Professional Documents
Culture Documents
To cite this article: Lodewijk van Oord (2008) Peace education: an International Baccalaureate
perspective, Journal of Peace Education, 5:1, 49-62, DOI: 10.1080/17400200701859379
Introduction
The International Baccalaureate (IB) was developed in the late 1960s with the practical purpose
of providing a growing number of international schools with a pre-university curriculum recogn-
ised by universities around the world. This desire was first put forward by teachers in the
International School of Geneva, an institution set up in 1920 to educate the children of international
staff working for the League of Nations. In the second half of the twentieth century, when under
the influence of globalisation more and more schools for internationally mobile children were set
up, other international schools expressed a similar interest. This practical need, to cut a long story
short, led to the development of the IB Diploma programme (Peterson 1987; Hayden 2006). From
the onset, those involved in its development also believed that the programme should foster inter-
national and intercultural understanding. This idealistic vision was mostly embodied by Kurt Hahn,
a German-born Jewish educator who moved to Britain in 1933. Hahn built his educational practice
on William James’ powerful idea that education ought to be the moral equivalent of war. In Britain,
Hahn became the driving force behind the Outward Bound movement and Atlantic College, the
first of the now 12 United World Colleges around the world. He believed that international second-
ary schools would be able to develop students’ understanding of other peoples and nations and
that this would in the future be able to prevent the outbreak of war (Flavin 1996). To this end he
brought students from many different countries together so that they could learn in one classroom
and engage in challenging community service. As will become evident, this thought later ended
up at the core of the Diploma programme (Cambridge and Thompson 2004; Van Oord 2007).
*Email: vanoord@atlanticcollege.org
The first IB Diploma trial examination took place in 1967, and the first diplomas were
awarded four years later. Although small adjustments have been made in the course of these 45
years, the structure of the programme has remained largely the same. The curriculum consists of
six subject groups (mother tongue language, second language, humanities, experimental sciences,
mathematics or computer science and the arts) and three compulsory core elements: an epistemol-
ogy course called ‘theory of knowledge’, a 4000-word extended essay and the creativity, action,
service (CAS) requirement. Students choose one subject from each group, three at higher level
(HL) and three at standard level (SL). Higher-level subjects require 240 hours of teaching; stan-
dard-level subjects 150 hours (IBO 2002). Although numerous subjects can be offered (for
instance over 80 different languages), most authorised schools only offer a selection, depending
on student enrolment and available funding. Students are not required to take an arts subject;
instead they are allowed to choose one other subject from the first five groups, such as a second
foreign language or an additional science. In addition to the mainstream subjects developed by
the IB, schools with a particular interest in certain areas are allowed to develop courses of their
own. These special school-based syllabuses (which are only allowed at standard level) are
developed by individual schools and approved and moderated by the IB. Some 20 different
school-based syllabuses have been authorised by the IB, including human rights, political thought,
and peace and conflict studies (Hill 2004).
Today, the IB Diploma programme is offered in approximately 1500 schools in 120 different
countries. In May and November 2007, approximately 40,000 candidates sat the IB Diploma
examinations. Although the IB Diploma programme is an international curriculum, around 40%
of schools offering the programme are in the USA (IBO 2006a). The proliferation of the IB started
in the 1980s, when more and more American schools were attracted by its rigorous academic
curriculum (Fox 1985). Initially developed for international schools in the private sector, the IB
stresses that it does not merely offer a rigorous education for the expatriate elite. At present, over
half the schools offering an IB programme are state-funded. According to the IB website, 30% of
schools offering the IB in the US receive government assistance because of their socioeconomic
status. It is therefore said that the IB has developed ‘from a programme for international schools,
to an international programme for schools’ (Hagoort 1994, 11).
As the number of schools offering the Diploma programme grew, the IB also started to
develop educational programmes for the primary and middle school. The IB middle years
programme was first offered in 1994 and the primary years programme in 1997. Since then, the
organisation has been able to offer students an IB experience from the start of primary school up
to secondary school graduation.
