Principle-Based Consumption Communities:

Exploring the Meanings Derived from Socially

Conscious Consumption Practices
Marie Hafey DeVincenzo and Debra Scammon

This exploratory study examines the consumption behavior of people participating in a wind energy
program. The authors use the psychological sense of community as a theoretical grounding for the
study because it provides a way to examine socially conscious behaviors not solely as the behaviors of
individuals but rather as behaviors within a social context with social meaning. The authors analyze in-
depth interviews using a hermeneutical approach, and the findings identify a principle-based,
consumption community to which the informants felt they belonged. The article concludes with a
discussion of implications for marketers, policy makers, and environmental activists.

Keywords: sense of community, socially conscious consumption, interpretive methodology, consumer

behavior, principle-based consumption community

here is growing evidence that the natural environment
is in crisis. As greenhouse gases in the atmosphere
T increase, atmospheric warming contributes to some-
times tragic human consequences. In the past decade, the
United States has experienced an increase in severe storm
activity, drought, and wildfires (AccuWeather.com 2013),
which have led to the loss of property and the loss of life.
Although the losses are well publicized, these large-scale
impacts may seem distant and overwhelming to many con-
sumers. Individuals may not identify themselves as con-
tributors to the problem or feel empowered to change their
lifestyles. It is, however, the little choices that consumers
make in their everyday lives that culminate in these cata-
strophic consequences. Conversely, little choices may also
create positive reverberations throughout the planet. A
growing number of consumers recognize this notion and
are modifying their consumption practices to try to lessen
their individual impact on the planet. To address climate
change meaningfully, it is important to learn from these
consumers.
For many people, the threat of climate change and the
responsibility of members of society to help minimize the
threat are galvanizing a spirit of socially conscious con-
sumption. In this study, we explore socially conscious con-
sumption behaviors by focusing specifically on people who
Marie Hafey DeVincenzo is Associate Professor of Marketing, School
have adopted an alternative energy source and are partici-
pating in a wind power program. We investigate partici-
pants’ motivations for purchasing wind power and the value
they perceive from doing so. Specifically, we explore the
following questions: What leads people to choose to partici-
pate in the program? What intrinsic benefits do consumers
receive for these types of behaviors? Is it the behaviors
themselves that hold value for the people who perform
them, or is meaning created through the social connection
these behaviors imply?
Environmentally friendly behaviors are of particular
interest because they represent a class of behaviors that
may have little tangible benefit for consumers who engage
in them, and yet they contribute to the solution to a socie-
tal problem, thus delivering benefits far beyond the indi-
vidual. Global warming is a societal problem for the
global community, and both large and small behaviors of
individuals and organizations that are part of the global
community determine the trajectory of the problem. The
global community is a dynamic system in which connec-
tions among individuals, organizations, and events affect
and are affected by one another. A better understanding of
the relationships within this dynamic system can help
identify drivers of change that, in turn, can guide the
development and implementation of mechanisms to stabi-
lize the system.
This study aims to add to the understanding of sustain-
able behaviors by exploring them not as the behaviors of
individuals but rather as behaviors in a social context with
social meaning that are responsive to social concerns. We

use community and sense of community to guide our explo-

of Business, Francis Marion University (e-mail: MDevincenzo@

ration and identify principle-based consumption as a con-

fmarion.edu). Debra Scammon is Emma Eccles Jones Professor,

struct that can bind community members together in ways

Department of Marketing, University of Utah (e-mail: debra.scam-

that motivate behaviors that benefit the social good.

mon@business.utah.edu). Stacey Baker served as associate editor
for this article.

© 2015, American Marketing Association Journal of Public Policy & Marketing

ISSN: 0743-9156 (print), 1547-7207 (electronic) 143 Vol. 33 (2) Fall 2015, 143–55
144 Principle-Based Consumption Communities
Background
Research has been conducted on socially conscious con-
Socially Conscious Consumption
sumers for decades. A theme that permeates this literature is
the intuitive sense on the part of the researchers that social
relationships should influence socially conscious consump-
tion. This theme is alluded to in the correlational studies of
Berkowitz and Lutterman (1968), Anderson and Cunning-
ham (1972), Webster (1975), Brooker (1976), and Pickett,
Kangun, and Grove (1993), and it is addressed directly in
the interpretive work of Dobscha and Ozanne (2001).
Berkowitz and Lutterman (1968) and Anderson and Cun-
ningham (1972) define and measure social responsibility
with a scale consisting of eight items that measure various
aspects of individuals’ relationships to their social contexts
(participation in public affairs, volunteerism, voting opin-
ions, friendship, socialization, and work ethic). In addition,
Anderson and Cunningham hypothesize and find that sev-
eral sociopsychological variables relate to social conscious-
ness (alienation, dogmatism, conservatism, status con-
sciousness, personal competence, and cosmopolitanism).
In keeping with the theme of relationships within societal
contexts, Webster (1975) defines social consciousness as
the awareness of societal issues and the belief that these
issues can be influenced by individual consumption deci-
sions. Brooker (1976) also relates socially conscious con-
sumption to Maslow’s (1968, 1970) construct of self-actual-
ization, in which self-actualizers are defined by their
relationships to others in the culture. Pickett, Kangun, and
Grove (1993) hypothesize that conservation behaviors are
related to several measures of the relationship of people
with their social context. These measures include commu-
nity involvement, feelings of alienation, influence of others
on consumption decisions, and reliance on others when
making consumption decisions. Finally, Dobscha and
Ozanne (2001) examine people’s relationships with their
contexts in a more direct manner by using the ecofeminist
approach, which includes the consideration of these types
of relationships as one of its goals (Plumwood 1993). Their
framing lends support to the notion that these relationships
do influence socially conscious consumption and conserva-
tion behaviors, and the framing of the entire research stream
points to the importance of these relationships to socially
conscious consumption decisions.
To help explain the cocreation of value and meaning that is
Community
implicit in socially conscious consumption practices, a theo-
retical base is needed. Theories of community aid in the
understanding of how important social others and communi-
ties can influence consumption practices. Community
theories suggest that people define themselves in relation to
these others who serve as a “mirror” in which they can see
their own behaviors, which are either similar to or different
from the behaviors of these referenced others. As such,
norms of behavior that are developed within communities
can be associative or dissociative and can help consumers
evaluate the behaviors that are acceptable to the community.
The concept of community connotes relationships
between individuals and others. An individual is similar in
some way to others in the community and different from
those outside the community, with boundaries between
those within and outside the community (Cohen 1985).
Some communities are defined by discrete parameters, such
as geographic boundaries (e.g., neighborhood, state). Con-
sumers may view themselves in relation to others from the
same locale. For example, if one’s neighbors collect recy-
clable materials and set them out for pickup in easily identi-
fiable containers, one can judge his or her own participation
in curbside recycling as fitting in with the norms of the
community. In other types of communities, such as con-
sumption communities (Cohen 1985), virtual communities
(Rheingold 1993), and imagined communities (Anderson
1991), boundaries are not discrete. In consumption commu-
nities, membership is created through symbolic boundaries
that help distinguish who belongs (Cohen 1985). Consump-
tion behaviors that are common among members help
establish the symbolic boundaries of the consumption com-
munities, thus distinguishing members from nonmembers.
Brand communities (Muñíz and O’Guinn 2001) are con-
sumption communities in which loyalty to particular brands
is the behavior that connects the members. The Macintosh
(Apple) brand has a very loyal following and is often used
as an example of this type of community (Belk and Tumbat
2005; Muñíz and O’Guinn 2001). In virtual communities,
in which members use the Internet to communicate with
one another across great distances, boundaries are formed
around common interests. Social media sites, such as Pin-
terest, Facebook, and Twitter, serve as conduits for these
types of communities (Kumar 2012). In imagined commu-
nities, members of the community may never directly com-
municate with one another. Instead, members of imagined
communities feel that they are members because of traits
within themselves or values or beliefs that they share with
other members of the community. Anderson (1991) dis-
cusses this concept of imagined community in terms of
nationalism. Members of imagined communities still may
feel connected to their national origins even when they are
separated from these origins by great distances of time and
space.
Sense of community (Sarason 1974) is a theory that may
help in understanding this feeling of community and the
meaning that members glean from their membership in a
community and connecting with others. Sense of commu-
nity is a central concept of community psychology that has
been widely used in the study of neighborhood environ-
ments (McMillan and Chavis 1986; Sarason 1974). The
concept has also been used in several other settings, includ-
ing community organizations (Hughey, Speer, and Peterson
1999), corporations (Pretty and McCarthy 1991; Pretty,
McCarthy, and Catano 1992), and international communi-
ties of interest (Obst, Zinkiewicz, and Smith 2002). It is
particularly well suited to the current exploration of socially
conscious consumption practices because it includes a tradi-
tion of shaping policy decisions, and it expands our think-
ing about consumption communities.

