See

discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/275663298

Body satisfaction, thin-ideal internalization,

and perceived pressure to be thin among
Canadian women: The role of...

Article in Body image · April 2015

DOI: 10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.003 · Source: PubMed

CITATIONS READS

5 316

3 authors, including:

Zina Chaker Felicia Chang

University of Windsor University of Windsor
1 PUBLICATION 5 CITATIONS 6 PUBLICATIONS 16 CITATIONS

SEE PROFILE SEE PROFILE

Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:

Eating Behaviors and Emotion Regultation View project

All content following this page was uploaded by Zina Chaker on 19 January 2016.

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

 Body Image 14 (2015) 85–93

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Body Image
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/bodyimage

Body satisfaction, thin-ideal internalization, and perceived pressure

to be thin among Canadian women: The role of acculturation and
religiosity
Zina Chaker ∗ , Felicia M. Chang, Julie Hakim-Larson
Department of Psychology, University of Windsor, 401 Sunset Avenue, Windsor, Ontario, Canada N9B 3P4

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: In an online study, 143 Canadian women of various religious backgrounds completed measures of accul-
Received 5 July 2014 turation, religiosity, body satisfaction, internalization of the thin ideal, perceived pressure from media,
Received in revised form 27 March 2015 and manner of dress. Heritage acculturation correlated with appearance satisfaction, but not weight
Accepted 4 April 2015
satisfaction. After accounting for BMI and social desirability, higher heritage acculturation and lower
mainstream acculturation were associated with lower perceived pressure from media. Thus, heritage
Keywords:
acculturation across religious denominations may serve as a buffer against appearance dissatisfaction
Appearance satisfaction
and perceived media pressure. Manner of dress among the Muslim subgroup and its relation to reli-
Thin-ideal internalization
Acculturation
giosity and acculturation were also assessed. Muslim women who dressed in greater accordance with
Religiosity Islamic principles reported lower heritage acculturation and greater religiosity. Thus, Muslim women’s
Muslim women manner of dress was related to their religiosity and the extent to which they embraced cultural values.
Hijab These findings are discussed in terms of the possible distinctions between heritage acculturation and
religiosity.
© 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Introduction
Body dissatisfaction and internalization of the thin ideal pre-
dict future depressive symptoms (Stice & Bearman, 2001) and the
development of eating disorders (e.g., Stice & Shaw, 2002) among
female adolescents and young women. Understanding how vari-
ous factors may contribute to body image and internalization of
the thin ideal is therefore critical in understanding eating disorders
and depressive symptomatology. Recently, studies have attempted
to assess how religious identity, religiosity, and culture relate to
body image and internalization of the thin ideal. One’s religious
identity refers to the system of belief an individual identifies with,
while one’s religiosity refers to the level of devotion an individual
has to his/her religion (Mattis & Jagers, 2001). Culture is defined
as “systems of knowledge, concepts, rules, and practices that are
learned and transmitted across generations” (American Psychiatric
Association, 2013, p. 749).
Existing research suggests that religiosity is a protective fac-
tor for body dissatisfaction and thin-ideal internalization (e.g.,
∗ Corresponding author. Tel.: +1 519 562 1162.
E-mail addresses: chakerz@uwindsor.ca (Z. Chaker), chang19@uwindsor.ca
(F.M. Chang), hakim@uwindsor.ca (J. Hakim-Larson).
Homan & Boyatzis, 2010). More specifically, church attendance and
religiosity are positively associated with body satisfaction among
adults (Homan & Boyatzis, 2009) and negatively associated with
body dissatisfaction among female adolescents and adults with
bulimia (Smith, Richards, & Maglio, 2004). People who have more
insecure attachments with God are more likely to report thin-ideal
internalization (Homan & Boyatzis, 2010). Experimental studies
also suggest that the presence of religion may reduce one’s sus-
ceptibility to body dissatisfaction. For example, when women read
religious statements after being presented with an image of a thin
model, they reported higher levels of body esteem (Boyatzis, Kline,
& Backof, 2007) and lower levels of body dissatisfaction (Bell, 2011)
compared to individuals who did not read religious statements. It is
of note that the aforementioned literature is based on samples that
are largely composed of individuals of Christian denominations.
In terms of culture, a meta-analysis revealed that across
15 studies, individuals of ethnic and/or racial minority groups
reported lower levels of body dissatisfaction than did White
individuals (Wildes, Emery, & Simons, 2001). However, variations
in adherence to cultural values and practices among individuals
within ethnic and racial groups exist (Sue & Sue, 2008). Therefore,
individuals’ levels of acculturation should be assessed rather
than conducting group comparisons, as was done in many of the
studies included in the meta-analysis. Acculturation refers to the