In its mission statement on its website, the IB expresses a desire to develop ‘inquiring,
knowledgeable and caring young people who help to create a better and more peaceful world
through intercultural understanding and respect’. The movement aims to achieve this by offering
‘challenging programmes of international education and rigorous assessment’. In a strategic plan
published in the year 2000, the IB movement stresses that such an ‘international understanding’
includes:
An understanding of the meaning and importance of culture (starting with one’s own but leading to
that of others), a study of issues of global concern (such as health, the environment, human rights and
conflict resolution) and an exploration of the different dimensions of the human condition. (IBO
2000a, 7)
This brief overview of the IB’s educational objectives demonstrates that the movement has
made a firm commitment to peace education. The IB appears to define peace education as an
education that teaches students how to establish and develop understanding for people who think
and behave differently from themselves. This is close to Gavriel Salomon’s approach (he claims
Journal of Peace Education 51
that ‘the ultimate goal of peace education is to lead to the legitimization of the other side’s point
of view’). As he continues: ‘This does not need to entail agreement with the other side, just seeing
it as legitimate and thus valid’ (Salomon 2004, 123). Roger Peel (IB director general, 1983–1998)
wrote in similar vein that, ideally, students should after their IB experience ‘know themselves
better than when they started, while acknowledging that others can be right in being different’
(Peel 1997). Although the IB claims that its educational programmes are derived from educa-
tional practices around the world, the educational philosophy of the programme is fundamentally
contextual: it continues to be part of the liberal, humanist educational tradition (Sobulis 2005;
Van Oord 2007).
This article sets out to analyse the different elements of peace education within the IB
Diploma programme. Peace education is not a monolithic entity, and it is possible to elucidate
various theories and practices within the field. In the first issue of the first volume of the Journal
of Peace Education, Ian Harris (2004) analyses the different ways in which peace education has
developed at the start of the twenty-first century. He identifies five different approaches; namely,
international education, human rights education, development education, environmental educa-
tion and conflict resolution education. These different approaches, Harris concludes, are not
mutually exclusive but can complement each other in one curriculum or even in one lesson.
In the 1970s, the IB developed a special peace education course called ‘peace and conflict
studies’. This article presents the results of a recent survey among students who study this subject.
Although these results show that the course is a success in terms of student impact, peace and
conflict studies has not managed to attract large numbers of IB students. It is worth analysing the
reasons for this quantitative failure. However, peace education in the IB is not limited to the peace
and conflict studies course alone, and this article will also describe and analyse how different
types of peace education have found their way into the Diploma programme. By way of conclu-
sion I will offer a number of suggestions for how the peace education embedded in the Diploma
programme can be made more widely available to a larger number of IB students.
staff. It seemed to me dangerous to write highly charged political pamphlets on the subject without
such direct experience. (Stuart 1985)
With the closing of the Cold War era the criticism of the peace studies course was silenced as
well, at least in Europe. Yet even today some critics in the US mention the peace and conflict
studies course as one of the major reasons why they despise the IB so much (e.g. Archibald 2004).
In 2006, several American school districts tried to ban the IB, dismissing it as an un-American
and Marxist educational programme. Again, peace and conflict studies was mentioned as one of
the main objections (Walters 2006). What, then, makes this course so un-American and Marxist,
or, in other words, so very dangerous?
IB peace and conflict studies is value-based insofar as it encourages peace rather than
violence, but the intention is not to ‘pacify’ students or to persuade them to ignore or avoid
conflict. Indeed, peace and conflict studies values conflict as a means of achieving positive
change towards greater justice. It tries to offer students the conceptual framework and skills to
realise that every person is potentially able to create positive change in his or her community (IBO
2005).
The course is largely discussion-based in the way that it values student discussion over lectur-
ing by the teacher, and values learning through experience over the studying of vast amounts of
content. Peace and conflict studies teachers are therefore encouraged to create learning environ-
ments where students feel free to speak their minds and engage in critical and constructive debate.
Students can bring conflicts from their own experiences into the discussion, and learn how to
analyse them using peace theory. This will enable students to learn from peers who might have
different or even contradictory perceptions of peace and conflict. This sociocultural approach to
learning views the student and his or her world as one unit of analysis, due to its constant
interaction (Hakvoort 2002).