McMillan and Chavis (1986) propose a theoretical defini-
Sense of Community
tion of sense of community that consists of four elements:
(1) membership, (2) shared emotional connection, (3) rein-
forcement, and (4) influence. There has been some dis-
agreement over time as to whether these four categories
adequately capture the construct of sense of community
(Hughey, Speer, and Peterson 1999; Long and Perkins
2003; Obst and White 2004), but Peterson, Speer, and
McMillan (2008) test a sense-of-community scale in which
they validate that these four categories are distinct and that
they do capture one underlying construct, namely, sense of
community. We present these elements and highlight
aspects that may be particularly relevant to socially con-
scious consumption.
Group membership is “a feeling of belonging or a sense of
Membership
interpersonal relatedness” (Peterson, Speer, and McMillan
2008, p. 62). Membership assumes that there are those who
belong and those who do not belong, creating in-groups,
out-groups, and boundaries between the two groups. These
boundaries serve to create emotional safety and encourage
intimacy among members of the in-group. Membership also
comes with a sense of paying dues (McMillan 1996) to
belong in the community or cognitive dissonance (McMil-
lan and Chavis 1986) when actions do not jibe with mem-
bership in the community. Members gain feelings of
responsibility when they sacrifice for the community, which
may in turn build loyalty to the group (McMillan and
Chavis 1986). If individuals feel that they are members of a
community that is invested in socially conscious consump-
tion, they may be motivated to act in ways that support their
membership.
Shared emotional connection is “a feeling of attachment or
Shared Emotional Connection
bonding rooted in members’ shared history, place or experi-
ence” (Peterson, Speer, and McMillan 2008, p. 62). It
implies that there is a shared history for the community,
which members may share without ever having experienced
it. For example, Americans share the history of the Civil
War. Even though those living today did not directly experi-
ence it, in many ways, it has shaped the culture and the
country. Another facet of emotional connection is shared
risk among members (McMillan and Chavis 1986). When
members put themselves at risk or sacrifice for the princi-
ples of the group, it increases their shared emotional con-
nection. For example, in a recent wildfire in Southern Cali-
fornia, a firefighter worked to save multiple homes within a
community even knowing that his own home was in the
fire’s path (Martin 2014). He sacrificed his personal welfare
for the good of the community, thus strengthening the
shared emotional connection to the community. The shared
experiences of community members may be in the form of
shared symbolic systems, such as collective myths, sym-
bols, rituals, rites, ceremonies, and holidays (Warner 1949).
This “culture” may be expressed through shared values, and
these symbols may help create boundaries by unifying
members and accentuating differences between members
Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 145
and nonmembers, which creates a sense of belonging
(Schlossberg 1989). Emotional connections are strength-
ened when members of a community make an investment
(McMillan and Chavis 1986), and socially conscious con-
sumption practices may represent a type of investment.
Members who have invested more in the community may
view it as more important and be more committed to it.
Reinforcement or needs fulfillment is “a perception that
Reinforcement
members’ needs will be met by the community” (Peterson,
Speer, and McMillan 2008, p. 62). It refers to the benefits
that members receive from being part of the community.
Members may, for example, receive status from their mem-
bership. They may also feel a sense of competence and suc-
cess, or membership may protect them from feelings of
shame. Benefits also accrue to members when they discover
similarities between themselves and other group members.
These similarities promote bonding and consensual valida-
tion, which leads to an interdependence among community
members.
There is some evidence that the value individuals receive
through this type of reinforcement may influence behavior.
For example, individuals may be motivated to solve social
dilemmas, or more generally act pro-environmentally,
through rewards attained through social identity (Brewer
1981). Reinforcement has also been shown to increase
cooperative behavior, which can be increased through
rewards and decreased through punishment (Komorita,
Sweeney, and Kravitz 1980). Group membership may thus
induce individuals to make choices in the best interest of
the group rather than their own self-interest (Messick and
Brewer 1983), which, according to Wiener and Doescher
(1991), is one of the most relevant barriers to the resolution
of social dilemmas.
Influence is another aspect of sense of community. Influence
Influence
is “a sense that one matters, or can make a difference, in a
community and that the community matters to its members”
(Peterson, Speer, and McMillan 2008, p. 62). Influence
moves in both directions: communities influence their mem-
bers, and members influence communities of which they are
a part. Influence allows members to know what to expect
from one another and allows them to develop community
norms. These norms become a reference point for individu-
als with regard to their own behavior. Influence on members
can be felt from individuals who have particular knowledge
and expertise and who can model behavior for others in the
community. Thus, opinion leaders wield influence on opin-
ion followers who may emulate desired behaviors.
McMillan and Chavis (1986) theorize that rather than an
authority figure or influential individual, a community may
be influenced by a transcendent principle to which mem-
bers aspire. The transcendent principle is the focal point
around which the community is centered, and it influences
the norms of the community. McMillan (1996) hypothe-
sizes that strong communities with transcendent principles
may inspire their members to passion. Although this theory
has not been widely tested, it holds great promise toward
146 Principle-Based Consumption Communities
understanding communities in which members do not have
direct contact with one another and in which an authority
figure does not have the opportunity to exert influence on
members. Kidwell, Farmer, and Hardesty (2013) suggest
that political ideology, for example, can influence a wide
range of activities, including friendships and social ties one
makes, the types of things one cares about, and even con-
sumption decisions one makes. If passion inspired by a
transcendental principle translates into actual behavior, the
implications for behavior change efforts of policy makers
and marketers are vast.
In summary, although separated into distinct categories
for organizational purposes, McMillan and Chavis (1986, p.
15) acknowledge that the elements of community work
“dynamically together to create and maintain sense of com-
munity.” The elements reinforce one another with effects
moving in many directions. For example, emotional con-
nections are strengthened when individuals feel a sense of
belonging, and feelings of belonging are strengthened when
individuals are emotionally connected to the community.
Applying this theory to understand socially conscious con-
sumption allows us to view individuals’ behaviors within a
social context that is particularly appropriate to the solution
of large-scale social dilemmas in which the little behaviors
of individuals add up to large impacts on the problem.
This exploratory study examines the consumption behav-
Methodology
iors of wind power customers to gain a better understanding
of socially conscious consumption. One small change that
people can make to decrease their carbon emissions is to
purchase units of wind power through their local energy
provider. These programs allow customers to replace coal-
generated energy with energy generated by wind farms.
Customers pay a small premium for these wind units in
addition to the cost of their monthly electricity use, and
they can choose to purchase any number of units.
Our study is set in a western state in which a regional electric
Setting
company distributes power generated on a wind farm in one
state to customers in surrounding states. At the time of this
research, approximately 4% of the company’s customers pur-
chased blocks of wind power (www.utahpower.net/bluesky,
2005). The power supplied to these customers is undifferenti-
ated; customers cannot tell the source of the power they
receive. Because the power is undifferentiated, society bene-
fits from individuals’ participation, but individual purchasers
receive few tangible benefits from their purchase. It is, there-
fore, an interesting question as to what value the participants
perceive they are receiving through the purchase. In addition,
the purchase decision is a private one. There are no outward
signs that an individual has participated in the program, which
reduces the likelihood that the motivation for purchase is
related to social pressure from others, either negatively or
positively, because others cannot readily identify who partici-
pates in the program. Finally, the purchase is very low cost. At
$1.95 per block (100 kilowatt-hours) per month, people spend
very little to be participants in the program.
Research on private, low-cost behaviors that have a low
degree of individual benefit is challenging because the char-
acteristics of interest are inherently difficult to study. In gen-
eral, private behaviors are not conducive to observation;
therefore, the examination of these behaviors requires some
degree of reliance on self-reporting. In addition, a cost–bene-
fit analysis is complicated when individual costs and individ-
ual benefits are both low. From an outsider’s perspective, it
appears that the benefits of wind power are largely mani-
fested at the societal level. A method is needed, therefore,
that can reveal the individual meanings and value that con-
sumers receive from these types of consumption behaviors.
Informants who purchased units of wind power through the
Participants
local electric company were chosen for the study. Because
these purchases are private and only a small percentage of
power customers participate in the program, these people
were difficult to identify. We used convenience and snow-
ball sampling methods to choose nine informants. The goal
of the sample selection was to choose informants who had
firsthand knowledge of the experience of purchasing wind
power (Streubert, Speziale, and Carpenter 1999); therefore,
we selected those with the responsibility in their households
for paying the electric bill and deciding whether to purchase
wind power. The informants varied greatly in the number of
units of wind power purchased: some only purchased one
block, some purchased enough to cover their monthly elec-
tricity usage, and some purchased more blocks than they
ever used in a month. We explore these differences in our
discussion of the findings. We use pseudonyms to identify
the informants (for a summary table describing the charac-
teristics of our informants, see the Appendix).
Because we were trying to glean an in-depth understanding
Data Collection and Analysis
of the meanings and value individuals receive from their
participation in socially conscious consumption practices,
we conducted depth interviews. The goal of these inter-
views was to attain an in-depth, “thick” description from
the perspective of the individual (Geertz 1976; McCracken
1988; Thompson, Locander, and Howard Pollio1989) to
attain an understanding of the consumer’s views in context.
Because this study explores perceptions and behaviors of
individuals within their various social contexts, a research
approach that can help uncover the connections participants
feel with their social environment is essential. These per-
ceived connections or relationships are likely to hold much
of the meaning for the individual (Olson and Reynolds
2001). Interviews have the ability to maintain the context of
the responses and uncover these relationships.
We employed a hermeneutical approach for data collec-
tion and analysis. As Thompson (1997, p. 439) details, this
approach uses informants’ consumption narratives as a
basis to interpret their “consumption meanings in relation to
both their sense of personal history and a broader narrative
context of historically established cultural meanings.” In-
depth, face-to-face interviews lasting one-and-a-half to two
hours were conducted by the first author in the informant’s
home (5) or workplace (4). The interviews were recorded