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.04.003
1740-1445/© 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
86 Z. Chaker et al. / Body Image 14 (2015) 85–93
process of psychological, sociocultural, political, and economic
changes in attitude and identity that occur when individuals
from different cultures interact (Berry, 1997). Berry posited that
immigrants’ acculturation strategies can be conceptualized using
two orthogonal dimensions: maintenance of the heritage culture
and adoption of the mainstream/host culture. Thus, in Canadian
immigrant populations, heritage acculturation refers to embracing
the values and societal norms of the country from which the
individual immigrated, whereas mainstream acculturation refers to
embracing the values and societal norms of the country to which
the individual immigrated (i.e., Canadian values and practices).
Mainstream acculturation is especially important to consider if
the host culture emphasizes a particular physical appearance as
ideal, as do Western countries such as Canada. For example, eating
disorders have previously been described as Western culture-
bound syndromes (Lai, 2000). Soh, Touyz, and Surgenor (2006)
have suggested that “ethnic minority groups in [Western] countries
have [a] lower risk of eating pathology [which] is possibly due to a
lower level of acculturation to the mainstream society” (p. 56). In
support of these propositions, Ball and Kenardy (2002) found that
after accounting for body mass index (BMI) and socioeconomic sta-
tus, mainstream acculturation, as measured by the number of years
women had lived in Australia, significantly predicted body weight
dissatisfaction among a sample of over 10,000 women. Similarly,
mainstream acculturation positively correlated with body dissat-
isfaction among Mexican American women (Poloskov & Tracey,
2013). Women’s levels of acculturation also may be connected to
the extent to which they internalize and/or feel pressure to attain
the thin ideal. For example, among ethnic minorities, women who
endorse mainstream acculturation reported higher levels of inter-
nalization of the thin ideal (Garcia-Rea, 2006). Indeed, Poloskov
and Tracey (2013) found a significant positive association between
mainstream acculturation and thin-ideal internalization among
Mexican American women. These findings are not surprising when
considering the proposition that internalization of the thin ideal
actually “represents a domain-specific manifestation of accultura-
tion to dominant culture” (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011, p. 384).
At present, there is limited literature addressing the role of reli-
giosity and acculturation on body satisfaction and internalization
of the thin ideal among Muslim women (e.g., Homan & Boyatzis,
2009; Sussman, Truong, & Lim, 2007). It is important to include this
understudied population in research given that Islam is the fastest
growing religion in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2011). Moreover,
the findings based on previous studies including Muslim partici-
pants are mixed. For example, among Muslim women in Britain, the
frequency and conservativeness with which women wore the reli-
giously prescribed headscarf, referred to as the hijab, was positively
associated with body satisfaction, and negatively associated with
internalization of the thin ideal and perceived pressure to adhere to
media beauty standards (Swami, Miah, Noorani, & Taylor, 2013). In
contrast, a study of Muslim women in the USA found no significant
associations between the frequency of hijab use and internalization
of the thin ideal (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011).
While these studies conceptualized the hijab as an indicator
of religiosity, Dunkel, Davidson, and Qurashi (2010) noted that
the hijab also may reflect maintenance of one’s heritage culture.
Dunkel et al. (2010) found that women who wore non-Western
clothing with a hijab reported less pressure to adhere to and inter-
nalize the thin ideal, compared to those who wore Western clothing
without a hijab, after controlling for BMI. However, in their cri-
tique of this study, Tolaymat and Moradi (2011) noted that while
all of the participants who indicated wearing non-Western cloth-
ing with a hijab were Muslim, the majority of participants who
indicated wearing Western clothing without the hijab were non-
Muslim. This calls into question whether the effects found were
actually due to manner of dress or religious identity (Tolaymat &
Moradi, 2011). Although this result may be confounded by reli-
gious identity, a study among solely Muslim women also found
that women who wore the hijab had significantly greater body sat-
isfaction, lower internalization of the thin ideal, and perceived less
pressure to adhere to media’s beauty standards than women who
did not wear the hijab (Swami et al., 2013). Mixed findings also exist
among studies that do not assess acculturation in terms of the hijab.
For example, Mussap (2009a) found that mainstream identifica-
tion positively correlated with body dissatisfaction among Muslim
women, whereas Abdollahi and Mann (2001) found no differences
between Iranian women living in Tehran and Iranian women living
in Los Angeles in terms of their ideal weight and shape concerns.
The aforementioned studies exemplify a tendency to indirectly
assess religiosity and/or acculturation among Muslim women by
measuring the use of the hijab and/or the conservativeness of it (i.e.,
how much the headscarf covers), as opposed to focusing on other
underlying factors. Fittingly, Swami et al. (2013, p. 9) have noted
that, “while use of the hijab itself may offer protection against nega-
tive body image, it may also be a proxy for some other, unmeasured
protective factor.” Consistent with this proposition, the contribu-
tion of religiosity to body dissatisfaction among Muslim women
was mediated by the use of modest clothing (Mussap, 2009b). That
is, Muslim women who are more religious tend to dress more
modestly which results in lower levels of body dissatisfaction, sug-
gesting that clothing preferences may reflect Muslim women’s level
of religiosity. As such, further research is necessary to determine if
these proxies are truly reflective of higher levels of religiosity. Over-
all, despite the use of proxies for religiosity in past studies, research
on Muslim women appears to yield results that are consistent with
findings among Christian samples. Thus, religiosity as opposed to
religious identity may play a key role in predicting body image and
internalization of the thin ideal.
The Present Study
Generally, studies assessing acculturation suggest that adher-
ence to either mainstream or heritage culture may have an
important relation to body satisfaction and internalization of the
thin ideal. Much of the literature on acculturation conceptual-
izes acculturation along a single continuum from being entirely
accepting of the dominant culture to completely rejecting it (e.g.,
Garcia-Rea, 2006). Given that Berry (1997) conceptualized accul-
turation along two orthogonal dimensions, the extent to which one
embraces his/her heritage should be assessed in addition to adher-
ence to the dominant culture. As well, there is a need for more
accurate measurement of acculturation as some studies use prox-
ies (e.g., number of years living in a particular country) rather than
validated measures of this construct. Thus, in the current study,
religiosity as well as both heritage and mainstream acculturation
were examined. Our first aim was to assess potential associations
between (a) acculturation, religiosity, and religious identity and (b)
body esteem, internalization of the thin ideal, and perceived pres-
sure to adhere to beauty standards set by media. This aim was
investigated by administering validated measures of these con-
structs to first and second generation Canadian women between
the ages of 18 and 25. Women of all religions were included in
the study given our interest in religiosity. Efforts were made to
ensure Muslim women represented a substantial portion of the
sample since they are often neglected in this area of research. Extant
research has tended to examine the association between religios-
ity and body image and internalization of the thin ideal among
Muslim and non-Muslim women independent of each other. How-
ever, given that Mussap (2009b) found no significant differences
between the two groups’ levels of body dissatisfaction, the extent
of one’s devotion to a particular religion could be assessed among
people of varying religions within one study. To demonstrate that
 Z. Chaker et al. / Body Image 14 (2015) 85–93
the associations between religiosity, body esteem, internalization
of the thin ideal, and perceived pressure to adhere to media’s beauty
standards do not depend on religious affiliation, we also assessed
whether religiosity and religious identity (Muslim vs non-Muslim)
interact to predict the constructs of interest.
Based on the aforementioned literature, we hypothesized the
following:
Hypothesis 1. Greater mainstream acculturation would con-
tribute unique variance to lower levels of body esteem, greater
internalization of the thin ideal, and greater perceived pressure to
adhere to media’s beauty standards; conversely, greater heritage
acculturation would contribute unique variance to higher levels
of body esteem and lower internalization of the thin ideal and
perceived pressure.
Hypothesis 2. Greater religiosity would contribute unique vari-
ance to greater body esteem, lower internalization of the thin ideal,
and lower perceived pressure.
Although the interaction between religious identity and religios-
ity was investigated as a potential contributor of unique variance
to body esteem, internalization of the thin ideal, and pressure to
adhere to beauty standards set by media, no hypotheses were
developed.
BMI has been shown to correlate with measures of body dissat-
isfaction (e.g., Tiggemann, 2005), and therefore BMI was controlled
for in the analyses. As well, Dunkel et al. (2010) expressed concerns
that having participants respond to questions about their level of
religiosity might lead them to respond to other questionnaires in a
manner that would be more in line with the types of the answers
that they perceived as acceptable based on their religion. Thus, we
also considered social desirability as a covariate in our analyses.
Our second aim was to determine whether manner of dress
among women who self-identify as Muslim differs based on their
levels of acculturation and religiosity. Muslims are provided guide-
lines on how to dress through the Qur’an, the central religious
text to Muslims, and the Hadeeth, preserved sayings and actions
of the Prophet Muhammad. These guidelines require men and
women to wear loose clothing that covers certain areas of the body
when in public or in gender-mixed gatherings (al-Hashimi & al-
Khattab, 2010). For women, modest garments must cover the hair
and the body, with the exception of the face and hands, in a man-
ner that does not attract unwarranted attention when non-relative
men may be present (al-Hashimi & al-Khattab, 2010). Women may
choose to cover their face through the niqab, a face veil with an
opening for the eyes, but covering one’s face is not required and
is believed to be a matter of personal choice by the majority of
Muslims (Ruby, 2006). Dressing in accordance to Islamic guide-
lines varies across Muslim countries, where culture may also play a
role in shaping one’s dress. For example, the jilbab or abayah, loose
outer gowns covering the body, are predominantly worn with the
hijab by Muslim women living in the Middle East, while Muslim
women living in South Asia may adhere to Islamic dress princi-
ples by wearing the hijab with salwar-kameez, a long tunic worn
over loose-fitting pants. Likewise, Muslim women living in North
America may maintain a modest appearance while dressing accord-
ing to Western fashion, such as by wearing floor-length skirts and