By using different instructional formats, peace and conflict studies is intended to be a real
learning experience that will encourage students to think and reflect on their own and others’
attitudes and behaviour. A prescribed teaching approach is unusual for an IB course, as the IB
maintains that it should be possible to deliver their courses in a variety of teaching methods,
depending on local and cultural educational traditions. However, the designers of the peace and
conflict studies course felt strongly that an affective and participatory approach to teaching is
essential in order to offer students the transformative experience needed for effective peace
education. ‘The success of peace education is more dependent on the views, motivations and
abilities of teachers than traditional subjects are,’ writes Bar-Tal (2002, 33) and this thought is
endorsed by the IB subject guide.
The introductory topic discusses major concepts in the field of peace research: what do we
mean when using concepts such as peace, conflict, violence and aggression? Here students are
introduced to concepts such as positive and negative peace and physical, structural and cultural
violence. The course then continues by addressing conflict at various levels: the personal, the
social and the global. The study of social conflict includes prejudice and discrimination and
social-psychological themes such as obedience and conformity. The study of conflict around the
globe includes development and globalisation and the study of an ongoing major armed conflict.
A final topic discusses change and conflict transformation. This topic includes an in-depth study
on the aims and methods of violent and non-violent protest movements (Gandhi, Martin Luther
King but also terrorism and armed resistance), third-party intervention such as that carried out by
the United Nations, and post-conflict issues including reconstruction and reconciliation.
As part of the assessment, students write an investigative report with recommendations on
either prejudice and discrimination or an ongoing armed conflict. When opting for the first topic,
students are to choose a specific group in a society of their choice that suffers from prejudice and
discrimination. They are asked to analyse the levels and nature of the violence suffered and
Journal of Peace Education 53
recommend ways of changing it. When opting for the armed conflict, students choose an ongoing
major armed conflict and analyse its history, nature, outside influences and (partly) tried solu-
tions. Here too they recommend which steps need to be taken in order to transform the conflict
into more positive relationships. After the writing process, students hold a ‘press conference’ in
which they present their major findings and recommendations to their peers, who are to respond
as critical journalists or politicians.
This brief description illustrates that the course is deeply rooted in the work of Johan Galtung,
who pioneered peace research in the 1960s. For Galtung, the purpose of peace research and educa-
tion was to ‘put Man together again (…) in order to arrive at something more truthful to the miracle
that is Man’ (Galtung 1975, 262). The conceptual outline of the course and key definitions are
taken from Galtung’s notion of peace as the opposite of violence. The course also embraces
Galtung’s idea that peace research should focus on both the establishment of negative peace (the
absence of war) and positive peace (the existence of social justice) (Galtung 1969, 1996). This
approach to peace education is not free from critique. Gur-Ze’ev argues in a provocative paper
that the Galtunian modernist framework is unsuitable for our postmodern times and that this type
of peace education is itself a manifestation of the violences it seeks to diminish. Alternatively, he
argues for a counter-education which does not follow a universalistic essentialist agenda but faces
the changing postmodern condition (Gur-Ze’ev 2001). However appealing he sounds, it remains
unclear to me how this postmodern philosophy of peace education translates into the classroom.
Similar reasons to choose the subject are given by students from Northern Ireland, Palestine,
Serbia–Montenegro and India. On the other hand, students from countries without an armed
conflict often mention student diversity in class as a reason to choose the subject. A male student
from Japan, for instance, writes how he values the possibility of learning from students from
countries that are in war or conflict. Other students give different reasons, often more related to
the methodology of the course. Many seem to value the discussion-based nature of the subject,
providing them with opportunities to discuss issues of great concern to them. A female student
from India comments on the value of an interactive class which allows her to hear other people’s
opinions. A male student from Iran particularly appreciates the many practical activities, which
help him to learn better than through lectures. A female student from the US summarises much
of the aforementioned when she writes:
In some ways, what I have learnt grossly complicates conflicts rather than simplifies or categorizes
it. Each day, however, gives the course renewed relevance. Conflicts erupt perpetually, and through
Peace and Conflict Studies, I have a context in which to understand them.
‘A context in which to understand’ is not a bad slogan for peace education. Student comments
like these make it difficult to see the subject as a failure. From the perspective of the impact educa-
tion can have on a young person’s life, peace and conflict studies is a huge success; in terms of
quality, perhaps even the biggest success since the IB Diploma programme was launched in 1968.
