Professional Documents
Culture Documents
DIMITRIS KERIDIS
HISTORICAL DICTIONARIES OF EUROPE
Jon Woronoff, Series Editor
Dimitris Keridis
Estover Road
Plymouth PL6 7PY
United Kingdom
ix
x • CONTENTS
Few countries have as glorious a past as Greece, due both to the prow-
ess and the culture of its ancient city-states as well as its status as the
center of the Byzantine Empire. Its subsequent history, alas, was less
impressive: domination by the Ottoman Empire for centuries and a suc-
cession of periodic crises as an independent state. Only more recently
has it come into its own once again. It is a significant member of the
European Union and has finally overcome its role as a peripheral nation
now that its traditional hinterland has been freed of Soviet domination
and as closer relations are developing with its old foe, Turkey. This sea
change means that Greece is now far more than just a vacation spot; it
has become a country that, although small, is playing an enhanced role
in Europe. However, this transformation is not generally appreciated,
and present-day Greece is still far less known and understood than it
deserves. It is thus helpful to have a fully new Historical Dictionary of
Modern Greece that can inform readers about the new Greece while still
reflecting the history of Greece in earlier times.
This particular volume deals mainly with the present state and pro-
vides a well-rounded approach. It starts with a particularly helpful list
of acronyms. Then the chronology traces the major events that have
shaped the country. The broader context is described in an introduction
that deals not only with its geography and population, its history and
politics, but also with its economy. The core of the book is a diction-
ary section that provides further information on significant persons,
kings and presidents, soldiers and politicians, writers and musicians,
as well as major historical events, the basic political institutions and
parties, and important aspects of its religion and culture. But it also
traces Greece’s roots and, wherever appropriate, the book looks much
further back, dealing with ancient Greece and the Byzantine Empire.
xi
xii • EDITOR’S FOREWORD
Jon Woronoff
Series Editor
Preface
xiii
xiv • PREFACE
much for the achievements of the Greek state but for the success of a
few ambitious and talented individuals in various fields, from shipping
to opera to poetry.
This work was written over the course of a year but was in the mak-
ing for many years, as my thinking continued to slowly evolve and be
cross-fertilized with the acquaintance of foreign lands with which the
Greek experience can be juxtaposed in order to be better understood.
In this journey, studying, researching, and teaching in the United States
for 12 years was a great help. I am particularly grateful for the generous
opportunities given to me as the director of the Kokkalis Program on
Southeastern and East-Central Europe at the John F. Kennedy School
of Government, Harvard University, and, later, as the Constantine
Karamanlis Associate Professor in Hellenic and Southeastern European
Studies at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University.
After all, having to explain Greece to a foreign audience presupposes a
certain understanding of the codes and language of the audience. Fur-
thermore, having written a doctoral dissertation on neighboring Serbia
was a useful mirror for understanding Greece. It was there and then that
the Greek condition came into perspective for me.
This historical dictionary could not have been written without the
support and guidance of many individuals. I would like to thank in par-
ticular the series editor, Jon Woronoff; my assistant, Theodoros Vavi-
kis, who worked tirelessly and without complaint on collecting much
of the data used; Annette Rondos for her superb editorial skills that
improved the quality of the written text; and Aggeliki Anagnostopoulou
for the graphs she created. Some of the many thinkers who contributed
to this work, over the course of many years, are S. Bazzaz, H. Berktay,
D. Chigas, T. Coloumbis, A. Evin, M. Glenny, M. Herzfeld, C. Kafa-
dar, S. Kalyvas, D. Kiskira, P. Kitromilides, S. Kromidas, I. Lalatsis, L.
Martin, K. Nicolaides, E. Papoulias, R. Pfaltzgraff, E. Prodromou, M.
Protic, P. Roilos, A. Rondos, K. Svolopoulos, M. Todorova, L. Tsouka-
lis, N. Tzavella, I. Varakis, E. Voutira, and K. Yfantis.
I would like to dedicate this dictionary to my teachers and to my
critics—the former for everything they taught me and the latter for the
motivation to work harder. This is a work that belongs to everybody
interested in Greece. Mine is a country endowed with stunning natu-
ral beauty, an ancient culture, a vibrant lifestyle, and a rich historical
record that, despite its controversies, includes many achievements and
xvi • PREFACE
experiences that are relevant to many nations, and increasing the worth
of knowing and studying Greece.
Dimitris Keridis
Thessaloniki, September 2008
Acronyms and Abbreviations
xvii
xviii • ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
xxiii
xxiv • CHRONOLOGY
xxxiii
xxxiv • INTRODUCTION
the national idea coming from the West, the growing mercantile Greek
elite, the decline of Ottoman authority, and the rivalry of Europe’s
great powers. The making of modern Greece went hand in hand with
the making of Greek nationals out of a polyglot, Christian Orthodox,
mostly rural society. Following a national revolution in 1821, the king-
dom of Greece was established in 1830 under British tutelage.
Independent Greece adopted Western laws and institutions, but
social and economic progress was slow and most Greeks remained
outside the country’s borders. On the eve of World War I, Greece
doubled its size to the detriment of the Ottomans but in 1922 it ex-
perienced, at the hands of nationalist Turks led by Kemal Atatürk,
a crushing military defeat that forced the evacuation of all Greeks
from Asia Minor and western Thrace. This misfortune was followed
by other calamities, including the economic crisis of the 1930s, the
persistence of political polarization, the turn to authoritarianism, war,
foreign occupation, and then a civil war that defeated a powerful
communist insurgency in 1949.
Having preserved its Western orientation, Greece became a member
of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), associated itself
with the rising European Community (EC), benefited from the Marshall
Plan, and began modernizing and growing rapidly. Greek parliamentary
politics broke down in 1967 but were reinvigorated in 1974. Since then,
Greece has consolidated a stable and well-functioning democracy, and
after 1989 and the fall of communism in Eastern Europe, it has emerged
as an important player in the Balkans with considerable economic, po-
litical, and cultural influence.
in Greece; the longest river is the Aliakmonas in the north, while many
large Balkan rivers flow into northern Greece.
Forests cover less than one fifth of Greece, a low proportion com-
pared with other European countries, and which is further declining due
to forest fires and land development. Only one third of Greece is culti-
vated, while the remaining area is arid and unused. Much of the culti-
vated land is not very fertile and suffers from a chronic lack of water.
Thus, traditionally the Greek lands were poor and, in the past, Greeks
migrated massively or turned to trade in search of enrichment abroad.
Historically, poverty has been the defining condition of much of
Greece, and it is only in the past 50 years that an affluent society, ac-
companied by a consumerist, hedonistic, carefree lifestyle, has emerged.
The effect of this newly arrived wealth is profound, multifaceted, and
yet not fully understood. It has produced an asymmetry as many Greeks,
although well off, continue to think of themselves and their country as
an underdog and a victim. This delay of the Greek mentality to adapt
itself to the current conditions of Greek reality has reinforced a certain
self-centered and self-referential narcissism and blinding provincialism:
Someone else is always to blame for its troubles; Greece bears no re-
sponsibility for its actions or omissions; and there are no other problems
in the world except for those related to Greece itself.
Since ancient times, geography has conditioned the development of
Greece and made overland communication difficult. Often, it impeded
the establishment of land-based empires, fragmented Greece into iso-
lated communities or city-states, and favored the sea as the fastest and
safest route. Coastal trade developed very early on, aided by the exis-
tence of the many small islands that dot the Greek seas.
