educating for peace and interfaith solidarity. the ‘field’ of social justice. They gave me the opportunities, support and encouragement to
work with Amnesty International, Seeds of Justice and various other social justice
Conclusion initiatives.

The concept of a culture of peace is much like the proverbial elephant being examined by a
group of blind men. It is a relative concept both in space and time, and can only be understood and
appreciated through dialogue, reflection and action. Through continuing linkage with other
government agencies and with the various peace movements in the country, and by involving them
in the development and implementation of training modules and curricula, we seek to ensure that
our peace education program is sufficiently flexible and responsive to the changing situation of
conflict, both locally and globally. The teaching of concepts, values and skills in peace building and
conflict resolution must necessarily take place within relevant and meaningful contexts.
Romulo B. Halabaso is Chief of the Peace Education Unit and Assistant Director for Technical Programs
and Services in the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process, Republic of the Philippines.
These are the reflections of Emily, a Year 12 student at a large Catholic coeducational secondary
college 38 kilometres east of Melbourne, Victoria. Emily is one of ten Victorian students who has
recently been honoured with a Mercy Scholarship for her involvement in promoting community service
and for her demonstrated, genuine concern for others less fortunate. In Emily’s case, it was largely her
work in establishing an Amnesty International School Group that led to the conferring of this award—
work that involved a focus on awareness raising, with numerous student-led assembly presentations
about the plight of refugees, the horrors of torture and the situation of political prisoners, as well as
letter-writing and fundraising.
Another award-winning student from a school closer to the central business district of Melbourne is
James Lee, of Xavier College, a Year 5-12 Jesuit boys’ college. James graduated from Xavier in 1999 and
in 2003 was named Young Australian of the Year (Victorian Division) following his establishment of a
large and highly commended network of voluntary ‘literacy tutors’ working with migrant and refugee
children. At a school assembly earlier this year, James had this to say to the current Xavier students

16 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 1 7

E d u ca t i o n f o r c on f l i c t r e s o l u t i o n E d u c a t i o n f o r s o c i a l j us t i c e

In view of these, OPAPP, in collaboration with the Commission on Human Rights and civil society
groups, has conceived and pilot-tested in 2001 a Peace and Human Rights Training Program for the EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE
chief executives and other key officials of provinces, municipalities, cities and villages. By enabling
local leaders to understand fully, appreciate deeply and commit to perform their roles as peace and
human rights advocates and mediators, the program is expected to result ultimately in more efficient
IN CATHOLIC SCHOOLS
and effective delivery of basic services and improved peace and human rights conditions within the
local government workplaces and in the communities being served.
—foundation, pedagogy and curriculum—
To ward s New Grounds
Meanwhile, we have also undertaken initial steps to move our peace education program ahead
into new and promising grounds.
In March 2002, during the formulation stage of a comprehensive Education Program for Peace
and Development of Mindanao, OPAPP and other participating institutions and organizations initially
explored the possibility of integrating peace education in the madrasah or Islamic schools. The idea Susan Pascoe Christine Heffernan
is deemed laudable especially in the light of the worsening conflict situation in the Mindanao, where
such establishments are concentrated. A network of madrasah may be formed as part of the ongoing
Schools for Peace program.
Catholic schools hold a strong commitment to the
This year, OPAPP supported the establishment of the Interfaith Center for the Culture of
promotion of justice, to ‘faith that does justice’,
Nonviolence (ICCN) and its conduct of an interfaith nonviolence seminar-workshop. The ICCN is and to education in and for social justice. In this
actively advocating third-party nonviolent intervention or inter-positioning in response to the ongoing article, the authors describe how this faith/justice
war in Mindanao.
mandate is given expression in Catholic schools
Recognizing the critical role of social workers in facilitating grassroots peacebuilding especially in
marginalized and conflict-affected communities, the Office collaborated with the National Association of in Victoria, Australia.
Social Work Education Incorporated (NASWEI) towards the integration of peace education in the social work
education curriculum. A culture of peace orientation and module writeshop took place in May 2003.
Initial discussions have also been made with the Kalinga Bodong Council, an organization of
indigenous peace pact holders in Kalinga in the Cordillera region, for the conduct of school and
community-based information dissemination and training on the codified pagta, or the law of the
bodong (indigenous peace pact system). This proposed initiative is expected to contribute
St udent Pers pectives
significantly to the prevention of crimes and tribal wars in said province.
When I think about my experiences of social justice within my school, I think of how I
Lastly, we have moved into the frontier of peace research in recognition of its significance to the have been inspired by a number of my teachers. The tangibility of their actions and their
enrichment of peace education and the advancement of the comprehensive peace process. In contributions to social justice have been inspirational and motivating. Learning about their
December 2002, we organized the First National Peace Research Conference, which highlighted area- work with homeless people and those less fortunate than me challenged me to find my
based research and experiences in community rehabilitation efforts, innovative grassroots own way to contribute to the community. They presented me with ways to get involved in
peacebuilding, educating for peace and interfaith solidarity. the ‘field’ of social justice. They gave me the opportunities, support and encouragement to
work with Amnesty International, Seeds of Justice and various other social justice
Conclusion initiatives.

The concept of a culture of peace is much like the proverbial elephant being examined by a
group of blind men. It is a relative concept both in space and time, and can only be understood and
appreciated through dialogue, reflection and action. Through continuing linkage with other
government agencies and with the various peace movements in the country, and by involving them
in the development and implementation of training modules and curricula, we seek to ensure that
our peace education program is sufficiently flexible and responsive to the changing situation of
conflict, both locally and globally. The teaching of concepts, values and skills in peace building and
conflict resolution must necessarily take place within relevant and meaningful contexts.
Romulo B. Halabaso is Chief of the Peace Education Unit and Assistant Director for Technical Programs
and Services in the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process, Republic of the Philippines.
These are the reflections of Emily, a Year 12 student at a large Catholic coeducational secondary
college 38 kilometres east of Melbourne, Victoria. Emily is one of ten Victorian students who has
recently been honoured with a Mercy Scholarship for her involvement in promoting community service
and for her demonstrated, genuine concern for others less fortunate. In Emily’s case, it was largely her
work in establishing an Amnesty International School Group that led to the conferring of this award—
work that involved a focus on awareness raising, with numerous student-led assembly presentations
about the plight of refugees, the horrors of torture and the situation of political prisoners, as well as
letter-writing and fundraising.
Another award-winning student from a school closer to the central business district of Melbourne is
James Lee, of Xavier College, a Year 5-12 Jesuit boys’ college. James graduated from Xavier in 1999 and
in 2003 was named Young Australian of the Year (Victorian Division) following his establishment of a
large and highly commended network of voluntary ‘literacy tutors’ working with migrant and refugee
children. At a school assembly earlier this year, James had this to say to the current Xavier students

16 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 1 7

Education for social justice
about his commitment to social justice and the influence of his Catholic schooling:
During the whole award period, many people asked me why I began doing this work. Was
it a passion? Was it some sort of spiritual calling?
Well, now it is a passion, and it does have a lot to do with my faith, but at the time it was
not. Xavier has a community service program [voluntary] which is what I got involved in. I
went along to tutor migrant children one day simply because a friend asked me and I had
nothing better to do. This point is important though. Xavier provided me a facility to do
some form of community service. It was of course my choice; however, the school was
constantly supporting it. I think youth hear messages of having a ‘social conscience’ both
from home, at school and in the media. Many young people want to explore this but so
few have the opportunity on their doorstep. By providing such an activity weekly, it gave
me the chance to do so, and to do so easily, with people I knew and could trust. That is
the best thing Xavier did for me—it nurtured my faith and gave me the chance to practise
my faith.
From the perspectives of these students we can draw several truisms about education for social
justice that have long been understood and embraced by Catholic schools, though their enactment
continues to evolve, mature and take varied expression. The truisms we speak of relate to the intimate
connection between faith and action on behalf of justice; the fundamental importance of the ‘witness’ or
modelling of staff; and the prominence given to experiential learning and community service programs
in nurturing students’ social consciousness. In what follows we comment on these matters before going
on to describe some of the more formal curriculum priorities and learning areas that are currently
contributing to the development within students of a critical consciousness for social justice.
Justice Grounded in F ait h
For educators in a Catholic school, it is the values, ideals and challenges of the Gospel, embodied in
the person of Jesus Christ, that have a profound effect on a school’s understanding of education for
social justice. While schools might vary in their distinctive Christian charisms and traditions,1) one might
reasonably expect to find a commitment to all of the following Gospel-inspired values and ideals:
● A profound respect for the individual;
● A nurturing of the inner life—sensitising young people to the place and power of mystery,
awe, wonder, reflection and prayer;
● A nurturing of ‘right relationships’ characterised by welcome, respect, compassion,
forgiveness, fidelity, equity and justice;
● A heightened emphasis on the centrality of honesty, compassion, forgiveness and
reconciliation in interpersonal relationships;
● A sincere and conscious search for the truth;
● Encouragement of an earth consciousness and an acceptance of responsibilities as stewards
of the earth;
● A recognition of the importance of service of/to others and the community;
● A heightened sensitivity and outreach to people and groups who are disadvantaged and
marginalised. 2)
A vast heritage of Catholic social teaching also accompanies these Gospel-inspired values and
ideals. Through this legacy we are reminded that the union of faith and justice requires that we
understand social justice not primarily in measurable terms (such as equal access to the goods of the
1) Many Catholic secondary schools are owned and/or administered by religious orders or congregations. The founders of
these orders/congregations established distinctive traditions and charisms based on particular aspects of the life of Jesus
Christ and the values of the Gospel, and it is a heritage that has strongly influenced the ethos and priorities of the school.
2) These values are described in an article by Tarlington and O ’Shea, ‘Values education: A Catholic perspective ’ in Values
in Education, Susan Pascoe (ed.), Australian College of Educators Yearbook 2002.
18 相生 SUMMER 2003
Education for social justice
earth), nor exclusively in the human concepts of fairness and equity, nor essentially in the context of
specific issues, such as unemployment or the plight of refugees, though each of these perspectives has
its place. Rather, to do justice from the perspective of the Gospels and Catholic social teaching requires
that we preserve and promote our common humanity in communities where we free one another to be
more generously human.
In schools, this translates to an initial and ongoing focus on valuing, and being seen to value, the
dignity and worth of each member of the school community. It means sharing and supporting growth in
one another, creating opportunities for students to discover the satisfaction of sharing their talents with
others and serving others, and ensuring that the notion of commitment to the ‘common good’ is a
worthy ideal that has established its credentials through sustained and meaningful learning experiences
within the school community. It also means that Catholic educators recognise their responsibility to
nurture and support the development of young men and women of humanitarian disposition who will
take their Christian beliefs and their moral and religious maturity into the broad community and provide
leadership.
Witness of Staff
As expounded in the first of our student perspectives, the example of staff and the climate which
they create in the school count amongst the most influential factors in any effort in education for justice.
If students see adults—and ideally a community of adults—who live what they are trying to teach, then
what they teach will be credible. Furthermore, the potential to engage students in ‘faith that does
justice’ is much higher when individual teachers, outside of any professional responsibilities or
expectations, are seen by students to be dedicating their personal time and energies to service of the
disadvantaged and needy in the community, and are able to encourage and affirm students, in a one-to-
one relational context, to find their own ways to get involved.
There is widespread recognition in and amongst Catholic schools that the communal effort of
nurturing a whole-school commitment to justice requires continuous, substantial and well-planned
formation programs. Catholic schools draw on resources from a range of community service groups and
church agencies, including the Catholic Education Office (the central administration office of Catholic
schools). Organisations, foundations or institutes that have a particular justice focus, such as Caritas
International, Austcare, the St Vincent de Paul Society, the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre and Oxfam
Community Aid Abroad, are also key sources of resource support. In addition, there is an archdiocesan
network of educators who, under the name of JECS (Justice Educators in Catholic Schools) 3) are proactive
in encouraging discussion about the theory and practice of justice education and in facilitating the
sharing of classroom resource materials and ideas.
The essential premise that underpins these efforts is that very little effective education for faith and
justice will happen unless a significant majority of the staff believe in its importance and work together
to make it happen. While this is a long-standing and well-accepted truism that requires little justification
or amplification, it perhaps bears noting that we should never lose sight of its fundamental and critical
significance, particularly when decisions are being made about the nature and extent of resource
support for the professional development and formation of teachers.
Experient ial Knowledge of Justice and Injus tice
In the service of faith and the promotion of justice, an increasing number of our secondary colleges
are implementing community service programs that are structured into their formal curriculum offerings
or, at the very least, are provided as ‘extracurricular’ programs. Evaluation data held by these schools
reveal that significant moral sensitivity comes from these experiences, particularly when students are
expected to reflect on and articulate emergent issues, learnings and insights. This area of experiential
learning also presents students with multiple opportunities for analysing the social structures and
attitudes that are adversely affecting the lives of the people they are encountering, leading students to
3) The website address of JECS is <www.jecs.catholic.edu.au>.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 1 9
Education for social justice
about his commitment to social justice and the influence of his Catholic schooling:
During the whole award period, many people asked me why I began doing this work. Was
it a passion? Was it some sort of spiritual calling?
Well, now it is a passion, and it does have a lot to do with my faith, but at the time it was
not. Xavier has a community service program [voluntary] which is what I got involved in. I
went along to tutor migrant children one day simply because a friend asked me and I had
nothing better to do. This point is important though. Xavier provided me a facility to do
some form of community service. It was of course my choice; however, the school was
constantly supporting it. I think youth hear messages of having a ‘social conscience’ both
from home, at school and in the media. Many young people want to explore this but so
few have the opportunity on their doorstep. By providing such an activity weekly, it gave
me the chance to do so, and to do so easily, with people I knew and could trust. That is
the best thing Xavier did for me—it nurtured my faith and gave me the chance to practise
my faith.
From the perspectives of these students we can draw several truisms about education for social
justice that have long been understood and embraced by Catholic schools, though their enactment
continues to evolve, mature and take varied expression. The truisms we speak of relate to the intimate
connection between faith and action on behalf of justice; the fundamental importance of the ‘witness’ or
modelling of staff; and the prominence given to experiential learning and community service programs
in nurturing students’ social consciousness. In what follows we comment on these matters before going
on to describe some of the more formal curriculum priorities and learning areas that are currently
contributing to the development within students of a critical consciousness for social justice.
Justice Grounded in F ait h
For educators in a Catholic school, it is the values, ideals and challenges of the Gospel, embodied in
the person of Jesus Christ, that have a profound effect on a school’s understanding of education for
social justice. While schools might vary in their distinctive Christian charisms and traditions,1) one might
reasonably expect to find a commitment to all of the following Gospel-inspired values and ideals:
● A profound respect for the individual;
● A nurturing of the inner life—sensitising young people to the place and power of mystery,
awe, wonder, reflection and prayer;
● A nurturing of ‘right relationships’ characterised by welcome, respect, compassion,
forgiveness, fidelity, equity and justice;
● A heightened emphasis on the centrality of honesty, compassion, forgiveness and
reconciliation in interpersonal relationships;
● A sincere and conscious search for the truth;
● Encouragement of an earth consciousness and an acceptance of responsibilities as stewards
of the earth;
● A recognition of the importance of service of/to others and the community;
● A heightened sensitivity and outreach to people and groups who are disadvantaged and
marginalised. 2)
A vast heritage of Catholic social teaching also accompanies these Gospel-inspired values and
ideals. Through this legacy we are reminded that the union of faith and justice requires that we
understand social justice not primarily in measurable terms (such as equal access to the goods of the
1) Many Catholic secondary schools are owned and/or administered by religious orders or congregations. The founders of
these orders/congregations established distinctive traditions and charisms based on particular aspects of the life of Jesus
Christ and the values of the Gospel, and it is a heritage that has strongly influenced the ethos and priorities of the school.
2) These values are described in an article by Tarlington and O ’Shea, ‘Values education: A Catholic perspective ’ in Values
in Education, Susan Pascoe (ed.), Australian College of Educators Yearbook 2002.
18 相生 SUMMER 2003
Education for social justice
earth), nor exclusively in the human concepts of fairness and equity, nor essentially in the context of
specific issues, such as unemployment or the plight of refugees, though each of these perspectives has
its place. Rather, to do justice from the perspective of the Gospels and Catholic social teaching requires
that we preserve and promote our common humanity in communities where we free one another to be
more generously human.
In schools, this translates to an initial and ongoing focus on valuing, and being seen to value, the
dignity and worth of each member of the school community. It means sharing and supporting growth in
one another, creating opportunities for students to discover the satisfaction of sharing their talents with
others and serving others, and ensuring that the notion of commitment to the ‘common good’ is a
worthy ideal that has established its credentials through sustained and meaningful learning experiences
within the school community. It also means that Catholic educators recognise their responsibility to
nurture and support the development of young men and women of humanitarian disposition who will
take their Christian beliefs and their moral and religious maturity into the broad community and provide
leadership.
Witness of Staff
As expounded in the first of our student perspectives, the example of staff and the climate which
they create in the school count amongst the most influential factors in any effort in education for justice.
If students see adults—and ideally a community of adults—who live what they are trying to teach, then
what they teach will be credible. Furthermore, the potential to engage students in ‘faith that does
justice’ is much higher when individual teachers, outside of any professional responsibilities or
expectations, are seen by students to be dedicating their personal time and energies to service of the
disadvantaged and needy in the community, and are able to encourage and affirm students, in a one-to-
one relational context, to find their own ways to get involved.
There is widespread recognition in and amongst Catholic schools that the communal effort of
nurturing a whole-school commitment to justice requires continuous, substantial and well-planned
formation programs. Catholic schools draw on resources from a range of community service groups and
church agencies, including the Catholic Education Office (the central administration office of Catholic
schools). Organisations, foundations or institutes that have a particular justice focus, such as Caritas
International, Austcare, the St Vincent de Paul Society, the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre and Oxfam
Community Aid Abroad, are also key sources of resource support. In addition, there is an archdiocesan
network of educators who, under the name of JECS (Justice Educators in Catholic Schools) 3) are proactive
in encouraging discussion about the theory and practice of justice education and in facilitating the
sharing of classroom resource materials and ideas.
The essential premise that underpins these efforts is that very little effective education for faith and
justice will happen unless a significant majority of the staff believe in its importance and work together
to make it happen. While this is a long-standing and well-accepted truism that requires little justification
or amplification, it perhaps bears noting that we should never lose sight of its fundamental and critical
significance, particularly when decisions are being made about the nature and extent of resource
support for the professional development and formation of teachers.
Experient ial Knowledge of Justice and Injus tice
In the service of faith and the promotion of justice, an increasing number of our secondary colleges
are implementing community service programs that are structured into their formal curriculum offerings
or, at the very least, are provided as ‘extracurricular’ programs. Evaluation data held by these schools
reveal that significant moral sensitivity comes from these experiences, particularly when students are
expected to reflect on and articulate emergent issues, learnings and insights. This area of experiential
learning also presents students with multiple opportunities for analysing the social structures and
attitudes that are adversely affecting the lives of the people they are encountering, leading students to
3) The website address of JECS is <www.jecs.catholic.edu.au>.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 1 9
Education for social justice
ask, ‘who says things have to be this way?’ and, ‘what are the alternatives?’
Our students James and Emily both emphasise the significance of their respective schools providing
the opportunities for them to become involved with people and organisations that advance social
justice. Instead of leaving these educational experiences to chance, such provision in their schools is
structured into the curriculum and is given legitimate ‘timetable priority’ and resource support, even
though participation is voluntary.
In facilitating students’ experiences of offering genuine service to disadvantaged people in the
community, Catholic educators are encouraged to teach about the causes of injustice and about the
structures that support injustice. The pedagogical premise underpinning this work is that the curriculum
can and should help students to assimilate their culture in a manner that is constructively critical.
‘Conventional thinking can and should be challenged. Justice has a claim on us. Society and its
structures can be improved ’. 4)
Cath olic Schools and the Aus tralian Contex t
Before directing our focus to some of the more formal and structured components of social justice
education in Catholic schools, we offer some brief prefacing information about the Catholic education
system in Victoria, about how curriculum is shaped by national and state educational policies and
frameworks, and, on another level, how current national and international issues and events are
currently shaping the justice ‘agendas’ of school curriculum.
Approximately three-quarters of Australian schools are government run (public) and the remainder
are private schools, which incorporate Independent and Catholic schools. In the State of Victoria, 22% of
the student population (5-18 year-olds) is educated in Catholic schools.
Each state or territory government in Australia has responsibility for curriculum in its own schools,
but the Commonwealth Government ensures comparable standards and quality of teaching are
maintained. Across all states and territories there are eight common and agreed learning areas—the
Arts, English, Health and Physical Education (H&PE), Languages other than English (LOTE), Mathematics,
Science, Studies of Society and Environment (SOSE) and Technology. In Victorian schools a ‘scaffold’ of
teaching/learning content areas and expected learning outcomes for these eight learning areas is
presented in the Curriculum and Standards Framework.5)
Catholic schools are funded by both the Commonwealth and State governments for approximately
80% of their total costs, and this funding is closely aligned to curriculum priorities and directions
established by them. Fortunately, the promotion of social justice in and through education is a strong
and commonly held commitment of all the key stakeholders in education. This is reflected in the
National Goals for Schooling, agreed to by all Australian state education ministers in 1999, wherein it is
stated that when students leave school they should:
Have the capacity to exercise judgement and responsibility in matters of morality, ethics
and social justice, and the capacity to make sense of their world, to think about how
things got to be the way they are, to make rational informed decisions about their lives
and to accept responsibility for their own actions (Goal 1.3);
Be active and informed citizens with an understanding and appreciation of Australia’s
system of government and civic life (Goal 1.5);
Have an understanding of and concern for stewardship of the natural environment, and
the knowledge and skills to contribute to ecologically sustainable development (Goal 1.7).
Amongst other specifications, the National Goals highlight the importance of schooling being socially
just in that:
Students’ outcomes from schooling are free from the negative forms of discrimination
based on sex, language, culture and ethnicity, religion or disability; and of differences
4) Dwyer, Barry 1993, Catholic Schools: Creating a New Culture, EJ Dwyer in association with David Lovell Publishing,
Newtown, NSW.
5) Victorian Board of Studies, 2000, Curriculum and Standards Framework 11, Board of Studies: Melbourne.
20 相生 SUMMER 2003
E d u c a t i on f o r s o c i a l j us t i c e
arising from students’ socio-economic background or geographic location (Goal 3.1);
All students understand and acknowledge the value of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
cultures to Australian society and possess the knowledge, skills and understanding to
contribute to and benefit from reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous
Australians (Goal 3.4).6)
The National Goals of Schooling reflect a dialectical relationship with the current political, economic
and social environment in Australia. In 2001 the nation celebrated its first century of ‘nationhood’,
evoking much public reflection, analysis, assessment and debate about our national identity, our
understandings of citizenship and civic responsibilities, our ‘core’ shared values, our claims to being an
egalitarian and tolerant society that has ‘embraced’ cultural and ethnic diversity, and our attempts to
redress the injustices and inequities experienced by Indigenous Australians, past and present.
Subsequent to the centenary year the spotlight extended to the nation’s attitudes towards refugees
and to the Commonwealth Government’s widely contested policy of mandatory detention of asylum
seekers. Adding to this, in events beyond our shores, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the
Bali bombings in 2002 and the war in Iraq in 2003 have re-introduced, re-framed and indeed saturated
public discourse with polarised notions and views about ‘good’ and ‘civilised’ nations, ‘retaliation and
revenge’, ‘national security’, ‘national interests’ and the ‘war against terrorism’.
It is against this background that education in and for social justice is currently being played out in
the curriculum of Catholic schools. What follows is a description, again brief, of several of the more
formal and structured curriculum areas within which our schools are attempting to accommodate and
respond to the many challenges of ‘faith that does justice’.
Some Formal and Stru ctured C urriculum Orientations
Given the scope of this paper and the limits of publishing space, we describe here four key
curriculum areas or ‘fields of study’ into which many Catholic schools are placing concerted and
sustained resources and energy in support of social justice education. These areas are Religious
Education, Civics and Citizenship Education, Studies of Asia and Indigenous Education.
Religious Education
At the centre of curriculum in Catholic schools is Religious Education (RE), which sits outside of, yet
is highly integrated with, the eight nationally mandated areas of study for Australian schools. It is in this
key learning area that education in and for social justice has its pre-eminent ‘home’.
Teaching and learning in this subject is purposefully directed to the person of Jesus Christ, the
Scriptures and the Gospel-inspired ideals and values described earlier. Through an integrated ‘call to
faith’ cathechetical approach7) and through immersion in sacramental, prayer and liturgical experiences,
students are introduced to a wide range of themes and issues associated with justice, peace, hope and
love. Examples include the beauty, unity and interdependence of God’s creation and the ethics of
responsible stewardship; concepts of social and structural sin and a ‘preferential option for the poor’;
past and present Christians who exemplify and embody the ideals of the Beatitudes; inspiring prophets
and peacemakers.
Within a framework that takes account of students’ cognitive and moral capabilities, students are
gradually introduced to the rich heritage of Catholic social teaching which offers a Christian perspective
on events and issues confronting nations of the world. The body of Catholic social teaching, built up
over two centuries, has at its heart a concern for poor and marginalised people. In recent decades the
social teachings have expanded to include a substantial focus on issues of human rights, the plight of
6) Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs (MCEETYA) 1999, The Adelaide Declaration
on the National Goals for Schooling in the Twenty First Century, MCEETYA, Canberra, ACT.
7) In the Archdiocese of Melbourne a series of religious education texts, To Know, Worship and Love, represent the main
curriculum guide for religious education across Years P10. The ‘call to faith’ cathechesis model underpins the design
of this series.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 2 1
Education for social justice
ask, ‘who says things have to be this way?’ and, ‘what are the alternatives?’
Our students James and Emily both emphasise the significance of their respective schools providing
the opportunities for them to become involved with people and organisations that advance social
justice. Instead of leaving these educational experiences to chance, such provision in their schools is
structured into the curriculum and is given legitimate ‘timetable priority’ and resource support, even
though participation is voluntary.
In facilitating students’ experiences of offering genuine service to disadvantaged people in the
community, Catholic educators are encouraged to teach about the causes of injustice and about the
structures that support injustice. The pedagogical premise underpinning this work is that the curriculum
can and should help students to assimilate their culture in a manner that is constructively critical.
‘Conventional thinking can and should be challenged. Justice has a claim on us. Society and its
structures can be improved ’. 4)
Cath olic Schools and the Aus tralian Contex t
Before directing our focus to some of the more formal and structured components of social justice
education in Catholic schools, we offer some brief prefacing information about the Catholic education
system in Victoria, about how curriculum is shaped by national and state educational policies and
frameworks, and, on another level, how current national and international issues and events are
currently shaping the justice ‘agendas’ of school curriculum.
Approximately three-quarters of Australian schools are government run (public) and the remainder
are private schools, which incorporate Independent and Catholic schools. In the State of Victoria, 22% of
the student population (5-18 year-olds) is educated in Catholic schools.
Each state or territory government in Australia has responsibility for curriculum in its own schools,
but the Commonwealth Government ensures comparable standards and quality of teaching are
maintained. Across all states and territories there are eight common and agreed learning areas—the
Arts, English, Health and Physical Education (H&PE), Languages other than English (LOTE), Mathematics,
Science, Studies of Society and Environment (SOSE) and Technology. In Victorian schools a ‘scaffold’ of
teaching/learning content areas and expected learning outcomes for these eight learning areas is
presented in the Curriculum and Standards Framework.5)
Catholic schools are funded by both the Commonwealth and State governments for approximately
80% of their total costs, and this funding is closely aligned to curriculum priorities and directions
established by them. Fortunately, the promotion of social justice in and through education is a strong
and commonly held commitment of all the key stakeholders in education. This is reflected in the
National Goals for Schooling, agreed to by all Australian state education ministers in 1999, wherein it is
stated that when students leave school they should:
Have the capacity to exercise judgement and responsibility in matters of morality, ethics
and social justice, and the capacity to make sense of their world, to think about how
things got to be the way they are, to make rational informed decisions about their lives
and to accept responsibility for their own actions (Goal 1.3);
Be active and informed citizens with an understanding and appreciation of Australia’s
system of government and civic life (Goal 1.5);
Have an understanding of and concern for stewardship of the natural environment, and
the knowledge and skills to contribute to ecologically sustainable development (Goal 1.7).
Amongst other specifications, the National Goals highlight the importance of schooling being socially
just in that:
Students’ outcomes from schooling are free from the negative forms of discrimination
based on sex, language, culture and ethnicity, religion or disability; and of differences
4) Dwyer, Barry 1993, Catholic Schools: Creating a New Culture, EJ Dwyer in association with David Lovell Publishing,
Newtown, NSW.
5) Victorian Board of Studies, 2000, Curriculum and Standards Framework 11, Board of Studies: Melbourne.
20 相生 SUMMER 2003
E d u c a t i on f o r s o c i a l j us t i c e
arising from students’ socio-economic background or geographic location (Goal 3.1);
All students understand and acknowledge the value of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
cultures to Australian society and possess the knowledge, skills and understanding to
contribute to and benefit from reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous
Australians (Goal 3.4).6)
The National Goals of Schooling reflect a dialectical relationship with the current political, economic
and social environment in Australia. In 2001 the nation celebrated its first century of ‘nationhood’,
evoking much public reflection, analysis, assessment and debate about our national identity, our
understandings of citizenship and civic responsibilities, our ‘core’ shared values, our claims to being an
egalitarian and tolerant society that has ‘embraced’ cultural and ethnic diversity, and our attempts to
redress the injustices and inequities experienced by Indigenous Australians, past and present.
Subsequent to the centenary year the spotlight extended to the nation’s attitudes towards refugees
and to the Commonwealth Government’s widely contested policy of mandatory detention of asylum
seekers. Adding to this, in events beyond our shores, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the
Bali bombings in 2002 and the war in Iraq in 2003 have re-introduced, re-framed and indeed saturated
public discourse with polarised notions and views about ‘good’ and ‘civilised’ nations, ‘retaliation and
revenge’, ‘national security’, ‘national interests’ and the ‘war against terrorism’.
It is against this background that education in and for social justice is currently being played out in
the curriculum of Catholic schools. What follows is a description, again brief, of several of the more
formal and structured curriculum areas within which our schools are attempting to accommodate and
respond to the many challenges of ‘faith that does justice’.
Some Formal and Stru ctured C urriculum Orientations
Given the scope of this paper and the limits of publishing space, we describe here four key
curriculum areas or ‘fields of study’ into which many Catholic schools are placing concerted and
sustained resources and energy in support of social justice education. These areas are Religious
Education, Civics and Citizenship Education, Studies of Asia and Indigenous Education.
Religious Education
At the centre of curriculum in Catholic schools is Religious Education (RE), which sits outside of, yet
is highly integrated with, the eight nationally mandated areas of study for Australian schools. It is in this
key learning area that education in and for social justice has its pre-eminent ‘home’.
Teaching and learning in this subject is purposefully directed to the person of Jesus Christ, the
Scriptures and the Gospel-inspired ideals and values described earlier. Through an integrated ‘call to
faith’ cathechetical approach7) and through immersion in sacramental, prayer and liturgical experiences,
students are introduced to a wide range of themes and issues associated with justice, peace, hope and
love. Examples include the beauty, unity and interdependence of God’s creation and the ethics of
responsible stewardship; concepts of social and structural sin and a ‘preferential option for the poor’;
past and present Christians who exemplify and embody the ideals of the Beatitudes; inspiring prophets
and peacemakers.
Within a framework that takes account of students’ cognitive and moral capabilities, students are
gradually introduced to the rich heritage of Catholic social teaching which offers a Christian perspective
on events and issues confronting nations of the world. The body of Catholic social teaching, built up
over two centuries, has at its heart a concern for poor and marginalised people. In recent decades the
social teachings have expanded to include a substantial focus on issues of human rights, the plight of
6) Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs (MCEETYA) 1999, The Adelaide Declaration
on the National Goals for Schooling in the Twenty First Century, MCEETYA, Canberra, ACT.
7) In the Archdiocese of Melbourne a series of religious education texts, To Know, Worship and Love, represent the main
curriculum guide for religious education across Years P10. The ‘call to faith’ cathechesis model underpins the design
of this series.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 2 1
Education for social justice Education for social justice