and subsequently transcribed. Following McCracken’s
(1988) recommended procedure, the interviews began with
very general “grand-tour” type questions that helped guide
the subsequent questions by providing the researcher with
details of the informant’s life, followed by more specific
questions. The nature of the selection process, however,
necessitated that wind power be among the first topics
introduced in the interview. The interviews proceeded in a
natural way based on the interviewer’s use of an interview
guide but taking cues from the informant with respect to the
direction of the interview. The interviews naturally pro-
gressed from informants’ overall views regarding their pur-
chase of wind power to broader conversations about other
consumption practices related to environmental protection.
Informants’ views about the behaviors of others were also
explored, especially as they related to environmental pro-
tection. We obtained unique and rich information from each
informant.
We also used a hermeneutical approach in data analysis
(Thompson 1997). We conducted an intratextual analysis
of each interview in which an interpretation emerged for
the individual. We then evaluated the interviews as a group
and identified themes emerging from this intertextual
analysis. Our analysis sought to determine both similarities
and differences among participants, especially with regard
to the benefits they perceived from the purchase of wind
energy and their motivations for purchase. The analysis
then alternated between individuals and the group until a
narrative developed. As the analysis proceeded, it became
obvious that elements from the theory of sense of commu-
nity were emerging in the data. Thus, we structure our pre-
sentation of findings using this theory and its components.
We then turn to an integrative thematic interpretation of
our findings, highlighting the importance of sustainability
as a transcendent principle guiding the community of wind
energy purchasers.
Findings
In this section, we use the categories of sense of community
Description of Sense of Community
outlined by McMillan and Chavis (1986) to briefly summa-
rize some of the essential findings from our study. In the
following section, we present cross-cutting themes that sup-
port the notion that these categories are dynamic and inter-
active. In particular, we present evidence that the commu-
nity of wind energy purchasers can be characterized as a
principle-based community, unified by members’ beliefs in
the interdependence of humanity with the sustainability of
the natural environment.
Our informants perceive definite boundaries between them-
Membership or Belonging
selves and less environmentally conscious others. These
boundaries are exemplified by the specific behavior of par-
ticipation in the wind energy program, by constellations of
behaviors with common meaning for consumers, and by
informants’ interpretation of behaviors and events.
Tina alludes to boundaries when asked about how she
perceives people who do not engage in environmentally
Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 147
conscious activities. She envisions herself as different from
them:
I think they’ve had a different education and perhaps no educa-
tion at all. ... And ... when I say education, I don’t mean just sit-
ting in the classroom. You know, what you choose to listen to,
what you choose to read, what you choose to watch on TV. ... I
hear something and I interpret it as: I need to do something to
make a change. Some people interpret it as: that’s bad. What am
I going to do? That’s up to President Bush to take care of. And,
some people hear it and they don’t interpret it as bad, they inter-
pret it as good, or not a problem. ... So, different education, dif-
ferent interpretation.
Tina explains this difference in interpretation of events as
related to the values that individuals share.
Angie also perceives boundaries between herself and oth-
ers. She feels that there are differences between herself and
her neighbors who do not share her socially conscious con-
sumption practices. She believes that her family “sticks
out” from her other neighbors. These perceived differences
have precipitated a move for Angie and her family. They are
moving from a suburban area into the city to be around peo-
ple they perceive as being more like them. As Angie puts it,
“Our peeps are not in Sandy [suburb]. Our peeps are in
Sugarhouse [city].” This quotation suggests that Angie and
her family are trying to reconcile their beliefs about envi-
ronmental protection and their behaviors to support it with a
more place-based community, which has geographic bound-
aries.
Informants demonstrated shared emotional connections
Shared Emotional Connection
when they expressed an understanding of shared risk. Infor-
mants believe that the planet is at risk from human con-
sumption practices, and they believe that it is possible to
reverse the situation through individual action. This sense
of shared risk translates into a feeling of shared responsibil-
ity. Our informants participated in a wide range of environ-
mentally conscious behaviors, exemplifying a high level of
commitment to an environmentally conscious lifestyle.
When questioned about why others may not participate in
environmentally conscious behaviors, Tina explains her
feelings:
Some people just don’t want to think about it because it bums
them out. But, you see, my resolution to … getting bummed out
is to do something about it. Like that’s how I make myself feel
better. I don’t make myself feel better if I’m not thinking about
it. I make myself feel better if I do something to change it. The
power of one is amazing; actually, people sell themselves so
short. And I’m like, you have no earthly idea how powerful you
are as an individual. Like its nuts, how powerful individuals
are. So yeah, I always do something. You know, and I mean you
always get great results—when you do something.
Like membership and belonging, emotional connections
can be associative or dissociative. Informants express a
sense of distance from those who do not live environmen-
tally conscious lifestyles. Critical comments about the
behaviors of some members of society reveal an emotional
disconnect with those whose behaviors are not environmen-
tally friendly. Comments about others’ choices of vehicles
are common. For example, Renee grew up in a rural area
148 Principle-Based Consumption Communities
where people used trucks for work, but when she sees peo-
ple in the city driving them, it really bothers her:
It just hurts my heart to see a brand new shiny 850 [truck], I
don’t know what numbers they are now, with one person in the
cab, driving down the freeway. And I think: Come on, do you
really need it? For the sake of all of your neighbors, couldn’t
you drive something smaller?
Mark also gets upset when he sees people participate in
behaviors that consume a lot of resources:
You get frustrated too because you think I’m doing this and this
and this. I’m trying to be a good person. ... I’m trying to be
mindful of how I live, and you see this other segment of society
that is totally against that. They drive the biggest car they can,
and it’s the soccer mom that’s never been off-road in her Hum-
mer driving to the mall. And, God knows how many resources
go to the mall to buy crap.
As with the concept of membership and belonging, our
informants express a sense of emotional connection to those
they perceive as living an environmentally conscious life,
and they feel disconnected from those who live their lives
in ways that harm the environment. Their narratives demon-
strate the importance of emotional connections and illus-
trate that these shared connections can magnify sense of
community.
Individual rewards, such as monetary savings, are associ-
Reinforcement or Integration of Needs
ated with some environmentally conscious activities. For
example, informants save money on gasoline when they
drive fewer miles. They also save money and enjoy health
benefits when they grow their own food, cook at home
rather than eat out, and purchase raw rather than processed
food. In addition to the gas savings, Mark enjoys riding his
bike to work to get exercise. He describes the added bene-
fits as follows: “I felt good. I came into work in a better
mood. … I lost weight. I got in shape, so that it was a win-
win situation.” Elaine, Angie, Gina, and Ken also mention
the health benefits of environmentally conscious eating
practices. Elaine sums it up as follows:
Good health, I think, is a by-product of using raw materials.
You know, if you are using whole wheat and organic vegetables
and fruits and you’re making your own foods, it’s going to be
better anyway.
When behaviors have multiple benefits for the individual,
the reinforcement from them may accrue and amplify infor-
mants’ meanings; thus, added value may be attributed to
these types of behaviors.
Although some environmentally conscious practices pro-
vide individual monetary and health benefits, others are
more costly. The costs associated with environmentally
conscious consumption choices include, among others,
time, effort, and money. It takes more time to ride a bike or
run to work than it does to drive. It takes more effort to car-
pool with your neighbors than to drive yourself to work and
to mow your lawn with a push mower than with a gas-
powered mower. Informants also often pay more for prod-
ucts that are environmentally conscious, but many of the
informants expressed that cost is not a barrier to making
responsible choices. Many informants perceive that the
rewards of participating in these behaviors are large enough
to outweigh the additional costs associated with them.
All the participants perceive some type of value in their
choice to participate in the program. Some of the infor-
mants believe that they are making an investment when
they sign up for the program. Tina, for example, states that
her purchase of wind power is “an investment like buying a
piece of stock.” Gail discusses the value of participation,
which she feels benefits “everybody”:
I feel, even though I have nothing tangible, I’m getting some-
thing out of it. Even if I’m not getting something out of it, that’s
okay, because somebody else, someone is benefiting, every-
body is benefiting from it, even if you can’t see it and you can’t
feel it; ... you know you are doing something that’s right.
The power company encourages the belief among partici-
pants that value has been purchased. Participants receive
extra mailings and promotional materials. Angie recently
received a letter that stated that her purchase of 6,000 kilo-
watt-hours of electricity “reduces 4,000 pounds of carbon
dioxide emissions and it equals to not driving 12,840
miles.” This campaign highlights a societal benefit rather
than an individual benefit, and it is a direct reinforcement to
participants of the value of their purchase.
The informants’ narratives provide many examples of how
Influence or Mattering
they have been influenced and how they have influenced
others. The books and films mentioned by the informants,
such as An Inconvenient Truth, The Lorax, and Omnivore’s
Dilemma, are examples of how they are influenced by out-
side sources and how the community’s stories become sym-
bolized (McMillan and Chavis 1986). These media outlets
help communicate the values of the community in the
absence of direct interaction between members. The media
provide a pallet on which the community can exist.
The informants also influence others through their exam-
ple and with their knowledge of environmentally conscious
consumption practices. The influence of the informants on
one another is similar to how brand community members
assist one another in the use of the brand (Muñíz and
O’Guinn 2001). Environmentally conscious strategies are
taught to others through personal contact. The informants
make considerable efforts to influence nonmembers. For
example, when Mark decided to take out his lawn and
replace it with drought-resistant plantings, it was an oppor-
tunity to discuss environmentally conscious consumption
with his neighbors.
A lot of my neighbors said, “What the hell are you doing?” But
there was a guy down the street that was totally jazzed about it.
I told him I was going to plant all these plants, and he saw that
I put in drip systems and all that. The first year, it was pretty
bare. The second year, it kind of came in and the neighbors
would say, “That looks pretty good, and he hardly uses any
water.”
Mark’s interactions with his neighbors ultimately influ-
enced at least one of them to model their behavior after his
environmentally conscious yard practices.
[The neighbor who was enthusiastic about Mark’s yard trans-
formation] tore up his [grass] and planted drought-resistant