Overall, squeezed among the three continents of Europe, Asia, and
Africa, the lands of modern Greece have often been a crossroad of civi-
lizations and invaders. After the great discoveries of the 15th century,
Greece, together with the rest of the Mediterranean, lost much of its
traditional geostrategic significance as trade moved westward toward
the northern Atlantic. However, after the opening of the Suez Canal
in 1869, Great Britain renewed its interest in keeping Greece under its
influence. During the Cold War, Greece provided an important link
between Italy and Turkey, at the center of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization’s (NATO) southern flank. In the meantime, Greece has
continued to control important sea routes toward the Black Sea and
xxxvi • INTRODUCTION
son, Alexander the Great. Having united the old Greek world under
Macedonian authority, Alexander defeated and conquered the Persian
Empire. His main achievement was to further spread the Greek civiliza-
tion and language throughout the Middle East, creating a common cul-
tural space where Christianity, four centuries later, would flourish. In
a sense, Christianity is a Hellenized reinterpretation of Judaism, and it
was the ecumenical spirit of classical Greece that turned it into a global
religion. St. Paul himself, the primary Christian messenger, was a Hel-
lenized Jew who was deeply immersed in the classical Greek traditions.
The very concept of “love” that distinguishes Christianity from all other
monotheistic religions had first been developed by Greek philosophers
from the time of Plato and after.
However, after his early death, Alexander’s empire fragmented
among its successors. Finally, after the battle of Corinth in 146 BCE,
the Greek world came under the control of Rome. Having lost its in-
dependence, Greece fertilized the emerging Roman Empire with its
culture and ethos. When the imperial capital moved eastward to Con-
stantinople in 330 CE and the western half was lost forever after Justin-
ian in the sixth century CE, the eastern Roman Empire progressively
Hellenized. Later called Byzantine by Western scholars, the empire
rested on the synthesis of the Roman imperial legacy and administra-
tion, and on Christianity—a product of Jewish monotheism and Greek
culture and language. Byzantium, an astounding if often misunderstood
medieval civilization, succumbed to the Crusaders in 1204 CE and was
completely destroyed by the Ottoman Turks who conquered Constanti-
nople in 1453 CE.
The Ottomans incorporated Byzantine traditions into their empire-
building project and, as time passed, Greeks came to play an increas-
ingly important role in the administration of parts of the Ottoman state
and lands. However, beginning in the late 18th century, nationalism,
a modern ideology that had originated in the West for the creation of
an independent state (separated from the Ottomans), came to dominate
politics in the Greek lands.
Modern Greece emerged from a long and multifaceted process that
included a cultural revival, economic modernization, war, gradual
territorial expansion, the rivalry of great powers, and the decline of
Ottoman power. Starting in the second half of the 18th century, Greek
Enlightenment carried the European spirit of nationalism and liberal-
INTRODUCTION • xxxix
NEW CHALLENGES
Since 1989, the year the Cold War ended and communism fell, Greece
has experienced serious socioeconomic changes in its effort to avoid
marginalization in Europe and to secure a place at the center of Euro-
pean integration. Initially, Greece reacted alarmingly and defensively
against the destabilization caused by the forceful change of borders
in its neighborhood. Its opposition to the disintegration of Yugoslavia
was often misinterpreted as support for Slobodan Milosevic’s policy
for a greater Serbia. In the meantime, Greek nationalism has provided
a convenient cover for domestic corporate interests in their defense
of undeserved privileges and in opposition to market reforms and the
opening of the Greek economy.
As a result of mounting social pressures and political infighting, the
reform-minded government of Konstantinos Mitsotakis fell in 1993.
The return of Papandreou to power weakened but did not reverse the re-
formist drive. This was enhanced after the election of Kostas Simitis to
the premiership in 1996 and of Kostas Karamanlis, a nephew of the old
statesman, in 2004. Thus, the 1990s and the 2000s have been a period of
macroeconomic stabilization, economic liberalization and privatization,
and the further Europeanization of Greece.
Greece today is a more open, pluralistic, cosmopolitan, individual-
istic, unequal, dynamic, and achievement-oriented society. The market
has expanded to the detriment of the state, while the economy domi-
nates politics rather than the other way around, which was the case in
the 1970s and the 1980s. Greek politics have become more managerial
and consensus oriented, while old cleavages represented by polarizing,
charismatic, and messianic leaders seem to belong to the past.
On the other hand, income and regional disparities have increased.
Athens is the main beneficiary while old sectors, such as agriculture and
textiles, decline in favor of services. Nowhere is change more evident
and more pronounced than in the demographic profile of the country.
The arrival of about a million economic immigrants, mainly from Al-
bania, in a very short period of time introduced multiculturalism to a
largely homogenous country. Today, Greece is no longer an exporter
but an importer of labor and the percentage of nonnative residents, at
around 10 percent of the total population, is comparable to that of the
United States.
xliv • INTRODUCTION
of the developed world and has left much of the countryside untouched.
However, in a country where tourism and land speculation constitute
primary economic activities, considerable damage has already been
done. If “progress” is left unchecked, Greece’s environment will be
condemned.
Despite these unmet challenges, there have been many achievements.
Since the mid-1990s, the Greek economy has grown rapidly, at a rate
of 3.5 percent a year, which is well above the Eurozone average (see
graphs 1 and 2 in appendix F); inflation and public finances have been
brought under control (see graphs 3 and 4 in appendix F); and although
public debt remains among the highest in the European Union (EU),
unemployment is declining. Despite widespread initial doubts, Greece
joined the European Monetary Union (EMU) and has benefited from
the resulting monetary stability and low interest rates. Although much
of the growth has been caused by a real estate bubble and a dramatic
credit expansion, the Greek economy is much healthier today than it
was in the late 1980s. Greece’s greatest achievement during this growth
was the successful hosting of the Olympic Games in Athens in 2004 and
the physical endowment of state-of-the-art highways, airports, under-
ground transportation, and athletic and cultural venues. The Olympics
also enhanced the image of Greece. International preconceptions of its
infrastructure and administration changed positively.
Progress has been even more significant at the nonmaterial level.
Greek political discourse is less ideological, messianic, and absolutist
today than it used to be. It is also less tolerant of terrorism, as exercised in
the past by the now-defunct group called November 17, although small-
scale political violence continues to appear sporadically. Greek morals
are considerably more liberal, alternative lifestyles are tolerated and occa-
sionally even celebrated, the position of women has improved, and Greek
nationalism exhibits some signs of becoming more civic and less ethnic.
Overall, as the richest and oldest democracy in its region, Greece today is
more self-confident than at any moment in its modern history.
This is further reflected in Greek foreign policy. Not concerned with
its own survival, as was the case for much of its past, Greece is favorably
positioned to project its influence on and play a leadership role in south-
eastern Europe. Greece’s trade and investments abroad have increased
considerably. For the first time, it provides some modest foreign aid. It has
moderated its demands on the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
xlvi • INTRODUCTION
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
all Greek women work. Almost half of the Greeks are self-employed,
and the percentage of the salaried workforce in the private sector re-
mains low. Most of Greek businesses are small, family-owned, under-
capitalized, and of low technology and productivity. At the same time,
the state is an overstaffed behemoth with some 700,000 employees, or
one sixth of the total workforce. Finally, the continued decline of Greek
agriculture will release some 200,000–300,000 unskilled laborers who
cannot easily find employment elsewhere.
Furthermore, Greek public finances, despite considerable progress,
remain in a precarious state. Public debt is stubbornly high and equals
the gross domestic product (GDP); see graph 6 in appendix F. State
liabilities are three to four times the GDP, if pension pledges are in-
cluded. One third of the economy, if not more, operates underground
and is unregulated and untaxed. At the same time, the demographic
decline has acquired an inescapable dynamic that will inevitably shrink
the future productive base of the country. In sum, Greece suffers from a
central paradox: Greece enjoys a First World level of consumption with
a productive structure that often resembles the Third World. Much of its
growth was achieved without real modernization.