During the development of the syllabus in the late 1970s, those involved showed great ideal-
ism in their eagerness to create a course that would be adopted by many and perhaps all IB
schools. Robert Blackburn, at the time Deputy Director General of the IB, even expressed the
hope that peace studies, once formally adopted by the IB, could also be offered to schools outside
the IB network (Duczek 1981). Reflecting on this ideal, something seems to have gone terribly
wrong. In May 2006, only 57 out of 31,249 IB Diploma students wrote the peace and conflict
studies examination: a meagre 0.18% of all Diploma candidates (IBO 2006a).1 Although more
schools are starting to adopt peace and conflict studies, the overall percentage of candidates
studying the course remains dramatically low.
Many scholars maintain, however, that the understanding of peace and conflict is an essential
element of an international education (Hill 2002), and regret that the peace and conflict studies
syllabus was never adopted by the IB more widely (Gellar 2002). The troublesome history of
peace and conflict studies remains difficult to grasp, since this course perhaps more than any other
IB subject takes on the challenge of the movement’s mission statement to promote an understand-
ing of global affairs and help create a world of greater justice and a dynamic of peace. Unfortu-
nately, active support from the IB in promoting the course remained absent. Especially in the mid
1980s, when peace education programmes became controversial in the western world, the IB
became anxious to place great emphasis on its peace and conflict studies course. The IB was in
the process of gaining recognition by many governments and universities around the world.
Promoting an explosive course could jeopardise this development. This lack of support might be
one of the reasons why, from a perspective of numbers, peace and conflict studies turned out to
be a failure. Atlantic College stood alone when it was criticised, and at times found it difficult to
attract skilled and motivated teachers to teach the course. With the fall of the Berlin Wall and the
apartheid regime in South Africa the sense of urgency for peace education within the IB move-
ment seemed lost. In 1995, there were only two students left. A new teacher arrived and started
to revise the course. The heavy focus on nuclear deterrence and Cold War issues made way for
questions of ethnicity and societal conflict. The various wars in the Balkans and the conflicts in
Northern Ireland and the Middle East served as case studies. A decade later peace and conflict
studies was back on its feet. Especially since 11 September 2001 and the global events following
it the course appears to be more and more relevant to young students who want to develop an
understanding of what is going on in the world and in their own societies.
Journal of Peace Education 55
Although it should be concluded that peace and conflict studies has not turned out to be a
success in terms of student numbers, many IB student will encounter elements of peace education
in different, more implicit ways. All five types of peace education identified by Harris (2004) can
be found in one way or another in the Diploma programme, as I hope to demonstrate.
international arena. After a theoretical topic dealing with the history of human rights and its
philosophical underpinnings, the syllabus continues with a treatment of the major human rights
treaties such as the UN charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It also discusses the functioning of the main protectors of
established human rights such as the various UN bodies and the relationship between human
rights and international law. Finally, students are triggered to relate the theory and international
practice of human rights on a topic of their choice in a part of the world of their own choice. As
part of the internally assessed coursework, students write an essay and develop an accessible
website on a human rights issue. They can also decide to organise a classroom debate on a topical
human rights issue (IBO 2001c). This progressive assessment is typical for human rights educa-
tion, which often advocates ‘innovative, active, and interdisciplinary approaches to learning’
(Marshall 2007, 45).
Harris argues that ‘human rights education can be broadly construed in ways that honor the
basic dignity of all people’ as it tries to develop ‘multicultural understanding aimed at reducing
stereotypes and hostilities between groups’ (Harris 2004, 11). The IB human rights course clearly
supports this:
By approaching issues from a multicultural perspective, Human Rights deepens the awareness of
shared humanity and social responsibility, while upholding the idea of the uniqueness of each culture.
However a systematic study of human rights cannot limit itself to political and social issues, for the
idea of human rights also has historical, cultural, ethical and religious dimensions. Understanding
these dimensions is essential to evaluating the arguments put forward in the name of human rights
today. (IBO 2001c, 5)
In order to achieve this, the syllabus also deals with issues of cultural relativism and the critique
on human rights as a western construct, and the development of human rights conceptions in
Africa, South Asia and in the Islamic world.
It can be argued that elements of human rights education feature in the history syllabus as
well. The earlier mentioned topic, ‘The state and its relationship with religion and with minori-
ties’, for instance, deals with issues of discrimination, self-determination and the pursuit of equal
rights for religious, ethnic and political minority groups. Groups for detailed study include,
among others, Aboriginals in Australia, Kurds in Europe and the Middle East, Native and African
Americans (IBO 2001a). Honouring the histories and struggles of minority groups is obviously a
form of human rights education.
healthcare, and stability), barriers to growth and development, and an evaluation of different
development strategies.