grass and all these little plants. So, he did the same thing. And
about the same time, the neighbor way down the street, I think
we did ours about the same time, ripped up a lot of grass.
Mark used his environmentally conscious lawn care prac-
tices to open a dialog between himself and his neighbors.
He explained his reasoning for the unorthodox choices he
made, and in doing so, he was able to educate them on envi-
ronmental issues. Some neighbors, in turn, validated Mark’s
choices by emulating him. In this way, Mark is reinforced
for his influence, and the meanings he acquires from his
sense of community are compounded.
Parents also influence their children and teach them to
share their values (Francis and Davis 2014). The everyday
enactment of living their values and consuming in an envi-
ronmentally conscious manner transmits parents’ belief sys-
tems to their children. Their practices symbolize meanings.
Angie and Mark are the only informants with young chil-
dren, and they make a conscious effort to communicate
their values and pass their behaviors on to their children.
Angie explains it this way:
We just tell them, this is the way our family does it. Other fam-
ilies, every family has to choose for themselves, but this is what
our family does. Maybe they are not old enough to try anything
else, but you know, you hope they understand.
Influence can also occur in other settings, such as in
school. Two of the informants are junior high school teach-
ers. Peter and Elaine teach science, Earth systems, and
biology to children in the seventh, eighth, and ninth grades,
and they have a unique opportunity to influence others
through their teaching. Peter embraces this position, and he
states that modeling behavior for his students is one of his
primary motivators for participating in environmentally
conscious behaviors in general and the wind power pro-
gram in particular.
It’s going to make a huge difference, and I try to convince my
kids, it’s going to make a huge difference to you, but it has to be
part of your values, you know. It has to be part of what makes you
tick. It’s funny, you know, we are always preaching to these kids
in one way or the other, like, it’s not what you get, it’s how you
give. ... But again, you can’t preach to them; you have to model it.
You’ve got to model as a parent, and you’ve got to model as an
educator, and that might help for a few of them, you know, but it’s
only until they integrate that and they understand that, that they
are going to maybe start doing some of these things.
We found evidence of each of the elements of sense of
community that McMillan and Chavis (1986) describe. Our
analysis highlights the interdependence of the four elements
of sense of community in the context of socially conscious
consumption behaviors as each appears to amplify the oth-
ers. In the next section, we turn to some overarching themes
that emerged from our analysis.
Our informants expressed strong feelings of responsibility
Thematic Interpretation
toward the Earth and its inhabitants, and their socially con-
scious consumption patterns support their commitment.
They articulate a belief that people are interdependent on
one another and must work together to improve the envi-
ronment. They view themselves as members of a growing
Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 149
community of like-minded individuals with deep concerns
for the welfare of the environment and the planet. The pos-
sibility alluded to by McMillan and Chavis (1986) that a
community may coalesce around a transcendent principle
emerged in our analysis.
Despite the strong influence of this transcendent princi-
ple, informants revealed personalization of the principle
through their consumption behaviors. Some informants also
expressed inconsistencies in their behavior and demon-
strated compensation as a strategy for dealing with their
transgressions.
The intrinsic motivation to accomplish a common goal of
Transcendental Principles Uniting Members
environmental protection underlies many of the decisions
and behaviors that our informants described. This transcen-
dent principle is the defining characteristic of the commu-
nity and contributes to an environmentally conscious
lifestyle, which is exemplified by participation in a wide
range of environmentally conscious behaviors. The sense of
community felt by our informants is related to the emo-
tional connections they feel to other members of the com-
munity and heightens the commitment they feel toward
their environmentally conscious behaviors. Informants
express these values as being meaningful to them on an
individual level, and they are a recurring theme across par-
ticipants. Ken, in particular, discusses strong feelings about
his personal philosophy:
I believe that one should be clear about how one feels about
issues and values and live by those values in their personal life
as well as their professional one. I’m not a particularly religious
person, but I do have a set of values that I believe in. And, call
it a personal philosophy, and I try to live that philosophy.
Ken’s philosophy about protecting the environment has been
influenced by the media. He gives an example when he is
asked why he decided to join an environmental action group:
I joined because of my basic philosophical belief that we should
take care of this physical Earth on which we find ourselves.
I’ve always thought that. I’ve always been an outdoors person.
I believe in the Lorax. ... The message, the Lorax, is to the
world, is that we have to take care of everything that we have,
or else we won’t have it.
Peter also talks about his personal principles regarding
the environment and how they have evolved in his life:
I took pretty much biological sciences throughout college. ... So
I just started learning all those principles, ecologically sound
principles, and started applying to my own self, to my own life.
And, then I tried to live that way the rest of my life.
In another example, Renee describes her motivation as
“It’s really, really, really environmental,” identifying the
domain for which she is concerned. Informants want to
influence the global environmental situation. Participants
believe that they are helping the environment through their
participation in the wind energy program because it helps
reduce greenhouse gas emissions and shows support for
alternative energy sources. Solutions to social dilemmas
may require such a guiding principle that has the potential
to shape the behavior of many individuals by inspiring their
150 Principle-Based Consumption Communities
passion (McMillan and Chavis 1986) and moving them to
action.
Scholars have noted that this is also the case in brand
communities (Muñíz and O’Guinn 2001). According to
Muñíz and O’Guinn (2001), the brand itself and the corpo-
ration that created the brand serve as authority figures. In
the environmental movement, however, the relevant author-
ity figure is more ambiguous and may not even be a single
entity. Indeed, none of the informants discussed a common
individual source that influenced them. As McMillan and
Chavis (1986) theorize to be possible, it is the transcendent
principle that seems to be motivating informants. In their
narratives, the informants articulate that principles are guid-
ing their behavior. The informants make general com-
ments—such as Paul’s statement, “It’s just the right thing to
do”—that express a belief that there is a “right” thing and
imply that a greater influence has informed their knowledge
about what this thing is. This sense of knowing what the
right thing is may partially explain our informants’ commit-
ment to socially conscious consumption behaviors, as peo-
ple have been shown to put forth more effort when they
believe they are right (Lawler 1992).
The informants’ comments demonstrate that their values
and philosophies, which are acted on consciously in the
choices they make, create meaning. Informants try to make
these meanings manifest in the way they live their lives.
When behaviors are related to one another through shared
meanings, the link between the behaviors and the principle
is strengthened. When considering a principle-based com-
munity, boundaries between members and nonmembers
may not be absolute or based on a single behavior; rather, a
continuum of commitment to the community may exist, as
exemplified by individual behaviors, constellations of
behaviors, and meanings attached to them.
Multiple Voices, Multiple Practices, and Inconsistencies
Although there was evidence among the informants of a
in Behavior
principle-based consumption community centered on envi-
ronmental protection, it was not expressed uniformly across
informants. The behaviors in which the informants partici-
pated varied widely. Some informants participated in a myr-
iad of diverse environmentally friendly activities, while
others participated in only a few key activities that they
stated were a result of their commitment to environmental
protection. Some of our informants participated in very few
environmentally friendly behaviors. In addition, even the
informants who appeared to be the most committed to envi-
ronmental protection sometimes behaved in ways that were
inconsistent with their stated philosophy.
The environmentally friendly behaviors in which some of
the informants participated were numerous and resourceful.
Examples of these types of behaviors include the rain barrel
that Mark installed in his backyard to water his garden and
the thrift store bookshelves covered in potted plants that
Renee has on the outside wall of her apartment to help insu-
late it from the sun and heat. Outsiders may view some of
the behaviors as extreme, such as Mark’s 20-mile bike ride
to work through hilly terrain and Renee’s refusal to own a
television. Those who engaged in some of these more
extreme behaviors, however, expressed knowledge about
the environmental impacts of their behaviors and the sci-
ence behind some of the proposed solutions. This knowl-
edge translates into cultural capital (Bourdieu 1984; Holt
1998) for these informants, reinforcing their participation.
They tend to be much more passionate about their behav-
iors than other participants.
The passion these committed informants feel leads them
to be critical of others who engage in environmentally
unfriendly behaviors. Their criticism helps informants dis-
sociate themselves from those they view as unlike them-
selves, further defining the boundaries of who is included in
the community. Like oppositional brand loyalty (Muñíz and
Hamer 2001; Muñíz and O’Guinn 2001), informants show
their loyalty to their consumption community through their
expression of opposition to behaviors and people who go
against their values. These expressions of opposition
demonstrate some of the meaning derived through their
environmentally conscious consumption and sense of com-
munity. Oppositional behaviors validate that informants
belong to the community and also facilitate trust among the
members of the in-group. The oppositional behavior also
lends legitimacy to the members of the community. Their
own environmentally conscious behaviors and their criti-
cisms of others’ behavior show that they are devoted to the
community for the “right” reasons.
Commitment to the community for these “right” reasons
appears to strengthen the emotional connections these com-
mitted informants feel and sheds new light on prior research
on cooperation and reciprocity suggesting that individuals
are more likely to cooperate when they trust that others are
also behaving cooperatively (Cook and Cooper 2003). The
commitment to the principle of environmental protection
also helps explain behaviors that compensate for the envi-
ronmentally unfriendly behavior of others. As illustrated in
the preceding examples, the committed informants under-
stand that others are not behaving in ways that will coopera-
tively solve the social dilemma of the environmental crisis,
yet these informants still strive to behave in ways that bene-
fit society. Indeed, they may develop a deeper commitment
to their environmentally conscious consumption partly
because they see others acting in ways that damage the
environment. The committed informants demonstrate a
willingness to take on responsibility for the consequences
of others’ behavior because of their commitment to the tran-
scendent principle. These community members accept that
others, who are not contributing, will benefit from their
actions. They recognize that they share a common fate, and
thus, their success is shared (McMillan and Chavis 1986).
Although the informants try to limit their consumption of
resources in many ways, they all acknowledged that they
engage in some behaviors that are not consistent with their
environmentally conscious values. When they discuss these
transgressions, it is with a note of apology. For example, Gail
chose to purchase a home in a rural setting, which has since
become suburbanized, far from her place of employment.
She explains the conflict that this choice has caused for her:
That’s crazy, you know. A lot more convenient and probably a
lot more environmentally friendly if I were to be closer to the