All these speak of a society faced with serious, structural problems
in need of deep and painful reforms. And yet, the reformist drive has
been weakening recently and will not gather steam in the absence of the
pressures of an economic downturn. Greece has been fortunate to have
benefited enormously from globalization and relies on foreign sources
of income that have financed a domestic level of consumption that the
real productive capacity of the country could not have supported. These
sources have historically included the diaspora’s remittances and, more
recently, tourism, shipping, and EU aid. Shipping alone has brought
more than $100 billion into the country in the past decade. At the same
time, being part of the EU has provided a strong cushion against the
side effects of populist politics at home—as was the case in 1989 when
bankruptcy was avoided thanks to EU support.
Not paying the price for past mistakes is one reason why national-
ist and collectivist instincts and suspicion of the market are probably
stronger in Greece than anywhere else in Europe. Often, it feels as
though Greece is stuck in the 1970s, refusing to realize that the Cold
War is over, the free market won, and the country is among the win-
ners. Whereas former communist countries have quickly liberalized,
xlviii • INTRODUCTION
– A –
1
2 • AEGEAN SEA
rades, and after the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913, the islands of the
eastern Aegean and Crete. The Dodecanese in the southeast were
latecomers in this process and were awarded to Greece only in 1947
following the defeat of Italy in World War II. Only two Aegean
islands, Imvros and Tenedos, at the entrance of the Straits of Darda-
nelles, were retained by Turkey under the Treaty of Lausanne of
1923. Today, the Aegean is mostly famous for generating Greece’s
bulk of tourist earnings and for the dispute between Greece and
Turkey over the delineation of the Aegean continental shelf and the
respective territorial waters of the two adjoining nations. The dispute
was aggravated by successive crises over Cyprus and the prospect of
discovering large oil deposits in the Aegean seabed.
Greece was integrated, for the first time, in the expanding world
capitalist economy, with the development of the cultivation of the
currant in the late 19th century. The currant was Greece’s first cash
crop, facilitating the transition from subsistence to a money-based
agriculture, and was replaced by tobacco, which remained Greece’s
main export throughout most of the 20th century. Today, Greece ex-
ports olive oil, fruits and vegetables, and cotton and remains self-suf-
ficient in cereals. Fish farming has expanded spectacularly during the
past 20 years, making Greece one of the largest producers throughout
Europe. Dairy production and animal husbandry remain much more
problematic—local production of meat and dairy products covers
only 20 percent of total domestic consumption. Overall, despite con-
siderable exports, Greece remains a food-importing country.
Albanians’ new and old homes, Greek business with and investment
in Albania, and the reestablishment of a Greek-led Albanian Ortho-
dox Church under the inspired leadership of the ecclesiastical leader
Archbishop Anastasios.
Nationalists on both sides remain uncomfortable with the im-
proved relationship. Greece’s initial warming to Serbia’s Slobodan
Milosevic left a legacy of suspicion on both sides. The two nations,
given the difference in their recent past, seem to stand on opposite
sides on many issues. Whereas Albania strongly supports the inde-
pendence of Kosovo, Greece remains sensitive to Serbia’s objec-
tions. Although Albania enthusiastically welcomed and greeted as a
hero President George W. Bush of the United States in June 2007,
Greek anti-Americanism shows no sign of abating.
Despite some initial concerns, the return of Sali Berisha to the
premiership did not witness a rebound of the polemics of the 1990s
in Athens. Coming from the north and representing a northern con-
stituency that has largely remained outside the Greek orbit, Berisha
confirmed the increased pragmatism that characterizes the relations
between the two nations, to the mutual benefit of both and the region.
Furthermore, Greece’s improved relations with Turkey have greatly
weakened Greece’s siege mentality and fears, and have enabled the
country’s leadership to pursue a policy of constructive engagement
in its region.
Given the historical ties between Greeks and Albanians and the
existence of large ethnic Albanian immigrant communities in Greece
whose presence in Greek life will increase, the Greek–Albanian rela-
tionship is of great strategic importance for the future development of
Greece (and Albania), second only to Greece’s relations with Turkey.
See also FOREIGN POLICY.
defeat of the invading Persians in the early fifth century and claimed
the leadership of the whole of the Greek world. Sparta responded re-
luctantly to the challenge and, after an exhausting Peloponnesian war,
temporarily prevailed. This infighting allowed Macedonia, a distant
kingdom to the north under the leadership of Philip II, to gradually
dominate Greece and unite it under his authority. His son, Alexander,
later used these united resources to campaign in the east and conquer
the vast Persian Empire, taking Greek culture and language as far as
India. In the meantime, ancient Greece was subsumed by the expanding
Roman Empire and became a Roman province.
It is hard to exaggerate the role ancient Greece has played in world
developments and the tight hold it has had on Western imagina-
tion—an unparalleled contribution to the development of philosophy,
science, the arts, and the birth of the humanistic spirit and the demo-
cratic ideal. Much idealized by the Renaissance and the Enlighten-
ment, ancient Greece formed the central pillar of what has been called
Western, Greco–Roman, or Judeo–Christian civilization, together with
Roman law and Jewish monotheism. Ancient Greece remains subject
to constant reinterpretations. Recently, scholars have turned their at-
tention from its uniqueness to the study of its relations and interactions
with its Semitic surroundings in the eastern Mediterranean.
Apostasia was the direct result of the clash between the popu-
larly elected Prime Minister Georgios Papandreou and the young,
inexperienced, and ill-advised King Constantine II. Starting with
a disagreement over control of the Greek armed forces, the king
forced Papandreou to resign and quickly moved to divide his party.
Apostasia became a turning point of post–Civil War Greek politics
and highlighted the restrictions under which Greek democracy was
forced to operate, embodied by the king’s insistence on interfering
and guiding the political process. It directly questioned the vitality of
Greek parliamentarianism and made a mockery of the Greek politi-
cal class. It caused a massive political mobilization and created an
escalating crisis that led to the downfall of democratic politics with
the military coup of 21 April 1967. Finally, apostasia turned the Pa-
pandreous—the father and his son Andreas—into popular fighters for
democracy and sovereignty and was a severe blow to the legitimacy
of the monarchy, from which it never really recovered.
Venizelos for a Greece of the two continents and the five seas was
not as widely shared as one might have thought; many soldiers from
old Greece, especially from Peloponnesus, longed to return home
and to lead civilian lives after almost a decade of mobilization.
Venizelos did not anticipate the emergence of a fierce and well-
organized Turkish nationalist resistance led by a charismatic Kemal
Atatürk, in opposition to the compliant government of the sultan
based in Istanbul. Furthermore, having secured most of the Greek
claims under the Treaty of Sèvres, which the defeated Ottoman
Turkey was forced to sign in 1920, Venizelos did not expect to lose
the forthcoming elections. Running on a pacifist ticket, the royalist
opposition unexpectedly won what proved to be one of the most
fateful elections of Greek history. The change of government denied
Greece the great diplomatic skills of Venizelos, a longtime friend of
the Entente, at a time when they were most needed, while the change
in the leadership of the army created a turmoil that was never fully
resolved. Once in power, the royalists openly defied Great Britain
and France by orchestrating the return to the throne of anti-Entente
King Constantine I, who had been expelled in 1917 by Entente forces
because of his pro-German sympathies. Rather than bringing the war
to a quick end as promised, the new government was trapped into
expanding the war effort inside Anatolia all the way to the outskirts
of Ankara in a desperate effort to force Kemal to compromise.