refugees and asylum seekers, globalisation, poverty, environmental Currently several Catholic schools are implementing action-learning ‘trial’ projects that model the
sustainability, war and peace.8) While such teachings are in some notion of an ‘ideal community’ wherein such a community acknowledges the past, engages critically
instances fairly dense and complex in presentation, skilled RE with the present and creates inclusive and preferred futures. Issues of justice are featuring
teachers who work with senior students are adept at introducing predominantly as a core area for exploration within these trial curriculum units.
and ‘unpacking’ their key themes and propositions.
In Victoria, the two fully accredited and cross-sectoral Studies of Asia
academic studies in religion for Year 11 and 12 students are Australian society is culturally and ethnically diverse, as are many of our Catholic schools in
Religion and Society and Texts and Traditions.9) Both studies deal Melbourne. Accordingly, the rich and diverse cultures of Asia are readily found in many of our learning
with the contribution made by religious traditions to debate about communities and are explored and celebrated in all levels of schooling from Prep to Year 12.
important religious, cultural and ethical issues, and in both study
The professional development of teachers has been a key focus of many such programs. For example, in
frameworks there is ample scope for advanced teaching and
partnership with the Australia Asia Pacific Institute at Victoria University, the Catholic education sector has
learning on contemporary issues of social justice. Many of our Teachers and students experience prayer and recreation with Tibetan sponsored environmental study tours to the Philippines, with participants working with an environmental
schools report that some of the most innovative and exciting monks as part of a Studies of Asia initiative.
advocacy group in Manila to support and advocate for the marginalised groups in urban and rural areas
learning in ‘faith that does justice’ is happening within the Ethics
throughout the Philippines. Exemplary curriculum materials developed by participants has been one key
Unit of Religion and Society, for it is here that the rights and
outcome of this initiative, and, as a further consequence, partnerships have been developed between
wrongs of particular social phenomena and issues are questioned, ethical principles are proposed and
Melbourne schools and those in Manila and the rural areas visited. Over the last seven years, there have been
applied, and the rights and responsibilities of individuals, groups and society are scrutinised.10)
similar exposure experiences and curriculum outcomes as a result of over 300 teachers from around the state
Formal research and evaluation are yet to be undertaken about the social outcomes of these of Victoria taking part in study tours to Japan, Vietnam, India, China, South Korea, Thailand, Indonesia and
studies, though anecdotal evidence would suggest much cause for optimism pertaining to the ‘informed East Timor.
social conscience’ we seek to nurture in students.
In learning about the diverse cultures and peoples of Asia, an understanding of the spiritual fabric
that weaves through all levels of culture is an important focus. In 2001-02, one of the most successful
Civics and Cit izenship Education
and memorable programs for teachers and students was entitled ‘Towards the Centrez-Gyuto Monks of
Citizenship education examines the cultural, economic, political and social dimensions of civic life, Tibet’. Over two, two-week programs attended by 3500 students (from a range of faith traditions
and it has explicit orientations to democracy, social justice, civic responsibility, global futures, and including Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Jewish, Lutheran, Catholic and other Christian denominations) Tibetan
respect and tolerance for diversity and difference. In Victoria, like most Australian states, Civics and culture was explored with the facilitation of the Gyuto Monks. Importantly, the program was an
Citizenship Education is incorporated into the key learning area of Studies of Society and Environment opportunity to penetrate and confront issues of social justice as the monks themselves are refugees
(SOSE). from their own land.
A key adjunct to civics and citizenship education is the Commonwealth Government’s Discovering In Asian Studies, much innovative pedagogical and curriculum work is continuing to evolve and
Democracy program, which aims to encourage ‘effective, informed and reflective participation in political mature. We are confident in judging this to be a curriculum area where much can and is being done to
processes and civic life’. 11) The curriculum support materials made available through this program focus enrich students’ understandings of and appreciation for inter-cultural and cross-cultural harmony, inter-
on four core themes: faith and cross-faith solidarity, and students’ sense of themseves as ‘global citizens in an Asian
● Who rules? Concepts of sovereignty, citizenship and power neighbourhood’.
● Laws and rights — examining the rule of law, how laws are made, key principles of law and
justice, the High Court and human rights Ind igenous St udies
● The Australian nation — considering the underpinning principles and institutions of For over a decade Catholic schools in Victoria have been progressively deepening and expanding
government, federation and Australian identity their commitment to Indigenous Studies. This expansion coincides with Australia’s journey as a nation to
advance Reconciliation with Indigenous Australians. It also reflects the commitment of the Australian
● Citizens and public life — addressing the role of individuals and groups in civil society and
how they contribute to change.12) Catholic Bishops who have been consistently and whole-heartedly proactive:
What was done in the past is beyond anyone’s ability to change, but not beyond remedy...
In earlier Discovering Democracy initiatives (late 1990s), emphasis was primarily given to
We commit ourselves as a Church to influence the hearts and minds of the people of
understanding Australia’s government and civic life and to building a national identity. However, in recent
Australia to achieve justice and harmony and to uphold the dignity of Aboriginal people.13)
years themes and issues that promote and foster global citizenship are being highlighted.
Indigenous Studies is generally incorporated into the key learning areas of SOSE, the Arts and Religious
Education. From Year 3 onwards, students are gradually and progressively immersed in learning experiences
8) A comprehensive source for exploring the rich tradition of Catholic social teaching is the website of the Office of Social that focus on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ cultural and spiritual heritage in relation to family,
Justice, Archdiocese of St Paul and Minneapolis <www.osj.spm.org/cst>.
land, place and country; European colonisation and its impact; past and present government policies and their
9) For an overview of these studies, refer to the website of the Victorian Curriculum and Assessment consequences; the effects of racism, prejudice, stereotyping and soci-economic discrimination; Aboriginal
Authority<www.vcaa.vic.edu.au>.
beliefs about caring for the environment and living in harmony with the land; and pioneers of Reconciliation,
10) For an example of an online teacher/student classroom resource currently being developed by the Catholic Education
Office Melbourne and currently being used by many of our Ethics teachers and students, see the website ReSource past and present.
<www.resource.melb.catholic.edu.au>.
11) Curriculum Corporation 2003, Discovering Democracy: Civics and Citizenship Education. Online.
<www.curriculum.edu.au/democracy/aboutdd/rel_sa.htm>.
12) ibid. 13) Australian Catholic Bishops Pastoral Letter, January 1988, The Church and the Aborigines in the Bicentenary.

22 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 2 3

Education for social justice Education for social justice

refugees and asylum seekers, globalisation, poverty, environmental Currently several Catholic schools are implementing action-learning ‘trial’ projects that model the
sustainability, war and peace.8) While such teachings are in some notion of an ‘ideal community’ wherein such a community acknowledges the past, engages critically
instances fairly dense and complex in presentation, skilled RE with the present and creates inclusive and preferred futures. Issues of justice are featuring
teachers who work with senior students are adept at introducing predominantly as a core area for exploration within these trial curriculum units.
and ‘unpacking’ their key themes and propositions.
In Victoria, the two fully accredited and cross-sectoral Studies of Asia
academic studies in religion for Year 11 and 12 students are Australian society is culturally and ethnically diverse, as are many of our Catholic schools in
Religion and Society and Texts and Traditions.9) Both studies deal Melbourne. Accordingly, the rich and diverse cultures of Asia are readily found in many of our learning
with the contribution made by religious traditions to debate about communities and are explored and celebrated in all levels of schooling from Prep to Year 12.
important religious, cultural and ethical issues, and in both study
The professional development of teachers has been a key focus of many such programs. For example, in
frameworks there is ample scope for advanced teaching and
partnership with the Australia Asia Pacific Institute at Victoria University, the Catholic education sector has
learning on contemporary issues of social justice. Many of our Teachers and students experience prayer and recreation with Tibetan sponsored environmental study tours to the Philippines, with participants working with an environmental
schools report that some of the most innovative and exciting monks as part of a Studies of Asia initiative.
advocacy group in Manila to support and advocate for the marginalised groups in urban and rural areas
learning in ‘faith that does justice’ is happening within the Ethics
throughout the Philippines. Exemplary curriculum materials developed by participants has been one key
Unit of Religion and Society, for it is here that the rights and
outcome of this initiative, and, as a further consequence, partnerships have been developed between
wrongs of particular social phenomena and issues are questioned, ethical principles are proposed and
Melbourne schools and those in Manila and the rural areas visited. Over the last seven years, there have been
applied, and the rights and responsibilities of individuals, groups and society are scrutinised.10)
similar exposure experiences and curriculum outcomes as a result of over 300 teachers from around the state
Formal research and evaluation are yet to be undertaken about the social outcomes of these of Victoria taking part in study tours to Japan, Vietnam, India, China, South Korea, Thailand, Indonesia and
studies, though anecdotal evidence would suggest much cause for optimism pertaining to the ‘informed East Timor.
social conscience’ we seek to nurture in students.
In learning about the diverse cultures and peoples of Asia, an understanding of the spiritual fabric
that weaves through all levels of culture is an important focus. In 2001-02, one of the most successful
Civics and Cit izenship Education
and memorable programs for teachers and students was entitled ‘Towards the Centrez-Gyuto Monks of
Citizenship education examines the cultural, economic, political and social dimensions of civic life, Tibet’. Over two, two-week programs attended by 3500 students (from a range of faith traditions
and it has explicit orientations to democracy, social justice, civic responsibility, global futures, and including Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim, Jewish, Lutheran, Catholic and other Christian denominations) Tibetan
respect and tolerance for diversity and difference. In Victoria, like most Australian states, Civics and culture was explored with the facilitation of the Gyuto Monks. Importantly, the program was an
Citizenship Education is incorporated into the key learning area of Studies of Society and Environment opportunity to penetrate and confront issues of social justice as the monks themselves are refugees
(SOSE). from their own land.
A key adjunct to civics and citizenship education is the Commonwealth Government’s Discovering In Asian Studies, much innovative pedagogical and curriculum work is continuing to evolve and
Democracy program, which aims to encourage ‘effective, informed and reflective participation in political mature. We are confident in judging this to be a curriculum area where much can and is being done to
processes and civic life’. 11) The curriculum support materials made available through this program focus enrich students’ understandings of and appreciation for inter-cultural and cross-cultural harmony, inter-
on four core themes: faith and cross-faith solidarity, and students’ sense of themseves as ‘global citizens in an Asian
● Who rules? Concepts of sovereignty, citizenship and power neighbourhood’.
● Laws and rights — examining the rule of law, how laws are made, key principles of law and
justice, the High Court and human rights Ind igenous St udies
● The Australian nation — considering the underpinning principles and institutions of For over a decade Catholic schools in Victoria have been progressively deepening and expanding
government, federation and Australian identity their commitment to Indigenous Studies. This expansion coincides with Australia’s journey as a nation to
advance Reconciliation with Indigenous Australians. It also reflects the commitment of the Australian
● Citizens and public life — addressing the role of individuals and groups in civil society and
how they contribute to change.12) Catholic Bishops who have been consistently and whole-heartedly proactive:
What was done in the past is beyond anyone’s ability to change, but not beyond remedy...
In earlier Discovering Democracy initiatives (late 1990s), emphasis was primarily given to
We commit ourselves as a Church to influence the hearts and minds of the people of
understanding Australia’s government and civic life and to building a national identity. However, in recent
Australia to achieve justice and harmony and to uphold the dignity of Aboriginal people.13)
years themes and issues that promote and foster global citizenship are being highlighted.
Indigenous Studies is generally incorporated into the key learning areas of SOSE, the Arts and Religious
Education. From Year 3 onwards, students are gradually and progressively immersed in learning experiences
8) A comprehensive source for exploring the rich tradition of Catholic social teaching is the website of the Office of Social that focus on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ cultural and spiritual heritage in relation to family,
Justice, Archdiocese of St Paul and Minneapolis <www.osj.spm.org/cst>.
land, place and country; European colonisation and its impact; past and present government policies and their
9) For an overview of these studies, refer to the website of the Victorian Curriculum and Assessment consequences; the effects of racism, prejudice, stereotyping and soci-economic discrimination; Aboriginal
Authority<www.vcaa.vic.edu.au>.
beliefs about caring for the environment and living in harmony with the land; and pioneers of Reconciliation,
10) For an example of an online teacher/student classroom resource currently being developed by the Catholic Education
Office Melbourne and currently being used by many of our Ethics teachers and students, see the website ReSource past and present.
<www.resource.melb.catholic.edu.au>.
11) Curriculum Corporation 2003, Discovering Democracy: Civics and Citizenship Education. Online.
<www.curriculum.edu.au/democracy/aboutdd/rel_sa.htm>.
12) ibid. 13) Australian Catholic Bishops Pastoral Letter, January 1988, The Church and the Aborigines in the Bicentenary.

22 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 2 3

Education for social justice E d u c a t i o n f o r c u lt u ra l m o v e m en t

Much work has been done in Catholic schools to listen to the

voices and stories of our Indigenous brothers and sisters and to THE SARVODAYA PEACE
penetrate the truth of our national and local histories. This has
been supported by systemic funding for extensive professional
development of teachers, the design and promulgation of
MOVEMENT IN SRI LANKA
curriculum support materials, and the sponsoring of many
Reconciliation events and initiatives, such as Reconciliation
—Buddhist origin, multi-religious vision—
Gayip,14) held in May 2001 and attended by over 13,000 Catholic
school students and staff. The event was dedicated to
Reconciliation with Indigenous Australians and involved over 3000 Sunil Wijesiriwardena
students in the performance of dance, drama and storytelling.
Much more could be presented and described about
ri Lanka is a post-colonial society struggling to de-colonize its social
Indigenous Studies, but suffice to say that such studies seek to
achieve in the hearts and minds of our students a commitment to:
A scene from Reconciliation Gayip, a Catholic schools event dedicated to
reconciliation with Indigenous Australians
S mind and political culture while facing the very difficult and problematic
context of globalization. Since gaining political independence more than 50
...building a new relationship between Aboriginal and years ago, the country has been governed by local elite circles and their
Torres Strait Islander Australians and the wider community, one political representatives, supposedly using a political structure based on the
that heals the pain of the past and ensures we all share fairly and equally in our national British Westminster model. But the actual processes that formed the ways
citizenship.15) and means of the present social order, its political structures and institutional
traditions, involved many other complex factors and sources associated with
Conclusion the pre-colonial social and political life, as well as the conditions of colonialism
Clearly the topic of education for social justice in Catholic schools is an expansive one, and as authors and its social and cultural oppression. These complex and problematic socio-
we are aware of several ‘gaps’ in coverage that a longer or another paper might address. Curriculum areas political and cultural-spiritual conditions may be termed as conditions of
such as environment and ecology education, global studies and futures education have not featured post-colonialism. Thus, due to the post-colonial conditions, the vast majority
herein, nor have we addressed the gamut of issues and practices associated with the ‘socially just’ school of Sri Lankans are still without effective political and economic power to chart their own course of life.
and curriculum, such as how a school’s commitment to ‘faith that does justice’ is either achieved or These conditions have had a negative impact on the development of the country as well as the quality of
forfeited in its structures and policies, funding priorities, overall curriculum provision, decision-making human relationships, de-humanizing the culture and degrading spirituality. Consequently, Sri Lanka has
arrangements, disciplinary procedures and pastoral care. made little progress during the last half century, despite its vast natural resources, while the country has
been plagued with a devastating ethnic war in the North, two rebellions in the South and an
To return to where we began—the core influences of the living witness of teachers, to the unaccountable amount of blood-letting conflicts at various levels of social life.
promotion and celebration of achievement in service of the community, and to the rich foundations of
our Gospel-inspired vision for living justly—we conclude with a statement from a highly respected The Lanka Jatika Sarvodaya Shramadana Sangamaya (LJSSS) has been engaged in development
Australian educational consultant whose ‘three essential practicalities of social justice in education’ work with the rural and urban poor in Sri Lanka for the last 43 years. This development work, started in
resonate with the truisms we hold to and value: 1958 as a service programme in a disadvantaged and ostracized community, by a group of teachers and
senior students of a leading school in Colombo, has evolved into a Peoples’ Movement involving nearly
Social justice fairly glows in the darkest places when young persons know themselves to 11,000 villages in Sri Lanka. ‘Shramadana’ means giving one’s mind and talents to the community. The
have been genuinely included, taken seriously for the persons they are, and been affirmed LJSSS is the organisation that supports this Peoples’ Movement—the largest poor people’s movement
day by day as they make positive responses to challenging or demanding engagements.16) in the country, generally referred to as Sarvodaya—in a variety of ways. At present (2003), its rural and
The values of social justice for which we stand and strive are to be found in the communities we urban communities are supported mainly and initially through three major programmes: the Social
foster, the relationships we forge and the lives we lead. For all educators, this is a high calling. Empowerment Program, the Technical Empowerment Program and the Economic Empowerment
Program. The LJSSS approach is to empower communities. Its capacity is realized through cooperation
with many civil society groups. It has 34 district centers and 345 divisional centers. Sarvodaya recently
Susan Pascoe is Executive Director of the Catholic Education Commission of Victoria, Australia. She has has embarked upon a new phase of its work called Deshodaya—Awakening of the Country. This is a
worked and published extensively in the areas of civics and citizenship education, literacy, curriculum spiritual-political program aiming to establish a network of self-governed villages/urban communities
standards, systemic change and accountability. throughout the country. The vision is that Deshodaya will set in motion deep, unprecedented social,
Christine Heffernan is currently a Senior Policy Officer of the Catholic Education Office Melbourne, Australia. political and cultural processes within the Sri Lankan society that will eventually change the nature of
She has a long history of involvement in peace education, and has been a contributing writer and editor of the post-colonial (centralized, authoritarian) state in a radical way, making it a Federation of self-
several resources on Indigenous Studies. governed villages/communities.
Sarvodaya cannot be termed a religious movement but works with all religious, ethnic and cultural groups
in the country. It is true that its conceptual framework is deeply influenced by Buddhist philosophy and
14) Gayip is derived from the language of a local Aboriginal group and is another word for corroboree. In times past, sociology, and has been inspired by the Gandhian movement and other spiritual-political movements in the
Gayip was an inter-clan gathering of Aboriginal groups who met to celebrate their spirituality, peace and unity. region. But Sarvodaya, nurturing the vision of multi-religious, multi-ethnic Sri Lanka, avoids being tied to any
15) National Catholic Education Commission 1998, Educating for Justice, Truth and Reconciliation, NCEC, Canberra, ACT. institutional religion.
Online. <www.ncec.catholic.edu.au>.
16) Norman, Michael 1989, ‘Social justice: How does it work?’, unpublished paper presented to Catholic Education Office So far, popular peace discourse as well as the (official) peace process in Sri Lanka, even at its best,
staff, Melbourne, September. is dominated by a focus solely on economic and political aspects of the problem. At that level we still

24 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 2 5

Education for social justice E d u c a t i o n f o r c u lt u ra l m o v e m en t

Much work has been done in Catholic schools to listen to the

voices and stories of our Indigenous brothers and sisters and to THE SARVODAYA PEACE
penetrate the truth of our national and local histories. This has
been supported by systemic funding for extensive professional
development of teachers, the design and promulgation of
MOVEMENT IN SRI LANKA
curriculum support materials, and the sponsoring of many
Reconciliation events and initiatives, such as Reconciliation
—Buddhist origin, multi-religious vision—
Gayip,14) held in May 2001 and attended by over 13,000 Catholic
school students and staff. The event was dedicated to
Reconciliation with Indigenous Australians and involved over 3000 Sunil Wijesiriwardena
students in the performance of dance, drama and storytelling.
Much more could be presented and described about
ri Lanka is a post-colonial society struggling to de-colonize its social
Indigenous Studies, but suffice to say that such studies seek to
achieve in the hearts and minds of our students a commitment to:
A scene from Reconciliation Gayip, a Catholic schools event dedicated to
reconciliation with Indigenous Australians
S mind and political culture while facing the very difficult and problematic
context of globalization. Since gaining political independence more than 50
...building a new relationship between Aboriginal and years ago, the country has been governed by local elite circles and their
Torres Strait Islander Australians and the wider community, one political representatives, supposedly using a political structure based on the
that heals the pain of the past and ensures we all share fairly and equally in our national British Westminster model. But the actual processes that formed the ways
citizenship.15) and means of the present social order, its political structures and institutional
traditions, involved many other complex factors and sources associated with
Conclusion the pre-colonial social and political life, as well as the conditions of colonialism
Clearly the topic of education for social justice in Catholic schools is an expansive one, and as authors and its social and cultural oppression. These complex and problematic socio-
we are aware of several ‘gaps’ in coverage that a longer or another paper might address. Curriculum areas political and cultural-spiritual conditions may be termed as conditions of
such as environment and ecology education, global studies and futures education have not featured post-colonialism. Thus, due to the post-colonial conditions, the vast majority
herein, nor have we addressed the gamut of issues and practices associated with the ‘socially just’ school of Sri Lankans are still without effective political and economic power to chart their own course of life.
and curriculum, such as how a school’s commitment to ‘faith that does justice’ is either achieved or These conditions have had a negative impact on the development of the country as well as the quality of
forfeited in its structures and policies, funding priorities, overall curriculum provision, decision-making human relationships, de-humanizing the culture and degrading spirituality. Consequently, Sri Lanka has
arrangements, disciplinary procedures and pastoral care. made little progress during the last half century, despite its vast natural resources, while the country has
been plagued with a devastating ethnic war in the North, two rebellions in the South and an
To return to where we began—the core influences of the living witness of teachers, to the unaccountable amount of blood-letting conflicts at various levels of social life.
promotion and celebration of achievement in service of the community, and to the rich foundations of
our Gospel-inspired vision for living justly—we conclude with a statement from a highly respected The Lanka Jatika Sarvodaya Shramadana Sangamaya (LJSSS) has been engaged in development
Australian educational consultant whose ‘three essential practicalities of social justice in education’ work with the rural and urban poor in Sri Lanka for the last 43 years. This development work, started in
resonate with the truisms we hold to and value: 1958 as a service programme in a disadvantaged and ostracized community, by a group of teachers and
senior students of a leading school in Colombo, has evolved into a Peoples’ Movement involving nearly
Social justice fairly glows in the darkest places when young persons know themselves to 11,000 villages in Sri Lanka. ‘Shramadana’ means giving one’s mind and talents to the community. The
have been genuinely included, taken seriously for the persons they are, and been affirmed LJSSS is the organisation that supports this Peoples’ Movement—the largest poor people’s movement
day by day as they make positive responses to challenging or demanding engagements.16) in the country, generally referred to as Sarvodaya—in a variety of ways. At present (2003), its rural and
The values of social justice for which we stand and strive are to be found in the communities we urban communities are supported mainly and initially through three major programmes: the Social
foster, the relationships we forge and the lives we lead. For all educators, this is a high calling. Empowerment Program, the Technical Empowerment Program and the Economic Empowerment
Program. The LJSSS approach is to empower communities. Its capacity is realized through cooperation
with many civil society groups. It has 34 district centers and 345 divisional centers. Sarvodaya recently
Susan Pascoe is Executive Director of the Catholic Education Commission of Victoria, Australia. She has has embarked upon a new phase of its work called Deshodaya—Awakening of the Country. This is a
worked and published extensively in the areas of civics and citizenship education, literacy, curriculum spiritual-political program aiming to establish a network of self-governed villages/urban communities
standards, systemic change and accountability. throughout the country. The vision is that Deshodaya will set in motion deep, unprecedented social,
Christine Heffernan is currently a Senior Policy Officer of the Catholic Education Office Melbourne, Australia. political and cultural processes within the Sri Lankan society that will eventually change the nature of
She has a long history of involvement in peace education, and has been a contributing writer and editor of the post-colonial (centralized, authoritarian) state in a radical way, making it a Federation of self-
several resources on Indigenous Studies. governed villages/communities.
Sarvodaya cannot be termed a religious movement but works with all religious, ethnic and cultural groups
in the country. It is true that its conceptual framework is deeply influenced by Buddhist philosophy and
14) Gayip is derived from the language of a local Aboriginal group and is another word for corroboree. In times past, sociology, and has been inspired by the Gandhian movement and other spiritual-political movements in the
Gayip was an inter-clan gathering of Aboriginal groups who met to celebrate their spirituality, peace and unity. region. But Sarvodaya, nurturing the vision of multi-religious, multi-ethnic Sri Lanka, avoids being tied to any
15) National Catholic Education Commission 1998, Educating for Justice, Truth and Reconciliation, NCEC, Canberra, ACT. institutional religion.
Online. <www.ncec.catholic.edu.au>.
16) Norman, Michael 1989, ‘Social justice: How does it work?’, unpublished paper presented to Catholic Education Office So far, popular peace discourse as well as the (official) peace process in Sri Lanka, even at its best,
staff, Melbourne, September. is dominated by a focus solely on economic and political aspects of the problem. At that level we still