places that I go. I would like to be able to ride my bike places to
go do an errand. To go to the post office, I’d rather jump on my
bike and do it than have to get in the car, because it’s seven
miles away. ... I struggle with my conscience for commuting so
much because it’s not good. It’s not good for the environment.
I’m not, like a, you know, tree hugger, but I do worry about it
enough to make me feel pretty guilty for owning an SUV and
driving 70 miles a day by myself.
Gail feels guilty when her behaviors are not consistent
with her values, and she alleviates this guilt by buying an
increasing amount of wind power to compensate for her
other less environmentally conscious actions. She explains
her choice as follows:
I’m busy, ... so I don’t always make the time or find ways to do
things that are better for the environment. Here’s a really easy
way to do it [purchasing wind power]. It’s going to benefit us,
and it’s almost like I don’t even know it’s happening.
Gail has been promoted several times in the recent past,
and each time she receives a pay raise, she purchases more
blocks of wind power. She sees the purchase as an easy way
to make a positive environmental impact. Although this tac-
tic is good for the individual, it could have negative conse-
quences for the solution of social dilemmas because dis-
crete environmentally conscious behaviors may produce a
licensing effect, in which “a prior choice, which activates
and boosts a positive self-concept, subsequently licenses
the choice of a more self-indulgent option” (Khan and Dhar
2006, p. 263). This effect may give people permission to act
in ways that are inconsistent with their overall principles
because they act responsibly in other ways. Renee gives an
explicit example. She feels guilty about driving her car, but
her purchase of wind power and her other environmentally
conscious behaviors help alleviate her guilt:
I’m guilty of it in some sense too, where you know, I’ll say, I
get pretty good gas mileage, so it’s okay if I take this extra trip,
and really my extra trips aren’t that exciting and I do get pretty
good gas mileage, but in a sense, I could have made that part of
another trip. I could walk. I could bike. But, well, I’m doing my
part; I’m doing my part. I’m giving more than the other—the
average person—I can go on this extra trip.
Just as the environmentally friendly practices in which
our participants engaged differed, the ways in which they
viewed and dealt with the inconsistencies in their own
behaviors differed. Some acknowledged the contradictions
and made choices with them explicitly in mind. Others did
more in some areas to compensate for doing less in other
areas. Regardless, some inconsistencies in behavior appear
to be inherent in a principle-based consumption community
as complex as that focused on environmental protection.
In summary, our informants’ narratives provide insights
into the value they gain from purchasing wind energy. Their
narratives provide evidence supporting the four aspects of
sense of community articulated by McMillan and Chavis
(1986). Our analysis calls attention to the interconnected-
ness of the four elements of sense of community, illustrat-
ing the resulting amplification of meaning. In the context of
environmentally conscious consumption practices, sense of
community supports participants’ commitment to a tran-
scendental principle that recognizes responsibility toward
the Earth and its inhabitants and the interdependence of
Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 151
consumers on one another to improve the environment. Our
data suggest that the value from socially conscious con-
sumption practices may be different for different con-
sumers. Informants gain value from a variety of sources and
at many levels. Not all consumers articulate a strong under-
lying philosophy that guides their lives, nor are consumers’
behaviors always consistent. Informants report inconsisten-
cies in their own behavior, and they criticize others for their
non–environmentally friendly behaviors. Our informants’
experiences can shed light on the ways sense of community
manifests itself in consumer behavior. Recognition that the
same behavior may result from different motivations is an
important insight that may benefit policy makers.
Discussion and Directions for Further
Our study investigates the motivation of participants in a
Research
wind power program and the value that they gain from
participation. Our analysis suggests that our informants view
themselves as part of a community of consumers committed
to environmental protection. The guiding principle behind
this community is a belief that individuals are responsible for
saving the planet from negative environmental impacts
caused by human inhabitation. This belief underlies engage-
ment in a constellation of behaviors that set participants apart
as members of a principle-based consumption community.
Our informants have a sense of being a part of something
bigger than themselves. As people who participate in a variety
of environmentally conscious behaviors, our informants feel
an attachment to others who share their commitment to the
environment. They recognize that there are many other people
who do not participate in these types of behaviors. This real-
ization leads our informants to feel similar and connected to
some consumers yet different from and disconnected from
others. Our participants feel a sense of belonging or member-
ship (McMillan and Chavis 1986; Muñíz and O’Guinn 2001)
with these similar others. As in imagined communities
(Anderson 1991), the boundaries of this community are not
formed around geographical perimeters, and like communities
of limited liability (Jannowitz 1952), members of this com-
munity share some similar interests but may not share other
types of ties. The symbolic boundaries (Cohen 1985) of the
community are formed around environmentally conscious
consumption patterns, which are based on, or influenced by,
the principle of environmental protection.
Participants glean meaning from their membership in the
community. Meanings are derived from the principle-based
consumption community through emotional connection,
reinforcement, and influence. Our informants exhibited a
strong emotional commitment to the goal of saving the
environment. They are reinforced for their environmentally
conscious behaviors in a variety of ways, such as the
knowledge that they support the ideal of renewable energy
and the power company’s exploration of alternative meth-
ods of generating power. Through this reinforcement, they
are encouraged not only to continue their socially conscious
consumption behaviors but also to adopt new behaviors that
support their principles as well.
Our informants mentioned many ways in which they