The development education wing of peace education is associated with radical educators such
as Paulo Freire. He advocated an education which would help people to ‘read’ their oppressed
situation and take positive action in order to improve their position, a process he called ‘consci-
entization’ (Freire 1972). Although less radical and ambitious than Freire put it, the aims of the
economics course seemingly echo some of this empowering thought.
were to go out sailing on our Schooner, the Prince Louis, perhaps in a North-easterly gale, and if they
were become thoroughly seasick together, I would have done something for international education.
(Hahn 1954)
In the Diploma programme, this thought is embodied in the compulsory creativity, action, service
(CAS) requirement. CAS is a core element, and although students are not formally assessed in
this area they can fail the Diploma if they are unable to show evidence of participation in all three
areas of the CAS requirement. Students are expected to reflect on their creative, active and service
initiatives through evaluation questionnaires.
CAS aims at developing students’ creative, physical and social skills. Experiential learning
through cooperation is key to the CAS requirement which, it is hoped, leads to ‘a sense of respon-
sibility towards all members of the community’ and ‘the development of attitudes and traits that
will be respected by others, such as determination and commitment, initiative and empathy’ (IBO
2001e, 3).
Not all IB schools will be able to put Arabs and Jews on a sailing boat to ‘become thoroughly
seasick together’, and only an exceptional few of these schools actually operate lifeboat stations
and fire brigades as part of their CAS programmes. Yet in less spectacular form Hahn’s vision is
still present. The international content made available in the various subject guides is comple-
mented by a compulsory service and action element, where students, ideally, learn how to act
upon their newly acquired knowledge. Such an education, the IB movement believes, contributes
to a better and more peaceful world.
At first sight, the CAS programme might not come across as conflict resolution education,
since this kind of education is very much associated with training in communication skills and
conflict mediation. This perception is too narrow, however. One of the first school-based conflict
resolution curricula was developed by the Quaker Project on Community Conflict (Prutzman
et al. 1988). They emphasise three particular goals for conflict resolution education. First, to
promote growth towards a community; second, to develop awareness of human feelings; and
third, to help students explore the ways in which they can personally respond to problems and
conflicts suffered by others. With its CAS programme, the IB believes that it does just that.
According to the guide:
Participation in CAS encourages students to share their energies and special talents while developing
awareness, concern and the ability to work cooperatively with others. The IB’s goal of educating the
whole person and fostering more caring and socially responsible attitudes comes alive in an immediate
way when students reach beyond themselves and their books. The educational benefits of CAS apply
in the school community, and in the local, national and international communities. (IBO 2001e, 3)
The question must always be at the front of our minds—are global issues a necessary component of
a balanced curriculum in the twenty-first century? […] We are all subject to the doomsday scenarios
of the media and of literature. The Antarctic is melting, it is not safe to sunbathe, tribal and religious
conflict and violence are rarely out of the news, the information technology revolution is changing
our lives, social structures appear to be breaking down. […] How are we preparing the coming gener-
ation to face it? In education our eyes are firmly on standards, but are they standards for the right
things? (Jenkins 1998, 95–6)
Interestingly, both McKenzie and Jenkins have been principals of Atlantic College, the pioneering
school that developed the peace and conflict studies course. Within the IB community, education
for peace is widely regarded as one of the cornerstones of a genuinely international education
(Thomas 1998). An important question worth analysing is how many IB Diploma students encoun-
ter the different elements of peace education embedded in the programme. Are all Diploma students
‘touched’ by peace education? Curriculum designers acknowledge that there is often a difference
between the written curriculum and the taught and assessed curricula. In this terminology, the
written curriculum refers to the content explicitly published in subject syllabuses, the main focus
of this article thus far. The taught curriculum refers to what teachers actually teach, and the assessed
curriculum to what is being examined (IBO 2006b). Ideally, these three curricula overlap
completely, yet in reality this is never entirely the case. In order to establish how far IB Diploma
students have access to the elements of peace education available in the written curriculum, two
questions need to be asked: how far do teachers actually teach these elements of the IB subjects
and how widely are the courses with a specific peace education stance offered? In other words,
how much access do most IB Diploma students have to this written curriculum?