24 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 2 5

E d u c a t i o n f o r c ul t ur a l m o ve m e n t
see no agenda being formed for reconciliation, without which there cannot be real peace. Ideologies
warp our vision; so we have to change the way we see the problem. Sarvodaya from the very beginning
has adopted the ‘consciousness solution.’ This broad frame of vision made it possible for me to bring
in some new approaches of cultural-spiritual transformation into the movement’s education work.
I am involved mostly in peace education work; in most civil society work aiming to transform the
society, we have a very conventional way of looking at culture. But my long-standing work as researcher
and activist in the area of culture led me to recognize the sphere of culture as a very important and
problematic site for struggle for peace and empowerment of people.
The three basic elements needed to create a society are the economic, the political and the cultural-
spiritual. (We should keep in mind that we divide life into these spheres for study, and this is not reality;
reality is not compartmentalized. These aspects are inter-tangled, inter-dependent, and influence each
other.) As to economy, we talk about how we maintain our physical existence, and how we produce
goods and services and distribute them in the society; in politics, ways we make and execute decisions;
and in the cultural-spiritual area, how we think about ourselves, our inner being, and the ways we form
relationships with our own selves, with each other and with the environment. But we have to face the
fact that behind any of our choices in economics or politics lies the spiritual-cultural question: What are
we? So it is very important to transform our spiritual core. Mind, body and language are the three doors
through which we humans act. When we act unskillfully we tend to harm ourselves and others, so
conflict is basically an outcome of unskillful use of human faculties. Buddha has developed a ‘skill
program’ to train mind, body and language—called ‘Arya Magga,’ or Noble Path—so that no thought or
action will harm ourselves or others, and will bring only good. In my work I have been trying modernize
some of the training techniques given in the scriptures, and even to bring a new focus to some areas
that are traditionally not given much importance, to fit the present life context.
For example, it became very clear to me that rather than venerating culture, we need to look for
ways to transform it. I identify 7 major components of non-material (in the anthropological sense)
culture: Language, System of Morality, Behavior Patterns, Belief Systems and Religions, Aesthetic
Consciousness, Perceptions of History and Intellectual Traditions. All these areas together in fusion make
us, our subjectivity, and they have many negative aspects. That is precisely why we are a society full of
conflicts. So if we want make lasting peace, we need to change ourselves, and this at the end of the
day means changing of all these aspects of our subjectivity. I have been trying to develop a cultural
transformation program that deals with each aspect of inner culture, and this program has been tried
out with youth groups, bringing with excellent results—especially when it was used in combination with
meditation practice.
At Sarvodaya we have several big programs dealing
with peace. The first is Shanthi Sena, which is a
movement of Youth Peace Brigades, comprising a
77,000-member youth force working at the grassroots
village level. The second program is Vishva Niketan, an
institution that teaches peace through meditation. The
third program is the Mass Meditation Peace Program.
The overall goal is to involve 2,000,000 Sri Lankans in
peace activities and peace awareness, to reach a ‘critical
mass’ in consciousness throughout the country. Our first
experience in Mass Meditation, August 1999 in Colombo,
had 170,000 participants. In Ma rch 2002 at
Anuradhapura 650,000 people participated, including
solidarity groups from other countries. This was the
largest-ever peace gathering in the country. In all there
have been 13 such big occasions; many relatively small
mass meditation gatherings also have taken place. In
August 2002, 6,000 people, predominantly Hindu Tamils
gathered together with Sinhala Buddhist monks in Jaffna
in the middle of the war zone. Sarvodaya's mass meditation for peace
26 相生 SUMMER 2003
E d u c a t i o n f o r c u lt u ra l m o v e m e n t
A practical session in mind training
I am not a religious person in the traditional sense; I don’t even go to the Buddhist temple for
the usual Buddhist ceremonies and rituals. But I can identify myself as a spiritual seeker and
practitioner. So ancient Buddhist meditation is close to me.
Let me give you a small gift to take home, a simple technique to heal mind and body—a
technique developed on the basis of meditation principles.
This practice has a connection to breathing and to our energy body. Breathing is a non-
conceptual process, a thing that can be experienced directly without a need for thought. The
breath has no ‘other-timeness.’ When we truly observe the breath, we are automatically placed in
the present. On the other hand, as you know, any state of mind can affect the rhythm of breathing.
When you are agitated or scared your breath quickens. Here you can find a simple technique
useful in daily life. When you are confronted with a negative mind state—fear, resentment,
agitation, etc.—just leave the mood and follow the breath. If you do it properly, you are instantly
pulled out of the morass of mental images or agitation into a pure experience of the here-and-
now. Then you will be able, by continuing mindful breathing and bringing a half smile to your
face, to totally defeat the ‘signals’ that made your mind negative.
We can modify this breathing technique, coupling it with another meditation technique, and
then we will have the practice of mindfulness with a powerful energizing effect.
This is how to do it. Be very relaxed and sit calmly. Relax your body and mind. Keep your
hands together. This way we close the electro-magnetic circuit, which is supportive for building
energy. Let your eyes be gently closed. Try to laugh within, remembering a happy moment when
you could share your joy with others. Now breathe: Inhale, and at the same time try to experience
a bright, bluish, pleasant light pouring into your body. Keep this light with your breath;
experience it in you. (Please understand, this is not thinking about light, not contemplation; you
know and you experience the light.). Then you exhale, and simultaneously experience that any
darkness or tension is going out. Keep your half smile all the time. Do this several times until you
feel tranquility in your mind and vibrations in your body.
With practice you’ll be able to do it even with your eyes open, and in any posture. Then
you’ll be able to use it at any time of the day, whenever you confront a difficult, negative
situation. For example, when an irritating dog barks next time, just say, ‘Thank you, dog, you
reminded to do my energizing meditation.’ When you are driving and come to a red light, don’t
get irritated, but see it as a reminder to do this meditation. If you regularly do this practice, I
assure you, you’ll change your personality in a very positive way.
Muslims also participate in the Sarvodaya movement. In one recent case, a meditation instructor
from Sarvodaya was invited to conduct a meditation session in a Muslim mosque. The Muslim
participants who went through the experience of ‘Meta Meditation’ were very positive. This is a
meditation practice to build Energy of Universal Loving-kindness and radiate this positive energy for the
benefit of other beings. The participants came to the conclusion that “This is totally a Muslim practice; it
is there in the Koran, but we didn’t know how to do it practically.”
Of course Sarvodaya work does not only mean meditation and spiritual training; it works holistically
in all the spheres of life: economic, political and cultural-spiritual. One of the guiding principles of our
work is ‘Don’t expect results, just do it.’ But we feel the results. The present peace process itself would
not have been possible if the consciousness factor had not undergone positive changes during the last
few years. Many people and organizations have worked hard for this. The powerful are making war; but
they are a small group. The silent majority can defeat the war and make lasting peace if they become
active in their hearts.
Sunil Wijesiriwardena is a long-standing human rights activist working specially in the cultural field; pioneer of
the “Vibhavi” cultural movement in Sri Lanka; and at present is Director of the Grama Swarajya People’s
College affiliated to Deshodaya Movement, Sarvodaya.
The above paper was presented at APCEIU’s International Symposium on “Inter-religious Dialogue for Peace
and Reconciliation in the Asia-Pacific Region,” Dec. 4-6, 2002, in Seoul, Korea.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 2 7
E d u c a t i o n f o r c ul t ur a l m o ve m e n t
see no agenda being formed for reconciliation, without which there cannot be real peace. Ideologies
warp our vision; so we have to change the way we see the problem. Sarvodaya from the very beginning
has adopted the ‘consciousness solution.’ This broad frame of vision made it possible for me to bring
in some new approaches of cultural-spiritual transformation into the movement’s education work.
I am involved mostly in peace education work; in most civil society work aiming to transform the
society, we have a very conventional way of looking at culture. But my long-standing work as researcher
and activist in the area of culture led me to recognize the sphere of culture as a very important and
problematic site for struggle for peace and empowerment of people.
The three basic elements needed to create a society are the economic, the political and the cultural-
spiritual. (We should keep in mind that we divide life into these spheres for study, and this is not reality;
reality is not compartmentalized. These aspects are inter-tangled, inter-dependent, and influence each
other.) As to economy, we talk about how we maintain our physical existence, and how we produce
goods and services and distribute them in the society; in politics, ways we make and execute decisions;
and in the cultural-spiritual area, how we think about ourselves, our inner being, and the ways we form
relationships with our own selves, with each other and with the environment. But we have to face the
fact that behind any of our choices in economics or politics lies the spiritual-cultural question: What are
we? So it is very important to transform our spiritual core. Mind, body and language are the three doors
through which we humans act. When we act unskillfully we tend to harm ourselves and others, so
conflict is basically an outcome of unskillful use of human faculties. Buddha has developed a ‘skill
program’ to train mind, body and language—called ‘Arya Magga,’ or Noble Path—so that no thought or
action will harm ourselves or others, and will bring only good. In my work I have been trying modernize
some of the training techniques given in the scriptures, and even to bring a new focus to some areas
that are traditionally not given much importance, to fit the present life context.
For example, it became very clear to me that rather than venerating culture, we need to look for
ways to transform it. I identify 7 major components of non-material (in the anthropological sense)
culture: Language, System of Morality, Behavior Patterns, Belief Systems and Religions, Aesthetic
Consciousness, Perceptions of History and Intellectual Traditions. All these areas together in fusion make
us, our subjectivity, and they have many negative aspects. That is precisely why we are a society full of
conflicts. So if we want make lasting peace, we need to change ourselves, and this at the end of the
day means changing of all these aspects of our subjectivity. I have been trying to develop a cultural
transformation program that deals with each aspect of inner culture, and this program has been tried
out with youth groups, bringing with excellent results—especially when it was used in combination with
meditation practice.
At Sarvodaya we have several big programs dealing
with peace. The first is Shanthi Sena, which is a
movement of Youth Peace Brigades, comprising a
77,000-member youth force working at the grassroots
village level. The second program is Vishva Niketan, an
institution that teaches peace through meditation. The
third program is the Mass Meditation Peace Program.
The overall goal is to involve 2,000,000 Sri Lankans in
peace activities and peace awareness, to reach a ‘critical
mass’ in consciousness throughout the country. Our first
experience in Mass Meditation, August 1999 in Colombo,
had 170,000 participants. In Ma rch 2002 at
Anuradhapura 650,000 people participated, including
solidarity groups from other countries. This was the
largest-ever peace gathering in the country. In all there
have been 13 such big occasions; many relatively small
mass meditation gatherings also have taken place. In
August 2002, 6,000 people, predominantly Hindu Tamils
gathered together with Sinhala Buddhist monks in Jaffna
in the middle of the war zone. Sarvodaya's mass meditation for peace
26 相生 SUMMER 2003
E d u c a t i o n f o r c u lt u ra l m o v e m e n t
A practical session in mind training
I am not a religious person in the traditional sense; I don’t even go to the Buddhist temple for
the usual Buddhist ceremonies and rituals. But I can identify myself as a spiritual seeker and
practitioner. So ancient Buddhist meditation is close to me.
Let me give you a small gift to take home, a simple technique to heal mind and body—a
technique developed on the basis of meditation principles.
This practice has a connection to breathing and to our energy body. Breathing is a non-
conceptual process, a thing that can be experienced directly without a need for thought. The
breath has no ‘other-timeness.’ When we truly observe the breath, we are automatically placed in
the present. On the other hand, as you know, any state of mind can affect the rhythm of breathing.
When you are agitated or scared your breath quickens. Here you can find a simple technique
useful in daily life. When you are confronted with a negative mind state—fear, resentment,
agitation, etc.—just leave the mood and follow the breath. If you do it properly, you are instantly
pulled out of the morass of mental images or agitation into a pure experience of the here-and-
now. Then you will be able, by continuing mindful breathing and bringing a half smile to your
face, to totally defeat the ‘signals’ that made your mind negative.
We can modify this breathing technique, coupling it with another meditation technique, and
then we will have the practice of mindfulness with a powerful energizing effect.
This is how to do it. Be very relaxed and sit calmly. Relax your body and mind. Keep your
hands together. This way we close the electro-magnetic circuit, which is supportive for building
energy. Let your eyes be gently closed. Try to laugh within, remembering a happy moment when
you could share your joy with others. Now breathe: Inhale, and at the same time try to experience
a bright, bluish, pleasant light pouring into your body. Keep this light with your breath;
experience it in you. (Please understand, this is not thinking about light, not contemplation; you
know and you experience the light.). Then you exhale, and simultaneously experience that any
darkness or tension is going out. Keep your half smile all the time. Do this several times until you
feel tranquility in your mind and vibrations in your body.
With practice you’ll be able to do it even with your eyes open, and in any posture. Then
you’ll be able to use it at any time of the day, whenever you confront a difficult, negative
situation. For example, when an irritating dog barks next time, just say, ‘Thank you, dog, you
reminded to do my energizing meditation.’ When you are driving and come to a red light, don’t
get irritated, but see it as a reminder to do this meditation. If you regularly do this practice, I
assure you, you’ll change your personality in a very positive way.
Muslims also participate in the Sarvodaya movement. In one recent case, a meditation instructor
from Sarvodaya was invited to conduct a meditation session in a Muslim mosque. The Muslim
participants who went through the experience of ‘Meta Meditation’ were very positive. This is a
meditation practice to build Energy of Universal Loving-kindness and radiate this positive energy for the
benefit of other beings. The participants came to the conclusion that “This is totally a Muslim practice; it
is there in the Koran, but we didn’t know how to do it practically.”
Of course Sarvodaya work does not only mean meditation and spiritual training; it works holistically
in all the spheres of life: economic, political and cultural-spiritual. One of the guiding principles of our
work is ‘Don’t expect results, just do it.’ But we feel the results. The present peace process itself would
not have been possible if the consciousness factor had not undergone positive changes during the last
few years. Many people and organizations have worked hard for this. The powerful are making war; but
they are a small group. The silent majority can defeat the war and make lasting peace if they become
active in their hearts.
Sunil Wijesiriwardena is a long-standing human rights activist working specially in the cultural field; pioneer of
the “Vibhavi” cultural movement in Sri Lanka; and at present is Director of the Grama Swarajya People’s
College affiliated to Deshodaya Movement, Sarvodaya.
The above paper was presented at APCEIU’s International Symposium on “Inter-religious Dialogue for Peace
and Reconciliation in the Asia-Pacific Region,” Dec. 4-6, 2002, in Seoul, Korea.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 2 7
Education for gender equity
GENDER JUSTICE AS A GOAL
OF PEACE EDUCATION
Gender Jus tic e and Peace
We cannot educate for peace without educating for
gender justice. Armed conflict and militarism reinforce and
exploit gender stereotypes that degrade the humanity of
both men and women. The crimes against women
committed in Bosnia and Ruanda—like the sexual
enslavement of the “comfort women”—have made
incontrovertibly evident that gender violence is integral to
war. Likewise, gender injustice is one of the most severe
consequences of the essentially unjust world economic
system. Both direct and structural violence have
significant gender dimensions. Devising alternatives to the
war system and the globalization of capital is the major
route to a culture of peace, the achievement of which is a
major social purpose of peace education. Transcending
these and all global problems requires an authentic
partnership of equals between men and women. Thus,
education for gender equality is as essential a component
of education for a culture of peace as is education for
human rights and social justice.
The central philosophical principles that inform the
values of human rights and social justice are human
equality and human dignity, most especially the equal
and distinct human dignity of women and men. These
fundamental principles proclaimed in the United Nations
Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
also provide the normative basis of education for gender
equality and gender justice.
Gender equality and gender justice demand that
peace education take fully into consideration the different
e ffects that war, economic systems and social
arrangements have on women and men. Understanding
28 相生 SUMMER 2003
Betty A. Reardon
those differences is vital to proposing and implementing
effective public policies and programs to overcome any
and all of the public problems we face today. The UN’s
policy of gender mainstreaming is intended to serve this
purpose, acknowledging that a gender perspective is
essential both to the planning and development of a
culture of peace. It is equally essential to education
preparing citizens to work toward a culture of peace.
Gender pervades every aspect of our lives, forming
one of the most significant factors in social, economic,
political and cultural affairs. It profoundly affects how we
view all of the major global problems as well as how and
what we learn about them. As suggested, it has a great
and largely unrecognized effect on the nature and the
outcomes of the policies proposed to resolve them. In
spite of its fundamental importance, gender as a concept
and as a determining element in human society is not
generally understood. Neither is it comprehended that
the multiple forms of patriarchy that influence gender
concepts and gender roles, disadvantage most men as
well as all women by closing off to both the full range of
human possibilities. The fact that gender is not usually
considered in policy making has helped to perpetuate
many injustices to both men and women. When we
consider the main normative concepts and social values
integral to a culture of peace, gender may be one of the
most crucial. Surely, peace education should cultivate
consideration of gender as a factor in resolving the
problems of violence and creating the conditions of
peace. Teachers should be prepared to educate in a
manner that gives to gender the significance it warrants.
Main st re aming Ge nde r in Educ ation for a
Culture of Peace
The mainstreaming of a gender perspective as
advocated by the United Nations is the policy through
which the organization intends to remedy the inequities
and problems arising from its earlier failure to adequately
respond to gender bias and lack of gender perspective in
the formation of all UN policies and programs. UN policy
reflects and derives from the positions of the member
states. So, it appears that similar inequities and
problems exist in most member states and in their
education systems. Gender mainstreaming, then, is a
policy that could serve the cause of human dignity and
social equality in most societies. If gender consequences
are to become a constant and common factor in policy
making, policy makers and ordinary citizens must be
educated to understand gender and how it has such
significant and pervasive effects upon most aspects of
our personal and social lives; how it impacts on politics,
economics, environment and the fulfillment of human
rights standards.
The process of mainstreaming gender in education
as in policy making involves thinking both conceptually
about that which is to be mainstreamed, and strategically
about how to do so. If gender is to be mainstreamed
into education, then educators must think about the
concept in terms that are favorable to learning. Learning
is, above all, about the evolution of changes in persons,
comprising the development of their capacities, their
refinement of skills, their acquisition of knowledge, their
cultivation of values and their assuming of a place in the
world. Learning is a dynamic and continuous process
that occurs throughout the lives of persons and the
histories of peoples and nations. Advances in the human
condition are the product of human learning. Accordingly,
educators are encouraged to consider the pursuit of
gender justice not as a separate, specific learning goal,
but rather as an essential component of comprehensive
peace education, learning that should be pursued by all
societies.
Gender is a dynamic and changeable concept.
Gender roles and definitions are socially constructed and
culturally conditioned notions of what it means to be a
woman or a man. Just as the war system and the culture
of violence are far more than the institution of war,
gender is more than sex, the biological differences
between men and women, or even the family and the
social roles it performs. Biological sexual differences are
for the most part innate physical characteristics. The
significant biological differences between the two sexes
a re those of their re s p e c t i ve male and female
reproductive systems.
The diff e rences we think of as feminine and
E d u c a t i on fo r g e n d er e q u i t y
masculine are determined by culture and assigned value
by society. Concepts of masculinity and femininity vary
among cultures and societies as does what are
appropriate roles and behaviours for men and women.
So, too, do attitudes toward homosexual, bi-sexual and
transgendered persons whose personal dignity, human
equality and perspectives are to be included in the realm
of gender justice.
In some societies, gender roles have changed very
little over long periods of time, coming to be seen as
immutable or derived from nature. In others the changes
have followed a more rapid rate of social and economic
change, so that gender roles are more open and less
restricted. None-the-less, throughout the world gender
continues to be a factor that limits choices and
possibilities for both men and women. Education for
peace is intended to open the full range of human
possibilities to all human beings. To do so it explores
factors that impede social justice and human equality.
How gender roles affect each sex and how each is
differently affected by social conditions, public policies
and global problems are fundamental questions for any
learning intended to contribute to achieving authentic
social justice and human equality. Consequently, a
gender perspective should be mainstreamed into all
education, and certainly must be integral to peace
education.
Mo r a l I n c l u s io n : T h e P r a c t i c e o f G e n d e r
Justice
Understanding gender differences and the factors
that condition them can contribute to developing a
capacity for positive human relationships. This capacity is
essential to the achievement of the goals of human
rights, social justice, gender justice and all forms of moral
inclusion, the practice of including all people within the
realm of justice, treating all fairly. Ethnocentrism, racism,
xenophobia, sexism and the multiple modes of rejecting
and denigrating others usually result in moral exclusion,
that is the holding of some human groups outside the
realms of justice and fair treatment, making their
mistreatment tolerable, even permissible. A global culture
of peace would involve all the peoples of the Earth and
include them in the universal realm of justice implied in
the human rights standards, including the standards of
gender justice encoded in the International Convention
on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against
Women. Relationship capacities for such a culture
depend upon the cultivation of a sense of moral
inclusion and the active repudiation of any form of moral
exclusion. For most societies sexism is the most
pervasive if subtle form of moral exclusion that must be
confronted in classrooms as well as legislatures. Gender
has been as much a factor in moral exclusion as have
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 2 9
Education for gender equity
GENDER JUSTICE AS A GOAL
OF PEACE EDUCATION
Gender Jus tic e and Peace
We cannot educate for peace without educating for
gender justice. Armed conflict and militarism reinforce and
exploit gender stereotypes that degrade the humanity of
both men and women. The crimes against women
committed in Bosnia and Ruanda—like the sexual
enslavement of the “comfort women”—have made
incontrovertibly evident that gender violence is integral to
war. Likewise, gender injustice is one of the most severe
consequences of the essentially unjust world economic
system. Both direct and structural violence have
significant gender dimensions. Devising alternatives to the
war system and the globalization of capital is the major
route to a culture of peace, the achievement of which is a
major social purpose of peace education. Transcending
these and all global problems requires an authentic
partnership of equals between men and women. Thus,
education for gender equality is as essential a component
of education for a culture of peace as is education for
human rights and social justice.
The central philosophical principles that inform the
values of human rights and social justice are human
equality and human dignity, most especially the equal
and distinct human dignity of women and men. These
fundamental principles proclaimed in the United Nations
Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
also provide the normative basis of education for gender
equality and gender justice.
Gender equality and gender justice demand that
peace education take fully into consideration the different
e ffects that war, economic systems and social
arrangements have on women and men. Understanding
28 相生 SUMMER 2003
Betty A. Reardon
those differences is vital to proposing and implementing
effective public policies and programs to overcome any
and all of the public problems we face today. The UN’s
policy of gender mainstreaming is intended to serve this
purpose, acknowledging that a gender perspective is
essential both to the planning and development of a
culture of peace. It is equally essential to education
preparing citizens to work toward a culture of peace.
Gender pervades every aspect of our lives, forming
one of the most significant factors in social, economic,
political and cultural affairs. It profoundly affects how we
view all of the major global problems as well as how and
what we learn about them. As suggested, it has a great
and largely unrecognized effect on the nature and the
outcomes of the policies proposed to resolve them. In
spite of its fundamental importance, gender as a concept
and as a determining element in human society is not
generally understood. Neither is it comprehended that
the multiple forms of patriarchy that influence gender
concepts and gender roles, disadvantage most men as
well as all women by closing off to both the full range of
human possibilities. The fact that gender is not usually
considered in policy making has helped to perpetuate
many injustices to both men and women. When we
consider the main normative concepts and social values
integral to a culture of peace, gender may be one of the
most crucial. Surely, peace education should cultivate
consideration of gender as a factor in resolving the
problems of violence and creating the conditions of
peace. Teachers should be prepared to educate in a
manner that gives to gender the significance it warrants.
Main st re aming Ge nde r in Educ ation for a
Culture of Peace
The mainstreaming of a gender perspective as
advocated by the United Nations is the policy through
which the organization intends to remedy the inequities
and problems arising from its earlier failure to adequately
respond to gender bias and lack of gender perspective in
the formation of all UN policies and programs. UN policy
reflects and derives from the positions of the member
states. So, it appears that similar inequities and
problems exist in most member states and in their
education systems. Gender mainstreaming, then, is a
policy that could serve the cause of human dignity and
social equality in most societies. If gender consequences
are to become a constant and common factor in policy
making, policy makers and ordinary citizens must be
educated to understand gender and how it has such
significant and pervasive effects upon most aspects of
our personal and social lives; how it impacts on politics,
economics, environment and the fulfillment of human
rights standards.
The process of mainstreaming gender in education
as in policy making involves thinking both conceptually
about that which is to be mainstreamed, and strategically
about how to do so. If gender is to be mainstreamed
into education, then educators must think about the
concept in terms that are favorable to learning. Learning
is, above all, about the evolution of changes in persons,
comprising the development of their capacities, their
refinement of skills, their acquisition of knowledge, their
cultivation of values and their assuming of a place in the
world. Learning is a dynamic and continuous process
that occurs throughout the lives of persons and the
histories of peoples and nations. Advances in the human
condition are the product of human learning. Accordingly,
educators are encouraged to consider the pursuit of
gender justice not as a separate, specific learning goal,
but rather as an essential component of comprehensive
peace education, learning that should be pursued by all
societies.
Gender is a dynamic and changeable concept.
Gender roles and definitions are socially constructed and
culturally conditioned notions of what it means to be a
woman or a man. Just as the war system and the culture
of violence are far more than the institution of war,
gender is more than sex, the biological differences
between men and women, or even the family and the
social roles it performs. Biological sexual differences are
for the most part innate physical characteristics. The
significant biological differences between the two sexes
a re those of their re s p e c t i ve male and female
reproductive systems.
The diff e rences we think of as feminine and
E d u c a t i on fo r g e n d er e q u i t y
masculine are determined by culture and assigned value
by society. Concepts of masculinity and femininity vary
among cultures and societies as does what are
appropriate roles and behaviours for men and women.
So, too, do attitudes toward homosexual, bi-sexual and
transgendered persons whose personal dignity, human
equality and perspectives are to be included in the realm
of gender justice.
In some societies, gender roles have changed very
little over long periods of time, coming to be seen as
immutable or derived from nature. In others the changes
have followed a more rapid rate of social and economic
change, so that gender roles are more open and less
restricted. None-the-less, throughout the world gender
continues to be a factor that limits choices and
possibilities for both men and women. Education for
peace is intended to open the full range of human
possibilities to all human beings. To do so it explores
factors that impede social justice and human equality.
How gender roles affect each sex and how each is
differently affected by social conditions, public policies
and global problems are fundamental questions for any
learning intended to contribute to achieving authentic
social justice and human equality. Consequently, a
gender perspective should be mainstreamed into all
education, and certainly must be integral to peace
education.
Mo r a l I n c l u s io n : T h e P r a c t i c e o f G e n d e r
Justice
Understanding gender differences and the factors
that condition them can contribute to developing a
capacity for positive human relationships. This capacity is
essential to the achievement of the goals of human
rights, social justice, gender justice and all forms of moral
inclusion, the practice of including all people within the
realm of justice, treating all fairly. Ethnocentrism, racism,
xenophobia, sexism and the multiple modes of rejecting
and denigrating others usually result in moral exclusion,
that is the holding of some human groups outside the
realms of justice and fair treatment, making their
mistreatment tolerable, even permissible. A global culture
of peace would involve all the peoples of the Earth and
include them in the universal realm of justice implied in
the human rights standards, including the standards of
gender justice encoded in the International Convention
on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against
Women. Relationship capacities for such a culture
depend upon the cultivation of a sense of moral
inclusion and the active repudiation of any form of moral
exclusion. For most societies sexism is the most
pervasive if subtle form of moral exclusion that must be
confronted in classrooms as well as legislatures. Gender
has been as much a factor in moral exclusion as have
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 2 9
Education for gender equity
nationalism, racism, religious and ethnic biases.
Developing an inclusive view of the realms of justice,
including gender justice, is a learning goal that should be
incorporated into all social education curricula. It should
be intentionally built into the atmosphere of the
classroom, modes of teaching and the relationships
among students and between students and teachers.
Gender awareness and gender sensitivity are crucial
elements in the range of relationship capacities required
of all global citizens and should also be among the
learning goals of education for a culture of peace. Gender
relations can be viewed as a paradigm for relating to
others, all who are different. If from early childhood,
children experience an environment in which both girls
and boys are perceived and treated as being of equal
value, they will receive the
message that human
difference does not carry
Th roughout the world gender
with it unequal human be a factor that limits choices and
value. Such messages
should be integral to all
possibilities for both men
classroom teaching. Education for peace is intended to open
Gender discrimination the full range of human possibilities to all
can also be used as a
human beings.
metaphor for other sep-
arations and divisions
among people and world regions. Gender is a lens that
allows a clearer and fuller view of many of the global
issues and human problems that stand in the way of a
culture of peace. Thus, gender awareness and gender
sensitivity are essential to positive, mutually enhancing
relationships and serve to develop deeper understanding
of global problems as they bring into focus the effects of
the problems on the actual lives of women and men. If
teachers can cultivate mutually enhancing gender
relationships in the classroom, they can contribute to the
formation of global citizens committed to human equality
as they strive to develop among their students an
appreciation of human diversity.
Gender awareness refers to the capacity to observe
and honor the differences between boys and girls and
men and women, to distinguish between the differences
that are biologically based and those that derive from
culture, society and experience; and especially to be
aware of when and how these differences are the bases
for discrimination and\or moral exclusion. Such an
awareness manifest in the teacher’s classroom stance can
greatly contribute to the development of the same
capacity in the students.
Gender sensitivity involves both gender awareness
and the capacity to respond constructively to the
negative consequences to boys and girls, men and
women experiencing gender discrimination and
30 相生 SUMMER 2003
E d u c a t i on f o r g e n d e r e q u i t y
exclusion. Gender sensitivity calls for a repertoire of a preferred future can be fashioned, peace can be made, carried not only by words, but also by tone, body
social and pedagogical skills to avoid such and hope can be inspired. Without hope, citizens have language and all that goes into direct communication.
discrimination, to ove rcome all discriminatory little motivation to work for a culture of peace. Projecting Participatory hearing goes beyond repeating what is
conditions and work tow a rd gender justice and a future of peace, designing models of institutions to heard, to clarify by building one’s own contributions to
comprehensive moral inclusion in classrooms, schools maintain peace and assure justice, and planning the discussion upon previous contributions of others,
and societies. transition strategies to bring them into being give integrating the learning of all into a communal learning
learners experience in problem solving, issues analysis process, truly sharing knowledge. When the emphasis
Gender Sensitivi ty in Peace Education and some of the most essential skills of responsible is on understanding before responding, clarifying before
Pedagogy citizenship. challenging, and seeking to build common understanding
and communal knowledge, all exchanges are more
There are multiple ways in which teaching for a This process can also be a means through which to
cultivate gender awareness. An inquiry into possible productive and relationships more mutually enhancing.
c u l t u re of peace in a gender perspective can be
institutions and policies to achieve and sustain a It is this cooperative process which produces a learning
a pp roached within the participatory and process-based
peaceful future should include consideration of how the c o m m u n i t y, a community through which gender
pedagogy of peace education. A few of these learning
proposed institutions and policies would affect all groups solidarity and partnership can be developed.
processes are described below. Each can be adapted to
elementary and secondary classrooms and teacher concerned, including the different effects that might be Listening and hearing skills can help students to
education. Each can be experienced by women and men. An assessment of the build the positive, empathic and mutually enhancing
integrated into gender fairness and equitableness of the potential consequences relationships that comprise moral inclusion. These, too,
continues to s e n s i t i ve education for should be included as part of the commitment to the are the most basic and essential skills for developing
c o m p re h e n s i ve moral principle of moral inclusion. constructive discourse and transcending the barriers to
inclusion. Perspectives taking helps students to understand the gender justice imposed by the frequent and destructive
and women. values and world views of others by looking at situations misunderstandings between the genders. An authentic
Reflective, reasoned
and issues from various perspectives. It is, as well, a partnership of equals can best be built upon understanding
discussion is at the center
device for developing empathy, a capacity at the root of and constructive, clarifying communication. Bringing
of the pedagogy of peace
caring, and also a means through which multiple and gender awareness to all communication, especially to
education. Discussion must
alternative possibilities can be discerned. Perspective teaching and learning, would be an extremely positive
be built on adequate
taking is both a teaching method and a skill to be contribution to education for a culture of peace.
s ub s ta n tive knowledge and
information from well documented sources. Sound applied to problem solving and conflict resolution. Applying a gender perspective and gender equality
s u b s t a n t i ve content is the foundation of peace Observing and assessing a condition, situation or an to the politics of achieving a culture of peace is urgent.
education. Participation in process learning is one of the event from the positions and perspectives of other True peace cannot be achieved with only half the
most effec tive ways for learners to integrate and gain political beliefs, economic circumstances, cultures or potential and talents of the human family. There can be
adequate command of content. Content is learned as it is genders brings deeper understanding of the problems no peace without justice. And the achievement of all
applied to some of the cognitive tasks that build peace- and clarifies what is a stake in a conflict. It is a skill to be forms of justice, most especially gender justice, will not
making skills. Informed discourse is both an effective perfected when seeking to develop the capacities of be possible without a citizenry educated so as to be
learning device and the means by which democratic gender sensitivity and cultural proficiency and to realizing committed to and capable of working for justice.
communities arrange their lives and plan their futures. It the values of intercultural understanding and gender
should be the means through which issues of peace, equality in our classrooms and our societies.
Note: This article is based on excerpts from Sections 2
justice and gender are addressed in peace education— B oys and girls should be helped to take the
a dd ressed, of course, in a gender-sensitive manner. and 8 of Betty A. Reardon, Education for a Culture of
perspective of the other gender on any problematic issue Peace in a Gender Perspective. UNESCO Press, Paris,
Educators have observed gender differences in addressed in the classroom (including the tensions 2001.
discussion modes, perspectives and learning styles. between them that can arise in upper elementary and
These differences should be respected and valued for middle grades). At the stages of development when
what they offer in bringing forth the multiple perspectives wider and wider ranges of perspectives can be
peace education seeks to integrate into classroom considered, teachers might add cultural and political
discussion. This respect involves gender sensitivity and dimensions with a gender perspective to illustrate that
awareness, and should be directed toward establishing concepts of gender and gender roles are conditioned by
gender equality, especially in co-educational classes. culture and political ideologies.
Assuring the equal participation of boys and girls is the Reflective listening and participatory hearing
primary indicator of a teacher’s commitment to gender Dr. Betty A. Reardon is the Director of the Peace Education
provide the fundamental condition for the development
justice. Program and Center at Teachers College, Columbia
of caring skills and assure that discussions are clear, University, New York City, and the International Institute on
Imaging a preferred future is more than an exercise open and constructive. Reflective listening is thoughtful
Peace Education. She has served as a consultant to various
in imagining desirable futures. It is a pedagogical device and direct attention to the other or others in any UN agencies and educational organizations and has
intended to enable learners to discern and describe exchange. The listener reflects upon what is said by the published many books in the field of peace and human rights
possibilities. Possibilities are the raw material from which other, seeking to interpret the authentic meaning education and women’s issues.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 3 1
Education for gender equity
nationalism, racism, religious and ethnic biases.
Developing an inclusive view of the realms of justice,
including gender justice, is a learning goal that should be
incorporated into all social education curricula. It should
be intentionally built into the atmosphere of the
classroom, modes of teaching and the relationships
among students and between students and teachers.
Gender awareness and gender sensitivity are crucial
elements in the range of relationship capacities required
of all global citizens and should also be among the
learning goals of education for a culture of peace. Gender
relations can be viewed as a paradigm for relating to
others, all who are different. If from early childhood,
children experience an environment in which both girls
and boys are perceived and treated as being of equal
value, they will receive the
message that human
difference does not carry
Th roughout the world gender
with it unequal human be a factor that limits choices and
value. Such messages
should be integral to all
possibilities for both men
classroom teaching. Education for peace is intended to open
Gender discrimination the full range of human possibilities to all
can also be used as a
human beings.
metaphor for other sep-
arations and divisions
among people and world regions. Gender is a lens that
allows a clearer and fuller view of many of the global
issues and human problems that stand in the way of a
culture of peace. Thus, gender awareness and gender
sensitivity are essential to positive, mutually enhancing
relationships and serve to develop deeper understanding
of global problems as they bring into focus the effects of
the problems on the actual lives of women and men. If
teachers can cultivate mutually enhancing gender
relationships in the classroom, they can contribute to the
formation of global citizens committed to human equality
as they strive to develop among their students an
appreciation of human diversity.
Gender awareness refers to the capacity to observe
and honor the differences between boys and girls and
men and women, to distinguish between the differences
that are biologically based and those that derive from
culture, society and experience; and especially to be
aware of when and how these differences are the bases
for discrimination and\or moral exclusion. Such an
awareness manifest in the teacher’s classroom stance can
greatly contribute to the development of the same
capacity in the students.
Gender sensitivity involves both gender awareness
and the capacity to respond constructively to the
negative consequences to boys and girls, men and
women experiencing gender discrimination and
30 相生 SUMMER 2003
E d u c a t i on f o r g e n d e r e q u i t y
exclusion. Gender sensitivity calls for a repertoire of a preferred future can be fashioned, peace can be made, carried not only by words, but also by tone, body
social and pedagogical skills to avoid such and hope can be inspired. Without hope, citizens have language and all that goes into direct communication.
discrimination, to ove rcome all discriminatory little motivation to work for a culture of peace. Projecting Participatory hearing goes beyond repeating what is
conditions and work tow a rd gender justice and a future of peace, designing models of institutions to heard, to clarify by building one’s own contributions to
comprehensive moral inclusion in classrooms, schools maintain peace and assure justice, and planning the discussion upon previous contributions of others,
and societies. transition strategies to bring them into being give integrating the learning of all into a communal learning
learners experience in problem solving, issues analysis process, truly sharing knowledge. When the emphasis
Gender Sensitivi ty in Peace Education and some of the most essential skills of responsible is on understanding before responding, clarifying before
Pedagogy citizenship. challenging, and seeking to build common understanding
and communal knowledge, all exchanges are more
There are multiple ways in which teaching for a This process can also be a means through which to
cultivate gender awareness. An inquiry into possible productive and relationships more mutually enhancing.
c u l t u re of peace in a gender perspective can be
institutions and policies to achieve and sustain a It is this cooperative process which produces a learning
a pp roached within the participatory and process-based
peaceful future should include consideration of how the c o m m u n i t y, a community through which gender
pedagogy of peace education. A few of these learning
proposed institutions and policies would affect all groups solidarity and partnership can be developed.
processes are described below. Each can be adapted to
elementary and secondary classrooms and teacher concerned, including the different effects that might be Listening and hearing skills can help students to
education. Each can be experienced by women and men. An assessment of the build the positive, empathic and mutually enhancing
integrated into gender fairness and equitableness of the potential consequences relationships that comprise moral inclusion. These, too,
continues to s e n s i t i ve education for should be included as part of the commitment to the are the most basic and essential skills for developing
c o m p re h e n s i ve moral principle of moral inclusion. constructive discourse and transcending the barriers to
inclusion. Perspectives taking helps students to understand the gender justice imposed by the frequent and destructive
and women. values and world views of others by looking at situations misunderstandings between the genders. An authentic
Reflective, reasoned
and issues from various perspectives. It is, as well, a partnership of equals can best be built upon understanding
discussion is at the center
device for developing empathy, a capacity at the root of and constructive, clarifying communication. Bringing
of the pedagogy of peace
caring, and also a means through which multiple and gender awareness to all communication, especially to
education. Discussion must
alternative possibilities can be discerned. Perspective teaching and learning, would be an extremely positive
be built on adequate
taking is both a teaching method and a skill to be contribution to education for a culture of peace.
s ub s ta n tive knowledge and
information from well documented sources. Sound applied to problem solving and conflict resolution. Applying a gender perspective and gender equality
s u b s t a n t i ve content is the foundation of peace Observing and assessing a condition, situation or an to the politics of achieving a culture of peace is urgent.
education. Participation in process learning is one of the event from the positions and perspectives of other True peace cannot be achieved with only half the
most effec tive ways for learners to integrate and gain political beliefs, economic circumstances, cultures or potential and talents of the human family. There can be
adequate command of content. Content is learned as it is genders brings deeper understanding of the problems no peace without justice. And the achievement of all
applied to some of the cognitive tasks that build peace- and clarifies what is a stake in a conflict. It is a skill to be forms of justice, most especially gender justice, will not
making skills. Informed discourse is both an effective perfected when seeking to develop the capacities of be possible without a citizenry educated so as to be
learning device and the means by which democratic gender sensitivity and cultural proficiency and to realizing committed to and capable of working for justice.
communities arrange their lives and plan their futures. It the values of intercultural understanding and gender
should be the means through which issues of peace, equality in our classrooms and our societies.
Note: This article is based on excerpts from Sections 2
justice and gender are addressed in peace education— B oys and girls should be helped to take the
a dd ressed, of course, in a gender-sensitive manner. and 8 of Betty A. Reardon, Education for a Culture of
perspective of the other gender on any problematic issue Peace in a Gender Perspective. UNESCO Press, Paris,
Educators have observed gender differences in addressed in the classroom (including the tensions 2001.
discussion modes, perspectives and learning styles. between them that can arise in upper elementary and
These differences should be respected and valued for middle grades). At the stages of development when
what they offer in bringing forth the multiple perspectives wider and wider ranges of perspectives can be
peace education seeks to integrate into classroom considered, teachers might add cultural and political
discussion. This respect involves gender sensitivity and dimensions with a gender perspective to illustrate that
awareness, and should be directed toward establishing concepts of gender and gender roles are conditioned by
gender equality, especially in co-educational classes. culture and political ideologies.
Assuring the equal participation of boys and girls is the Reflective listening and participatory hearing
primary indicator of a teacher’s commitment to gender Dr. Betty A. Reardon is the Director of the Peace Education
provide the fundamental condition for the development
justice. Program and Center at Teachers College, Columbia
of caring skills and assure that discussions are clear, University, New York City, and the International Institute on
Imaging a preferred future is more than an exercise open and constructive. Reflective listening is thoughtful
Peace Education. She has served as a consultant to various
in imagining desirable futures. It is a pedagogical device and direct attention to the other or others in any UN agencies and educational organizations and has
intended to enable learners to discern and describe exchange. The listener reflects upon what is said by the published many books in the field of peace and human rights
possibilities. Possibilities are the raw material from which other, seeking to interpret the authentic meaning education and women’s issues.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 3 1
Multi-faith education Multi-faith education