In the summer of 1921, the Greek forces reached the limit of their
overextension and were repelled at the Sangarius River. Greece
desperately sued for a diplomatic settlement but Kemal would make
no deal. Exhausted and isolated internationally after the return of
King Constantine from exile, Greece looked for a miracle that never
happened. Instead, Kemal carefully planned a massive attack on the
overextended Greek lines; the Greek forces were defeated, which led
to a panic rush to the Aegean coast, leaving behind thousands of ci-
vilian Greeks trying to survive the onslaught. On 5 September 1922,
the Turkish forces entered Izmir (Smyrna), which was burned to the
ground four days later. Allied naval forces, including many British
and French ships, declined to offer help to the fleeing Greeks—a
tragic end of millennia of Hellenism on the eastern shores of the
Aegean. Eventually, a new peace treaty was signed in Lausanne in
1923. Turkey, alone among the defeated powers of World War I,
18 • ATHENS
managed to revise the initial Treaty of Sèvres in its favor. The Treaty
of Lausanne became the cornerstone of relations between Greece
and Turkey. See also FOREIGN POLICY.
– B –
Today, there are five major banks: NBG (the only bank in which
the state still has a controlling influence), followed by Alpha, EFG
Eurobank, Piraeus, and Commercial Bank (which is owned by
France’s Credit Agricole). Greek banks aggressively took advantage
of the new economic conditions in Greece caused by its membership
in the EU, which included the lifting of previously tight controls and
the macroeconomic stability introduced by the euro. Thus, retail
credit has rapidly expanded to mortgages and consumers. Never-
theless, Greek banks are still burdened by an excessive workforce,
generous pension liabilities, and militant unions, and continue to
provide some of the most expensive credit in the Eurozone. There is
ample room for further consolidation, computerization, and increased
competition. In the meantime, although fairly conservative and risk-
averse, Greek banks have been hit by the global economic downturn
in 2009, mainly through their exposure in the Balkans.
– C –
responsive to a new era away from the heroism and the traumas of the
Civil War and helping it connect with broader European currents.
In this regard, unlike PASOK or the CPG/KKE, the old Eurocom-
munists lent their support to Konstantinos Karamanlis’ bid to have
Greece join the European Community (EC). In recent years, the
Coalition has tried to respond to the worldwide crisis of the left by
espousing a canopy of causes such as the environment and the fight
against “neoliberal” globalization. While it remains socially progres-
sive, the coalition has adopted a certain polemical antiestablishment
rhetoric that is popular among younger voters but does not always
suit its elitist background. See also RUSSIA.
of their property was confiscated as they were unable to pay the dis-
criminatory Verlik Vergisi capital gains tax. Furthermore, the com-
munity fell victim to a Turkish pogrom on 6 and 7 September 1955,
which destroyed much of its property; many Greeks were killed,
injured, and raped, after which most Greeks left for Greece. Today,
fewer than 2,000 Greeks remain in a megacity of more than 10 mil-
lion inhabitants. Every year, thousands of Greeks visit the City, while
a few study, work, or buy property there. Deepening liberal reforms
in Turkey hold the promise that the city will regain some of its old
multicultural appeal, further advancing Greek–Turkish relations.
diplomacy busy for much of the 19th century and, one can argue,
continues to do so in Kosovo and elsewhere. The Eastern question
itself was the product of the emergence of multiple nationalist seces-
sionisms within the Ottoman dominions and the concern of the great
powers of how to replace Ottoman sovereignty without upsetting the
balance of power in Europe.
Since the time of Venetian rule, Cretans developed a reputation for
being freedom loving and independent minded. This reputation sur-
vives today as Crete continues to preserve a unique gun culture and
a strong local identity distinct from the rest of Greece. Having been
left outside the independent Greek kingdom created by the London
Protocol of 1830, the Greeks of Crete agitated against foreign rule
from the mid-19th century onwards, demanding the island’s union
with Greece. The Ottomans, and the Egyptians at periodic intervals,
brutally suppressed several revolts, with the massacre in the Arkadi
monastery in 1866 stirring an international outcry. In response, the
Ottomans introduced, in 1868, the “Organic Law of Crete” that up-
graded the position of the Christians and provided for their partici-
pation in the island’s administration. Delays in the implementation
of the law coupled with mounting international tensions and the
Russo–Turkish war of 1877 led to a new uprising.
At the Congress of Berlin in 1878, the defeated Ottoman Turkey
was forced to grant the Halepa Charter, which gave the Christians
several freedoms and upgraded the status of Crete to that of a semi-
independent province. Against the opposition of the sizeable Muslim
minority and especially the beys (the Muslim land-owning nobles),
Crete acquired full autonomy by 1898, ruled by a Christian governor
and protected by the great powers (Austria–Hungary, France, Ger-
many, Great Britain, and Russia).
Although Prince George of Greece was appointed high com-
missioner of the island and the sultan had no more rights, Cretans,
headed by leaders such as Eleftherios Venizelos, Greece’s future
prime minister, remained restless and collided with the Greek prince
himself. Finally, the Cretan question was resolved at the end of the
First Balkan War in 1913, when, with the Treaty of London, Crete
was united with Greece.
Greece was naturally supportive of the Cretan struggle but its
willingness to act was constrained by its military inferiority and its
CYCLADES • 47
CRETE. The largest Greek island and the fifth largest in the Mediter-
ranean, Crete has a surface area of 8,335 square kilometers and a
population of 562,276. Crete was the basis of Europe’s most ancient
civilization, the Minoan civilization. Due to its geographical posi-
tion among the three continents of Europe, Asia, and Africa, Crete
experienced the influence of many different civilizations. After the
Byzantines, it was held by Venice until 1669 CE when it passed
to the Ottomans. After several uprisings, it became autonomous
in 1898 and was united with Greece in 1913. With the exchange of
populations between Greece and Turkey in 1923, Cretan Muslims,
comprising some 12 percent of the population, left for Turkey.
Crete is famous for its distinct, strong, proud, and independent
local identity. Politically, Crete, the birthplace of Eleftherios Veni-
zelos, has been liberal and, more recently, a socialist stronghold,
where neither the conservatives nor the communists have had much
power. Blessed with a long summer season, a spectacular coastline,
and the cultural heritage of ancient civilizations, Crete is the locomo-
tive of the Greek tourist industry, receiving the most foreigners each
year of all of Greek provinces. Agriculture, especially the off-season
production of fruits and vegetables, is highly developed. See also
CRETAN QUESTION.
scenic landscape, the Cyclades are a world of their own. The islands
gave birth to the major preclassical Cycladic civilization and pros-
pered during much of the antiquity but fell victim to increasing piracy
and the lack of water. They were included in modern Greece from the
start in 1830. After World War II, tourism boomed first in Myko-
nos and Santorini and, more recently, almost everywhere else.
– D –
– E –
– F –
FLAG. The Greek national flag is rectangular with nine horizontal blue
and white stripes and a white cross in four blue boxes on the upper
left side. It was adopted in 1822 by the revolutionary constitutional
assembly in Epidavros. There is a debate about the symbolism of its
shape and colors. Most claim that the blue was chosen to refer to the
sea and the ancient maritime traditions of Greece, the nine stripes
correspond to the nine syllables of the revolutionary slogan “freedom
or death” in Greek, and the cross is the symbol of Christianity.
conclusive 1989 elections, Florakis and the left became the kingmak-
ers of Greek politics. Together with his coalition partner, Leonidas
Kyrkos, he took the left into an unprecedented coalition government
with the conservative New Democracy (ND; Nea Dimokratia) Party.
This move proved controversial and was hostile to Andreas Pa-
pandreou’s Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK; Panellinio
Sosialistiko Kinima). By 1991, internal fighting between the various
factions of the leftist coalition and CPG/KKE’s traditional reluctance
to weaken its autonomy and suspicion of partners, brought the coali-
tion to an end. Florakis retired from the leadership as an honorary
president of his party.
Florakis supervised the transition of a battered, traumatized, and
clandestine party to parliamentary politics and practices. This was
a process that greatly legitimized Greece’s young democracy. After
1974, he failed to contain the advance of Andreas Papandreou’s
PASOK that kept the CPG/KKE confined to around 10 percent of the
electorate. Speaking in simple Greek with a heavy accent, Florakis
exhibited a certain political wisdom that in his later years made him
widely popular among his fellow Greeks. Although a Stalinist, tread-
ing carefully and appearing to move slowly, Florakis was capable
of some bold initiatives, such as his refusal to back PASOK in the
1986 municipal elections, the formation of the leftist coalition in
1988, and the left’s participation in the government in 1989–1990.