long-sleeved shirts. In all of the aforementioned instances, Muslim
women strive to adhere to religious dress guidelines, regardless of
their specific dress.
While the hijab is usually perceived as a religious manifestation,
we chose to assess both acculturation and religiosity given that
some researchers, such as Dunkel et al. (2010), have considered
the hijab to be a proxy for acculturation, and Mussap (2009b) has
noted that religiosity is fundamental to one’s cultural identity. We
hypothesized that:
87
Hypothesis 3. Manner of dress (e.g., the use of the hijab) among
Muslim Canadian women would differ depending on women’s lev-
els of religiosity and both heritage and mainstream acculturation.
Thus, the purpose of this study was to enhance current under-
standing of the relations among religiosity and acculturation, and
body esteem, internalization of the thin ideal, and perceived pres-
sure to adhere to media’s beauty standards. Given that religiosity
and acculturation have often been assessed using proxies (e.g.,
whether one dresses in accordance with religious guidelines, years
living in Western society), our use of validated measures of reli-
giosity and acculturation may clarify previous findings. As well,
the portion of our study focusing on manner of dress among Mus-
lim women may demonstrate whether past research’s use of the
hijab as an indicator of religiosity and/or acculturation is indeed
accurate. Moreover, rather than simply examining whether or
not Muslim women wear the hijab and its potential association
with acculturation and religiosity, we included other categories
of dress that may better reflect increasing levels of adherence to
Islamic principles. Doing so allows for stronger distinctions to be
made in future between-group comparisons, and thus provides a
better understanding of religiosity’s relation with body esteem.
Additionally, our study focuses on women who are in emerging
adulthood which is “an important, yet overlooked, age for estab-
lishing long-term health behaviour patterns” (Nelson, Story, Larson,
Neumark-Sztainer, & Lytle, 2008, p. 2205), such as disordered eat-
ing. Lastly, our focus on Canadian women adds to the existing body
of literature on acculturation given that most of this literature has
been conducted among U.S. samples, which may reflect a melt-
ing pot rather than a mosaic culture (Peach, 2008). Consequently,
whether U.S. findings can be generalized to Canada, a country with
similar standards of beauty yet differing immigration attitudes, is
unclear.
Method
Participants
The data presented in this paper are based on the responses
of 143 Canadian women aged 18–25 (M = 20.92 years, SD = 1.97)
with an average BMI of 23.05 (SD = 4.48). BMI was calculated from
women’s self-reported weight and height. Sixty-one of the 143
participants characterized themselves as Muslim. Of these, 37.70%
(n = 23) were born in North America, 26.23% (n = 16) in South Asia,
21.31% (n = 13) in the Middle East, 8.20% (n = 5) in North Africa,
3.28% in Europe (n = 2), and 3.28% in East Africa (n = 2). Of the
82 non-Muslim participants, 75.60% (n = 62) were born in North
America, 8.54% (n = 7) in South Asia, 8.54% (n = 7) in Africa, 3.66%
(n = 3) in Asia, and 3.66% (n = 3) in the Middle East. Non-Muslim
participants characterized themselves as Catholic (n = 33, 40.24%),
Christian (n = 17, 20.73%), Agnostic (n = 12, 14.63%), Buddhist (n = 5,
6.11%), Sikh (n = 4, 4.88%), Hindu (n = 4, 4.88%), Atheist (n = 1, 1.22%),
and other (n = 6, 7.31%).
Measures
Brief Multidimensional Measurement of Religiousness/
Spirituality (BMMRS). The BMMRS (Fetzer Institute & The
National Institute of Aging Working Group, 1999) contains 38
items that assess religiousness and spirituality over 11 domains:
daily spiritual experiences, values and beliefs, forgiveness, private
religious practices, religious/spiritual history, religious support,
commitment, organizational religiousness, religious and spiritual
coping, religious preference, and overall self-ranking. Past studies
have split religious and spiritual coping into two subscales to reflect
positive and negative coping (e.g., Keefe et al., 2001) for a total of 12
88 Z. Chaker et al. / Body Image 14 (2015) 85–93
subscales. The entire scale was administered in the present study;
however, six items were not included when calculating partici-
pants’ total scores due to having qualitative responses. Moreover,
some of these items inquired about participants’ financial con-
tribution to their religious institutions, and according to Masters
et al. (2009) such items are not as relevant to college students.
These items formed the Commitment, Religious/spiritual History,
and Religious Preference subscales. The remaining 32 items such
as “I look to God for strength, support, and guidance” are subscales
on 4-, 5-, 6-, or 8-point Likert scales such that lower scores indi-
cate greater levels of religiousness/spirituality. In the present study,
scores were reversed such that higher scores indicated greater lev-
els of religiousness/spirituality for ease of interpretation. Given that
items are responded to on different scales, all items were first con-
verted to z-scores as has been done in previous studies that have
used the BMMRS (e.g., Masters et al., 2009). The z-scores were then
averaged to create a composite score for the BMMRS. In the cur-
rent study, Cronbach’s alpha was .95 for the total score. Scores
for the subscales with quantitative responses (i.e., Daily Spiritual
Experiences, ˛ = .93; Values and Beliefs, ˛ = .45; Forgiveness, ˛ = .78;
Private Religious Practices, ˛ = .88; Religious Support, ˛ = .76; Orga-
nizational Religiousness, ˛ = .83; Positive Religious and Spiritual
Coping, ˛ = .76; and Negative Religious and Spiritual Coping, ˛ = .46)
were computed for post hoc analyses, with the exception of over-
all self-ranking given that it is a 2-item summary of the measure
rather than a specific aspect of religiosity. Reliability estimates for
the individual subscales have been upheld (e.g., Fetzer Institute &
The National Institute of Aging Working Group, 1999; Knight et al.,
2007).
Vancouver Index of Acculturation – Canadian (VIA-C). The
Canadian version of the Vancouver Index of Acculturation (Ryder,
Alden, & Paulhus, 2000) contains 20 items and is comprised of
two subscales. The Heritage subscale (VIA-Heritage) measures par-
ticipants’ levels of identification with their heritage culture and
contains 10 items such as “I often participate in my heritage cultural
traditions.” The Mainstream subscale (VIA-Mainstream) measures
participants’ levels of identification with Canadian culture and con-
tains 10 items such as “I often participate in mainstream Canadian
cultural traditions.” All items are answered using a 9-point scale
ranging from 1 (disagree) to 9 (agree), and averaged such that higher
scores reflect greater levels of identification with the specified
culture (i.e., participants’ heritage culture and Canadian culture,
respectively). Both subscales are reported to have excellent internal
reliability estimates among Canadian undergraduate students (˛
Heritage = .90, ˛ Mainstream = .83; Asvat & Malcarne, 2008). In the
current study, Cronbach’s alphas were .92 and .91 for the Heritage
and Mainstream subscales, respectively.
Body-Esteem Scale for Adolescents and Adults (BESAA). The
BESAA (Mendelson, Mendelson, & White, 2001) contains 23 items
such as “I like what I see when I look in the mirror” and is comprised
of three subscales. The Appearance subscale measures general
feelings about appearance and consists of 10 items. The Weight
subscale measures weight satisfaction and consists of eight items.
Lastly, the Attribution subscale measures how one thinks others
perceive his/her appearance and consists of five items. All items
are answered on a 5-point scale from 0 (never) to 4 (always) and
summed such that higher scores reflect greater body satisfaction.
All three subscales are reported to have good-to-excellent inter-
nal reliability among girls and young women (˛ Appearance = .93,
˛ Weight = .95, ˛ Attribution = .81; Mendelson et al., 2001). In
the current study, Cronbach’s alphas were .93, .92, and .65 for
the Appearance, Weight and Attribution subscales, respectively.
According to Osborne and Waters (2002), using variables that
are not reliable in correlational or multiple regression analyses
increases the risk of Type II error, and so the Attribution subscale
was not included in any analyses. Moreover, several Muslim par-
ticipants had contacted the primary investigator inquiring how to
respond to items such as “My looks help me to get dates” belong-
ing to the BESAA Attribution subscale, given that they did not feel
that they were applicable due to dating being discouraged in their
religion.
Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire-
3 (SATAQ-3). The SATAQ-3 (Thompson, van den Berg, Roehrig,
Guarda, & Heinberg, 2004) contains 30 items such as “I would like
my body to look like the models who appear in magazines” and is
comprised of four subscales. Only the General Internalization and
Perceived Pressures subscales were included in the present study.
The General Internalization subscale measures general media influ-
ence and consists of nine items. The Perceived Pressures subscale
measures participants’ interpretations of pressure created from
media exposure; it consists of seven items. All items are answered
on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (definitely disagree) to 5 (definitely
agree) and summed such that higher scores reflect greater inter-
nalization of the thin ideal and pressure to adhere to the standards
for appearance set by the media. Both subscales included in this
study are reported to have excellent internal consistency among
female undergraduate students (˛ General = .96 and ˛ Perceived
Pressures = .92; Thompson et al., 2004). In the current study, Cron-
bach’s alphas were .85 and .91 for the General Internalization and
Perceived Pressures subscales, respectively.
Marlowe Crowne Social Desirability Scale (MCSDS). The
MCSDS (Crowne & Marlowe, 1960) contains 33 items assessing
socially desirable responding such as “No matter who I’m listen-
ing to, I’m always a good listener.” All items are answered with
True or False which are scored as 0 or 1 depending on the item,
and summed such that higher total scores indicate greater endorse-
ment of socially desirable responses. The MCSDS is reported to have
good internal consistency among undergraduate students (˛ = .88;
Crowne & Marlowe, 1960). In the current study, Cronbach’s alpha
was .80.
Demographics questionnaire. Participants were directed to
one of two demographics questionnaires depending on their reli-
gious affiliation. Both questionnaires inquired about background
information such as the participant’s age, ethnicity, immigration
status, country of birth, and manner of dress, but the latter portion
varied between the two questionnaires. Women who identified
themselves as Muslim were asked to rate how often they wear var-
ious types of clothing when in a public setting from 0 (never) to 4
(always). Dress options listed in the study were: Western dress (e.g.,
t-shirts, jeans, etc.), non-North American traditional clothing (e.g.,
salwar-kameez and saris, garments worn by South Asian women)
without the hijab, long skirts and full-sleeved shirts without the
hijab, Western dress with the hijab, non-North American tradi-
tional dress with the hijab, long skirts and full-sleeved shirts with
the hijab, the jilbab/abayah, and the niqab. Participants who did not
identify themselves as Muslim also were asked to rate how often
they wear various types of clothing when in a public setting from
0 (never) to 4 (always), to equalize groups and reduce any poten-
tial response biases. Non-Muslim participants’ dress options only
included “Western dress” and “religious clothing.” Ratings were
used for the purpose of categorizing participants by the type of
clothing they reported wearing most frequently, as described in
the Results section.
 Z. Chaker et al. / Body Image 14 (2015) 85–93 89