THE SILSILAH DIALOGUE
MOVEMENT IN MINDANAO
Sebastiano D’Ambra
ilsilah is an Arabic word that literally means “chain” or “link.” As used
S by the Sufis (Muslim mystics), it describes a process in attaining the
experience of the Divine. The fact that Silsilah comes from the same root
word as “genealogical tree” helps us to think about a spiritual chain of
humanity as created by the same God. Thus, Silsilah in the Dialogue
Movement is an inspiring key word used to describe Muslims, Christians
and other people of living faiths who are moving together as one universal
family towards a common vision and mission of dialogue and peace.
S i l s i l a h Gr owth: F rom Pers onal Experience to Movement
Experience
The Moro struggle in Mindanao exploded in the ’70s through the Moro National Liberation Front
(MNLF), and the continuing conflict up to the present has deepened the division between Muslims and
Christians in the Philippines. The sufferings of Christians, Lumads (indigenous people) and Muslims in
Mindanao may be considered the challenge and “sign of the times” that led to the start of Silsilah.
When I arrived in the Philippines in 1977, I was shocked by statistics that said during the few years
of conflict in Mindanao, more than 100,000 people had been killed; houses, mosques and churches had
been burned and destroyed; and more than half a million had left their homes.
It was not necessary for me to verify the truth of these statistics. It was enough for me to observe how
Muslims and Christians approached each other in my first mission in Siocon, Zamboanga del Norte in the
southern part of Mindanao. With sadness, I learned soon enough what the Muslims thought about the
Christians and vice-versa.
Maybe their feelings can be capsulated in the expression I heard among Christian groups who used
to say, “The only good Moro is a dead Moro.” On the other hand, the expression circulated among the
Muslims was, “A Muslim who kills a Christian goes to heaven on a white horse.”
In addition to these negative feelings that were part of the people’s thinking at that time, I observed
heavy militarization and many abuses by the military under martial law. Soon I realized that the situation
of Muslim-Christian relations challenged me to give my personal response.
At that time I was 35 years old, and I set out to give all my energy, enthusiasm and creativity to find
opportunities to meet with Muslim leaders and ordinary Muslims in their own places.
Thanks to God, after my first stage of immersion in the language, culture and problems that existed
among the Christians, Lumads and Muslims, I made a radical decision: I started to live in a small
community of Muslims near the sea and to share with them a simple life. It was in that stage that I felt a
special call to dialogue.
In a few words, I can say that it was a deep spiritual experience. God was talking through my new
Muslim friends, saying to me in the deeper part of my spirit, “The Lord is the fountain and source of
dialogue. He is the Lord of Christians, Muslims and all peoples. He loves all.” Every time I go back to
that spiritual experience, I say to myself, “What I felt was something that I already knew. But the great
difference and joy was that I started to feel that experience of faith deep in my heart, which changed my
life and gave me the courage to take risks and
ultimately to start the Silsilah Di a l o g u e
Movement.”
I was accused by the military of helping
the Muslims, misunderstood by Christians
because they could not accept “their” priest
dedicating his time to live in dialogue with
Muslims, and suspected by Muslims who
could not believe that a Christian—a priest
and a foreigner, as I was—could be sincere in
the commitment for dialogue with them. But
in spite of such difficulties, a majority of the
A Silsilah Forum in Davao City, Mindanao, Philippines
Muslims and Christians came to look at me
with respect, and this brought me to a new and unpredictable stage of my life. The MNLF commanders
of the area requested me to become their negotiator so they might benefit from the amnesty offered by
the government. This adventure, which lasted two years, brought me to the forest, visiting and living on
some occasions with the MNLF rebels and approaching the political and military leaders.
When things were already moving in a positive direction and hundreds of MNLF rebels and their
families had been reunited and helped, and a certain peace was already achieved in the area, I became
a victim of a military ambush. It was not the first time for me, but on that occasion one of my close
friends, a Filipino, who was my leader for the Subanens (an indigenous tribe of Mindanao) in the area,
was killed.
The ten basic elements of the Culture of Dialogue for Silsilah
A VISION inspired by God’s dialogue with humanity
A MISSION for people of sincere hearts
An EXPERIENCE of life-in-dialogue as a style of life
A COMMITMENT towards inter/intra-cultural and religious dialogue
A CHALLENGE rooted in the culture and faith of the people
A SEARCH for peace based on common ethics and values
A JOURNEY through education and formation
A HABITAT to nurture a vision of peace
A PATHWAY of solidarity, especially with the less privileged
A HOPE to bring God to the center of society
After the incident, in 1981, my superiors requested me to return to Italy. I considered that event as my first
exile. I stayed in Italy for two years, and during this time I had the chance to study in Rome at the Pontifical
Institute for Islamic and Arabic Studies (PISAI). My “exile” period also gave me time to reflect on my experiences
in the mission.
While I was studying in Rome and moving around in other Islamic countries for exposure, I nurtured
the desire to share my experience with other Muslim and Christian friends, and to start a group if I could
go back to the Philippines. It was also at this time that I became interested in Islamic studies and
discovered the great spiritual experience of the Sufis (Muslim mystics). They used Silsilah, an Arabic
word meaning “chain,” to express the chain of unity between them and Allah. Moved by this reflection, I
said to myself, “Christians and people of other religions as well can rediscover the Silsilah that links
them to God. In God, we can rediscover that together we Muslims, Christians and people of other faiths
can form a ‘chain’ to reach out to all peoples and rediscover the deeper meaning of the universal chain
that is the human family.”
In 1983, I was invited to go back to the Philippines as the newly elected regional superior of the
PIME community. On May 9, 1984, with a group of Muslim and Christian friends, I officially founded the

32 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 3 3

Multi-faith education Multi-faith education

THE SILSILAH DIALOGUE
MOVEMENT IN MINDANAO
Sebastiano D’Ambra
ilsilah is an Arabic word that literally means “chain” or “link.” As used
S by the Sufis (Muslim mystics), it describes a process in attaining the
experience of the Divine. The fact that Silsilah comes from the same root
word as “genealogical tree” helps us to think about a spiritual chain of
humanity as created by the same God. Thus, Silsilah in the Dialogue
Movement is an inspiring key word used to describe Muslims, Christians
and other people of living faiths who are moving together as one universal
family towards a common vision and mission of dialogue and peace.
S i l s i l a h Gr owth: F rom Pers onal Experience to Movement
Experience
The Moro struggle in Mindanao exploded in the ’70s through the Moro National Liberation Front
(MNLF), and the continuing conflict up to the present has deepened the division between Muslims and
Christians in the Philippines. The sufferings of Christians, Lumads (indigenous people) and Muslims in
Mindanao may be considered the challenge and “sign of the times” that led to the start of Silsilah.
When I arrived in the Philippines in 1977, I was shocked by statistics that said during the few years
of conflict in Mindanao, more than 100,000 people had been killed; houses, mosques and churches had
been burned and destroyed; and more than half a million had left their homes.
It was not necessary for me to verify the truth of these statistics. It was enough for me to observe how
Muslims and Christians approached each other in my first mission in Siocon, Zamboanga del Norte in the
southern part of Mindanao. With sadness, I learned soon enough what the Muslims thought about the
Christians and vice-versa.
Maybe their feelings can be capsulated in the expression I heard among Christian groups who used
to say, “The only good Moro is a dead Moro.” On the other hand, the expression circulated among the
Muslims was, “A Muslim who kills a Christian goes to heaven on a white horse.”
In addition to these negative feelings that were part of the people’s thinking at that time, I observed
heavy militarization and many abuses by the military under martial law. Soon I realized that the situation
of Muslim-Christian relations challenged me to give my personal response.
At that time I was 35 years old, and I set out to give all my energy, enthusiasm and creativity to find
opportunities to meet with Muslim leaders and ordinary Muslims in their own places.
Thanks to God, after my first stage of immersion in the language, culture and problems that existed
among the Christians, Lumads and Muslims, I made a radical decision: I started to live in a small
community of Muslims near the sea and to share with them a simple life. It was in that stage that I felt a
special call to dialogue.
In a few words, I can say that it was a deep spiritual experience. God was talking through my new
Muslim friends, saying to me in the deeper part of my spirit, “The Lord is the fountain and source of
dialogue. He is the Lord of Christians, Muslims and all peoples. He loves all.” Every time I go back to
that spiritual experience, I say to myself, “What I felt was something that I already knew. But the great
difference and joy was that I started to feel that experience of faith deep in my heart, which changed my
life and gave me the courage to take risks and
ultimately to start the Silsilah Di a l o g u e
Movement.”
I was accused by the military of helping
the Muslims, misunderstood by Christians
because they could not accept “their” priest
dedicating his time to live in dialogue with
Muslims, and suspected by Muslims who
could not believe that a Christian—a priest
and a foreigner, as I was—could be sincere in
the commitment for dialogue with them. But
in spite of such difficulties, a majority of the
A Silsilah Forum in Davao City, Mindanao, Philippines
Muslims and Christians came to look at me
with respect, and this brought me to a new and unpredictable stage of my life. The MNLF commanders
of the area requested me to become their negotiator so they might benefit from the amnesty offered by
the government. This adventure, which lasted two years, brought me to the forest, visiting and living on
some occasions with the MNLF rebels and approaching the political and military leaders.
When things were already moving in a positive direction and hundreds of MNLF rebels and their
families had been reunited and helped, and a certain peace was already achieved in the area, I became
a victim of a military ambush. It was not the first time for me, but on that occasion one of my close
friends, a Filipino, who was my leader for the Subanens (an indigenous tribe of Mindanao) in the area,
was killed.
The ten basic elements of the Culture of Dialogue for Silsilah
A VISION inspired by God’s dialogue with humanity
A MISSION for people of sincere hearts
An EXPERIENCE of life-in-dialogue as a style of life
A COMMITMENT towards inter/intra-cultural and religious dialogue
A CHALLENGE rooted in the culture and faith of the people
A SEARCH for peace based on common ethics and values
A JOURNEY through education and formation
A HABITAT to nurture a vision of peace
A PATHWAY of solidarity, especially with the less privileged
A HOPE to bring God to the center of society
After the incident, in 1981, my superiors requested me to return to Italy. I considered that event as my first
exile. I stayed in Italy for two years, and during this time I had the chance to study in Rome at the Pontifical
Institute for Islamic and Arabic Studies (PISAI). My “exile” period also gave me time to reflect on my experiences
in the mission.
While I was studying in Rome and moving around in other Islamic countries for exposure, I nurtured
the desire to share my experience with other Muslim and Christian friends, and to start a group if I could
go back to the Philippines. It was also at this time that I became interested in Islamic studies and
discovered the great spiritual experience of the Sufis (Muslim mystics). They used Silsilah, an Arabic
word meaning “chain,” to express the chain of unity between them and Allah. Moved by this reflection, I
said to myself, “Christians and people of other religions as well can rediscover the Silsilah that links
them to God. In God, we can rediscover that together we Muslims, Christians and people of other faiths
can form a ‘chain’ to reach out to all peoples and rediscover the deeper meaning of the universal chain
that is the human family.”
In 1983, I was invited to go back to the Philippines as the newly elected regional superior of the
PIME community. On May 9, 1984, with a group of Muslim and Christian friends, I officially founded the