Unlike its Italian counterpart, the Greek Communist Party has not
been particularly fortunate with its leaders. Overall, Florakis appears
to be somewhat of an exception in the party’s long history. He died
in 2005 in Athens.
– G –
GALIS, NICK (1957– ). Born in New Jersey, Nick Galis was a great
athlete who revolutionized the game of basketball in the land of his
parents. After a short but promising career in the American college
league, Galis was drafted by Thessaloniki’s Aris basketball team in
1979 and won a series of titles. His triumph came in 1987 when he
led Greece to victory in the European Basketball Championship. See
also SPORTS.
In the councils of the European Union (EU) and the North Atlan-
tic Treaty Organization (NATO), Britain and Greece often stand at
opposite ends of the political spectrum. Britain is traditionally Atlan-
ticist, suspicious of further European integration, and welcoming of
U.S. influence in Europe while Greece is more of a Eurofederalist.
Recently, however, Athens and London have moved closer in sup-
port of Turkey’s candidacy for membership in the EU, against the
resistance of many other EU member-states.
Overall, since the days of post-Napoleonic philhellenism, Britain’s
involvement in Greece has been crucial. Often criticized and resented
for being heavy-handed, British influence infused Greece with a cer-
tain liberal and democratic spirit in support of representative politics.
It has kept Greece away from the excesses of German romanticism,
Prussian militarism, and Russian authoritarianism and communism
that were popular elsewhere in the Balkans. See also FOREIGN
POLICY.
– H –
– I –
IONIAN ISLANDS. Situated off the west coast of Greece, the Ionian
islands are also known as “Eptanisa” or “the Seven Islands,” with
Corfu in the north being the principal and most densely populated
in the group. The islands have a distinct character of their own as a
result of their long association with Italy and the West through the
IRREDENTISM • 87
– J –
infighting and an isolated king, the junta took control of the country
easily, quickly, and without resistance. However, staying in power
proved much more challenging, despite the favorable economic con-
ditions internationally.
King Constantine I attempted to overthrow the dictators on 13
December 1967. He failed, left the country, and never returned to his
throne. In May 1973, the navy, which was never close to the colo-
nels’ regime, unsuccessfully conspired against the dictatorship and,
on 25 May 1973, the battleship Velos defected and its crew requested
political asylum in Italy. On 17 November 1973, the army intervened
to quash a growing revolt of students and outsiders in the Polytech-
nio in downtown Athens. On 25 November 1973, Brigadier Dimitris
Ioannides replaced Papadopoulos with his loyal officers. On 15 July
1973, Ioannides ordered the Greek officers in the Cypriot National
Guard to overthrow President Makarios. On 20 July 1974, Turkey
invaded Cyprus, and on 24 July the junta’s president of Greece,
General Phaidon Gizikis, appointed Konstantinos Karamanlis as
prime minister.
Their lower rank made the colonels more radical in their politi-
cal designs, compared to their superiors in the army. In fact, a rift
progressively developed among the conservative and the radical
coup leaders. The conservatives, led by Papadopoulos, temporarily
emerged as the most powerful and attempted a political transition.
However, this attempt failed to secure credible civilian counterparts,
with the exception of Spyros Markezinis, and was met with a strong
public reaction in November 1973, after which it quickly unraveled.
The radicals, led by Ioannides and inspired by nearby Arab mili-
tary revolutionaries, pushed out the conservatives in what amounted
to a coup within a coup. Their nationalism and antagonism toward
the Cypriot president, Archbishop Makarios, led them to a self-
destructive foreign adventurism in July 1974. Discredited by the suc-
cessful Turkish invasion of Cyprus, the military regime collapsed and
power was handed to Konstantinos Karamanlis.
Karamanlis quickly proclaimed elections, held a referendum that
established a republic, drafted a new constitution and tried, sen-
tenced, and jailed the coup leaders. Greece is one of only a handful of
countries that punished the violators of its democratic order. The dicta-
tors did not request nor were they granted a pardon. They remained—
and most of them died—in jail.
90 • KAPODISTRIAS, IOANNIS
– K –
– L –
fied Greek called koine, or common, became the lingua franca of the
east. Koine was employed in the original writing of the New Testa-
ment and provided the common cultural basis for the spread of Chris-
tianity. Since then, the Greek language had continued to evolve, but
the real break remained between the classical, archaic Greek that was
confined to the Greek lands and the post–Alexander the Great sim-
plified Greek that was widely spoken in the eastern Mediterranean.
When the matter reemerged during the nationalist surge of the early
19th century, Adamantios Korais, the most prominent Greek intellec-
tual at the time, proposed a compromise whereby a purified version of
Greek, called katharevousa, which encompassed many archaic forms
but was not ancient Greek, should become the official language of the
new state—and so it happened, provoking a controversy that lasted
until the 1970s. Then, the new democratic government of Konstan-
tinos Karamanlis finally decreed that the demotic spoken language
of the people would be the only state language in which education,
administration, and justice would be exclusively conducted.
The rivalry between supporters of demotic and katharevousa Greek
acquired a broader political significance and divided Greeks between
progressives and conservatives, “supporters” and “opponents” of the
people. Unfortunately, due to the polemics involved, many literary
achievements in either the demotic or katharevousa Greek were often
overlooked.
– M –
groups living side by side, and after 1492 CE, Thessaloniki acquired
a Jewish majority.
During Ottoman times, all the Christians of Macedonia, irrespec-
tive of their ethnicity, which was not yet politicized, belonged to
the same Christian Orthodox millet, led by the Greek Ecumenical
Patriarch in Istanbul. The distance between the Greeks and the
Slavs of Macedonia began to grow when, after 1870, an independent
Bulgarian Church started countering Greek nationalism by recruiting
the Slav-speaking faithful of Macedonia to the Bulgarian nationalist
cause. In 1878, the San Stefano Treaty, imposed by Russia on the
defeated Ottomans, awarded most of Macedonia, with the exception
of Thessaloniki and Halkidiki, to Bulgaria. The treaty was short-lived
thanks to British intervention, but the dream of a greater Bulgaria,
encompassing all of Macedonia, lived on. This gave rise to a bitter
struggle between Greek and Bulgarian paramilitary forces for the
control of the Macedonian countryside during the last years of the Ot-
toman Empire. The turmoil in Ottoman Macedonia and the inability
of the sultan to pacify his province contributed to the Young Turks’
revolution that broke out in Thessaloniki in 1908.
Ottoman Macedonia became the apple of discord among compet-
ing nationalist claims advanced by Bulgarians, Greeks, Serbs, Ro-
manians, and local Slavic-speaking Macedonians. Greece conquered
half of Ottoman Macedonia during the First Balkan War in 1912 and
defended its gains successfully against Bulgaria in the Second Bal-
kan War in 1913. During World War I, the royalist government in
Athens lost control of Macedonia, where a rebel government under
Eleftherios Venizelos, allied with the Entente, was established. At
the end of the war, Greece and Bulgaria exchanged most of each oth-
er’s populations. After 1922, Macedonia received the bulk of Greek
refugees from Asia Minor and lost its Turkish population. During
World War II some 97 percent of the Jews of Thessaloniki, and
many Jews of other Macedonian cities, perished in the Holocaust.
After the war, having fought on the side of the communists during the
Civil War who were more supportive of Slav-Macedonian national
rights, many Slav-Macedonians left Greece.