influence others and in which they are influenced. For
152 Principle-Based Consumption Communities
example, some participants influenced others by modeling
environmentally friendly behavior. Others shared their
knowledge and expertise with neighbors. Parents and teach-
ers influenced children through education about environ-
mental issues and solutions. Our informants are influenced
by observing others, adopting new environmentally friendly
behaviors, and even compensating through their own
behavior for the non–environmentally friendly behaviors of
others. They are also influenced by the media, which intro-
duce new opportunities for living the principle of the com-
munity and reinforce the urgency of concerns for the natural
environment.
As our informants’ narratives illustrate, McMillan and
Chavis’s (1986) four categories of sense of community are
likely not to be discrete constructs. Instead, they are woven
together in a fabric of meanings. As purchasers of wind
energy, our informants realize that they are somewhat
unusual; they are members of a relatively small group of
consumers who participate in buying power that is gener-
ated from an alternative energy source. Our informants’
experiences as purchasers of wind power illustrate the ways
that emotional connection, reinforcement, and influence can
work in concert to provide meaning for members. Each
individual’s meanings may come more strongly from one
construct than another; influence may be more important to
some members, while emotional connection may be more
important to others.
Our participants’ environmentally friendly behaviors
vary in both number and type, and for any one individual,
not all of their behaviors are supportive of environmental
protection. Our informants’ narratives reveal personaliza-
tion of the ways they express their support of the principle.
For some members, the purchase of wind power appeared
to give them license to act in ways counter to their values.
Although this compensation may alleviate the individual’s
guilt, it could have unintended consequences for commu-
nity and for the goal of protecting the environment.
Our analysis highlights the potential for a transcendental
principle such as environmental protection to be the unify-
ing factor around which a community coalesces. Member-
ship in the community appears to be solidified by shared
emotional connections, reinforcement, and influence and
motivates a broad range of consumer behaviors. Knowledge
that a transcendent principle is the basis of a consumption
community raises new questions about the impact of the
principle on consumption communities.
There are several conceptual as well as practical ques-
tions that future researchers can address. What does it mean
that a principle has taken over the central position of influ-
ence from an authority figure? Although the principle on
which a principle-based community is based is generally
agreed on, it is likely to be self-defined by each individual
within a community. Members of a principle-based con-
sumption community support the principle in their own
ways. In contrast, an authority figure represents a singular
outside force whose influence dictates the norms of behav-
ior for community members. Does the influence of a princi-
ple make a community stronger? To answer this question, it
is important to look beyond observable behaviors to attempt
to understand the underlying meanings ascribed to behav-
iors. Appreciation of the value consumers obtain from their
environmentally friendly consumption practices can pro-
vide insights into what motivates people within the context
of a principle-based community. Further research should
explore ways of determining the underlying principles that
guide consumption within communities.
The use of sense of community to examine socially con-
scious consumption practices also raises interesting ques-
tions about resource allocation. For example, the belief that
others are benefiting from an individual’s efforts resonates
with findings from research on sharing behaviors. Ozanne
and Ozanne (2011) discuss the benefits that may accrue
through participation in sharing the resources of a toy
library, many of which are social in nature. Members of the
toy library expressed the benefits of socializing, emotional
support, parental support, and modeling desired behaviors.
Lamberton and Rose (2012) study the implementation of a
bicycle sharing system as a way to lessen negative impacts
on the environment, and they find that, although cost sav-
ings incentivize people to share, perceptions of scarcity
negatively affect willingness to share. Our informants know
that there are limited resources available from fossil fuels,
and yet they choose to sacrifice when they know others are
using a disproportionate amount of resources. The rein-
forcement they acquire though the belief that they are doing
the “right” thing overrides any tendency they may have to
use up resources before anyone else gets to them.
The research on sharing has primarily focused on the
benefits of borrowing from the collective. Examination of
the development of a resource pool may provide new
insights. How is buying wind power, which creates a pool of
resources, different from borrowing from a pool of
resources? New insights may be gleaned by examining the
issue of environmental conservation from the perspective of
creation (helping the collective) versus use (borrowing from
the collection). In addition, the aspects of sense of commu-
nity may manifest in different ways for these different types
of sharing. For example, is membership in a principle-based
community a stronger motivation to help create the resource
pool or to sharing in the use of the resource? Would the rein-
forcement that comes along with membership in a commu-
nity have a stronger impact if the members helped create the
shared resource? Does it matter if they also get to use the
created resource? Answers to these questions would be use-
ful in many different arenas, but they may be particularly
relevant when the goal is to conserve resources, as in the
promotion of socially conscious consumption.
How, then, can knowledge that consumption behaviors may
Implications
be guided by membership in a principle-based community
assist policy makers, environmental activists, and marketers
in their efforts to change the behavior of individuals when
the benefits from change are at the societal level? The appli-
cation of community theory facilitates an understanding of
the meaning of and value gained through participation in
socially conscious consumption practices. Global warming
is an issue facing a global community. Viewing this global
community as a principle-based community and recognizing
that the elements of community can be drivers of change
within a dynamic system suggest several possibilities.