32 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 3 3

M ul t i - f a i t h e d uc a ti o n Multi-faith education

Silsilah Dialogue Movement in Zamboanga City. “In the name of God, the source and fountain of dialogue, Silsilah envisions a life-in-
dialogue for all Muslims, Christians and peoples of other living faiths in respect, trust and
Initially, it was called Islamo-Christian Silsilah Dialogue Movement. Years later, when the word Silsilah
love for one another and moving together towards a common experience of harmony,
became well known even in other countries among those who were involved in dialogue activities, we
solidarity and peace.”
decided to remove the two words “Islamo-Christian.” The decision was also a clear sign that Silsilah as
a dialogue movement was open to all religions, though special attention is given to Muslim-Christian To live and promote the spirituality of dialogue, one needs to understand and live its four pillars: dialogue
dialogue. with/in God, with self, with others, and with creation. Along this line, Silsilah offers reflections based on Islamic
and Christian teachings. It is beautiful to rediscover that both faiths are open to dialogue. Both present God’s
Along with the Muslim and Christian friends of the Movement, we continue pressing forward,
dialogue with humanity, although in some points quite different ways.
dreaming that all Muslims and Christians will move together in dialogue with peoples of other living
faiths. In this spirit, Muslims are encouraged to rediscover the spirit of the “great jihad,” that is, the struggle for
purification of the heart, which leads them to a better understanding of God’s dialogue in Islam. Christians are
Silsilah Vision: The Spirituality of Life-in-Dialogue encouraged to rediscover the spirit of the “Beatitudes” in order to better understand God’s dialogue in
Christianity. The Great Jihad in Islam and the Beatitudes in Christianity are two entry points to deepen the
The great challenge of Silsilah is the spirituality of dialogue that is based on one’s faith. In fact, spirituality
spirituality of dialogue in both religions. Many other points are also part of our on-going reflections and
is an experience that is applied in one’s daily life. We believe that it is possible to have different faiths and still
deepening.
practice a similar spirituality, because we see that, although God has special ways of revealing Himself to
humanity, He has the same “style” of love and compassion for all. It is this style of God that can become an This spirit can likewise be applied to peoples of other living faiths. What is important is to
inspiration for people of different faiths. If we use human language to describe what God does, we can say understand that we should promote interreligious dialogue whether there is conflict among peoples or
that the “spirituality of God” is based on relation or encounter as an expression of His love and compassion. not. Interreligious dialogue is an integral part of our mission. This is the teaching of the Catholic Church.
This simple perception of God’s dialogue with humanity is the starting point for us to live the spirituality of life- For us Christians, it is based on God’s dialogue with humanity from the beginning of time.
in-dialogue.
In the past, our minds were disturbed by the idea of “different ways” of God’s presence in humanity. Sils ilah Miss ion : Living and Promoting t he Culture of Dialogue
Today, we are challenged by God’s style of dialogue, which is common to all peoples. Even as we say The following is the mission statement of Silsilah:
“common” style, we are aware of the different religious beliefs. This awareness helps us to rediscover, in “As instruments of dialogue and peace,we, the members of Silsilah, commit ourselves:
our own faith, God’s dialogue with humanity as a manifestation of His love and compassion.
To live the essence of our faiths and bear witness to the values of our own religious
God never changes His style. Rather, we are the ones who change our perceptions of God. This approach tradition;
is similar to the Copernican Revolution. The latter did not change the course of nature but it did change the
To be in dialogue with all people, regardless of culture and faith, promoting a Culture of
way people see a certain natural phenomenon—from thinking that the sun revolves around the earth, to Dialogue with particular emphasis on spiritual values; and
believing that the center of the solar system is the sun and that it is the earth that revolves around it together
with other planets. To be in solidarity with all peoples in the uplifting of the less privileged in order to build a
progressive, just, humane and ecologically sound society.”
Discovering God’s dialogue in the different elements of our faith is not yet a spirituality of dialogue.
It becomes a spirituality of dialogue when one experiences in his/her life the effect of believing and The mission statement emphasizes an experience—living the essence of our faith and bearing witness to
living this specific aspect of God’s plan of love. the values of our own religious traditions—that leads us to dialogue and solidarity in the spirit of the vision
that expresses this concept, by saying, “...moving together towards a common experience of harmony, solidarity
From this basic perception, we can say that Silsilah spirituality is an answer to God’s dialogue, and in this and peace.”
answer, one of the specific challenges is interreligious dialogue. This basic perception motivates and sustains all
forms of interreligious dialogue and it helps in Thus Silsilah first of all proposes an experience of dialogue that has to be lived in all situations of
finding deeper reasons to work together for life, not only when one enters into relations with a person of a different religion. Silsilah is a movement
harmony, solidarity and peace. where all forms of interreligious dialogue, at all levels, become part of our answers to the basic call for a
style of life-in-dialogue that we call “spirituality of dialogue” or “spirituality of life-in-dialogue.”
Often, we observe that in talking about
interreligious dialogue, people try to explain the We believe that one cannot sustain his/her interreligious dialogue if it has no spiritual foundation.
importance of the different forms of dialogue Dialogue here stands for any similar word: chain, link, relation, encounter, etc. The spiritual foundation
like the dialogue of life, dialogue of theological that we envision can be based also on the basic human aspirations of a person of good will and sincere
exchange, dialogue of action and dialogue of heart who finds difficulty in identifying his/her specific religion, but finds spiritual elements in specific
spiritual experiences. The questions that we values and noble aspirations in life. Thus, the perception of “spirituality” can be extended beyond the
pose are: “How can we sustain all forms of common Christian understanding of spirituality.
dialogue?” “Why do we have to be together in
dialogue for justice and peace?” “Who sustains
us in this mission?”
The singular contribution of Silsilah to the
cause of dialogue and peace is the promotion
of the spirituality of dialogue that strengthens
us to find deeper meaning in relating with each Fr. Sebastiano D’Ambra is Founder and Director of the Silsilah Dialogue Movement in the Philippines. The
above paper was presented at APCEIU’s International Symposium on “Inter-religious Dialogue for Peace and
other as brothers and sisters. This is clear in the
Reconciliation in the Asia-Pacific Region,” Dec. 4-6, 2002, in Seoul, Korea.
Silsilah vision statement, which states: Signing of the Commitment to Dialogue and Peace

34 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 3 5

M ul t i - f a i t h e d uc a ti o n Multi-faith education

Silsilah Dialogue Movement in Zamboanga City. “In the name of God, the source and fountain of dialogue, Silsilah envisions a life-in-
dialogue for all Muslims, Christians and peoples of other living faiths in respect, trust and
Initially, it was called Islamo-Christian Silsilah Dialogue Movement. Years later, when the word Silsilah
love for one another and moving together towards a common experience of harmony,
became well known even in other countries among those who were involved in dialogue activities, we
solidarity and peace.”
decided to remove the two words “Islamo-Christian.” The decision was also a clear sign that Silsilah as
a dialogue movement was open to all religions, though special attention is given to Muslim-Christian To live and promote the spirituality of dialogue, one needs to understand and live its four pillars: dialogue
dialogue. with/in God, with self, with others, and with creation. Along this line, Silsilah offers reflections based on Islamic
and Christian teachings. It is beautiful to rediscover that both faiths are open to dialogue. Both present God’s
Along with the Muslim and Christian friends of the Movement, we continue pressing forward,
dialogue with humanity, although in some points quite different ways.
dreaming that all Muslims and Christians will move together in dialogue with peoples of other living
faiths. In this spirit, Muslims are encouraged to rediscover the spirit of the “great jihad,” that is, the struggle for
purification of the heart, which leads them to a better understanding of God’s dialogue in Islam. Christians are
Silsilah Vision: The Spirituality of Life-in-Dialogue encouraged to rediscover the spirit of the “Beatitudes” in order to better understand God’s dialogue in
Christianity. The Great Jihad in Islam and the Beatitudes in Christianity are two entry points to deepen the
The great challenge of Silsilah is the spirituality of dialogue that is based on one’s faith. In fact, spirituality
spirituality of dialogue in both religions. Many other points are also part of our on-going reflections and
is an experience that is applied in one’s daily life. We believe that it is possible to have different faiths and still
deepening.
practice a similar spirituality, because we see that, although God has special ways of revealing Himself to
humanity, He has the same “style” of love and compassion for all. It is this style of God that can become an This spirit can likewise be applied to peoples of other living faiths. What is important is to
inspiration for people of different faiths. If we use human language to describe what God does, we can say understand that we should promote interreligious dialogue whether there is conflict among peoples or
that the “spirituality of God” is based on relation or encounter as an expression of His love and compassion. not. Interreligious dialogue is an integral part of our mission. This is the teaching of the Catholic Church.
This simple perception of God’s dialogue with humanity is the starting point for us to live the spirituality of life- For us Christians, it is based on God’s dialogue with humanity from the beginning of time.
in-dialogue.
In the past, our minds were disturbed by the idea of “different ways” of God’s presence in humanity. Sils ilah Miss ion : Living and Promoting t he Culture of Dialogue
Today, we are challenged by God’s style of dialogue, which is common to all peoples. Even as we say The following is the mission statement of Silsilah:
“common” style, we are aware of the different religious beliefs. This awareness helps us to rediscover, in “As instruments of dialogue and peace,we, the members of Silsilah, commit ourselves:
our own faith, God’s dialogue with humanity as a manifestation of His love and compassion.
To live the essence of our faiths and bear witness to the values of our own religious
God never changes His style. Rather, we are the ones who change our perceptions of God. This approach tradition;
is similar to the Copernican Revolution. The latter did not change the course of nature but it did change the
To be in dialogue with all people, regardless of culture and faith, promoting a Culture of
way people see a certain natural phenomenon—from thinking that the sun revolves around the earth, to Dialogue with particular emphasis on spiritual values; and
believing that the center of the solar system is the sun and that it is the earth that revolves around it together
with other planets. To be in solidarity with all peoples in the uplifting of the less privileged in order to build a
progressive, just, humane and ecologically sound society.”
Discovering God’s dialogue in the different elements of our faith is not yet a spirituality of dialogue.
It becomes a spirituality of dialogue when one experiences in his/her life the effect of believing and The mission statement emphasizes an experience—living the essence of our faith and bearing witness to
living this specific aspect of God’s plan of love. the values of our own religious traditions—that leads us to dialogue and solidarity in the spirit of the vision
that expresses this concept, by saying, “...moving together towards a common experience of harmony, solidarity
From this basic perception, we can say that Silsilah spirituality is an answer to God’s dialogue, and in this and peace.”
answer, one of the specific challenges is interreligious dialogue. This basic perception motivates and sustains all
forms of interreligious dialogue and it helps in Thus Silsilah first of all proposes an experience of dialogue that has to be lived in all situations of
finding deeper reasons to work together for life, not only when one enters into relations with a person of a different religion. Silsilah is a movement
harmony, solidarity and peace. where all forms of interreligious dialogue, at all levels, become part of our answers to the basic call for a
style of life-in-dialogue that we call “spirituality of dialogue” or “spirituality of life-in-dialogue.”
Often, we observe that in talking about
interreligious dialogue, people try to explain the We believe that one cannot sustain his/her interreligious dialogue if it has no spiritual foundation.
importance of the different forms of dialogue Dialogue here stands for any similar word: chain, link, relation, encounter, etc. The spiritual foundation
like the dialogue of life, dialogue of theological that we envision can be based also on the basic human aspirations of a person of good will and sincere
exchange, dialogue of action and dialogue of heart who finds difficulty in identifying his/her specific religion, but finds spiritual elements in specific
spiritual experiences. The questions that we values and noble aspirations in life. Thus, the perception of “spirituality” can be extended beyond the
pose are: “How can we sustain all forms of common Christian understanding of spirituality.
dialogue?” “Why do we have to be together in
dialogue for justice and peace?” “Who sustains
us in this mission?”
The singular contribution of Silsilah to the
cause of dialogue and peace is the promotion
of the spirituality of dialogue that strengthens
us to find deeper meaning in relating with each Fr. Sebastiano D’Ambra is Founder and Director of the Silsilah Dialogue Movement in the Philippines. The
above paper was presented at APCEIU’s International Symposium on “Inter-religious Dialogue for Peace and
other as brothers and sisters. This is clear in the
Reconciliation in the Asia-Pacific Region,” Dec. 4-6, 2002, in Seoul, Korea.
Silsilah vision statement, which states: Signing of the Commitment to Dialogue and Peace