After the disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991, Macedonia re-
emerged as an international concern. In particular, Athens objected
to the independent Republic of Macedonia monopolizing the name
MACEDONIA, FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF • 101
MEDIA. Until the late 1980s, all electronic media remained under
state control, although there were a few romantic radio pirates who
challenged the state monopoly. Following the spread of media
technology, the Greek electronic media market was liberalized in a
sudden and haphazard way. In the 1990s, media outlets of all types
mushroomed. Today, there are five major private television channels:
Mega TV, Antenna, Alpha, Star, and Alter. The Greek public televi-
sion station, ERT, and its three channels are supported by public fees
but control only 15 percent of the market. There are hundreds of local
low-budget and low-quality TV stations. The radio market is even
less structured, with hundreds of radio stations transmitting locally.
A few, such as Antenna, Sky, and Flash, transmit nationally through
local affiliates.
Greek media is free and aggressive but characterized by com-
mercialism, extreme sensationalism, and a lack of professionalism.
Successive Greek governments have proved too timid to put order
in the chaotic market and establish some regulations and standards.
Television has a very influential role in Greek politics, turning an-
chormen and prominent TV journalists into stars to whom politicians
need to pay close attention. At times, it seems that Greek public life
revolves around the eight o’clock news, which consists less of hard
news and more of impressionistic commentaries by pundits and in-
vited guests. Populist excesses are fueled by the fierce competition
for market share. Although the market is small and commercials can
only support one or two private TV stations, Greek businessmen, in
search of political influence and a public role, have invested heavily
in unprofitable media outlets.
In the meantime, the Greek press has suffered a steady decline in
circulation and corresponding influence. There are still a few quality pa-
pers, mainly the conservative Kathimerini and the liberal Vima. Popular
papers include Ta NEA, Eleftherotypia, Ethnos, and Eleftheros Typos.
Tabloids have increased their market share. As Internet penetration
increases, blogs, portals, and websites have become the new media for
news and commentary, especially among younger Greeks.
people, and their character. It has endowed the Greek lands with a
temperate climate of mild winters and hot but dry summers. From
ancient times, it has provided Greeks with food and an easy way to
communicate and trade. It turned the Greeks into a maritime nation,
in control of one fifth of the world’s shipping industry today. To-
gether with other southern European nations, such as Italy and Spain,
Greece shares a certain Mediterranean lifestyle of strong family ties
and high sociability.
The Mediterranean, forming several smaller seas such as the
Aegean and the Ionian, is famous for its crystal clear waters, and
thus provides a major tourist attraction. In recent years, the state has
invested heavily in sewage treatment in an effort to contain urban
pollution and keep coastal waters clean. Similarly, large parts of the
coastline have been turned into protected zones while a few national
sea parks have been created. However, construction, tourism, and
overfishing have taken a heavy toll on the health of Greece’s share
of the Mediterranean.
from Eastern Europe and southern Asia. The largest group by far is
the Albanians, who number more than 600,000 and reside all over
Greece. In many elementary schools, there is already a plurality of
students whose native language is not Greek. The change has been
dramatic, and the bureaucratic and inefficient Greek state has found
it hard to cope. However, Greek society has improvised quite well
and Greece has been more successful in integrating its newly arrived
immigrants than many other European nations.
while trying to bring the public deficit under control. He was partially
successful in reforming the pension and the educational system,
the rigid labor laws, and in the privatization and deregulation of the
economy.
However, his government was seriously affected by an interna-
tional economic recession, infighting, and the Macedonia contro-
versy. A year after dismissing his popular, ambitious, and nationalist
foreign minister, Antonis Samaras, Mitsotakis lost his parliamentary
majority, resigned, and called for early elections that he resoundingly
lost. Soon thereafter, Mitsotakis resigned from the party leadership
but remained active in Greek politics.
A formidable public speaker and parliamentary debater, Mitsota-
kis’ politics were best placed in the liberal political center and have
been marked by his tenacity in the face of formidable obstacles, due
largely to a network of loyal friends. Mitsotakis has been known for
his charm and efficiency as a negotiator, his strong local identifica-
tion with his native island of Crete, and for a certain ruthlessness. In
a sense, he has embodied both the age of the old oligarchic politics
of party notables and its passing, as he engaged in fierce power strug-
gles while espousing a modern, liberal vision for Greece. Two of
his children, Dora Bakoyanni and Kyriakos Mitsotakis, are popular
members of Parliament. Bakoyanni is currently the foreign minister
and is considered one of Greece’s most prominent politicians in her
own right. As several of his grandchildren are said to be contemplat-
ing political careers, Mitsotakis could be considered to be the founder
of a Greek political dynasty, together with the Karamanlises and the
Papandreous.
on the throne. His brother Paul had a calmer reign and was smoothly
succeeded by his own son, Constantine II, in 1964. Youthful and
photogenic, Constantine II was thought to embody a young and en-
ergetic, rapidly developing nation. However, Constantine II found
himself entangled in political controversies that cost him his throne
and brought the monarchy to an end.
The monarchy never acquired deep roots in Greece. This was
mainly because it was perceived by many Greeks as the represen-
tative of foreign interests and the interlocutor of the great powers’
neocolonial control over Greece. After all, it was the great powers
that insisted on turning Greece into a monarchy, and it was they who
chose a king and supported him at times of popular discontent. Until
1974, Greece remained divided between opponents and sympathiz-
ers of the monarchy, the latter largely concentrated in Peloponnesus.
Today, the former king and his family enjoy some celebrity status but
his influence on Greek politics is minimal.
Epirus folk sounds; the joyful Aegean songs; and the manly, almost
polemical, Cretan and Pontian dance music.
As important as all these are, it is rebetiko that has provided the ba-
sis for the development of modern Greek music. Coming from Asia
Minor, and Smyrna in particular, and developed during the interwar
period among refugees and outlaws in Piraeus, the port of Athens,
slow, bitter, sorrow, mellow, and subversive, rebetiko has been jus-
tifiably compared to the blues of the American south. After years of
being an underground and, often, persecuted art form, rebetiko was
acknowledged in the postwar period and provided the launching pad
and the fuel for groundbreaking new syntheses. See also KAZANT-
ZIDIS, STELIOS; MERKOURI, MELINA; MOUSKOURI, NANA;
TSITSANIS, VASSILIS.
– N –
– O –
OTTOMAN EMPIRE. Greeks came into contact very early with the
emerging Ottoman Empire. The empire started as a frontline warrior
state in the northwestern corner of Turkic, tribal Anatolia, in the 14th
century CE. It expanded first into the Balkans and the Greek lands
before conquering much of the Middle East. Although Constanti-
nople fell in 1453, the last Greek medieval state survived until the
Ottoman capture of Trabzon in the Black Sea in 1461. Additional
Greek lands were added to the Ottoman dominions, including Cy-
prus in 1571 and Crete in 1669. Only the island of Corfu remained
outside Ottoman sovereignty throughout this time.
In running this vast, multicultural empire, the Ottomans allowed a
great degree of self-rule that was mainly institutionalized through a
Christian Orthodox millet led by the Greek Ecumenical Patriarch
PANHELLENIC SOCIALIST MOVEMENT • 125
– P –
his search for credible civilian partners failed. Following the student
revolt at the Polytechnio, he was deposed on 25 November 1973 by
his former colleague and hard-liner Dimitris Ioannides. Upon his fall,
Papadopoulos was confined to house arrest. He was tried by the in-
coming democratic government and condemned to death in 1975, al-
though his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment. He refused
to apply for a pardon and remained in jail until his death, leaving
behind a legacy of old-fashioned authoritarianism and xenophobia.
in Athens while Greece was under military rule. His funeral, at-
tended by a mass of the population, provided an early platform for the
Greek people to register their rejection of the dictatorship. Georgios
Papandreou had a distinguished political career that could be divided
into three phases.
Having studied law in Athens and in Berlin, Papandreou emerged
as a liberal politician loyal to Eleftherios Venizelos. Venizelos
appointed him governor of the islands of Lesvos and then Chios.