Policy makers can apply these ideas to programs intended
Policy Makers
to initiate large-scale behavior change. A challenge to any
behavior change effort is its initiation. In this regard, it may
be helpful to view individual behaviors as elements within
constellations of related behaviors. When behaviors are
related to one another through a shared transcendent princi-
ple, their meanings strengthen the links between the behav-
iors. People are more likely to act in ways that are consis-
tent with their values and past behaviors (Cialdini 1993).
Thus, policy makers should consider enacting policies that
support behaviors closely related to the behaviors they want
to encourage. For example, requiring municipalities to pro-
vide recycling containers may have the added benefit of
encouraging other environmentally friendly behaviors. The
public nature of the bins may increase the effectiveness of
such a program through feelings of sense of community that
are produced when neighbors see others participating, and it
may also become a conversation starter that allows neigh-
bors to share views about environmental conservation.
Policies that promote the sharing of information about
community norms for desirable behaviors may be benefi-
cial. For example, hotels could be required to provide infor-
mation to their guests about the reuse of towels and the
resulting impact on the environment. Messages could be
framed in such a manner as to emphasize and reinforce
group norms (Goldstein, Cialdini, and Griskevicius 2008).
Finally, policy makers could focus their energies around
important transcendent principles and use the theory of sense
of community to strengthen adherence to supportive policies.
For socially conscious consumption practices, the transcen-
dent principle may be the protection of the environment.
This study may also provide useful insights for environ-
Environmental Advocates
mental advocates, especially when trying to engage con-
sumers who currently have a low degree of participation.
Referencing the behavior of community members may be
helpful in several ways. Highlighting the common meaning
between behaviors in which less involved consumers cur-
rently engage and those that advocates want to promote
may encourage less involved consumers to adopt additional
related behaviors. Messages focusing on the underlying
value of protecting the environment and referring specifi-
cally to members of the target audience’s reference group
could help motivate action. These messages could focus on
different motives depending on the target audience. For
example, for those for whom environmental protection is a
high priority, the message “People who care about protect-
ing the environment purchase blocks of wind power
because it reduces greenhouse gases” could be used. For
those who are less concerned with environmental protection
or identify less with those who do, the message may be
“30% of your neighbors are saving money by installing a
load control device.” The key to using these strategies
effectively is to understand which principles the target audi-
ence believes in and with whom they identify.
Environmental advocates could also fruitfully explore
the reinforcement that comes from helping create a shared
resource. Ozanne and Ozanne (2011) note that one of the
Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 153
benefits from participating in a sharing activity is helping
make the activity a success. Sacrifices may be necessary to
participate in environmentally friendly behaviors. Thus,
the benefits of creating a community resource may be
especially relevant to the promotion of these types of
activities.
Marketers can also use their knowledge of principle-based
Marketers
consumption communities to promote behaviors and prod-
ucts that support environmental protection and other desired
outcomes. The concepts of community membership and
boundaries between members and nonmembers can be
powerful in developing strategies for behavior change.
Strategies that reinforce conformity with norms of people
with whom people identify can be used to encourage indi-
viduals to adopt behaviors that are consistent with the ways
in which members of the principle-based community
behave (Goldstein, Cialdini, and Griskevicius 2008).
Socially conscious behaviors can encourage identification
with a principle-based consumption community. Research
has shown that using an appropriate reference group in mar-
keting messages can improve resource reuse (Goldstein,
Cialdini, and Griskevicius 2008).
Marketers can also use the concept of framing to influ-
ence how consumers view investments and sacrifices.
Explicit trade-offs that derive from the purchase of more
blocks of wind power could be framed as a way to offset
environmental digressions, helping consumers understand
how they can make a difference in environmental quality.
These strategies could also be used to encourage other types
of environmentally friendly behaviors.
Reinforcement has long been understood to be an impor-
tant component of behavior change (Skinner 1938). When
considering socially conscious consumption, reinforcement
occurs at many levels. Reinforcement for participation in
socially conscious behaviors may come from tangible bene-
fits such as saving money or from intangible benefits such
as feelings of empowerment and the satisfaction of influ-
encing others to adopt behaviors that benefit society. An
understanding of these rewards, both individual and com-
munal, is valuable to marketers who seek to promote
socially conscious behaviors.
An understanding of how influence works in principle-
based consumption communities also holds promise. Values
transmission from parents to children, from teachers to stu-
dents, from community members to nonmembers, and even
from the media to society help socialize consumers to par-
ticipate in the little behaviors that make an impact in solv-
ing the social dilemma of the environmental crisis. The pur-
chase of blocks of wind power is particularly challenging
because of the private nature of the behavior. Marketers
should try to make the behaviors more publically visible.
This could be accomplished with messages that highlight
the participation of others in the community. For example,
electric bills could include the customer’s participation
compared with that of others in the neighborhood. Mar-
keters could also provide tangible evidence of participation,
such as the electric company providing participants with
bumper stickers that celebrate participation.
154 Principle-Based Consumption Communities