34 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 3 5

H u m a n r i g h t s e d u c a t io n
EDUCATION FOR PEACE
AND HUMAN RIGHTS
IN KOREA
Kang Soon-Won
Toward our fu ture
Today, the newly elected South Korean government is confronted with
two contradictory critiques of its policy: NGOs call it a neo-liberal policy
based on the free market while the opposition political party calls it an out-
of-date policy based on socialism and populism. In fact, the government
seems to be swinging back and forth between the two poles of neo-
liberalism and government-controlled bureaucracy/populism.
These days, as workers hold their annual strikes, the business owners
are still holding on determinedly to the prestigious positions they enjoyed
under the former authoritarian governments. The schools are a focus point
of conflicts among government officials, principals, teachers and parents.
Some say the Roh Moo-Hyun government is standing too much with the unions, while others criticize it
for identifying with management. In particular, the Korean Teachers’ Union (KTU) blames the government
for following a neo-liberal education policy, allowing too much privatization and too much control by the
Ministry of Education.
The meaning of neo-liberalism in underdeveloped or newly industrializing countries such as Korea is
different from that in advanced western countries. Here, it is an overlapping of privatization,
deregulation, globalization and authoritarian control. Globalization is viewed the same as neo-liberalism,
so many activists oppose economic globalization. At the same time, however, we have achieved
democracy out of the residue of colonialism, despotism and national division, and have experienced
worldwide solidarity with others who contributed to the democratization of Korea. This may be called
“globalization from below.” We may oppose globalization from above, but globalization from below is
essential for world peace.
Now Korea is moving into the future, from its past resistance against militarism, despotism and
authoritarianism, to the positive creation of peace and human rights in the Korean peninsula. Conflict
reconciliation is a necessary process for people living in a democracy together with different persons.
One of the best ways to build peace and promote human rights for all in a democratic Korea is
education for peace and human rights. In this article I describe the history of Korea in terms of peace
and human rights education, and indicate the necessity for globalization of education from below to
form networks for peace and human rights education.
F rom div ision t o peaceful c oex isten ce in t he Korean p eninsula: conflicts in
education
Ever since 1945, when Korea was liberated from Japanese colonialism, the Korean peninsula has
been divided into two hostile entities: the socialist North versus the capitalist South. This occurred
according to the interests of two powerful countries, the USA and the USSR, in disregard of the fact that
the Korean people had had a single national identity throughout their more than 5,000 years of history.
Worst of all, the military dictatorship in South Korea used the national division as an ideological tool to
prolong its own political power, setting up the North as an “enemy of the people” rather than trying to
create peaceful channels for dialogue to overcome the unjust division. This division has warped the
political-economic system as well as the socio-cultural milieu. The linkage of the Korean division with
36 相生 SUMMER 2003
H u m a n r i gh t s e d u c a t i o n
the international cold war ideology led to an education system that was geared to the anti-communist
ideological state apparatus. Education consequently became centralized and bureaucratic, uniform,
inflexible, undemocratic, unequal and inefficient—to the point that every government has made
educational reform a political priority; but all such reform efforts have failed up to now.
Korean his torical trans ition
Before 1910
1910-1945
Feudal dynasty
Japanese colony
Since 1945 Divided nation: communist North, capitalist South
1950-1953 Korean War - now in the state of ceasefire
1948-1960 Rhee Syngman government (civilian dictatorship)
April 19, 1960 Democratic Students’ Revolution
May 16, 1961 Coup d’etat by Park Chung-Hee
1961-1979 Park Chung-Hee government (military dictatorship)
May 17, 1980 Kwangju Democratization Movement
1980-1987 Chun Doo-Hwan government (military dictatorship)
June 10, 1987 June People’s Struggle
1987-1992 Roh Tae-Woo government (military dictatorship)
1993-1997 Kim Young-Sam government (civilian)
1998-2003 Kim Dae-Jung government (civilian)
Feb. 20033 Roh Moo-Hyun government (civilian)
Korea was one country and people until it was divided into south and north upon liberation from
Japanese colonization in 1945. Since the Korean War, South Korea has been controlled by the pro-US
political powers. The Korean War strengthened the hostility between North and South, and the Cold War
ideology of successive South Korean dictatorial regimes promoted an inflexible anti-communism among
the people. The government controlled and mobilized the people by means of a state-building ideology
based on nationalism. The concepts of freedom of thought and expression, along with human rights,
were viewed as threats to national security, while peace and democracy were equated with anti-
communism and pro-Americanism. Educational facilities during those years were so poor that many
primary schools operated on two or three shifts, with more than 80 students per classroom. Qualified
teachers were few, necessitating the recruitment of less qualified teachers who had undergone only
short-term training. The legacy of colonial education was a strongly centralized educational
administration, uniform school curriculum, hierarchical teacher-student relations, legitimization of
corporal punishment, competitive entrance exams, erosion of the dignity of both teachers and students,
and so on. Strict regimentation was enforced through obligatory membership in the Student National
Defense Corps, which underwent regular military reviews as a patriotic exercise against North Korea.
Following the April 19, 1960 Students’ Revolution, the people’s movement for democracy against the
oppressive military dictatorship expanded, from an anti-government political struggle into a movement
for peace, human rights and democratic freedom. Thus threatened, the newly emerging power elite
launched a coup d’etat in 1961. In the name of national security, the military and big business instituted
emergency measures beginning in 1975 and amended the Constitution in order to suppress the
movement and people’s basic rights. The government used the schools, media and religion to foster a
collective ideology for survival. It imprisoned and tortured thousands of Protestant Christians, who
played a leading role in the democratic movement. The movement continued to grow; students, workers
and farmers supported each other’s struggles. The government conducted widespread violations of
human rights, and students and teachers involved in the democratization movement were expelled.
Meanwhile, the schools provided no democratic education for peace or human rights. Corporal
punishment in primary and secondary schools was the rule; books were censored; students and
teachers were denied freedom of thought, expression and assembly in and out of school; and the
government monitored what teachers taught. In particular, “education for reunification” was rather a kind
of moral education to domesticate the people. But after the 1980 Kwangju massacre, people of
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 3 7
H u m a n r i g h t s e d u c a t io n
EDUCATION FOR PEACE
AND HUMAN RIGHTS
IN KOREA
Kang Soon-Won
Toward our fu ture
Today, the newly elected South Korean government is confronted with
two contradictory critiques of its policy: NGOs call it a neo-liberal policy
based on the free market while the opposition political party calls it an out-
of-date policy based on socialism and populism. In fact, the government
seems to be swinging back and forth between the two poles of neo-
liberalism and government-controlled bureaucracy/populism.
These days, as workers hold their annual strikes, the business owners
are still holding on determinedly to the prestigious positions they enjoyed
under the former authoritarian governments. The schools are a focus point
of conflicts among government officials, principals, teachers and parents.
Some say the Roh Moo-Hyun government is standing too much with the unions, while others criticize it
for identifying with management. In particular, the Korean Teachers’ Union (KTU) blames the government
for following a neo-liberal education policy, allowing too much privatization and too much control by the
Ministry of Education.
The meaning of neo-liberalism in underdeveloped or newly industrializing countries such as Korea is
different from that in advanced western countries. Here, it is an overlapping of privatization,
deregulation, globalization and authoritarian control. Globalization is viewed the same as neo-liberalism,
so many activists oppose economic globalization. At the same time, however, we have achieved
democracy out of the residue of colonialism, despotism and national division, and have experienced
worldwide solidarity with others who contributed to the democratization of Korea. This may be called
“globalization from below.” We may oppose globalization from above, but globalization from below is
essential for world peace.
Now Korea is moving into the future, from its past resistance against militarism, despotism and
authoritarianism, to the positive creation of peace and human rights in the Korean peninsula. Conflict
reconciliation is a necessary process for people living in a democracy together with different persons.
One of the best ways to build peace and promote human rights for all in a democratic Korea is
education for peace and human rights. In this article I describe the history of Korea in terms of peace
and human rights education, and indicate the necessity for globalization of education from below to
form networks for peace and human rights education.
F rom div ision t o peaceful c oex isten ce in t he Korean p eninsula: conflicts in
education
Ever since 1945, when Korea was liberated from Japanese colonialism, the Korean peninsula has
been divided into two hostile entities: the socialist North versus the capitalist South. This occurred
according to the interests of two powerful countries, the USA and the USSR, in disregard of the fact that
the Korean people had had a single national identity throughout their more than 5,000 years of history.
Worst of all, the military dictatorship in South Korea used the national division as an ideological tool to
prolong its own political power, setting up the North as an “enemy of the people” rather than trying to
create peaceful channels for dialogue to overcome the unjust division. This division has warped the
political-economic system as well as the socio-cultural milieu. The linkage of the Korean division with
36 相生 SUMMER 2003
H u m a n r i gh t s e d u c a t i o n
the international cold war ideology led to an education system that was geared to the anti-communist
ideological state apparatus. Education consequently became centralized and bureaucratic, uniform,
inflexible, undemocratic, unequal and inefficient—to the point that every government has made
educational reform a political priority; but all such reform efforts have failed up to now.
Korean his torical trans ition
Before 1910
1910-1945
Feudal dynasty
Japanese colony
Since 1945 Divided nation: communist North, capitalist South
1950-1953 Korean War - now in the state of ceasefire
1948-1960 Rhee Syngman government (civilian dictatorship)
April 19, 1960 Democratic Students’ Revolution
May 16, 1961 Coup d’etat by Park Chung-Hee
1961-1979 Park Chung-Hee government (military dictatorship)
May 17, 1980 Kwangju Democratization Movement
1980-1987 Chun Doo-Hwan government (military dictatorship)
June 10, 1987 June People’s Struggle
1987-1992 Roh Tae-Woo government (military dictatorship)
1993-1997 Kim Young-Sam government (civilian)
1998-2003 Kim Dae-Jung government (civilian)
Feb. 20033 Roh Moo-Hyun government (civilian)
Korea was one country and people until it was divided into south and north upon liberation from
Japanese colonization in 1945. Since the Korean War, South Korea has been controlled by the pro-US
political powers. The Korean War strengthened the hostility between North and South, and the Cold War
ideology of successive South Korean dictatorial regimes promoted an inflexible anti-communism among
the people. The government controlled and mobilized the people by means of a state-building ideology
based on nationalism. The concepts of freedom of thought and expression, along with human rights,
were viewed as threats to national security, while peace and democracy were equated with anti-
communism and pro-Americanism. Educational facilities during those years were so poor that many
primary schools operated on two or three shifts, with more than 80 students per classroom. Qualified
teachers were few, necessitating the recruitment of less qualified teachers who had undergone only
short-term training. The legacy of colonial education was a strongly centralized educational
administration, uniform school curriculum, hierarchical teacher-student relations, legitimization of
corporal punishment, competitive entrance exams, erosion of the dignity of both teachers and students,
and so on. Strict regimentation was enforced through obligatory membership in the Student National
Defense Corps, which underwent regular military reviews as a patriotic exercise against North Korea.
Following the April 19, 1960 Students’ Revolution, the people’s movement for democracy against the
oppressive military dictatorship expanded, from an anti-government political struggle into a movement
for peace, human rights and democratic freedom. Thus threatened, the newly emerging power elite
launched a coup d’etat in 1961. In the name of national security, the military and big business instituted
emergency measures beginning in 1975 and amended the Constitution in order to suppress the
movement and people’s basic rights. The government used the schools, media and religion to foster a
collective ideology for survival. It imprisoned and tortured thousands of Protestant Christians, who
played a leading role in the democratic movement. The movement continued to grow; students, workers
and farmers supported each other’s struggles. The government conducted widespread violations of
human rights, and students and teachers involved in the democratization movement were expelled.
Meanwhile, the schools provided no democratic education for peace or human rights. Corporal
punishment in primary and secondary schools was the rule; books were censored; students and
teachers were denied freedom of thought, expression and assembly in and out of school; and the
government monitored what teachers taught. In particular, “education for reunification” was rather a kind
of moral education to domesticate the people. But after the 1980 Kwangju massacre, people of
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 3 7
H u m a n r i g h t s e d u c a t io n
conscience began to discuss the direction of North-South Korea relations. Anti-US sentiment became
stronger, and many young activists were imprisoned for violating the National Security Law. The
slaughter of citizens in Kwangju, unjust detentions, violence against young people, brutal suppression of
human rights marches, and human rights abuses of Korean women near the US military camps, all
moved Koreans to reflect on their country’s situation. The problem was not merely their own
government. The US had long intervened in Korean domestic affairs and supported the military
dictatorships in the service of its own economic interests. Korean people’s movements in the 1980s were
thus anti-US, anti-war and pro-peace. “Democratization” in the 1980s meant a spirit of nationalism
toward peaceful reunification, democratic politics and economic justice, and a strong locus in grass-roots
movement.
While the human rights and peace movements in the 1960s and 1970s had been more bourgeois in
character, led by intellectuals, social movements in the 1980s splintered into various kinds of
movements whose main goal was the abolition of the National Security Law. A similar shift occurred in
education. Parents’ movements and teachers’ union movements were born, though they were
suppressed harshly by the government. The journal Minjung Education, published in 1985 by a teachers’
group, was labeled radical and declared illegal. All the teachers who subscribed to it were fired. This
gave rise to the formation of the National Teachers Association in 1987, which was renamed the KTU in
1989. The approximately 2,000 teachers who refused to resign from the KTU were expelled from their
schools. Meanwhile, dozens of students were committing suicide under the duress of the highly
competitive university entrance exam system. Conscientious teachers declared their support for students’
rights, and parents formed their own movement. Teachers and parents tried to boost young students’
self-confidence and self-respect through cultural activities. The government, however, continued to train
children in uniformity and competitiveness. Teenagers, especially, were subject to even more abuse than
before. The large number of child suicides brought the issues of examination stress, detention to late-
night study in schools, and corporal punishment out into the open.
With the advent of the Kim Young Sam government—the first civilian government put in place
through free elections—a broad educational reform was announced to change the distorted school
system into an “Edutopia.” This term referred to an education welfare state—a society of open and
lifelong education to allow every person equal and easy access to education. This reform policy was
strongly critiqued, however. In particular, the core concept of the May 31 Educational Reform Agenda—a
learner-centered educational model with diverse curriculum and elective subjects—was opposed by
many educational activists who regarded it as opening the door to neo-liberal educational policy in
Korea. “Information” and “globalization” were the educational mottos in the 1990s. As a consequence
of the May 31 agenda, computer education and English language education were over-emphasized in
the schools, broadening the gaps between “haves” and “have-nots.” The privatization and deregulation
policy in education expanded disparities among pupils; English education without proper enculturation
of Korean language and history eroded the Korean national identity; excessive competition in schools
gave rise to school violence; and anti-North Korea textbooks implanted hatred in children’s minds rather
than peace. Education for peace and human rights was not practiced openly in the school curriculum.
In 1998 a dramatic political change took place, with the election of respected long-time opposition
leader Kim Dae-Jung to the Presidency. The new government—regarded as more progressive than the
previous Kim Young Sam government—followed the May 31 educational agenda without question. Even
though it pursued a more equitable policy, extending compulsory education to 9 years and giving
welfare subsidies to poor children, the basic neo-liberal policy in response to the “information and
globalization era” remained unchanged. Discrimination rather than diversity, a customer-oriented
educational strategy favoring “winners,” autonomous school operation leading to gaps among
communities, and more emphasis on education in information technology than on basic knowledge and
educational excellence, contributed to the formation of a nationwide hierarchy of schools. The Kim Dae-
Jung government’s 7th Curriculum was highlighted by conflicts among educational theorists, teachers
and parents. The Korean Teachers’ Union boycotted government educational policies through teachers’
open-air power, as tens of thousands of teachers demonstrated against the 7th Curriculum, the existing
law on private schools, the establishment of newly self-reliant private schools, and the transfer of
holders of secondary school qualifications to primary school teaching posts. Up to the end of this
administration, education continued to pose a dilemma; nevertheless, President Kim developed
38 相生 SUMMER 2003
H u m a n r i gh t s e d u c a t i o n
education for peace and human rights based on his “sunshine policy” toward North Korea. The
reunification topic was shifted in the school curriculum from “antagonistic division of the nation” to
“peaceful coexistence in the Korean peninsula.” Hostility against North Korea is no longer promoted
through school textbooks. Human rights education has been introduced as well.
On February 15, 2003, the Roh Moo-Hyun government was born out of a very hard race against a
strong conservative party candidate. “Reform, generational power shift, and peaceful coexistence with
North Korea” was the political motto of Roh’s supporters. Accordingly, many of the new government’s
announced reform plans—including educational reform—have brought conflicts with the existing power
elites. The Roh government is following the educational agenda set up by its predecessor. Polarization of
views on educational policies has resulted in conflict between the KTU and anti-reform educators.
The conflict has its own history. Flexibility, learner-centeredness, various levels of teaching and
elective classes are the orientation of education for democracy in general. But Korean education has
long been distorted by authoritarian control from above. It is hard to develop mutual trust between the
Ministry of Education and the Teachers’ Union. There has been no negotiation or mediation. It will take
time to understand each other and to realize a consensus, which is another reason to improve
education for peace and human rights education in the schools.
Networking of educators for pea ce and h uman rights
UNESCO’s International Commission on Education for the Twenty-first Century proposed four “pillars
of education” towards the 21st century : learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together and
learning to be. Due to the historical constraints of Korean education, teacher-centered and subject-
centered education prevails in our learning environment. “Learning to know” has been emphasized only
enough for students to pass the entrance exams. Only “I,” the one who has to be on top, the one who
defeats everybody else in the competition, is deemed of value. Friends, nation, justice, peace, freedom,
caring for the weak or other social concerns are unnecessary in the race. As globalization has arrived in
Korea and the competitive race has expanded beyond the national boundaries, the enemies to be
defeated are bigger and bigger. The resultant alienation in the learning process makes our children
hopeless and violent and their lives meaningless. To save our children from falling into despair, the
current “cramming” education for personal success must be transformed into education for peace
through networking—not just for “me” and “my nation,” but for “our earth,” learning to live with dignity
and mutual respect as human beings amidst cultural diversity.
Peace education in Korea should focus on overcoming the distorted consciousness that has been
produced by misguided education. The purpose of peace education, through the development of critical
consciousness about the reality, is to foster the attitude and value of living together in a society filled
with conflicts, developing the ability to solve these without resorting to violent behavior. I call this
“peace literacy.” The peace literacy campaign should take place in both schools and the larger society.
The peace education movement should receive the strong support of NGOs. In this context effective
peace education calls for networking: learning from every individual or institute that has been involved
in educating for peace or promoting relations of peaceful solidarity. The networking approach to
education for peace and human rights enables the sharing of all kinds of learning resources and
information, in and outside of the schools, through inclusive participation. Everyone becomes both
teacher and student. Everything can become a learning resource for peace awareness: giving a donation
to the hungry, including the children of North Korea; participating in a demonstration against the US’s
wrong Korea policy; reading a newspaper for deeper understanding; peace camping; volunteering, and
so on.
CONTRASTIN G CONCEPTS OF PEACE EDUCATION
Even when people agree on the necessity of education for peace and human rights, the implications
differ according to one’s point of view, so we should scrutinize the concepts of peace education in a
conflicting society. A constructive model of peace education understands that we are destined to move
ahead together, while the conservative model aims to preserve the status quo. In order to transform
“conservative” peace education into its “constructive” counterpart, we need networking and sharing of
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 3 9
H u m a n r i g h t s e d u c a t io n
conscience began to discuss the direction of North-South Korea relations. Anti-US sentiment became
stronger, and many young activists were imprisoned for violating the National Security Law. The
slaughter of citizens in Kwangju, unjust detentions, violence against young people, brutal suppression of
human rights marches, and human rights abuses of Korean women near the US military camps, all
moved Koreans to reflect on their country’s situation. The problem was not merely their own
government. The US had long intervened in Korean domestic affairs and supported the military
dictatorships in the service of its own economic interests. Korean people’s movements in the 1980s were
thus anti-US, anti-war and pro-peace. “Democratization” in the 1980s meant a spirit of nationalism
toward peaceful reunification, democratic politics and economic justice, and a strong locus in grass-roots
movement.
While the human rights and peace movements in the 1960s and 1970s had been more bourgeois in
character, led by intellectuals, social movements in the 1980s splintered into various kinds of
movements whose main goal was the abolition of the National Security Law. A similar shift occurred in
education. Parents’ movements and teachers’ union movements were born, though they were
suppressed harshly by the government. The journal Minjung Education, published in 1985 by a teachers’
group, was labeled radical and declared illegal. All the teachers who subscribed to it were fired. This
gave rise to the formation of the National Teachers Association in 1987, which was renamed the KTU in
1989. The approximately 2,000 teachers who refused to resign from the KTU were expelled from their
schools. Meanwhile, dozens of students were committing suicide under the duress of the highly
competitive university entrance exam system. Conscientious teachers declared their support for students’
rights, and parents formed their own movement. Teachers and parents tried to boost young students’
self-confidence and self-respect through cultural activities. The government, however, continued to train
children in uniformity and competitiveness. Teenagers, especially, were subject to even more abuse than
before. The large number of child suicides brought the issues of examination stress, detention to late-
night study in schools, and corporal punishment out into the open.
With the advent of the Kim Young Sam government—the first civilian government put in place
through free elections—a broad educational reform was announced to change the distorted school
system into an “Edutopia.” This term referred to an education welfare state—a society of open and
lifelong education to allow every person equal and easy access to education. This reform policy was
strongly critiqued, however. In particular, the core concept of the May 31 Educational Reform Agenda—a
learner-centered educational model with diverse curriculum and elective subjects—was opposed by
many educational activists who regarded it as opening the door to neo-liberal educational policy in
Korea. “Information” and “globalization” were the educational mottos in the 1990s. As a consequence
of the May 31 agenda, computer education and English language education were over-emphasized in
the schools, broadening the gaps between “haves” and “have-nots.” The privatization and deregulation
policy in education expanded disparities among pupils; English education without proper enculturation
of Korean language and history eroded the Korean national identity; excessive competition in schools
gave rise to school violence; and anti-North Korea textbooks implanted hatred in children’s minds rather
than peace. Education for peace and human rights was not practiced openly in the school curriculum.
In 1998 a dramatic political change took place, with the election of respected long-time opposition
leader Kim Dae-Jung to the Presidency. The new government—regarded as more progressive than the
previous Kim Young Sam government—followed the May 31 educational agenda without question. Even
though it pursued a more equitable policy, extending compulsory education to 9 years and giving
welfare subsidies to poor children, the basic neo-liberal policy in response to the “information and
globalization era” remained unchanged. Discrimination rather than diversity, a customer-oriented
educational strategy favoring “winners,” autonomous school operation leading to gaps among
communities, and more emphasis on education in information technology than on basic knowledge and
educational excellence, contributed to the formation of a nationwide hierarchy of schools. The Kim Dae-
Jung government’s 7th Curriculum was highlighted by conflicts among educational theorists, teachers
and parents. The Korean Teachers’ Union boycotted government educational policies through teachers’
open-air power, as tens of thousands of teachers demonstrated against the 7th Curriculum, the existing
law on private schools, the establishment of newly self-reliant private schools, and the transfer of
holders of secondary school qualifications to primary school teaching posts. Up to the end of this
administration, education continued to pose a dilemma; nevertheless, President Kim developed
38 相生 SUMMER 2003
H u m a n r i gh t s e d u c a t i o n
education for peace and human rights based on his “sunshine policy” toward North Korea. The
reunification topic was shifted in the school curriculum from “antagonistic division of the nation” to
“peaceful coexistence in the Korean peninsula.” Hostility against North Korea is no longer promoted
through school textbooks. Human rights education has been introduced as well.
On February 15, 2003, the Roh Moo-Hyun government was born out of a very hard race against a
strong conservative party candidate. “Reform, generational power shift, and peaceful coexistence with
North Korea” was the political motto of Roh’s supporters. Accordingly, many of the new government’s
announced reform plans—including educational reform—have brought conflicts with the existing power
elites. The Roh government is following the educational agenda set up by its predecessor. Polarization of
views on educational policies has resulted in conflict between the KTU and anti-reform educators.
The conflict has its own history. Flexibility, learner-centeredness, various levels of teaching and
elective classes are the orientation of education for democracy in general. But Korean education has
long been distorted by authoritarian control from above. It is hard to develop mutual trust between the
Ministry of Education and the Teachers’ Union. There has been no negotiation or mediation. It will take
time to understand each other and to realize a consensus, which is another reason to improve
education for peace and human rights education in the schools.
Networking of educators for pea ce and h uman rights
UNESCO’s International Commission on Education for the Twenty-first Century proposed four “pillars
of education” towards the 21st century : learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together and
learning to be. Due to the historical constraints of Korean education, teacher-centered and subject-
centered education prevails in our learning environment. “Learning to know” has been emphasized only
enough for students to pass the entrance exams. Only “I,” the one who has to be on top, the one who
defeats everybody else in the competition, is deemed of value. Friends, nation, justice, peace, freedom,
caring for the weak or other social concerns are unnecessary in the race. As globalization has arrived in
Korea and the competitive race has expanded beyond the national boundaries, the enemies to be
defeated are bigger and bigger. The resultant alienation in the learning process makes our children
hopeless and violent and their lives meaningless. To save our children from falling into despair, the
current “cramming” education for personal success must be transformed into education for peace
through networking—not just for “me” and “my nation,” but for “our earth,” learning to live with dignity
and mutual respect as human beings amidst cultural diversity.
Peace education in Korea should focus on overcoming the distorted consciousness that has been
produced by misguided education. The purpose of peace education, through the development of critical
consciousness about the reality, is to foster the attitude and value of living together in a society filled
with conflicts, developing the ability to solve these without resorting to violent behavior. I call this
“peace literacy.” The peace literacy campaign should take place in both schools and the larger society.
The peace education movement should receive the strong support of NGOs. In this context effective
peace education calls for networking: learning from every individual or institute that has been involved
in educating for peace or promoting relations of peaceful solidarity. The networking approach to
education for peace and human rights enables the sharing of all kinds of learning resources and
information, in and outside of the schools, through inclusive participation. Everyone becomes both
teacher and student. Everything can become a learning resource for peace awareness: giving a donation
to the hungry, including the children of North Korea; participating in a demonstration against the US’s
wrong Korea policy; reading a newspaper for deeper understanding; peace camping; volunteering, and
so on.
CONTRASTIN G CONCEPTS OF PEACE EDUCATION
Even when people agree on the necessity of education for peace and human rights, the implications
differ according to one’s point of view, so we should scrutinize the concepts of peace education in a
conflicting society. A constructive model of peace education understands that we are destined to move
ahead together, while the conservative model aims to preserve the status quo. In order to transform
“conservative” peace education into its “constructive” counterpart, we need networking and sharing of
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 3 9
H u m a n r i g h t s e d u c a t io n A c t i o n f or h u m a n r i g h t s a n d p e a c e

educational resources through local and global partnerships. This is another aspect of “globalization
from below.” ENDLESS CYCLE OF SUFFERING
C onser vative Peace Education Constructive Peace Educati on —refugees and internally displaced peoples
Free democracy Inclusive democracy
Unification Peaceful coexistence from Burma—
Patriotism based on bourgeois nationalism Patriotism based on grass-roots nationalism
Myint Myint San
Culturally exclusive Culturally inclusive
Apolitical attitude Critical attitude
Nonviolent silence Nonviolent action
Developmentalism Sustainable development (ecological concern)
Armament race Disarmament
Military security Human security
Competition and top-down orientation Fairness and sharing
More teacher authority More student autonomy
Control and obedience Self-regulated school community
Textbook- and teacher-oriented Experience-oriented
Peace of mind Peaceful mind and peaceful society

Conclusion
Education for peace and human rights depends upon networking and transcending the neo-liberal
system of education. The stage of neo-liberalism that followed excessive welfarism in the European
countries was for the purpose of overcoming rigidity in the areas of economy and education. The state
was required to downsize its power of policy making; to deregulate and privatize; and to introduce
decentralization and parental choice for good education. In Korea, however, we have never had
excessive investment in education and social welfare, up to this day, and we have never had a more
than 90% state school system. Even today we need a democratic state to harmonize the various
demands of public and private schools and local educational authorities, and to take charge of national
educational planning for the common good. Even in the era of globalization, the responsibility for
people’s education is up to the nation state, not to the market. And education through networking for
our global village should be emphasized as a way to restrain global pillage in the world market. I
question the Roh government’s education policy, because it still relies on the “free competition” idea,
seeing the educational market as being balanced by an “invisible hand.” The Roh government still
seems to trust “globalization from above.” I advocate “globalization from below,” based on people’s
power to establish peace and protect human rights; and “constructive peace education,” constituting
the framework for education toward a society of peace and justice.
References
Kang, S. W. (2002), “Democracy and Human Rights Education in South Korea,” Comparative Education,
Volume 38 No. 3, pp. 315-325
Davies, L. (2000), “The Future of Education; International Perspectives,” Educational Review, Vol. 52 No. 2,
125-134
Ministry of Education and Human Resources (2001), 7th Curriculum
The Presidential Commission on Educational Reform (1998), Education Reform for the 21st Century,
Republic of Korea
ccording to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), the definition of refugee is
A ‘someone who is outside his/her country of origin; has a well-founded fear of persecution because of
his/her race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion; and is unable or
unwilling to avail him/herself of the protection of that country, or to return there, for fear of persecution.’ 1) This
is the definition given in the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees. Nation states signatories to
the convention are legally responsible for the protection of refugees and in a much wider sense it is the
responsibility of the international community. Yet again, that does not necessarily mean that all countries
signatory to the Convention will adhere to the convention and treat refugees with care and love.
What happens when people flee to a country that is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention? It is still
possible that with the understanding and good will of the host country the people—escaping well-documented
persecution in their own country—may still be able to get some protection and shelter. And these people
become a kind of ‘quasi-refugees’2) in that country. The problem is that refugees of this kind face the very real
threat of being deported or repatriated back at any time to their country, where they fear for their safety and
their very lives.
For the benefit of readers who are not familiar with Burmese politics and history, a brief background
is given below. This political and historical background of Burma is the key factor that pushes people
out of the country to become refugees, or to become refugees within the country, known as internally
displaced peoples (IDPs).
BRIEF BAC KGROUND
Burma and Its History
The whole of Burma was invaded by the British in 1886 after three Anglo-Burmese Wars, and then
ruled by the British as part of India. Burma was then occupied by the Japanese, but was returned to the
status of a British colony when the Allies defeated Japan in 1945.

1) UNHCR, Protecting Refugees: A Field Guide for NGOs, produced jointly by UNHCR and its NGO partners, 2001, p. 16
2) I use this term as it is the case for many refugees from Burma. The Royal Thai government prefers to use the term
Dr. Kang Soon-Won is Professor of Christian Education at Hanshin University, Seoul, Korea. ‘temporarily displaced’for refugee people.

40 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 4 1

H u m a n r i g h t s e d u c a t io n A c t i o n f or h u m a n r i g h t s a n d p e a c e

educational resources through local and global partnerships. This is another aspect of “globalization
from below.” ENDLESS CYCLE OF SUFFERING
C onser vative Peace Education Constructive Peace Educati on —refugees and internally displaced peoples
Free democracy Inclusive democracy
Unification Peaceful coexistence from Burma—
Patriotism based on bourgeois nationalism Patriotism based on grass-roots nationalism
Myint Myint San
Culturally exclusive Culturally inclusive
Apolitical attitude Critical attitude
Nonviolent silence Nonviolent action
Developmentalism Sustainable development (ecological concern)
Armament race Disarmament
Military security Human security
Competition and top-down orientation Fairness and sharing
More teacher authority More student autonomy
Control and obedience Self-regulated school community
Textbook- and teacher-oriented Experience-oriented
Peace of mind Peaceful mind and peaceful society

Conclusion
Education for peace and human rights depends upon networking and transcending the neo-liberal
system of education. The stage of neo-liberalism that followed excessive welfarism in the European
countries was for the purpose of overcoming rigidity in the areas of economy and education. The state
was required to downsize its power of policy making; to deregulate and privatize; and to introduce
decentralization and parental choice for good education. In Korea, however, we have never had
excessive investment in education and social welfare, up to this day, and we have never had a more
than 90% state school system. Even today we need a democratic state to harmonize the various
demands of public and private schools and local educational authorities, and to take charge of national
educational planning for the common good. Even in the era of globalization, the responsibility for
people’s education is up to the nation state, not to the market. And education through networking for
our global village should be emphasized as a way to restrain global pillage in the world market. I
question the Roh government’s education policy, because it still relies on the “free competition” idea,
seeing the educational market as being balanced by an “invisible hand.” The Roh government still
seems to trust “globalization from above.” I advocate “globalization from below,” based on people’s
power to establish peace and protect human rights; and “constructive peace education,” constituting
the framework for education toward a society of peace and justice.
References
Kang, S. W. (2002), “Democracy and Human Rights Education in South Korea,” Comparative Education,
Volume 38 No. 3, pp. 315-325
Davies, L. (2000), “The Future of Education; International Perspectives,” Educational Review, Vol. 52 No. 2,
125-134
Ministry of Education and Human Resources (2001), 7th Curriculum
The Presidential Commission on Educational Reform (1998), Education Reform for the 21st Century,
Republic of Korea
ccording to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), the definition of refugee is
A ‘someone who is outside his/her country of origin; has a well-founded fear of persecution because of
his/her race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion; and is unable or
unwilling to avail him/herself of the protection of that country, or to return there, for fear of persecution.’ 1) This
is the definition given in the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees. Nation states signatories to
the convention are legally responsible for the protection of refugees and in a much wider sense it is the
responsibility of the international community. Yet again, that does not necessarily mean that all countries
signatory to the Convention will adhere to the convention and treat refugees with care and love.
What happens when people flee to a country that is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention? It is still
possible that with the understanding and good will of the host country the people—escaping well-documented
persecution in their own country—may still be able to get some protection and shelter. And these people
become a kind of ‘quasi-refugees’2) in that country. The problem is that refugees of this kind face the very real
threat of being deported or repatriated back at any time to their country, where they fear for their safety and
their very lives.
For the benefit of readers who are not familiar with Burmese politics and history, a brief background
is given below. This political and historical background of Burma is the key factor that pushes people
out of the country to become refugees, or to become refugees within the country, known as internally
displaced peoples (IDPs).
BRIEF BAC KGROUND
Burma and Its History
The whole of Burma was invaded by the British in 1886 after three Anglo-Burmese Wars, and then
ruled by the British as part of India. Burma was then occupied by the Japanese, but was returned to the
status of a British colony when the Allies defeated Japan in 1945.

1) UNHCR, Protecting Refugees: A Field Guide for NGOs, produced jointly by UNHCR and its NGO partners, 2001, p. 16
2) I use this term as it is the case for many refugees from Burma. The Royal Thai government prefers to use the term
Dr. Kang Soon-Won is Professor of Christian Education at Hanshin University, Seoul, Korea. ‘temporarily displaced’for refugee people.

40 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 4 1

Action for human rights and peace
Burma has many different ethnic groups, among which Karen, Mon, Karenni, Shan, Chin, Kachin, Burman
and Arakanese are the main ethnic nationalities. Prior to the British invasion, there was no nation known as
Burma; the monarchs and feudal lords ruled within their own territories. From time to time, Burman kings
conquered other ethnic territories and enjoyed taxes, gifts and loyalty. Animosity of ethnic nationalities towards
the majority Burman group and vice versa was deliberately intensified under the British colonial
administration, which practiced the ‘divide and rule’ tactic.
Nonetheless, Burma’s national leader, Aung San (later assassinated; he was the father of Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi), was able to attain independence from the British with the co-operation of other ethnic
nationalities. Sadly, not long after gaining its independence the country was rocked by struggle among
the different factions within the ruling body, different political ideologies among the leaders, and the
craze for power craze of some of them, which in fact provided the reason and excuse for the army to
seize power.
Political Instability & Harsh Treatment of Ethnic Nationalities
The country was in turmoil, with the Burma Communist Party (BCP) fighting the central government,
and fighting between the ethnic armed groups and the central government reaching the outskirts of
Rangoon, the capital city. The ruling government, led by the elected prime minister, asked Army Chief
General Ne Win to intervene. The Burmese army stabilized the country and handed over control to the
civilian government within two years, only to return to power by staging a coup in 1962 and never
letting go of its power to this day.
The ethnic nationalities are demanding and fighting for autonomy of their own states but are deliberately
excluded or treated harshly by the Burmese army. Much of the ethnic animosity towards the Burman group is
left unchanged due to the aggressive tactics used by the army to silence ethnic demands. Ethnic rights to
practice their own culture and speak their own language, and freedom of association and worship have been
crushed under fierce policy of assimilation into ‘Burmeseness’. No dissenting voices or ethnic opposition
groups are tolerated.
The country was ruled for 26 years under Gen. Ne Win’s Burmese Socialist Programmed Party (BSPP)
led by Gen Ne Win, with its motto ‘the Burmese way to socialism.’ During that time the awful
42 相生 SUMMER 2003
Ac t i o n f o r h u m a n r i g h t s a n d p e a c e
mismanagement of the country’s affairs effectively brought the country down to one of the ten Least
Developed Countries (LDC). Public dissatisfaction and frustration over the country’s economics and
political situation gradually heated up.
By the 1980s, the Burmese Army was operating in full swing against the armed ethnic groups. It is
believed that by 1984, the army’s ‘Four Cuts’ 3) operation against armed ethnic groups had already driven
many people to become refugees in the neighboring country, of Thailand. Hundreds escaped to the
border areas, away from army abuses: torture, rape, interrogation, fighting, forced labor as porters, and
death.To explain the “porter” system: The army usually takes one person from each household (mainly
in villages of frontier areas where ethnic nationalities reside) to go with the soldiers to the front line
where they are fighting the armed ethnic groups. The porters are forced to carry the soldiers’
ammunition and food supplies, and to go into the midst of the fighting to retrieve the weapons of
injured or dead soldiers. The army also uses porters as “mine sweepers”—when the soldiers come
upon a minefield, they make the porters walk on ahead to clear the mines for them, and of course
many are killed. When porters get sick or can no longer walk, they soldiers leave them on the roadside
or kill them. In the 1980s only men were taken as porters, but there have been many testimonies of
women porters who were forcibly taken to work for the army in the mid and late 90s. These women
porters carried loads for the soldiers in the daytime and were raped by them during the night.
The world knew very little about the suffering of the Burmese people, due to the country’s long
isolation and non-participation in the international community. It was only in 1988, when the students led
an uprising, that much international attention was brought to the Burmese people’s plight. The students’
demands to the government for true information and justice by the students from the ruling government turned
quickly into nationwide protests. Thousands of students including school children, civilians, monks, pregnant
women, housewives and unarmed peaceful demonstrators were shot dead by the military during the months of
March to September.4) On 18 September 1988, the military took power by force and named itself the State Law
3) The military operation against armed ethnic groups to cut‘recruitment, funds, public support and food supplies’
4) It is believed that more than 3,000 peaceful demonstrators and civilians were killed in the military’s suppression of
political dissent and the student-led 8.8.88 Uprising.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 4 3
Action for human rights and peace
Burma has many different ethnic groups, among which Karen, Mon, Karenni, Shan, Chin, Kachin, Burman
and Arakanese are the main ethnic nationalities. Prior to the British invasion, there was no nation known as
Burma; the monarchs and feudal lords ruled within their own territories. From time to time, Burman kings
conquered other ethnic territories and enjoyed taxes, gifts and loyalty. Animosity of ethnic nationalities towards
the majority Burman group and vice versa was deliberately intensified under the British colonial
administration, which practiced the ‘divide and rule’ tactic.
Nonetheless, Burma’s national leader, Aung San (later assassinated; he was the father of Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi), was able to attain independence from the British with the co-operation of other ethnic
nationalities. Sadly, not long after gaining its independence the country was rocked by struggle among
the different factions within the ruling body, different political ideologies among the leaders, and the
craze for power craze of some of them, which in fact provided the reason and excuse for the army to
seize power.
Political Instability & Harsh Treatment of Ethnic Nationalities
The country was in turmoil, with the Burma Communist Party (BCP) fighting the central government,
and fighting between the ethnic armed groups and the central government reaching the outskirts of
Rangoon, the capital city. The ruling government, led by the elected prime minister, asked Army Chief
General Ne Win to intervene. The Burmese army stabilized the country and handed over control to the
civilian government within two years, only to return to power by staging a coup in 1962 and never
letting go of its power to this day.
The ethnic nationalities are demanding and fighting for autonomy of their own states but are deliberately
excluded or treated harshly by the Burmese army. Much of the ethnic animosity towards the Burman group is
left unchanged due to the aggressive tactics used by the army to silence ethnic demands. Ethnic rights to
practice their own culture and speak their own language, and freedom of association and worship have been
crushed under fierce policy of assimilation into ‘Burmeseness’. No dissenting voices or ethnic opposition
groups are tolerated.
The country was ruled for 26 years under Gen. Ne Win’s Burmese Socialist Programmed Party (BSPP)
led by Gen Ne Win, with its motto ‘the Burmese way to socialism.’ During that time the awful
42 相生 SUMMER 2003
Ac t i o n f o r h u m a n r i g h t s a n d p e a c e
mismanagement of the country’s affairs effectively brought the country down to one of the ten Least
Developed Countries (LDC). Public dissatisfaction and frustration over the country’s economics and
political situation gradually heated up.
By the 1980s, the Burmese Army was operating in full swing against the armed ethnic groups. It is
believed that by 1984, the army’s ‘Four Cuts’ 3) operation against armed ethnic groups had already driven
many people to become refugees in the neighboring country, of Thailand. Hundreds escaped to the
border areas, away from army abuses: torture, rape, interrogation, fighting, forced labor as porters, and
death.To explain the “porter” system: The army usually takes one person from each household (mainly
in villages of frontier areas where ethnic nationalities reside) to go with the soldiers to the front line
where they are fighting the armed ethnic groups. The porters are forced to carry the soldiers’
ammunition and food supplies, and to go into the midst of the fighting to retrieve the weapons of
injured or dead soldiers. The army also uses porters as “mine sweepers”—when the soldiers come
upon a minefield, they make the porters walk on ahead to clear the mines for them, and of course
many are killed. When porters get sick or can no longer walk, they soldiers leave them on the roadside
or kill them. In the 1980s only men were taken as porters, but there have been many testimonies of
women porters who were forcibly taken to work for the army in the mid and late 90s. These women
porters carried loads for the soldiers in the daytime and were raped by them during the night.
The world knew very little about the suffering of the Burmese people, due to the country’s long
isolation and non-participation in the international community. It was only in 1988, when the students led
an uprising, that much international attention was brought to the Burmese people’s plight. The students’
demands to the government for true information and justice by the students from the ruling government turned
quickly into nationwide protests. Thousands of students including school children, civilians, monks, pregnant
women, housewives and unarmed peaceful demonstrators were shot dead by the military during the months of
March to September.4) On 18 September 1988, the military took power by force and named itself the State Law
3) The military operation against armed ethnic groups to cut‘recruitment, funds, public support and food supplies’
4) It is believed that more than 3,000 peaceful demonstrators and civilians were killed in the military’s suppression of
political dissent and the student-led 8.8.88 Uprising.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 4 3
A c t i o n f o r h u m a n r i gh t s a n d p e a c e Ac t i o n f o r h u m a n r i g h t s a nd p ea c e