During the interwar period, he served as a minister in several posts
and distinguished himself as the reforming minister of education
(1930–1932). However, due to his antiroyalist positions, he was ex-
iled after 1936 during Ioannis Metaxas’ dictatorship.
During World War II, Papandreou escaped to the Middle East and
helped organize the Lebanon Conference in May 1944 that attempted
to unite all Greeks behind a government of national unity. He was
appointed as prime minister of this government that, later, after the
Germans’ withdrawal, entered Athens in October 1944. His liberal
credentials and political maneuverings contributed to the defeat of the
communists during the December Affair (Dekembriana) of 1944, after
which he resigned. In the years that followed, he served in the centrist
governments in the aftermath of the Civil War, but he allied himself
with Marshal Alexandros Papagos in the 1952 elections and survived
in opposition while Greece was ruled by the conservatives.
In 1961, together with Sofoklis Venizelos and other liberals, Pa-
pandreou formed and headed the Center Union (Enosis Kentrou)
Party. He denounced the 1961 elections as neither free nor fair and
fiercely antagonized the then prime minister, Konstantinos Kara-
manlis. He led his centrist forces to power in 1964, having won a
landslide election while fueling popular expectations to unmanage-
able levels. In July 1965, he had a strong disagreement with the
inexperienced King Constantine II over the control of the armed
forces. He resigned and led a popular movement against the royally
appointed new government that replaced him in power. The crisis led
to the weakening of Greek democracy. Despite some last-minute ef-
forts to normalize the situation, a breakdown occurred with the coup
of 21 April 1967.
Originally an interwar liberal who turned into an anticommunist
before becoming an antiright crusader, Georgios Papandreou is best
132 • PAPANDREOU, GEORGIOS A.
Parties began to form already during the revolution and the War
of Independence in the 1820s. At that time, Greeks were divided into
military and civilian factions or according to their place of origin. Af-
ter the establishment of an independent state, three parties came into
existence—the English, the French, and the Russian—sponsored by
the ambassadors of the three powers under whose protection the new
state was established. The English party led by an early constitution-
alist, Alexandros Mavrokordatos, advocated liberal reforms. How-
ever, it was the French party, under the leadership of early populist
Ioannis Kolettis that dominated Greek politics after the constitutional
uprising of 1843. As Greece progressively emancipated itself, the old
parties gave place to new ones. Throughout the 19th century, par-
ties remained volatile coalitions centered on a strong leader with an
eclectic ideology and a weak national organization.
The first modern party with massive popular support, a strong
national organizational apparatus, and a coherent ideology was the
Liberal Party, founded by Eleftherios Venizelos after 1910. How-
ever, it was their rivals to the right who persevered first as a People’s
Party (PP; Laikon Komma, LK), then as the Greek Rally (GR; El-
linikos Synagermos, ES), the National Radical Union (NRU; Ethniki
Rizospastiki Enosis, ERE), and after 1974, as the New Democracy
(ND; Nea Dimokratia) Party. After the collapse of the Venizelist
republic in the 1930s, the liberal center remained disunited until the
rise of a new center-left under the charismatic leadership of Andreas
Papandreou and his Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK;
Panellinio Sosialistiko Kinima), which came to power in 1981.
PASOK has been the embodiment of a catchall party. Thanks to its
flexibility and adaptability, it remained in office for 19 full years.
All these parties have been dominated by strong leaders. The only
exception has been the Communist Party of Greece (CPG; Kom-
mounistiko Komma Elladas, KKE), which has been driven mainly by
an orthodox and unyielding ideology and a well-structured organiza-
tion across the country and most social sectors.
The role of political parties in Greek life has been much debated.
While they have been generally recognized as essential for the func-
tioning of democracy and the formulation of broad policy consensus,
they have been resented for the suffocating control they exercise
over much of the state machinery, including the civil service and
the universities. Not even the justice system and the military have
PONTIANS • 137
they followed their own way, separate from that of mainland Greeks.
Their Empire of Trabzon was the last Greek state to succumb to the
Ottomans in 1461 CE. However, the growth of nationalism first in
Greece and then in Turkey, made their position unattainable. After
the arrival of the Young Turks to power, they suffered systematic
persecution, leading some to take refuge in neighboring Russia. Fol-
lowing the defeat of the Greek army in Anatolia in 1922, all Greek
Christians of Pontus were expelled. Those who found themselves
under the Bolsheviks had to sustain the Stalinist pogroms, with many
ending up in Central Asia.
Among all the numerous communities of refugees who form an
integral part of contemporary Greek society, no other is more promi-
nent culturally and politically than the Pontians, a testimony of their
tenacity and ingenuity. Today, Pontian music, dancing, food, and
other expressions of their lively folk culture remain hugely popular.
and pollution fees are imposed, DEH, as an old state behemoth, is faced
with an unprecedented challenge of restructuring and streamlining.
– R –
the outbreak of what became the first truly national uprising in the
Ottoman east. This uprising formed the first independent successor
nation-state out of the Ottoman Empire, initiating a process that gave
rise to a number of Balkan and Middle East states and continues to
the present day in places like Bosnia, the former Yugoslavia Republic
of Macedonia, Kosovo, Montenegro, and Cyprus.
After the establishment of the Greek kingdom, revolutions did not
cease to occur. Their goal, however, was no longer the independence
of the Greek nation but rather the reconfiguration of the Greek pol-
ity. Although people did participate, they were often spearheaded by
army units and led by military officers. The first revolution of this
kind took place on 3 September 1843, and demanded a constitution
from King Otto, who until then had insisted on ruling as an absolute
monarch. A following revolution forced Otto to leave Greece on 23
October 1862. On 15 August 1909, military officers proclaimed what
became known as the Goudi revolution that brought Eleftherios
Venizelos to power. The most recent revolutionary agitation occurred
in November 1973, during the colonels’ military dictatorship, when
students and sympathizers gathered at the downtown campus of Poly-
technio in defiance of military rule. In recent years, the consolidation
of democracy has diffused the revolutionary fervor, although Greeks
continue to take to the streets, with a characteristic frequency, in support
of various causes. See also ARMED FORCES; JUNTA.
– S –
Central Powers during World War I, it was Greece where the Serbian
army and government withdrew to. Yugoslavia itself was proclaimed
in the Greek island of Corfer on 20 July 1917. During the interwar
period, both Greece and Serbia-turned-Yugoslavia were satisfied with
the postwar settlement and were allies in defending the status quo,
although at some point Belgrade demanded free access to the port of
Thessaloniki. During World War II, a strong partisan resistance move-
ment grew in Greek and Serbian lands. However, after the war, while
Greece remained Western, Serbia/Yugoslavia became communist.
When Yugoslavia started disintegrating in the early 1990s, Greece
remained committed to the preservation of Yugoslav unity, afraid of
any forceful border changes in the region. Soon, however, Greek pol-
icy was increasingly interpreted as supporting Slobodan Milosevic’s
strategy of “Serbianizing” the Yugoslav federation and later with his
bid for a Greater Serbia. Some Westerners became alarmed by what
appeared as a Greek–Serbian axis connected to Moscow. Greece,
as a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO),
conceded and participated in the air campaign against Serbian forces,
first in Bosnia in 1995 and then in Serbia proper over Kosovo in
1999. Although Greek public opinion remains deeply sympathetic to
Serbian sensitivities, especially regarding Kosovo, successive Greek
governments have tried to rebalance Greece’s position in the area
taking into account Albanian interests and Western preferences as
well. See also FOREIGN POLICY.
SHIPPING. Since ancient times, the Greeks have been a maritime na-
tion, shaped by and benefiting from the sea. In Ottoman times, under
Russian protection, and later, thanks to the Napoleonic wars, Greek
shipping prospered and provided much of the capital that was needed
for the Revolution of 1821. During the revolutionary war, the Greek
fleet prevented the Ottomans from using the sea to send reinforce-
ments to their troops fighting the rebels.