Procedure predicted, higher levels of appearance satisfaction were associated

Participants were recruited for the present study via advertise-
ments on an undergraduate psychology participant pool and on
social media websites (e.g., Facebook). Advertisements also were
given to the leaders of student groups at the university and emailed
to members of a local mosque. The advertisements were circulated
in an urban area and indicated that participation in the study was
restricted to Canadian women between the ages of 18 and 25 years
old who were immigrants to Canada or the daughters of immigrant
parents. The latter criterion was included to ensure all participants
had a heritage culture, as acculturation refers to a process of cul-
tural change. Overall, 224 individuals accessed the online study, 96
of whom were recruited from the participant pool and 128 from
other recruitment methods (e.g., social media or student groups).
However, only 143 met the aforementioned inclusion criteria, as
well as completed all of the predictor measures and at least one
criterion measure.
After completing the appropriate demographic questionnaire,
participants completed the remaining questionnaires in random-
ized order, and then reported their weight and height. Participants
who were registered in the participant pool were compensated
with 0.5 credits for their participation, and those who were not
were entered in a raffle for a chance to win one of three $10 gift
cards. This study was approved by the University’s Departmental
Research Ethics Board.
Results
Preliminary Analyses
The assumptions of multiple regression first were assessed.
The Kolmogorov–Smirnov test revealed that BMI, the MCSDS,
VIA-Heritage, VIA-mainstream, and BMMRS were not normally dis-
tributed (all ps < .01), although skewness and kurtosis were within
±3 and ±10, respectively (Kline, 2010). Independence of residuals
was assessed via the Durbin-Watson statistic, and all statistics were
close to the accepted value of 2, indicating that this assumption was
met. However, the assumptions of linearity and homoscedasticity
were not met. Thus, all regressions were conducted using boot-
strapping, given that this technique can be employed as a strategy
to obtain more accurate estimates when two or more assumptions
are violated (Tavakol & Wilcox, 2013).
Correlations
Table 1 contains the Pearson correlations, means, and standard
deviations of all the variables included in the present study. As
with greater endorsement of women’s heritage culture and greater
religiosity. However, appearance satisfaction was not associated
with lower levels of mainstream acculturation (i.e., Canadian cul-
ture). Additionally, weight satisfaction and internalization of the
thin ideal were not significantly correlated with religiosity or accul-
turation to either the mainstream or heritage culture. Perceived
pressure to adhere to media’s beauty standards was positively cor-
related with mainstream acculturation, as predicted.
Hypothesis 1 and Hypothesis 2 Results
To determine whether religious identity, religiosity, main-
stream and heritage acculturation, and the interaction between
religious identity and religiosity were associated with body esteem
(i.e., appearance satisfaction and weight satisfaction), thin-ideal
internalization, and perceived pressure to adhere to media’s beauty
standards, four linear regressions with bootstrapping were con-
ducted. Covariates (i.e., BMI, social desirability) were entered into
the first block. The second block contained the dummy codes for
religious identity, where 0 and 1 represented non-Muslim and Mus-
lim participants, respectively. Religiosity, heritage acculturation,
and mainstream acculturation also were included in the second
block. Finally, the interaction between religious identity and reli-
giosity was added into the third block. All predictors were centered
prior to being included in the regression analyses to avoid multi-
collinearity between the predictors and interaction (Field, 2009).
The final regression models are presented in Tables 2 and 3. The
unstandardized regression coefficients and 95% confidence inter-
vals presented in these tables are based on 10,000 samples drawn
randomly with replacement from our dataset.
Table 2 provides a summary of the final regression model
with appearance satisfaction as the criterion variable. Step 1
which controlled for BMI and social desirability was significant,
F(2, 140) = 11.87, p < .001, accounting for 14.5% of the variance in
appearance satisfaction and both variables significantly predicted
appearance satisfaction. Adding in religious identity, religiosity,
mainstream and heritage acculturation in Step 2 did not sig-
nificantly contribute to the variance in appearance satisfaction,
F(4, 136) = 1.59, p = .181. Heritage acculturation was approaching
significance in Step 2, t(136) = 2.16, p = .057, although it was non-
significant in Step 3 (p = .084) where the interaction between
religious identity and religiosity was added. Step 3 did not signifi-
cantly contribute to the variance in appearance satisfaction, F(1,
135) = 0.40, p = .529.
Table 2 also provides a summary of the final regression model
with weight satisfaction as the criterion variable. Step 1 which
controlled for BMI and social desirability was significant, F(2,

Table 1
Zero-order correlations between variables and covariates (N = 143).

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

1. BMI 1.00 .01 −.29** −.59** .25** .32** .01 .11 −.13
2. Social desirability 1.00 .25** .00a −.28** −.27** .27** −.12 .26**
3. Appearance satisfaction 1.00 .54** −.59** −.50** .23* −.10 .19*
4. Weight satisfaction 1.00 −.44** −.44** −.11 −.10 .08
5. General internalization 1.00 .75** −.14 .15 −.09
6. Perceived pressure 1.00 −.16 .21** −.04
7. Heritage acculturation 1.00 .20* .21*
8. Mainstream acculturation 1.00 −.31**
9. Religiosity 1.00

M 23.05 17.67 22.78 16.10 18.97 15.28 6.14 6.88 0.00

(SD) 4.48 5.45 7.67 7.59 8.85 7.07 2.05 1.74 0.62
a
=.002.
*
p < .05.
**
p < .01.
90 Z. Chaker et al. / Body Image 14 (2015) 85–93

Table 2
Summary of final hierarchical regression analysis for BESAA subscales: appearance satisfaction and weight satisfaction (N = 143).