and Order Restoration Council (SLORC).5) Thousands of
students and young people fled to join the armed ethnic
groups on the borders in order to resist the military
government.
With the arrival of the students and youth in the
ethnic nationalities area, the military’s operations against
any and all opposition to its power was intensified to the
fullest. Human rights abuses and violations such as
killing, torture, rape and burning down of whole villages
have been committed by military troops in the villages at
frontline areas, based on the suspicion that the villagers
are supporting ethnic rebels, or simply because they have
a different faith, especially Muslim or Christian.6) People in
the cities and towns as well are not spared such assaults
and abuses as forced labor for tourist development
projects and enslavement as “porters.” All of these
abuses force people out of Burma, not only to Thailand but to other neighboring countries: Bangladesh,
India, China and as far away as Malaysia.
“I became a refugee in
order to continue my education.”
Eslwe,* a teenager, is so determined to get an education that he moved to the border area to live the
dangerous life of a refugee. He is enthusiastic about learning English because he wants to
communicate with people of other nationalities and backgrounds.
My name is “Eslwe” and I come from a small village in Karen State. I had six siblings but one elder
brother and one elder sister died. I am the youngest. Both my parents passed away when I was fairly
young (father at age 60 and mother at 40) and I was raised by my brothers and sisters.
In my village there is no high school. We only have a middle school, but it operates with difficulty,
since it is not recognized by the government. Most of my friends had to stop their studies after grade 6
in order to help their parents with farming and household chores.
Teachers in my village do not usually get a salary, but the villagers provide them with food such as rice
and vegetables. Getting funding from the government is out of the question, so it is hard for the school
to survive. The villagers also face difficulties finding teachers, as few are willing or able to teach
without pay. But it is my wish to learn more knowledge and be educated. I also want to learn how to
speak English.
After finishing sixth grade I requested my brothers and sisters to send me to a high school that is
located between Mon and Karen States, but it was too expensive. We would have had to spend 50,000
kyat for my education alone, not even including food. I was able to finish grade 8 in Burma, however.
Later, as expected, my brothers and sisters asked me to work because they could no longer afford to
send me to school.
But I did not want to give up on my education. Luckily one of my brothers, a Karen National Union soldier,
brought me to the border area a few years ago and I was able to attend grade 9 in that refugee camp.
The fact is, I became a refugee in order to continue my education. If I was in Burma, I would not be
able to study or learn. I am very happy now and would like to further my studies if I am given more
opportunity. I am studying post ten ** now.
—Myint Myint San
* His real name is withheld for safety reasons.
* * Education in Burma is only through grade 10.
5) In 1997, SLORC changed its name to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) after a cabinet reshuffling and
the sacking of some so-called corrupt officials.
6) Buddhism is Burma’s main religion; however, there are other religions including Islam, Hinduism, Christianity (mainly
Baptist), Judaism, and Animism.
By the mid-1990s, the military government was campaigning vigorously for ‘Tourist Myanmar Year 1996’
and undertaking national development projects through the use of forced labor. The government successfully
created “human zoos” by moving long-necked Karens into model villages for tourists.7) The promoting of
beautification and renovation projects (pagodas, parks and construction of roads) in the country to attract
tourists has caused enormous suffering to the people and is one of the key factors in people’s flight to other
countries.
The army rounds up people in masses from the townships and suburbs to work on roads, bridges,
model villages, gas pipelines, etc. At least one or two members of every household are obliged to work
for such projects. When both parents of a family need to earn an income for survival, they will send a
child or children to work on the army’s projects; some of these children are as young as eight years of
age. These forced laborers are not fed by the army; they provide their own food as well as their free
labor.
Meanwhile, there is no rational economic policy. Rather than dealing with the sources of economic
problems, the government just keeps printing money, aggravating inflation; and corruption reigns.
RE FUG EE E XODUS
Though it is impossible to know the exact figures, refugees from Burma may number between
830,000 and 1,250,000. They are distributed among the neighboring countries of Thailand, Bangladesh,
China, Malaysia and India, as well as in the border areas within Burma itself.
Refugees in Thailand
Thailand is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention. There are 11 refugee camps officially recognized and
assisted by NGOs and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees along the Thai-Burma border,8) and
3 unofficial camps in the Sangkhalaburi area. Eleven official refugee camps are located in the Mae Hong Son
(North), Tak (Northwest), Kanchanaburi (West), and Ratchburi (South of Bangkok) provinces of Thailand and
situated close to Burma’s Karen, Mon, Karenni and Shan States and Tanessarim Division. The other three camps
are in Sangkhalaburi area, almost on Burmese soil. Therefore, people in these camps are only assisted by the
Burma Border Consortium (BBC) for food supplies. The total number of refugee population in Thailand is
around 145,000 to 150,000.9) Refugee camps officially recognized by the UNHCR and the Royal Thai Government
are: Ban Kwai, Ban Mai Nai Soi, Ban Mae Surin, Mae Kong Kha and Mae Ra Ma Luang in Mae Hong Son
province; Mae La, Umpiem Mai and Noe Poe in Tak; Ban Don Yang in Kanchanaburi; and Tham Him in
Ratchburi province. The total refugee population of these 11 camps is around 135,000 to 140,000. Some believe,
however, that the number is much higher than this. The majority of refugees on the Thai-Burma border are from
the Karen and Karenni ethnic groups.
Refugees in these camps are provided with basic food such as rice, salt, cooking oil, fish paste, chili,
pulses and charcoal by the BBC, and medical supplies and sanitation are also provided by NGOs such
as Medecins Sans Frontieres (Doctors Without Borders). Local Thai military units must take care of camp
security, as there were 44 attacks from across the border in 1996 alone. The description by Ruven
Menikdiwela, UNHCR protection officer,10) “A sprawling collection of bamboo huts are the refugee’s
abode,” sums up how refugees must live in the camps.
7) Many long-necked Karens fled to Thailand, where they live in villages on the Thai-Burma border. These villages have
become a tourist attraction in the Mae Hong Son district.
8) Previously, there were more than 30 refugee camps along the border but some of them were combined into bigger
camps due to the concern for safety and for better refugee control by the Thai authority. Refugees were also blamed for
causing deforestation.
9) There are different figures for the refugee population depending on which organization is reporting, but population
figures from the BBC are used in this article since they are more up to date than the others. BBC also includes births,
deaths and new arrivals who are not immediately registered into the camp list by the Ministry of Interior (MOI) and
the UNHCR. Even then the real figure for the refugee population changes with the situation inside Burma.
10) The UNHCR protection officer’s job includes talking to the refugees to gather information on possible attacks from
the Democratic Karen Buddhists Army (DKBA), a splinter group from the Karen National Union (KNU) that is
backed by the Burmese military. The officer then informs the Thai security forces of possible attacks.

44 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 4 5

A c t i o n f o r h u m a n r i gh t s a n d p e a c e Ac t i o n f o r h u m a n r i g h t s a nd p ea c e

and Order Restoration Council (SLORC).5) Thousands of
students and young people fled to join the armed ethnic
groups on the borders in order to resist the military
government.
With the arrival of the students and youth in the
ethnic nationalities area, the military’s operations against
any and all opposition to its power was intensified to the
fullest. Human rights abuses and violations such as
killing, torture, rape and burning down of whole villages
have been committed by military troops in the villages at
frontline areas, based on the suspicion that the villagers
are supporting ethnic rebels, or simply because they have
a different faith, especially Muslim or Christian.6) People in
the cities and towns as well are not spared such assaults
and abuses as forced labor for tourist development
projects and enslavement as “porters.” All of these
abuses force people out of Burma, not only to Thailand but to other neighboring countries: Bangladesh,
India, China and as far away as Malaysia.
“I became a refugee in
order to continue my education.”
Eslwe,* a teenager, is so determined to get an education that he moved to the border area to live the
dangerous life of a refugee. He is enthusiastic about learning English because he wants to
communicate with people of other nationalities and backgrounds.
My name is “Eslwe” and I come from a small village in Karen State. I had six siblings but one elder
brother and one elder sister died. I am the youngest. Both my parents passed away when I was fairly
young (father at age 60 and mother at 40) and I was raised by my brothers and sisters.
In my village there is no high school. We only have a middle school, but it operates with difficulty,
since it is not recognized by the government. Most of my friends had to stop their studies after grade 6
in order to help their parents with farming and household chores.
Teachers in my village do not usually get a salary, but the villagers provide them with food such as rice
and vegetables. Getting funding from the government is out of the question, so it is hard for the school
to survive. The villagers also face difficulties finding teachers, as few are willing or able to teach
without pay. But it is my wish to learn more knowledge and be educated. I also want to learn how to
speak English.
After finishing sixth grade I requested my brothers and sisters to send me to a high school that is
located between Mon and Karen States, but it was too expensive. We would have had to spend 50,000
kyat for my education alone, not even including food. I was able to finish grade 8 in Burma, however.
Later, as expected, my brothers and sisters asked me to work because they could no longer afford to
send me to school.
But I did not want to give up on my education. Luckily one of my brothers, a Karen National Union soldier,
brought me to the border area a few years ago and I was able to attend grade 9 in that refugee camp.
The fact is, I became a refugee in order to continue my education. If I was in Burma, I would not be
able to study or learn. I am very happy now and would like to further my studies if I am given more
opportunity. I am studying post ten ** now.
—Myint Myint San
* His real name is withheld for safety reasons.
* * Education in Burma is only through grade 10.
5) In 1997, SLORC changed its name to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) after a cabinet reshuffling and
the sacking of some so-called corrupt officials.
6) Buddhism is Burma’s main religion; however, there are other religions including Islam, Hinduism, Christianity (mainly
Baptist), Judaism, and Animism.
By the mid-1990s, the military government was campaigning vigorously for ‘Tourist Myanmar Year 1996’
and undertaking national development projects through the use of forced labor. The government successfully
created “human zoos” by moving long-necked Karens into model villages for tourists.7) The promoting of
beautification and renovation projects (pagodas, parks and construction of roads) in the country to attract
tourists has caused enormous suffering to the people and is one of the key factors in people’s flight to other
countries.
The army rounds up people in masses from the townships and suburbs to work on roads, bridges,
model villages, gas pipelines, etc. At least one or two members of every household are obliged to work
for such projects. When both parents of a family need to earn an income for survival, they will send a
child or children to work on the army’s projects; some of these children are as young as eight years of
age. These forced laborers are not fed by the army; they provide their own food as well as their free
labor.
Meanwhile, there is no rational economic policy. Rather than dealing with the sources of economic
problems, the government just keeps printing money, aggravating inflation; and corruption reigns.
RE FUG EE E XODUS
Though it is impossible to know the exact figures, refugees from Burma may number between
830,000 and 1,250,000. They are distributed among the neighboring countries of Thailand, Bangladesh,
China, Malaysia and India, as well as in the border areas within Burma itself.
Refugees in Thailand
Thailand is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention. There are 11 refugee camps officially recognized and
assisted by NGOs and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees along the Thai-Burma border,8) and
3 unofficial camps in the Sangkhalaburi area. Eleven official refugee camps are located in the Mae Hong Son
(North), Tak (Northwest), Kanchanaburi (West), and Ratchburi (South of Bangkok) provinces of Thailand and
situated close to Burma’s Karen, Mon, Karenni and Shan States and Tanessarim Division. The other three camps
are in Sangkhalaburi area, almost on Burmese soil. Therefore, people in these camps are only assisted by the
Burma Border Consortium (BBC) for food supplies. The total number of refugee population in Thailand is
around 145,000 to 150,000.9) Refugee camps officially recognized by the UNHCR and the Royal Thai Government
are: Ban Kwai, Ban Mai Nai Soi, Ban Mae Surin, Mae Kong Kha and Mae Ra Ma Luang in Mae Hong Son
province; Mae La, Umpiem Mai and Noe Poe in Tak; Ban Don Yang in Kanchanaburi; and Tham Him in
Ratchburi province. The total refugee population of these 11 camps is around 135,000 to 140,000. Some believe,
however, that the number is much higher than this. The majority of refugees on the Thai-Burma border are from
the Karen and Karenni ethnic groups.
Refugees in these camps are provided with basic food such as rice, salt, cooking oil, fish paste, chili,
pulses and charcoal by the BBC, and medical supplies and sanitation are also provided by NGOs such
as Medecins Sans Frontieres (Doctors Without Borders). Local Thai military units must take care of camp
security, as there were 44 attacks from across the border in 1996 alone. The description by Ruven
Menikdiwela, UNHCR protection officer,10) “A sprawling collection of bamboo huts are the refugee’s
abode,” sums up how refugees must live in the camps.
7) Many long-necked Karens fled to Thailand, where they live in villages on the Thai-Burma border. These villages have
become a tourist attraction in the Mae Hong Son district.
8) Previously, there were more than 30 refugee camps along the border but some of them were combined into bigger
camps due to the concern for safety and for better refugee control by the Thai authority. Refugees were also blamed for
causing deforestation.
9) There are different figures for the refugee population depending on which organization is reporting, but population
figures from the BBC are used in this article since they are more up to date than the others. BBC also includes births,
deaths and new arrivals who are not immediately registered into the camp list by the Ministry of Interior (MOI) and
the UNHCR. Even then the real figure for the refugee population changes with the situation inside Burma.
10) The UNHCR protection officer’s job includes talking to the refugees to gather information on possible attacks from
the Democratic Karen Buddhists Army (DKBA), a splinter group from the Karen National Union (KNU) that is
backed by the Burmese military. The officer then informs the Thai security forces of possible attacks.

44 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 4 5

A c t i o n f o r h u m a n r i g h ts a n d p e a c e
In the early 1990s, refugees (mainly Mon ethnic but there were
also Tavoyans and many other ethnic groups) taking shelter in
Sangkhlaburi and Three Pagodas Pass areas feared forced repatriation
by the Royal Thai Government due to the pressure to finish up a gas
pipeline between Thailand and Burma that runs through the Mon ethnic
control area. There was also a controversy surrounding then Defense
Minister Chavalit Youngchaiyudt, who was accused of an illicit business
deal with SLORC. Despite the concerns raised by many international
organizations including Human Rights Watch, Mon refugees were
repatriated after the New Mon State Party (NMSP), an ethnic group
fighting for autonomy, made a ceasefire agreement with SLORC in 1995.
Nonetheless, not all refugees returned home, due to their fear of
persecution for their political opposition to the military government. There are still around 12,000
refugees on the border in 3 different camps, namely Halockhanee, Bee Ree and Tavoy. People in these
camps do not get regular food supplies.
Some who made the journey through the jungle to Thailand are not only denied refuge but also are
targeted for deportation back to Burma, and because of that become illegal migrants in Thailand.
Currently Thailand has an estimated 2 million migrants from Burma. Though they are viewed by the Thai
government and international agencies as a different category from refugees, they face similar hardships.
Many migrants find better incomes-but not better jobs; they take whatever work they can get, for lower
than the minimum wage in the host country. It is better than nothing, which is what they get in Burma.
If you ask migrants why they have left Burma, their reply is similar to the refugees’: “We had no jobs,
we had to survive somehow, prices were so high we couldn’t eat regular meals, everything is taxed.”
(There is the saying that the military government taxes even the ground that people are standing on.)
Refugees in Bangladesh
Due to religious persecution, restriction on freedom of movement, arbitrary taxation, extortion by
local officials, forced labor and denial of citizenship rights, many Rohingyas (persons of the Muslim faith
from western Burma) fled to Bangladesh in 1991 and 1992. About 250,000 Rohingya refugees took
refuge in Bangladesh in about 20 camps. At the beginning, the SPDC refused to take them back, saying,
“These people are not from Burma and they are not citizens of the country.” The issue of Rohingya as
alien to Burma was even discussed heatedly among opposition groups.11) In 1993, however, with UNHCR
and World Bank assistance, more than 230,000 refugees were repatriated back to Burma, but most of
them returned again to Bangladesh as a result of racial and religious discrimination by the authorities.
Rohingyas’ lands and properties were confiscated by the authorities, leaving them no land to work on.
In late 2002, forty Burmese authorities including top leaders General Than Shwe and Lt. General
Khin Nyunt visited Dhaka, and the Rohingya refugee issue was among other topics that the two
countries discussed. Currently about 22,000 Rohingya refugees are still waiting to be repatriated. The
UNHCR in Rangoon has said it will finish up the repatriation of those remaining, by June 2003 at latest.
Medecins Sans Frontieres, however, voiced its concern over the dire situation of Rohingya refugees in its
2002 report “Rohingya refugees in tenth year,” calling their condition unacceptable. They are living in
cramped, overcrowded quarters, with insufficient water and food, the report said, and 58% of Rohingya
refugee children suffer chronic malnutrition.
Refugees in China
China is a signatory country to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol. In the early 1990s, as a
result of Burmese military abuses such as rape, execution, ransacking of villages, torture and forced
portering, many of the Kachin ethnic people, who live in the northernmost part of Burma, escaped to
China. There are around 7,000 Kachin refugees from Burma in Yunnan Province, China (Country Report,
China 2000), but the number of other ethnic refugees from Burma is unknown, though it is believed to
11) The Rohingyas were caught between the two countries, Bangladesh calling them‘Burmese’and Burmese calling
them‘Bengalis.’
46 相生 SUMMER 2003
A c ti o n f or hu m a n r i g h t s a n d p e a c e
be in the tens of thousands (Country Report, China 2001). The UNHCR has no system of services for
them.
Refugees in Malaysia
Malaysia is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention. In the early 1990s, many Rohingya from Burma’s
Arakan State went to Malaysia to escape the racial discrimination and violence induced by the Burmese
military government. The number of Rohingya refugees from Burma in Malaysia is between 5,000 and
8,000. The UNHCR office in Malaysia has granted only 43 Rohingya refugee status; the Malaysian
authorities treat all refugees as illegal immigrants, detaining even those recognized by the UNHCR. They
live under constant fear of expulsion from the country.
Refugees in India
“Forced labour, arbitrary taxation and lack of education facilities are the main root causes for flight.
Chin ethnic also experience many difficulties in practising their religion. The Burmese military regime
regards Christianity as a threat to its control since the only civil society groups active in the region are
linked to the churches” (Chris Lewa). There are roughly 50,000 refugees in India and they are mainly
Chin people from Burma. Many have settled around Mizoram and Manipur State in India. 400 to 800
other Burmese refugees—students and pro-democracy activists—are living in Delhi. The UNHCR
provides them with a small monthly allowance but threatened to cut the allowance in 2000. The Indian
authorities have issued them residence permits but do not allow refugees to work. They have no access
to education or employment, and live in a miserable state.
“I’m a human being;
I just want to live a normal life.”
Naw Naw* is a young woman in her mid 20s who has worked as an educator within her own
community on the border. She trains people on various issues ranging from human rights and
HIV/AIDS to gender issues, women’s rights and health, and peace building; she also does counseling,
especially for mothers who have suffered the loss of loved ones.
My name is ‘Naw Naw’ and I am of Karen ethnic origin. I have 5 sisters and brothers and have been a
refugee since I was about 4 years old. So my younger siblings were virtually born and raised in the
refugee camps.
I don’t even know what our Karen State looks like, let alone how things are in Burma. Sometimes my
foreign friends who are volunteers in the refugee camps have asked me, ‘Don’t you want to go back to
Burma?’ I get very upset and want to cry, but I have no tears. I can’t even express how I feel.
I did get refugee education, and many of my friends who have come out of Burma say it is better than
the education they got inside the country. So I am feeling okay about that.
Being a refugee is not easy. People usually think we just stay in the camps and enjoy eating whatever
they give us. What many don’t realize is that we are not allowed to work and not allowed to go out of
the camp. Our previous camp was attacked and burnt by the SPDC ** and the Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army (DKBA) so many times. That’s why we are now in this camp. Even though I am in the
refugee camp I still have to worry about attacks from the Burmese military.
We are also accused of causing deforestation*** in Thailand, but what others don’t realize is that many
refugees go to work for local people in order to have meat dishes once in a while. Yes, we get food
rations and we are grateful, but all we get are rice, salt, oil, fish paste, pulses, chili and lentils, and
charcoal to cook our food.
I’m a human being; I just want to live a normal life—not having to be afraid, and not having to feel so
low. People look down on us because we are refugees.
—Myint Myint San
* Not her real name
** State Peace and Development Council (the Burmese military government)
*** Many Thai people blame the refugees for cutting down trees to make charcoal for cooking, but in reality all the timber companies
and charcoal manufacturers are owned by Thai nationals. Some refugees sneak out of the camps to work for such local businesses.
12) The Burmese military government still refuses to acknowledge that there are IDPs in Burma.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 4 7
A c t i o n f o r h u m a n r i g h ts a n d p e a c e
In the early 1990s, refugees (mainly Mon ethnic but there were
also Tavoyans and many other ethnic groups) taking shelter in
Sangkhlaburi and Three Pagodas Pass areas feared forced repatriation
by the Royal Thai Government due to the pressure to finish up a gas
pipeline between Thailand and Burma that runs through the Mon ethnic
control area. There was also a controversy surrounding then Defense
Minister Chavalit Youngchaiyudt, who was accused of an illicit business
deal with SLORC. Despite the concerns raised by many international
organizations including Human Rights Watch, Mon refugees were
repatriated after the New Mon State Party (NMSP), an ethnic group
fighting for autonomy, made a ceasefire agreement with SLORC in 1995.
Nonetheless, not all refugees returned home, due to their fear of
persecution for their political opposition to the military government. There are still around 12,000
refugees on the border in 3 different camps, namely Halockhanee, Bee Ree and Tavoy. People in these
camps do not get regular food supplies.
Some who made the journey through the jungle to Thailand are not only denied refuge but also are
targeted for deportation back to Burma, and because of that become illegal migrants in Thailand.
Currently Thailand has an estimated 2 million migrants from Burma. Though they are viewed by the Thai
government and international agencies as a different category from refugees, they face similar hardships.
Many migrants find better incomes-but not better jobs; they take whatever work they can get, for lower
than the minimum wage in the host country. It is better than nothing, which is what they get in Burma.
If you ask migrants why they have left Burma, their reply is similar to the refugees’: “We had no jobs,
we had to survive somehow, prices were so high we couldn’t eat regular meals, everything is taxed.”
(There is the saying that the military government taxes even the ground that people are standing on.)
Refugees in Bangladesh
Due to religious persecution, restriction on freedom of movement, arbitrary taxation, extortion by
local officials, forced labor and denial of citizenship rights, many Rohingyas (persons of the Muslim faith
from western Burma) fled to Bangladesh in 1991 and 1992. About 250,000 Rohingya refugees took
refuge in Bangladesh in about 20 camps. At the beginning, the SPDC refused to take them back, saying,
“These people are not from Burma and they are not citizens of the country.” The issue of Rohingya as
alien to Burma was even discussed heatedly among opposition groups.11) In 1993, however, with UNHCR
and World Bank assistance, more than 230,000 refugees were repatriated back to Burma, but most of
them returned again to Bangladesh as a result of racial and religious discrimination by the authorities.
Rohingyas’ lands and properties were confiscated by the authorities, leaving them no land to work on.
In late 2002, forty Burmese authorities including top leaders General Than Shwe and Lt. General
Khin Nyunt visited Dhaka, and the Rohingya refugee issue was among other topics that the two
countries discussed. Currently about 22,000 Rohingya refugees are still waiting to be repatriated. The
UNHCR in Rangoon has said it will finish up the repatriation of those remaining, by June 2003 at latest.
Medecins Sans Frontieres, however, voiced its concern over the dire situation of Rohingya refugees in its
2002 report “Rohingya refugees in tenth year,” calling their condition unacceptable. They are living in
cramped, overcrowded quarters, with insufficient water and food, the report said, and 58% of Rohingya
refugee children suffer chronic malnutrition.
Refugees in China
China is a signatory country to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol. In the early 1990s, as a
result of Burmese military abuses such as rape, execution, ransacking of villages, torture and forced
portering, many of the Kachin ethnic people, who live in the northernmost part of Burma, escaped to
China. There are around 7,000 Kachin refugees from Burma in Yunnan Province, China (Country Report,
China 2000), but the number of other ethnic refugees from Burma is unknown, though it is believed to
11) The Rohingyas were caught between the two countries, Bangladesh calling them‘Burmese’and Burmese calling
them‘Bengalis.’
46 相生 SUMMER 2003
A c ti o n f or hu m a n r i g h t s a n d p e a c e
be in the tens of thousands (Country Report, China 2001). The UNHCR has no system of services for
them.
Refugees in Malaysia
Malaysia is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention. In the early 1990s, many Rohingya from Burma’s
Arakan State went to Malaysia to escape the racial discrimination and violence induced by the Burmese
military government. The number of Rohingya refugees from Burma in Malaysia is between 5,000 and
8,000. The UNHCR office in Malaysia has granted only 43 Rohingya refugee status; the Malaysian
authorities treat all refugees as illegal immigrants, detaining even those recognized by the UNHCR. They
live under constant fear of expulsion from the country.
Refugees in India
“Forced labour, arbitrary taxation and lack of education facilities are the main root causes for flight.
Chin ethnic also experience many difficulties in practising their religion. The Burmese military regime
regards Christianity as a threat to its control since the only civil society groups active in the region are
linked to the churches” (Chris Lewa). There are roughly 50,000 refugees in India and they are mainly
Chin people from Burma. Many have settled around Mizoram and Manipur State in India. 400 to 800
other Burmese refugees—students and pro-democracy activists—are living in Delhi. The UNHCR
provides them with a small monthly allowance but threatened to cut the allowance in 2000. The Indian
authorities have issued them residence permits but do not allow refugees to work. They have no access
to education or employment, and live in a miserable state.
“I’m a human being;
I just want to live a normal life.”
Naw Naw* is a young woman in her mid 20s who has worked as an educator within her own
community on the border. She trains people on various issues ranging from human rights and
HIV/AIDS to gender issues, women’s rights and health, and peace building; she also does counseling,
especially for mothers who have suffered the loss of loved ones.
My name is ‘Naw Naw’ and I am of Karen ethnic origin. I have 5 sisters and brothers and have been a
refugee since I was about 4 years old. So my younger siblings were virtually born and raised in the
refugee camps.
I don’t even know what our Karen State looks like, let alone how things are in Burma. Sometimes my
foreign friends who are volunteers in the refugee camps have asked me, ‘Don’t you want to go back to
Burma?’ I get very upset and want to cry, but I have no tears. I can’t even express how I feel.
I did get refugee education, and many of my friends who have come out of Burma say it is better than
the education they got inside the country. So I am feeling okay about that.
Being a refugee is not easy. People usually think we just stay in the camps and enjoy eating whatever
they give us. What many don’t realize is that we are not allowed to work and not allowed to go out of
the camp. Our previous camp was attacked and burnt by the SPDC ** and the Democratic Karen
Buddhist Army (DKBA) so many times. That’s why we are now in this camp. Even though I am in the
refugee camp I still have to worry about attacks from the Burmese military.
We are also accused of causing deforestation*** in Thailand, but what others don’t realize is that many
refugees go to work for local people in order to have meat dishes once in a while. Yes, we get food
rations and we are grateful, but all we get are rice, salt, oil, fish paste, pulses, chili and lentils, and
charcoal to cook our food.
I’m a human being; I just want to live a normal life—not having to be afraid, and not having to feel so
low. People look down on us because we are refugees.
—Myint Myint San
* Not her real name
** State Peace and Development Council (the Burmese military government)
*** Many Thai people blame the refugees for cutting down trees to make charcoal for cooking, but in reality all the timber companies
and charcoal manufacturers are owned by Thai nationals. Some refugees sneak out of the camps to work for such local businesses.
12) The Burmese military government still refuses to acknowledge that there are IDPs in Burma.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 4 7
Action for human rights and peace Peace education for youth