In conclusion, a sense of moral responsibility toward a
principle accompanied by a sense of empowerment to
change a situation may lead consumers to engage in
behaviors that help solve social dilemmas. These feelings
may be strongest in times of threat when collective
actions are required (Muñíz and O’Guinn 2001). Global
warming and other environmental crises pose a threat to
community members and society as a whole. Engendering
a sense of community in individuals, therefore, may move
them to take actions in their own lives to address the
problem of environmental degradation as well as other
social dilemmas. Because large-scale behavior change
must necessarily begin with a few individuals, knowledge
of the impact of shared emotional connections among
members of the community on the likelihood of members
engaging in cooperative behaviors can aid policy makers,
environmental advocates, and marketers in germinating
support.

Appendix. Demographic Characteristics of Informants

Name Gender Age Education Occupation Family Status Number of Children

Renee Female 26 High school Customer service Single 0

Angie Female 33 BA Customer service Married 2a
Tina Female 35 MBA Manager Single 0
Ken Male 60 PhD Professor Married 0
Mark Male 34 BA Paramedic Married 2a
Elaine Female 27 BS Science teacher Married 0
Gail Female 37 MBA Manager Single 1a
Peter Male 47 BS Science teacher Single 0
Mike Male 79 MS Urban planner (Retired) Married 4

aChildren living at home.

Cohen, Anthony P. (1985), The Symbolic Construction of Commu-

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