Variable Appearance satisfaction Weight satisfaction

b 95% CI SE b ˇ p sr2 b 95% CI SE b ˇ p sr2

BMI −0.481 −0.711, −0.195 0.131 −.281 .000 .077 −0.996 −1.352, −0.771 0.148 −.588 .000 .336
Social desirability 0.251 0.011, 0.481 0.121 .178 .039 .028 0.039 −0.144, 0.227 0.093 .028 .669 .001
Religious identitya 0.627 −2.597, 3.995 1.701 .041 .709 .001 −0.491 −3.677, 2.781 1.661 −.032 .766 .001
Religiosity 1.005 −2.031, 3.790 1.478 .081 .499 .003 0.536 −2.077, 2.929 1.280 .044 .680 .001
Heritage acculturation 0.654 −0.071, 1.384 0.376 .175 .084 .024 −0.422 −0.935, 0.120 0.271 −.114 .120 .010
Mainstream acculturation −0.268 −1.105, 0.575 0.430 −.061 .536 .003 −0.046 −0.797, 0.731 0.386 −.011 .907 <.001
Religiosity × Religious identitya −1.600 −7.488, 3.606 2.780 −.072 .559 .002 −0.183 −5.621, 5.108 2.733 −.008 .949 <.001
a
Muslim vs non-Muslim.

Table 3
Summary of final hierarchical regression analysis for SATAQ subscales: thin-ideal internalization and perceived pressure to be thin (N = 143).

Variable Thin-ideal internalization Perceived pressure to be thin

b 95% CI SE b ˇ p sr2
b 95% CI SE b ˇ p sr2

BMI 0.484 0.212, 0.759 0.139 .245 .001 .059 0.505 0.308, 0.766 0.116 .320 .000 .100
Social desirability −0.359 −0.590, −0.115 0.122 −.221 .005 .042 −0.307 −0.516, −0.090 0.108 −.236 .004 .048
Religious identitya −0.927 −4.690, 3.303 2.015 −.052 .636 .002 0.819 −1.964, 3.521 1.390 .057 .546 .002
Religiosity 0.427 −2.510, 3.776 1.587 .030 .786 <.001 1.173 −1.229, 3.558 1.207 .103 .333 .005
Heritage acculturation −0.498 −1.198, 0.202 0.360 −.115 .163 .010 −0.621 −1.182, −0.101 0.276 −.180 .022 .025
Mainstream acculturation 0.701 −0.271, 1.652 0.489 .138 .147 .014 1.061 0.445, 1.681 0.315 .261 .001 .050
Religiosity × Religious identitya 2.362 −4.593, 8.109 3.205 .092 .441 .004 1.425 −2.708, 5.829 2.188 .069 .508 .002
a
Muslim vs non-Muslim.

140) = 37.82, p < .001, accounting for 34.1% of the variance in weight
satisfaction, but only BMI was a significant predictor, t(140) = −8.70,
p < .001. Adding in the dummy code for religious identity, reli-
giosity, mainstream and heritage acculturation in Step 2 did not
significantly contribute to the variance in weight satisfaction, F(4,
136) = .70, p = .592, nor did adding in the interaction term in Step 3,
F(1, 135) = 0.01, p = .934.
Table 3 provides a summary of the final regression model with
internalization of the thin ideal as the criterion variable. Step 1
which controlled for BMI and social desirability was significant,
F(2, 140) = 9.96, p < .001, accounting for 11.2% of the variance in
internalization of the thin ideal with both variables significantly
predicting thin-ideal internalization. Adding in the dummy code
for religious identity, religiosity, mainstream, and heritage accul-
turation in Step 2 did not significantly contribute to the variance in
thin-ideal internalization, F(4, 136) = 1.03, p = .393, nor did adding
in the interaction term in Step 3, F(1, 135) = 0.63, p = .430.
Table 3 also provides a summary of the final regression model
with perceived pressures as the criterion variable. Step 1 which
controlled for BMI and social desirability was significant, F(2,
140) = 14.91, p < .001, accounting for 16.4% of the model with both
variables significantly predicting perceived pressures. Adding in
the dummy code for religious identity, religiosity, mainstream,
and heritage acculturation in Step 2 significantly contributed to
the variance in perceived pressure, F(4, 136) = 3.07, p = .019,
accounting for an additional 6.8% of the variance. Both mainstream,
t(140) = 3.05, p = .001, and heritage acculturation, t(140) = −2.31,
p = .012, emerged as significant predictors in this step. Adding the
interaction between religious identity and religiosity in Step 3 did
not significantly contribute to the variance in perceived pressure
to adhere to media’s beauty standards, F(1, 135) = 0.40, p = .528.
Only subscales that had adequate reliability in the present study
were included in the post hoc analyses (i.e., Daily Spiritual Expe-
riences, Forgiveness, Private Religious Practices, Organizational
Religiousness, Religious Support, and Positive Religious and Spir-
itual Coping). Thus, the original regressions were rerun with the
BMMRS total score being substituted for these six BMMRS sub-
scales.
Adding in the BMMRS subscales along with religious identity
and heritage and mainstream acculturation in Step 2 did not signif-
icantly contribute to the variance in appearance satisfaction, F(9,
131) = 1.20, p = .304. None of the BMMRS subscales emerged as sig-
nificant contributors to the variance in appearance satisfaction.
Similarly, adding in the BMMRS subscales in Step 2 did not sig-
nificantly contribute to the variance in weight satisfaction, F(9,
131) = 1.12, p = .350. However, organizational religiosity emerged
as a significant contributor to the variance in weight satisfaction
in this step, t(131) = 1.98, p = .045, with no other subscales being
significant.
Adding in the BMMRS subscales along with religious identity
and heritage and mainstream acculturation in Step 2 did not signifi-
cantly contribute to the variance in internalization of the thin ideal,
F(9, 131) = 1.13, p = .349. None of the BMMRS subscales emerged
as significant contributors to the variance in thin-ideal internal-
ization. However, adding in the BMMRS subscales in Step 2 did
significantly contribute to the variance in perceived pressure, F(9,
131) = 2.22, p = .025, and accounted for an additional 10.9% of the
variance. Despite this, none of the BMMRS subscales emerged as
significant contributors to the variance in perceived pressure. As
with the original regression that utilized the total BMMRS score,
mainstream and heritage acculturation were significant contribu-
tors to the variance in perceived pressure.