A good indication of student access to the dimensions of peace education is the popularity of
the aforementioned courses among Diploma candidates. These figures are annually published in
the IB’s statistical bulletin (IBO 2006a). It has already been mentioned that the peace and conflict
studies course was completed by 0.18% of all Diploma candidates in May 2006. The percentage
of IB human rights candidates is even lower; in the same examination session it stands at 0.07%,
a total of 23 students. Although the percentages are higher for the other subjects discussed above,
it remains remarkably low. In May 2006, environmental systems was taken by 8.8% of all
Diploma candidates and economics (HL and SL) by 26%. History is a popular subject; almost
80% of all Diploma students take it. In many IB schools, history is the only humanities subject
on offer. Yet very few history students answer exam questions on the topic ‘The state and its
relationship with religion and with minorities’. The history subject report of May 2006 states that
this particular topic ‘produced very few responses’ and that the essay questions on the topic
‘attract some of the weakest candidates who seem unable to find or cope with the demands of
questions in the other sections’ (IBO 2006c, 10). This indicates that the topic is hardly taught by
IB teachers, or at best taught badly.
Conclusion
At present, only a small percentage of all Diploma candidates have access to the courses which
include the various types of peace education explicitly. And although forms of peace education
are also embedded in the more popular subjects such as history, these specific topics are often not
taken up by IB teachers.
Perhaps the IB movement can become more proactive in triggering a larger number of IB
schools to adopt the courses with a specific peace education dimension. It should also encourage
IB teachers to focus more specifically on those elements in the subject guides which educate for
peace. History teachers, for instance, would be helped enormously if the IB produced teacher
support material on a topic like ‘The state and its relationship with religion and with minorities’.
A topic like this is unfamiliar to most teachers, and suitable textbooks are not readily available.
60 L. van Oord
The IB could facilitate the development of teaching material in this area. It could also train teach-
ers more specifically in dealing with the peace dimension of its courses during teacher training
conferences. It is stimulating to hear that the IB is planning to do just that in its future teacher
workshops. The IB has also started to publish course companions, and some reference is made in
these books to the internationalist ideals of the Diploma programme.
A more radical solution would be to embed elements of peace education in the Diploma
programme’s core, the part of the curriculum all students have to fulfil. As discussed earlier, at
the moment the core entails the theory of knowledge course, the extended essay and the CAS
programme. Perhaps the IB can join ‘one of the fastest growing school reforms in the West’
(Harris 2004, 14) by developing a conflict resolution course which IB schools can offer as part of
their CAS programmes. Not only would this provide IB students with skills and experiences in
conflict resolution, it could also help to institutionalise peace within the schools themselves
(Johnson and Johnson 2006). Students who successfully participate in such a course could then
be honoured with an additional IB conflict resolution certificate in addition to their IB Diploma.
Finally, the IB should consider what it wishes to do with the peace and conflict studies course,
which celebrated its 30th anniversary in 2007. It could play an active role in making the course
more widely available to IB schools around the world. Releasing the course from its school-based
nature and providing teacher support material and workshops would be an important step forward.
The same should be considered for the human rights course.
Such initiatives would allow a larger number of Diploma candidates to be immersed in the
education for peace already present in the programme. The IB’s effort to infuse peace education
elements in its educational programme is impressive. It should now try to ensure that more
students studying for the IB Diploma are touched by these various types of peace education.
Note
1. The figure of 31,249 refers to all students who were awarded a full Diploma. Figures for all candidates
including fails are hard to obtain, as students can also opt for single-subject certificates. In May 2006,
a total of 72,170 candidates registered for at least one examination session. This includes retakes, single-
subject certificate candidates and other categories (IBO 2006a, 10). Data for 2007 was not yet available
when this article went to press.
Notes on contributor
Lodewijk van Oord is Head of Peace and Conflict Studies at the United World College of the Atlantic in
Wales, where he also teaches history of the Middle East. He holds an MA in history from the University of
Leiden and an international teaching degree from Utrecht University, both in the Netherlands. His educa-
tional research focuses on the theory and practice of international education, with particular reference to the
International Baccalaureate. He regularly writes op-eds and articles in Dutch newspapers and journals on
political and historical issues.
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