INTERNALLY DISPL ACED PEOPLE (IDP)

Many people are caught in civil war and thus displaced.
Asian Youth Forum
Many are victimized by various forms of persecution. Some flee
to avoid fighting between armed ethnic groups and the SPDC
by hiding in the jungle and moving from one place to another. Nam Sung-Eun
Some are forced into army-designated relocation sites and are
punished/killed if they go back to their village to collect food.
They cannot live in or return to their own village or town and
yet are unable to enter Thailand to seek refuge due to the Thai
government’s policy not to accept more refugees. According to
the NGOs reports, 600,000 to 1,000,000 people are internally
displaced within the boundary of Burma.12)
he Asian Youth Forum (AYF), a unique event for college-aged young people, is sponsored by
CONCLUSION T language teaching associations in the region. AYF 2002—the third such forum—was held as part of
the 4th Pan Asian Conference on the teaching of English in Asia (PAC), on November 8-11, at Chien Tan
The suffering of the people of Burma will not cease until the military government as well as ethnic groups Youth Center in Taipei, Taiwan. The first two AYFs were held in Korea and Japan, and the fourth will take
realize that political differences can only be solved through genuine reconciliation and dialogue. The military place in Russia.
government in Burma has to realize that in order to stop people from fleeing Burma to neighboring countries,
what is required is the creation of livable condition inside Burma, not the use of force. Likewise, if the The mission of AYF is to promote the vision and empowerment of young people in Asia by
neighboring countries want to lessen their burden of hosting hundreds of thousands of refugees and one and providing them opportunities to discuss significant issues from an Asian perspective, thus creating
a half million illegal migrants, they have to find a solution that is sustainable—meaning they have to come up awareness of their own culture as well as others, toward the building of networks among young Asians
with a better solution than deporting and repatriating people back to Burma. using English as their common language, and promoting peace, goodwill and intercultural
understanding. AYF implements programs, activities and initiatives in consonance with the ideals,
Deportation and repatriation will not be effective until the military government is willing to stop all aspirations, and hopes of Asian youth around the world, envisioning the growth of an organization that
forms of discrimination (religious, racial, cultural), and brutal oppression, and accepts that political will be sensitive and responsive to the interests of Asian youth and will assist and support their needs.
differences can be overcome only through the genuine cooperation and coordination of all parties
concerned. Until then, the people of Burma will keep on fleeing and seeking refuge in neighboring The theme of this third AYF was “Developing Leaders for the 21st Century.” About 50 Asian students
countries, where they are faced with more suffering; and the cycle of suffering will not cease. from eight different countries (Taiwan, Korea, Japan, Hong Kong, Thailand, Vietnam, Bangladesh and
Uzbekistan) gathered together to discuss language, culture, global issues and current trends in
References & Furth er Readings : leadership, international understanding and communication; among these the issues that generated the
■ Jagan, Larry, “Thailand/UK: Face-Off on Burmese Refugees,” Bangkok Post, 29 Jan 02
Associated Press (AP), ‘Back in Myanmar’ 27/4/2003
■ AFP, “Malaysia, UNHCR under growing pressure over Myanmar refugees,” Kuala Lumpur, 29 Jan 02

■ AFP, “WFP launches appeal for Myanmar refugees in Bangladesh,” Dhaka, 16 Jan 02

■ AFP, “Red Cross chief concerned about Myanmar refugees in Bangladesh,” Dhaka, 4 Mar 01

■ Menikdiwela, Ruven, UNHRC Protection Officer, “Thailand: Border mission,” Thailand

■ AP, “Myanmar leader to discuss relations, refugees in Bangladesh,” Yangon, 17 Dec 02

■ Asia Intelligence Wire (AIW), “Thailand: Refugees to be relocated,” 5 Jul 02

■ AP, “Thais vow to go ahead with closing of camp for Myanmar refugees,” Thailand, 15 Dec 01

■ Xinhua, “Three year repatriation goal urged for Myanmar refugees in Thailand,” 13 Dec 01

■ AIW, “Around 250 Burmese refugees gather at UN compound in Malaysia,” 29 Jul 02

■ AIW, “International meeting on displaced persons opens in Rangoon,” 03 April 02

■ AIW, “Malaysia: Nine Rohingya refugees break into UNHCR for protection,” KL, 17 June 02

■ UNHCR, Protecting Refugees: A Field Guide for NGOs, produced jointly by UNHCR and its NGO partners, 2001

■ HRW Report, “Human Rights Watch warns against repatriation of Burmese refugees in Thailand,”

(2000), http://www.db.idpproject.org/Sites/idpSurvey.nsf/
■ Lewa, Chris, “The Refugee Situation on the Western Borders of Burma,”

http://www/chro.org/chro_HTML/CHRO_projects/Refugees/
■ Caouette, T. M. & Pack, M. E., “Pushing Past the Definitions: Migration from Burma to Thailand,”

Refugees International and Open Society Institute, December 2002

■ Poe Zewa, Living Without Tomorrow, Burmese version, October 2002

Myint Myint San is a refugee from her country of Burma since 1988. She has received recognition from Amnesty
International for her campaign against the trafficking of women and children in Thailand, where she works as a
translator and training officer for an NGO. Her mother organization is the Burmese Women’s Union. AYF 2002 cultural performance: author Nam Sung-Eun is second from right in the front row.

48 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 4 9

Action for human rights and peace Peace education for youth

INTERNALLY DISPL ACED PEOPLE (IDP)

Many people are caught in civil war and thus displaced.
Asian Youth Forum
Many are victimized by various forms of persecution. Some flee
to avoid fighting between armed ethnic groups and the SPDC
by hiding in the jungle and moving from one place to another. Nam Sung-Eun
Some are forced into army-designated relocation sites and are
punished/killed if they go back to their village to collect food.
They cannot live in or return to their own village or town and
yet are unable to enter Thailand to seek refuge due to the Thai
government’s policy not to accept more refugees. According to
the NGOs reports, 600,000 to 1,000,000 people are internally
displaced within the boundary of Burma.12)
he Asian Youth Forum (AYF), a unique event for college-aged young people, is sponsored by
CONCLUSION T language teaching associations in the region. AYF 2002—the third such forum—was held as part of
the 4th Pan Asian Conference on the teaching of English in Asia (PAC), on November 8-11, at Chien Tan
The suffering of the people of Burma will not cease until the military government as well as ethnic groups Youth Center in Taipei, Taiwan. The first two AYFs were held in Korea and Japan, and the fourth will take
realize that political differences can only be solved through genuine reconciliation and dialogue. The military place in Russia.
government in Burma has to realize that in order to stop people from fleeing Burma to neighboring countries,
what is required is the creation of livable condition inside Burma, not the use of force. Likewise, if the The mission of AYF is to promote the vision and empowerment of young people in Asia by
neighboring countries want to lessen their burden of hosting hundreds of thousands of refugees and one and providing them opportunities to discuss significant issues from an Asian perspective, thus creating
a half million illegal migrants, they have to find a solution that is sustainable—meaning they have to come up awareness of their own culture as well as others, toward the building of networks among young Asians
with a better solution than deporting and repatriating people back to Burma. using English as their common language, and promoting peace, goodwill and intercultural
understanding. AYF implements programs, activities and initiatives in consonance with the ideals,
Deportation and repatriation will not be effective until the military government is willing to stop all aspirations, and hopes of Asian youth around the world, envisioning the growth of an organization that
forms of discrimination (religious, racial, cultural), and brutal oppression, and accepts that political will be sensitive and responsive to the interests of Asian youth and will assist and support their needs.
differences can be overcome only through the genuine cooperation and coordination of all parties
concerned. Until then, the people of Burma will keep on fleeing and seeking refuge in neighboring The theme of this third AYF was “Developing Leaders for the 21st Century.” About 50 Asian students
countries, where they are faced with more suffering; and the cycle of suffering will not cease. from eight different countries (Taiwan, Korea, Japan, Hong Kong, Thailand, Vietnam, Bangladesh and
Uzbekistan) gathered together to discuss language, culture, global issues and current trends in
References & Furth er Readings : leadership, international understanding and communication; among these the issues that generated the
■ Jagan, Larry, “Thailand/UK: Face-Off on Burmese Refugees,” Bangkok Post, 29 Jan 02
Associated Press (AP), ‘Back in Myanmar’ 27/4/2003
■ AFP, “Malaysia, UNHCR under growing pressure over Myanmar refugees,” Kuala Lumpur, 29 Jan 02

■ AFP, “WFP launches appeal for Myanmar refugees in Bangladesh,” Dhaka, 16 Jan 02

■ AFP, “Red Cross chief concerned about Myanmar refugees in Bangladesh,” Dhaka, 4 Mar 01

■ Menikdiwela, Ruven, UNHRC Protection Officer, “Thailand: Border mission,” Thailand

■ AP, “Myanmar leader to discuss relations, refugees in Bangladesh,” Yangon, 17 Dec 02

■ Asia Intelligence Wire (AIW), “Thailand: Refugees to be relocated,” 5 Jul 02

■ AP, “Thais vow to go ahead with closing of camp for Myanmar refugees,” Thailand, 15 Dec 01

■ Xinhua, “Three year repatriation goal urged for Myanmar refugees in Thailand,” 13 Dec 01

■ AIW, “Around 250 Burmese refugees gather at UN compound in Malaysia,” 29 Jul 02

■ AIW, “International meeting on displaced persons opens in Rangoon,” 03 April 02

■ AIW, “Malaysia: Nine Rohingya refugees break into UNHCR for protection,” KL, 17 June 02

■ UNHCR, Protecting Refugees: A Field Guide for NGOs, produced jointly by UNHCR and its NGO partners, 2001

■ HRW Report, “Human Rights Watch warns against repatriation of Burmese refugees in Thailand,”

(2000), http://www.db.idpproject.org/Sites/idpSurvey.nsf/
■ Lewa, Chris, “The Refugee Situation on the Western Borders of Burma,”

http://www/chro.org/chro_HTML/CHRO_projects/Refugees/
■ Caouette, T. M. & Pack, M. E., “Pushing Past the Definitions: Migration from Burma to Thailand,”

Refugees International and Open Society Institute, December 2002

■ Poe Zewa, Living Without Tomorrow, Burmese version, October 2002

Myint Myint San is a refugee from her country of Burma since 1988. She has received recognition from Amnesty
International for her campaign against the trafficking of women and children in Thailand, where she works as a
translator and training officer for an NGO. Her mother organization is the Burmese Women’s Union. AYF 2002 cultural performance: author Nam Sung-Eun is second from right in the front row.

48 相生 SUMMER 2003 SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 4 9

P e a c e e d u c a ti o n f o r y o u t h
most concern were poverty, globalization and the environment. In the following I will share my
experience of AYF through a description of its different sessions.
AYF SOCIAL SESSIONS: We started out with a welcome party of activities and games including
BINGO, but the BINGO board was a bit out of the ordinary: There were questions on each box and we
had to find a person who answered “yes” to that question and get his/her signature on it. We checked
each other’s name tags and searched out the persons who fit the descriptions. There were prizes for the
winners and it was a time for everyone to feel friendlier and get to know each other’s names. Then we
grouped ourselves into teams according to the topics we chose for debate, and each group selected its
name, keeping this a secret until the other groups guessed it through another game. The groups—Asian
Dragons, Dilemma, AYF Power and Thunder—were maintained from the first day to the last. In another
game we mimed the names of movies for the others to guess.
We took city tours of Taipei (guided by Taiwanese students), went on a bus tour, hiked on mountain
trails and visited the campus of Chinese Culture University. We presented a cultural performance from
our own countries, with dancing, singing and playing of musical instruments, in traditional costumes,
which was a memorable experience.
AYF ACADEMIC SESSIONS: We listened to a lecture on Taiwan, then watched and discussed the
peace education video “Rainbow War.” We had great discussions during our Chinese Culture University
academic sessions, exchanging questions and answers with the other Asian students and the local
Taiwanese students. We talked about social and cultural differences among Asian countries and came to
the conclusion that we shared many similarities. We debated in English on four different topics: child
labor, gender roles, English and cultural imperialism, and globalization and national identity. Each of our
four groups, having chosen a different topic to debate, divided itself into “pro” and “con” and held a
short debate. The other groups listened to the debate, and afterwards asked questions. At the end, the
audience voted for the best team, i.e., the one that had presented the most logical arguments.
PAC4 SESSIONS: We also appeared in costume at the PAC4 opening ceremony on the second day
of the AYF program, and gave short speeches to the assembled teachers and VIPs. One representative
of each country made a short speech of self-introduction, saying how it felt to join the AYF, and
expressing his/her hopes for the Forum. The teachers were invited to our panel presentations on
language learning, social issues, and global issues (culture, communication, international understanding
and challenges for youth in the 21st century).
AYF ORGANIZATIONAL SESSIONS: The AYF student leaders and participants held a feedback session
on AYF 2002 and its program. Many students felt there had been too little time for discussions, debates,
presentations, and introduction of our cultures to each other. At the same time, there were too many
free evenings. Though the Taiwanese volunteers had hosted us with great enthusiasm, we needed more
knowledgeable persons who could explain their culture and history; and we wished to enjoy
professional-level cultural performances. Then we reflected on what each of us could do back home to
further the aims of AYF. We chose new representatives and student leaders and planned activities for
AYF 2004, to be held at PAC5 in June 2004, in Vladivostok, Russia.
During my earlier experience of participation in the Experiential Learning Program of APCEIU, I had
only considered the problems of Northeast Asian countries, which I viewed as the main countries of
Asia. I was thinking that if Korea, China and Japan could solve sub-regional problems and gather our
strength to lead the other Asian countries, all the problems could be solved more easily. But when I got
to know friends from other Asian countries, and we shared our thoughts and debated, I realized my
thinking had been too narrow. Since Asia is a huge continent with many people living in many countries,
it is impossible to solve all Asian problems through the efforts of only a few. I further realized that this
kind of program can transform students’ indifference into an active interest in global, social and
environmental issues, and that through this kind of experience future leaders can be identified. We need
more forums like this for Asian youth, who will lead our countries and pave the way for future
generations.
Nam Sung-Eun is a student at Hanshin University in Seoul, Korea.
50 相生 SUMMER 2003
A P C E I U N E W S
Opening of APCEIU Homepage
The APCEIU homepage has reopened after extensive reconstruction, but is still in the developmental stage. In
future it will provide information on EIU in the Asia-Pacific region, and the opportunity to exchange information
and opinions for creation of an e-community. It will be possible to apply on-line for our Teacher Training
Program. The site will provide two webzines, The Quarterly Journal on Education for International
Understanding (Korean) and SangSaeng (English); a video-streaming service; and an information retrieval
system. We welcome your comments, advice and suggestions. Our address: http://www.unescoapceiu.org, or
http://www.unescoapceiu.or.kr.
Establishment of Multimedia Center in Ichon
On March 31, 2003, APCEIU opened a Multimedia Center at its educational training center in Ichon. Composed of a
server room, studio and internet cafe, the Multimedia Center will enable participants in teacher training programs to
easily access the internet through high-speed networking, and to record and edit videos.
EIU Training for Principals and School Inspectors in Cheju Area
In collaboration with Cheju University of Education, APCEIU held a day-long training program in Cheju Island
this past May 28, targeting principals and school inspectors, with the goal of expanding education for
international understanding (EIU) in that area. 44 vice-principals, 97 principals and 10 school inspectors —a
total of 151 educators from throughout Cheju Island—took part.
EIU Course for In-service Credit
APCEIU will hold a national-level course on education for international understanding (EIUI) for in-service
credit, for the purpose of training teachers of EIU and promoting EIU as an optional subject in Korean schools.
44 elementary, junior high and high school teachers will attend the 10-day course, to be held at APCEIU’s
Ichon training center from August 7. Each participant will receive 5 credits upon implementation of the 77-hour
course. Teachers who are already doing EIU, are responsible for its implementation in their schools, or plan to
organize EIU in their schools, will be given priority in the selection of participants.
Korean Educators Attend EIU Conference in Japan
A Korean delegation of ten EIU educators including Samuel Lee, Director of APCEIU, and Kim Shinil,
President of the Korean Society on Education for International Understanding (KOSEIU), attended the 13th
Conference of the Japan Association for International Education (JAIE),on June 7~8 at Obirin University,
Japan. 300 some educators, activists and graduate students shared research papers and reports, and
discussed issues related to EIU, focusing especially on curriculum development. Through this Conference,
APCEIU, KOSEIU and JAIE made the decision to hold regular meetings on EIU, starting with a joint event to
be held in Seoul on Nov. 21~22, 2003, with the long-range goal of building an EIU solidarity network.
Asia-Pacific Programs in Summer 2003
APCEIU is having a busy summer, with three major Asia-Pacific programs under way. The 3rd Asia-Pacific
Teacher Training Workshop is being held from July 8 to Aug. 2 at the Ichon Centre, with 35 participants from
approximately 15 countries. APCEIU’s new Teachers Resource Book, consisting of 48 lessons written by
persons from 16 countries, is being field-tested at this workshop. On August 4~10, APCEIU will host the
International Institute on Peace Education, which is being organized jointly with the Peace Education Center of
Columbia University Teachers College.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 5 1
P e a c e e d u c a ti o n f o r y o u t h
most concern were poverty, globalization and the environment. In the following I will share my
experience of AYF through a description of its different sessions.
AYF SOCIAL SESSIONS: We started out with a welcome party of activities and games including
BINGO, but the BINGO board was a bit out of the ordinary: There were questions on each box and we
had to find a person who answered “yes” to that question and get his/her signature on it. We checked
each other’s name tags and searched out the persons who fit the descriptions. There were prizes for the
winners and it was a time for everyone to feel friendlier and get to know each other’s names. Then we
grouped ourselves into teams according to the topics we chose for debate, and each group selected its
name, keeping this a secret until the other groups guessed it through another game. The groups—Asian
Dragons, Dilemma, AYF Power and Thunder—were maintained from the first day to the last. In another
game we mimed the names of movies for the others to guess.
We took city tours of Taipei (guided by Taiwanese students), went on a bus tour, hiked on mountain
trails and visited the campus of Chinese Culture University. We presented a cultural performance from
our own countries, with dancing, singing and playing of musical instruments, in traditional costumes,
which was a memorable experience.
AYF ACADEMIC SESSIONS: We listened to a lecture on Taiwan, then watched and discussed the
peace education video “Rainbow War.” We had great discussions during our Chinese Culture University
academic sessions, exchanging questions and answers with the other Asian students and the local
Taiwanese students. We talked about social and cultural differences among Asian countries and came to
the conclusion that we shared many similarities. We debated in English on four different topics: child
labor, gender roles, English and cultural imperialism, and globalization and national identity. Each of our
four groups, having chosen a different topic to debate, divided itself into “pro” and “con” and held a
short debate. The other groups listened to the debate, and afterwards asked questions. At the end, the
audience voted for the best team, i.e., the one that had presented the most logical arguments.
PAC4 SESSIONS: We also appeared in costume at the PAC4 opening ceremony on the second day
of the AYF program, and gave short speeches to the assembled teachers and VIPs. One representative
of each country made a short speech of self-introduction, saying how it felt to join the AYF, and
expressing his/her hopes for the Forum. The teachers were invited to our panel presentations on
language learning, social issues, and global issues (culture, communication, international understanding
and challenges for youth in the 21st century).
AYF ORGANIZATIONAL SESSIONS: The AYF student leaders and participants held a feedback session
on AYF 2002 and its program. Many students felt there had been too little time for discussions, debates,
presentations, and introduction of our cultures to each other. At the same time, there were too many
free evenings. Though the Taiwanese volunteers had hosted us with great enthusiasm, we needed more
knowledgeable persons who could explain their culture and history; and we wished to enjoy
professional-level cultural performances. Then we reflected on what each of us could do back home to
further the aims of AYF. We chose new representatives and student leaders and planned activities for
AYF 2004, to be held at PAC5 in June 2004, in Vladivostok, Russia.
During my earlier experience of participation in the Experiential Learning Program of APCEIU, I had
only considered the problems of Northeast Asian countries, which I viewed as the main countries of
Asia. I was thinking that if Korea, China and Japan could solve sub-regional problems and gather our
strength to lead the other Asian countries, all the problems could be solved more easily. But when I got
to know friends from other Asian countries, and we shared our thoughts and debated, I realized my
thinking had been too narrow. Since Asia is a huge continent with many people living in many countries,
it is impossible to solve all Asian problems through the efforts of only a few. I further realized that this
kind of program can transform students’ indifference into an active interest in global, social and
environmental issues, and that through this kind of experience future leaders can be identified. We need
more forums like this for Asian youth, who will lead our countries and pave the way for future
generations.
Nam Sung-Eun is a student at Hanshin University in Seoul, Korea.
50 相生 SUMMER 2003
A P C E I U N E W S
Opening of APCEIU Homepage
The APCEIU homepage has reopened after extensive reconstruction, but is still in the developmental stage. In
future it will provide information on EIU in the Asia-Pacific region, and the opportunity to exchange information
and opinions for creation of an e-community. It will be possible to apply on-line for our Teacher Training
Program. The site will provide two webzines, The Quarterly Journal on Education for International
Understanding (Korean) and SangSaeng (English); a video-streaming service; and an information retrieval
system. We welcome your comments, advice and suggestions. Our address: http://www.unescoapceiu.org, or
http://www.unescoapceiu.or.kr.
Establishment of Multimedia Center in Ichon
On March 31, 2003, APCEIU opened a Multimedia Center at its educational training center in Ichon. Composed of a
server room, studio and internet cafe, the Multimedia Center will enable participants in teacher training programs to
easily access the internet through high-speed networking, and to record and edit videos.
EIU Training for Principals and School Inspectors in Cheju Area
In collaboration with Cheju University of Education, APCEIU held a day-long training program in Cheju Island
this past May 28, targeting principals and school inspectors, with the goal of expanding education for
international understanding (EIU) in that area. 44 vice-principals, 97 principals and 10 school inspectors —a
total of 151 educators from throughout Cheju Island—took part.
EIU Course for In-service Credit
APCEIU will hold a national-level course on education for international understanding (EIUI) for in-service
credit, for the purpose of training teachers of EIU and promoting EIU as an optional subject in Korean schools.
44 elementary, junior high and high school teachers will attend the 10-day course, to be held at APCEIU’s
Ichon training center from August 7. Each participant will receive 5 credits upon implementation of the 77-hour
course. Teachers who are already doing EIU, are responsible for its implementation in their schools, or plan to
organize EIU in their schools, will be given priority in the selection of participants.
Korean Educators Attend EIU Conference in Japan
A Korean delegation of ten EIU educators including Samuel Lee, Director of APCEIU, and Kim Shinil,
President of the Korean Society on Education for International Understanding (KOSEIU), attended the 13th
Conference of the Japan Association for International Education (JAIE),on June 7~8 at Obirin University,
Japan. 300 some educators, activists and graduate students shared research papers and reports, and
discussed issues related to EIU, focusing especially on curriculum development. Through this Conference,
APCEIU, KOSEIU and JAIE made the decision to hold regular meetings on EIU, starting with a joint event to
be held in Seoul on Nov. 21~22, 2003, with the long-range goal of building an EIU solidarity network.
Asia-Pacific Programs in Summer 2003
APCEIU is having a busy summer, with three major Asia-Pacific programs under way. The 3rd Asia-Pacific
Teacher Training Workshop is being held from July 8 to Aug. 2 at the Ichon Centre, with 35 participants from
approximately 15 countries. APCEIU’s new Teachers Resource Book, consisting of 48 lessons written by
persons from 16 countries, is being field-tested at this workshop. On August 4~10, APCEIU will host the
International Institute on Peace Education, which is being organized jointly with the Peace Education Center of
Columbia University Teachers College.
SANGSAENG living together, helping each other 5 1