Post Hoc Probing Hypothesis 3 Results

In the aforementioned regressions, religiosity did not signifi-
cantly contribute to the variance in appearance satisfaction, weight
satisfaction, internalization of the thin ideal, or perceived pres-
sure. Having used the total BMMRS scale score, post hoc analyses
were conducted to determine whether the measure’s subscales
contributed to the variance in any of the variables of interest.
Muslim participants’ manner of dress was categorized into one
of three categories based on which types of clothing they endorsed
wearing most frequently: (a) Western dress without the hijab
(n = 18), (b) Western dress with the hijab (n = 12), and (c) long
skirts and full-sleeved shirts or jilbab/abayah with the hijab (n = 17).
Because no participant endorsed traditional South Asian dress with
 Z. Chaker et al. / Body Image 14 (2015) 85–93
the hijab or long skirts and full-sleeved shirts or jilbab/abayah with-
out the hijab, these categories were excluded. Previous studies have
inquired about the types of clothing participants wear most often
(e.g., Dunkel et al., 2010), and so this was deemed an appropriate
basis on which to categorize participants’ dress.
Three one-way ANOVAs were conducted to determine whether
participants’ level of heritage acculturation, mainstream accultur-
ation, and religiosity varied based on how they dress most often.
There were main effects of manner of dress on heritage accultur-
ation F(2, 44) = 4.58, p = .02 and religiosity F(2, 44) = 7.84, p = .001.
No significant main effect of manner of dress was found on main-
stream acculturation F(2, 44) = 2.64, p = .08. Post hoc analyses were
performed using Scheffé tests to identify exactly where significant
differences exist. The analyses revealed that Western dress with-
out hijab (M = 7.39, SD = 1.28) differed significantly from long skirts
and full-sleeved shirts or jilbab/abayah with the hijab (M = 5.79,
SD = 1.80) on heritage acculturation (x̄a − x̄c = 1.60, 95% CI [0.61,
2.67], d = 1.02). Western dress without hijab (M = 0.03, SD = 0.56)
also differed significantly from long skirts and full-sleeved shirts
or jilbab/abayah with the hijab (M = 0.56, SD = 0.26) on religiosity
(x̄a − x̄c = −0.53, 95% CI [−0.89, −0.18], d = −1.22). As well, West-
ern dress without the hijab (M = 0.03, SD = 0.56) and Western dress
with the hijab (M = 0.44, SD = 0.31) differed on religiosity (x̄a − x̄b =
−0.41, 95% CI [−0.80, −0.02], d = −0.91).
Discussion
We first examined the potential associations among religiosity
and acculturation on body esteem, internalization of the thin ideal,
and/or perceived pressure to adhere to media’s beauty standards
among Canadian women from a variety of religious denomina-
tions. Greater endorsement of heritage culture was associated with
greater appearance, but not weight satisfaction. Moreover, after
accounting for BMI and social desirability, heritage acculturation
remained as the only variable that emerged as a near signifi-
cant contributor to the variance in appearance satisfaction. This
was not the case for weight satisfaction, thus our first hypothesis
was only partially confirmed. First and second generation women
who adhere to their heritage culture may be more satisfied with
how they look than women with lower heritage acculturation, but
their cultural adherence does not necessarily relate to their weight
satisfaction. In support of the latter, Abdollahi and Mann (2001)
found no difference in participants’ weight and shape dissatisfac-
tion between Muslim women living in Tehran and Muslim women
living in Los Angeles, who were assumed to be lower in heritage
acculturation. Given that Abdollahi and Mann (2001) did not assess
general appearance satisfaction, it is unclear as to whether the
researchers would have found a significant difference in appear-
ance satisfaction between the two groups. Similar to Abdollahi and
Mann’s (2001) study, most research has focused on body dissat-
isfaction rather than examining general appearance satisfaction
and weight satisfaction separately (e.g., Poloskov & Tracey, 2013;
Swami et al., 2013). Thus, the results of the present study shed light
on a distinction that may be useful to address in future research.
Research on gender role adherence may help to explicate
why heritage acculturation was associated with appearance but
not weight satisfaction. Pozzebon, Visser, and Bogaert (2012)
found that women whose personality and occupational prefer-
ences reflected more traditional gender roles rated themselves as
more physically attractive. Moreover, these women’s self-reported
ratings of appearance satisfaction were more highly correlated
with physical attractiveness than their ratings of weight satis-
faction, and their compliance with traditional gender roles were
not related to how they describe their weight. This suggests that
these women may have been more satisfied with their appearance
91
but not necessarily their weight. Given that non-Western cultures
tend to have more definitive roles for each gender (Dion & Dion,
2001), women who maintain their heritage culture may act more
in accordance with their cultures’ gender roles, and thereby feel
more satisfied with their overall appearance but not specifically
how much they weigh. This finding suggests that adherence to
gender roles as defined by one’s culture could potentially mediate
the relationship between heritage acculturation and appearance
satisfaction.
Religiosity as a composite score was significantly correlated
with appearance satisfaction. However, religiosity was not a sig-
nificant contributor to the variance of appearance and weight
satisfaction after controlling for BMI and social desirability, con-
trary to our second hypothesis. Post hoc analyses of specific
aspects of religiosity revealed that organizational religiosity (i.e.,
involvement with a religious centre such as a church or mosque)
significantly contributed to the variance in weight satisfaction.
This is consistent with Homan and Boyatzis’ (2009) finding that
church attendance was positively associated with body satisfaction
among women. Given that other subscales assessed in the present
study (e.g., forgiveness, private religious practices, religious, and
spiritual coping) were not significant, it may be that there is an
aspect of being part of a religious organization that contributes
to first and second generation women’s weight satisfaction. For
instance, it may be the case that being in an environment where
a woman can interact with other religious individuals makes her
feel more accepted and less judged about her body. Religious indi-
viduals are noted in literature to be “nicer” (i.e., more friendly and
cooperative; Brennan & London, 2001), especially when they are at
religious institutions where they are also more likely to engage in
pro-social behaviours (Malhotra, 2010). Taken together, organiza-
tional religiosity may reflect a higher degree of engagement with
more accepting individuals, which can allow a woman to feel more
comfortable and satisfied with her weight. Should future research
find evidence for this proposition, it would suggest that motivating
people to choose supportive environments could help to enhance
weight satisfaction. This means of increasing weight satisfaction
can be applied to a wide range of people, and not just those who
ascribe to a particular faith.
In regards to internalization of the thin ideal, after accounting
for BMI and social desirability, heritage acculturation, mainstream
acculturation, and religiosity did not contribute to the variance,
contrary to our hypotheses. Moreover, none of the religiosity
subscales emerged as significant contributors to the variance in
the post hoc analyses. This is in contrast to previous literature
which has found significant associations between acculturation,
religiosity, and internalization of the thin ideal (e.g., Dunkel et al.,
2010; Garcia-Rea, 2006). However, extant literature has focused
on non-Canadian samples (e.g., U.S., Australian, British) and so it is
unclear as to whether the present study’s non-significant finding is
attributable to the Canadian sample. Future studies conducted on
Canadian samples would help to determine whether past findings
that acculturation and religiosity are related to internalization of
the thin ideal can be generalized to Canadian women, who live in
a country with similar body ideals but different attitudes towards
culture.
Concerning women’s perceived pressure to adhere to media’s
beauty standards, both mainstream and heritage acculturation
emerged as significant contributors to the variance after account-
ing for BMI and social desirability, in support of our hypothesis.
Specifically, women with greater levels of heritage culture feel less
pressure to adhere to standards of beauty set by the media (e.g.,
to be thin). Conversely, greater endorsement of mainstream (i.e.,
Canadian) culture and values among women is associated with
greater perceived pressure to adhere to the media’s portrayal of
beauty standards. This finding is consistent with past research
92 Z. Chaker et al. / Body Image 14 (2015) 85–93
conducted outside of Canada (e.g., Ball & Kenardy, 2002; Garcia-Rea,
2006), and suggests that women high in mainstream acculturation
and low in heritage acculturation are more vulnerable to feeling
pressure to adhere to the standards of beauty presented in the
media. Thus, prevention programs aimed at such women would
be helpful. Conversely, being less acculturated to mainstream cul-
ture, and placing greater value on one’s heritage culture may serve
as a protective factor against perceived pressure.
Overall, religious identity (i.e., Muslim vs non-Muslim) did not
significantly contribute to the variance in appearance or weight sat-
isfaction, internalization of the thin ideal, and perceived pressure
to adhere to media’s beauty standards, suggesting that there are no
differences between Muslims and non-Muslims in terms of these
constructs. Additionally, the interaction between religiosity and
religious identity was not significant. This suggests that research
can be conducted on samples comprised of individuals of varying
religious denominations.
Lastly, we assessed whether manner of dress was associated
with varying levels of acculturation and religiosity. Religiosity and
heritage acculturation differed based on Muslim women’s manner
of dress. Moreover, rather than simply examining whether or not
Muslim women wear the hijab and its potential association with
acculturation and religiosity, we included other categories of dress
that may better reflect increasing levels of adherence to Islamic
principles. Doing so allows for stronger distinctions to be made
in future between-group comparisons, and thus provides a better
understanding of religiosity’s relation with body esteem.
As expected, women who reported greater levels of religiosity
dressed in greater accordance with Islamic principles. Specifically,
women who reported wearing Western dress without the hijab had
lower levels of religiosity than women who reported wearing West-
ern dress with the hijab, as well as lower levels of religiosity than
women who reported wearing long skirts and full-sleeved shirts
or jilbab/abayah with the hijab. These findings provide empirical
support for Droogsma’s (2007) suggestion that modesty in a Mus-
lim woman’s clothing may reflect how strongly she believes in her
religion.
In terms of acculturation, Muslim women who reported wearing
Western dress without the hijab were more embracing of their her-
itage culture than Muslim women who reported wearing long skirts
and full-sleeved shirts or jilbab/abayah with the hijab. Although
this may seem counterintuitive, this is understandable given the
context of the cultural backgrounds the Muslim women come from.
In many cases, culture and religion do not necessarily overlap. For
example, when it comes to gender interaction, Arab, Middle East-
ern, and South Asian culture may encourage free mixing between
genders, particularly through frequent family and social gather-
ings. On the other hand, Islam proposes guidelines on how such
interactions should be carried out (e.g., encouraging modest action
and dress between men and women, limiting idle conversation,
etc.). Given that Muslim women who wear Western dress with-
out the hijab reported lower levels of religiosity, it follows that
these women would be more embracing of their respective cul-
tural practices than Muslim women who dress more modestly with
the hijab and reported greater levels of religiosity. Individuals who
are more religious may leave behind certain cultural practices that
are discouraged in Islam, thus contributing to lower levels of her-
itage acculturation. This result is important in terms of highlighting
the difference between culture and religion, two notions that are
commonly overlooked as one.
It is important to note that there were some limitations to the
present study, and that the results should be interpreted with these
in mind. First, although various forms of religiosity were accounted
for in the BMMRS, the presence of secure or insecure attachments
with God was not measured. This may have an effect on perceived
pressure to be thin, as in the case with research conducted by
Homan and Boyatzis (2010), where pressure to be thin and thin-
ideal internalization predicted body dissatisfaction only for women
with an anxious insecure attachment to God, while women who felt
loved and accepted by God were buffered from these body issues.
Thus, future studies could include additional measures pertaining
to religion. Another limitation in the present study is that data were
derived from questionnaires completed at one time. Thus, although
we found that heritage and mainstream acculturation are associ-
ated with perceived pressure, we do not know whether this is a
causal relationship, that is, whether a woman’s level of accultur-
ation affects the extent to which she feels pressure to adhere to
media’s standard of beauty. Future quasi-experimental or longitu-
dinal studies are necessary. Such studies should include measures
of both weight and general appearance satisfaction, rather than
general measures of body dissatisfaction as is common within the
existing literature (e.g., Mussap, 2009a). Lastly, although partici-
pants identified as being of a variety of religious denominations, not
all religious groups were represented (e.g., no participants identi-
fied as Jewish). Thus, future studies could aim to include a larger
sample that is more representative of people of a variety of reli-
gions.
In addition to some of the proposed future directions noted, it
may be helpful to validate the BESAA attribution subscale among
a sample of Muslim women, or validate a modified version of it.
A number of written concerns were received from Muslim partic-
ipants during the study who were confused as to how to respond
to certain questions that they felt were inapplicable. Participants
were encouraged to reply to the best of their ability which resulted
in a mixed response; some Muslim women responded by strongly
disagreeing to these items while other Muslim women responded
to the items by interpreting them within the context of permis-
sible Islamic relations (e.g., “My looks help me to get marriage
proposals”, “When I am not wearing my headscarf, other people
consider me good looking”). This may explain why the Cronbach’s
alpha internal consistency reliability score for the BESAA Attribu-
tion subscale was lower than what has typically been reported for
this subscale.
In closing, the findings of the study contribute to a more compre-
hensive understanding of the roles of religiosity and acculturation
in appearance and weight satisfaction, internalization of the thin
ideal, and perceived pressure to adhere to media beauty standards
among first and second generation Canadian women. The present
study also provides avenues for future research as mentioned
throughout the discussion. For example, although the present study
was able to probe at more specific aspects of religiosity, further
research could be conducted to understand what aspects of heritage
or mainstream acculturation specifically affect appearance satis-
faction and perceived pressure (e.g., adherence to gender roles).
Our findings regarding manner of dress also provide information
more generally about Middle Eastern and/or South Asian culture
and Islam; that is, Middle Eastern and/or South Asian culture and
Islam are not synonymous, and thus individuals should note the
potential distinctions when interacting with Muslim women.
References
Abdollahi, P., & Mann, T. (2001). Eating disorder symptoms and body image con-
cerns in Iran: Comparisons between Iranian women in Iran and in America.
International Journal of Eating Disorders, 30, 259–268. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/
eat.1083
al-Hashimi, M. A., & al-Khattab, N. (2010). The ideal Muslimah: The true Islamic person-
ality of the Muslim woman as defined in the Qur’an and Sunnah (5th ed.). Riyadh,
Saudi Arabia: International Islamic Publishing House.
American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental
disorders (5th ed.). Washington, DC: Author.
Asvat, Y., & Malcarne, V. L. (2008). Acculturation and depressive symptoms in Muslim
university students: Personal-family acculturation match. International Journal
of Psychology, 43, 114–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207590601126668
 Z. Chaker et al. / Body Image 14 (2015) 85–93
Ball, K., & Kenardy, J. (2002). Body weight, body image, and eating behaviours: Rela-
tionships with ethnicity and acculturation in a community sample of young
Australian women. Eating Behaviors, 3, 205–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/
S1471-0153(02)00062-4
Bell, K. (2011). Religious coping and experience of body satisfaction among college
women (Master’s thesis). Retrieved from UNT Digital Library (UMI No. 1511475).
Berry, J. W. (1997). Immigration, acculturation, and adaptation. Applied Psychology,
46, 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-0597.1997.tb01087.x
Boyatzis, C. J., Kline, S., & Backof, S. (2007). Experimental evidence that theistic-
religious body affirmations improve women’s body image. Journal for the
Scientific Study of Religion, 46, 553–564. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5906.
2007.00377.x
Brennan, K. M., & London, A. S. (2001). Are religious people nice people? Religiosity,
race, interview dynamics, and perceived cooperativeness. Sociological Inquiry,
71, 129–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-682X.2001.tb01105.x
Crowne, D. P., & Marlowe, D. (1960). A new scale of social desirability independent
of psychopathology. Journal of Consulting Psychology, 24, 349–354. http://dx.doi.
org/10.1037/h0047358
Dion, K. K., & Dion, K. L. (2001). Gender and cultural adaptation in immigrant families.
Journal of Social Issues, 57, 511–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0022-4537.00226
Droogsma, R. A. (2007). Redefining hijab: American Muslim women’s standpoints
on veiling. Journal of Applied Communication Research, 35, 294–319. http://dx.
doi.org/10.1080/0090988071434299
Dunkel, T. M., Davidson, D., & Qurashi, S. (2010). Body satisfaction and pressure to be
thin in younger and older Muslim and non-Muslim women: The role of Western
and non-Western dress preferences. Body Image, 7, 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.
1016/j.bodyim.2009.10.003
Fetzer Institute, & The National Institute of Aging Working Group. (1999). Multidi-
mensional measurement of religiousness/spirituality for use in health research: A
report of the Fetzer Institute/National Institute on Aging Working Group. Kalama-
zoo, MI: Fetzer Institute.
Field, A. (2009). Discovering statistics using SPSS. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publica-
tions.
Garcia-Rea, E. A. (2006). Acculturation and sociocultural influences as predictors of
family relationships and body image dissatisfaction in African American, Hispanic
American, and European American women (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from
UNT Digital Library (UMI No. 254185).
Homan, K. J., & Boyatzis, C. J. (2009). Body image in older adults: Links with reli-
gion and gender. Journal of Adult Development, 16, 230–238. http://dx.doi.org/
10.1007/s10804-009-9069-8
Homan, K. J., & Boyatzis, C. J. (2010). The protective role of attachment to God
against eating disorder risk factors: Concurrent and prospective evidence. Eating
Disorders, 18, 239–258. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10640261003719534
Keefe, F. J., Affleck, G., Lefebvre, J., Underwood, L., Caldwell, D. S., Drew, J.,. . . & Parga-
ment, K. (2001). Living with rheumatoid arthritis: The role of daily spirituality
and daily religious and spiritual coping. The Journal of Pain, 2, 101–110. http://
dx.doi.org/10.1054/jpai.2001.19296
Kline, R. B. (2010). Principles and practices of structural equation modeling (3rd ed.).
New York, NY: Guilford Press.
Knight, J. R., Sherritt, L., Harris, S. K., Holder, D. W., Kulig, J., Shrier, L. A.,. . .&
Chang, G. (2007). Alcohol use and religiousness/spirituality among adoles-
cents. Southern Medical Journal, 100, 349–355. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/SMJ.
0b013e3180316a32
Lai, K. Y. (2000). Anorexia nervosa in Chinese adolescents: Does culture make a
difference? Journal of Adolescence, 23, 561–568. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jado.
2000.0343
Malhotra, D. K. (2010). (When) are religious people nicer? Religious salience and
the ‘Sunday effect’ on pro-social behavior. Judgment and Decision Making, 5,
138–143. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1297275
Masters, K. S., Carey, K. B., Maisto, S. A., Caldwell, P. E., Wolfe, T. V., Hackney, H. L.,. . .&
Himawan, L. (2009). Psychometric examination of the Brief Multidimensional
Measure of Religiousness/Spirituality among college students. The International
Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 19, 106–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/
10508610802711194
Mattis, J. S., & Jagers, R. J. (2001). A relational framework for the study of reli-
giosity and spirituality in the lives of African Americans. Journal of Community
Psychology, 29, 519–539. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jcop.1034
Mendelson, B. K., Mendelson, M. J., & White, D. R. (2001). Body-esteem scale for
adolescents and adults. Journal of Personality Assessment, 76, 90–106. http://dx.
doi.org/10.1207/S15327752JPA7601 6
Mussap, A. J. (2009a). Acculturation, body image, and eating behaviours in Muslim-
Australian women. Health & Place, 15, 532–539. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.
healthplace.2008.08.008
View publication stats
93
Mussap, A. J. (2009b). Strength of faith and body image in Muslim and non-Muslim
women. Mental Health, Religion & Culture, 12, 121–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.
1080/13674670802358190
Nelson, M. C., Story, M., Larson, N. I., Neumark-Sztainer, D., & Lytle, L. A. (2008).
Emerging adulthood and college-aged youth: An overlooked age for weight-
related behavior change. Obesity, 16, 2205–2211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/oby.
2008.365
Osborne, J., & Waters, E. (2002). Four assumptions of multiple regression that
researchers should always test. Practical Assessment, Research & Evaluation, 8,
1–9. Retrieved from http://PAREonline.net/getvn.asp?v=8&n=2
Peach, C. (2008). The mosaic versus the melting pot: Canada and the USA. Scottish
Geographical Journal, 121, 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00369220518737218
Poloskov, E., & Tracey, T. J. (2013). Internalization of US female beauty standards as a
mediator of the relationship between Mexican American women’s acculturation
and body dissatisfaction. Body Image, 10, 501–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.
bodyim.2013.05.005
Pozzebon, J. A., Visser, B. A., & Bogaert, A. F. (2012). Do you think you’re sexy, tall,
and thin? The prediction of self-rated attractiveness, height, and weight. Journal
of Applied Social Psychology, 42, 2671–2700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-
1816.2012.00957.x
Ruby, T. F. (2006). Listening to the voices of hijab. Women’s Studies International
Forum, 29, 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2005.10.006
Ryder, A. G., Alden, L. E., & Paulhus, D. L. (2000). Is acculturation unidimensional
or bidimensional? A head-to-head comparison in the prediction of personality,
self-identity, and adjustment. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 79,
49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.79.1.49
Smith, M. H., Richards, P. S., & Maglio, C. J. (2004). Examining the relationship
between religious orientation and eating disturbances. Eating Behaviors, 5,
171–180. http://dx.doi.org/10.106/S1471-0153(03)00064-3
Soh, N. L., Touyz, S. W., & Surgenor, L. J. (2006). Eating and body image disturbances
across cultures: A review. European Eating Disorders Review, 14, 54–65. http://
dx.doi.org/10.1002/erv.678
Statistics Canada. (2011). Religion and ethnocultural diversity in Canada; religions
in Canada, National Household Survey, 2011. [PDF document]. Retrieved from
Statistics Canada: http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/nhs-enm/2011/as-sa/99-010-x/
99-010-x2011001-eng.pdf
Stice, E., & Bearman, S. K. (2001). Body-image and eating disturbances prospec-
tively predict increases in depressive symptoms in adolescent girls: A growth
curve analysis. Developmental Psychology, 37, 597–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.
1037/0012-1649.37.5.597
Stice, E., & Shaw, H. E. (2002). Role of body dissatisfaction in the onset and
maintenance of eating pathology: A synthesis of research findings. Jour-
nal of Psychosomatic Research, 53, 985–993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0022-
3999(02)00488-9
Sue, D. W., & Sue, D. W. (2008). Counseling the culturally diverse: Theory and practice.
New York, NY: Wiley.
Sussman, N. M., Truong, N., & Lim, J. (2007). Who experiences “America the beauti-
ful?”: Ethnicity moderating the effect of acculturation on body image and risks
for eating disorders among immigrant women. International Journal of Inter-
cultural Relations, 31, 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2006.03.003
Swami, V., Miah, J., Noorani, N., & Taylor, D. (2013). Is the hijab protective? An
investigation of beauty image and related constructs among British Muslim
women. British Journal of Psychology, 105, 352–363. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/
bjop/12045
Tavakol, M., & Wilcox, R. R. (2013). Medical education research: The application of
robust statistical methods. International Journal of Medical Education, 4, 93–95.
http://dx.doi.org/10.5116/ijme.5181.5fe8
Thompson, J. K., van den Berg, P., Roehrig, M., Guarda, A. S., & Heinberg, L. J. (2004).
The Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire-3 (SATAQ-
3): Development and validation. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 35,
239–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/eat.10257
Tiggemann, M. (2005). Body dissatisfaction and adolescent self-esteem: Prospective
findings. Body Image, 2, 129–135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2005.03.
006
Tolaymat, L. D., & Moradi, B. (2011). U.S. Muslim women and body image: Links
among objectification theory constructs and the hijab. Journal of Counseling
Psychology, 58, 383–392. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0023461
Wildes, J. E., Emery, R. E., & Simons, A. D. (2001). The roles of ethnicity and culture
in the development of eating disturbance and body dissatisfaction: A meta-
analytic review. Clinical Psychology Review, 21, 521–551. http://dx.doi.org/10.
1016/S0272-7358(99)00071-9