After World War II, Greek shipping boomed, helped by Ameri-
can aid and the growing world trade in oil. Greeks have proved great
masters in what is one of the most competitive, cyclical, and volatile
industries in the world, knowing how to take risks, when to buy
ships, and when to sell them. After the decline in world shipping in
the 1980s, Greek shipping recovered and benefited greatly from the
rise in international cargo rates in the early 2000s.
146 • SIMITIS, KOSTAS
– T –
and the islands of Imvros and Tenedos from Turkey, the Muslims of
Thrace suffered discrimination by the Greek authorities.
Since 1990, the minority’s position has improved greatly although
the Muslims remain a largely agrarian and conservative community
with incomes and education well below the national average. De-
fined in religious terms and having escaped the secularizing reforms
of Kemal Atatürk in neighboring Turkey, the Muslims of Greek
Thrace form the oldest Muslim community in Europe with institu-
tions and shrines that are centuries old and exhibit a multicultural
tradition that is no longer available elsewhere.
Because of its remoteness, the presence of a large minority, and
Turkey’s close vicinity, the Greek government introduced gener-
ous financial incentives for investors while promoting an ambitious
public works program in Thrace. Today, the region is no longer the
poorer part of Greece. With the accession of neighboring Bulgaria to
the European Union (EU) and Turkey’s aspirations for membership,
Thrace is rapidly developing into a trade and energy hub.
– U –
– V –
– W –
tility between the royalists and the liberals and destabilized Greek
political life for decades to come. See also FOREIGN POLICY.
– Y –
– Z –
ZORBAS, ALEXIS. Alexis Zorbas was a real person but was immor-
talized as a fictional character featured in a popular movie of 1964,
Zorba the Greek, directed by Michael Cacoyannis and famously
played by the Irish–Mexican actor Anthony Quinn. The film was
based on the novel of Nikos Kazantzakis. The story is about the
encounter of a Cretan with an Englishman. In juxtaposition to the re-
served and introvert Englishman, warm, proud, freedom-loving, rule-
breaking, life-affirming, and womanizing Zorba embodied the Dio-
nysian spirit of Greece. Mikis Theodorakis wrote the music score
of the syrtaki danced by Zorba in the film’s most memorable scene.
Thanks to Hollywood and the booming tourist industry, Zorba and
the syrtaki have become important parts of modern Greece’s identity.
Today, Greece is littered with various kinds of tourist establishments
named Zorba that play the Zorba the Greek soundtrack as part of an
invented, but much acclaimed, Greek tradition.
Appendix A: Kings of Greece 1833–1973
175
Appendix B: Presidents of Greece 1828–2008
177
Appendix C: Prime Ministers of Modern Greece
1833–2008
179
180 • APPENDIX C
185
186 • APPENDIX D
GEOGRAPHY
Coastline: 13,676 km
193
194 • APPENDIX E
PEOPLE
GOVERNMENT
ECONOMY
MILITARY
203
Graph 2. Greece: GDP per Capita
ORGANIZATION
I. General 214
A. General Information
B. Journals and Yearbooks
II. History 216
A. Before Independence
B. The National Revolution and the 19th Century
C. The 20th Century
III. Politics (Including Public Policy, the Government,
Institutions, and Political Parties) 225
IV. Foreign Relations (Including Cyprus and the European Union) 227
V. Diaspora 231
VI. Economy 234
VII. Society 236
A. Family, Village, Class, and Nation
B. Education
C. Religion
VIII. Culture 242
A. Architecture and Cities
B. Art
C. Literature
D. Music
E. Folklore
IX. Internet Sources 250
A. General
B. News
C. History
D. Economy and Business
E. Culture
207
208 • BIBLIOGRAPHY
INTRODUCTION
The study of modern Greece has been overshadowed by its glorious an-
cestor, classical Hellas. Whereas Western scholarship has been fascinated
by, and invested heavily in, ancient Greece for centuries, the international
bibliography in general—and in English in particular—on modern Greece
is, by comparison, quite limited.
When dealing with such an ancient land as Greece, the first challenge
with which one is confronted is periodization. Until recently, the question
of dating various periods of Greek history and how to integrate them (or
not) have preoccupied most historians. A conventional and well-established
periodization accepts the end of ancient Greece with the Roman conquest
in 146 BCE and the end of ancient times with the transfer of the imperial
capital from Rome to Constantinople in 330 CE. Some historians mark the
end of the Middle Ages with the fall of Constantinople to the Ottomans in
1453 CE. For others, the medieval era was prolonged in this part of Europe
because of the Ottoman conquest and the control of most of Greek lands
by a premodern, multiethnic, religiously legitimized, agriculturally based,
Near Eastern empire. For most, the eruption of the national Revolution of
1821 marks the beginning of modern, independent, and national Greece.
However, how this modern Greece is related to its medieval and ancient
ancestors is still hotly debated.
For the reader who knows little of modern Greece, a standard and popu-
lar introduction is Richard Clogg’s A Concise History of Greece (1992),
which presents a short, readable, dispassionate, well-balanced, and compre-
hensive narrative of an otherwise complicated subject. A more recent work
with similar aspirations is that of John Koliopoulos and Thanos Veremis
entitled Greece: The Modern Sequel—From 1821 to the Present (2003),
which expands into less conventional subject areas such as social and intel-
lectual history.
Modern Greece has been studied from many different comparative per-
spectives. First, as a Balkan nation, modern Greece has been included in
historical studies of the Balkans. When it comes to comparative works, this
is the most dominant approach, traditionally espoused by historians. In that
regard, five works immediately come to mind. First is Lefteris Stavrianos’
The Balkans since 1453 (1965), a masterful tour d’horizon, which despite
its age remains an essential point of reference for the study of the making of
modern Greece. Then, there are the works of Barbara Jelavich, History of
the Balkans, Vol. 1: Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (1983), History
BIBLIOGRAPHY • 209
of the Balkans, Vol. 2: Twentieth Century (1983), as well as the book she
coauthored with Charles Jelavich, The Establishment of the Balkan Na-
tional States, 1804–1920 (1987), which constitute a good, conventional ac-
count on the late and post-Ottoman Balkans that helps place modern Greece
within a wider historical context. More recently, Mark Mazower has en-
dowed us with a brief and readable The Balkans: A Short History (2002)
that brilliantly touches upon most of the themes that have preoccupied
modern Balkan historiography. Paschalis Kitromilides’ Enlightenment,
Nationalism, Orthodoxy: Studies in the Culture and Political Thought of
Southeastern Europe (1994) presents the intellectual environment within
which modern Greece and its neighboring nation-states emerged. Finally,
Maria Todorova’s revealing Imagining the Balkans (1997) offers a useful
and well-founded postmodernist critique of the prejudices of Western his-
toriography with regard to the Balkans, including Greece.
Another approach in studying modern Greece is to view it as a southern
European nation related to Italy and, mostly, to the Iberian states of Spain
and Portugal. This is an approach favored mostly not by historians but by
comparative political scientists and experts in European Union studies. The
reason is that although modern Greece shared a common historical past
with its Balkan neighbors, it has followed a different developmental trajec-
tory after World War II as it did not experience communist rule. On the
contrary, postwar Greece has been confronted with the challenges of eco-
nomic development in the 1950s and 1960s, democratization in the 1970s,
and integration into Europe in the 1980s, just like Spain and Portugal. A
good work in that regard is Richard Gunther, P. Nikiforos Diamandouros,
and Hans-Jürgen Puhle (eds.), The Politics of Democratic Consolidation:
Southern Europe in Comparative Perspective (1995), which analyzes and
compares the democratization trajectories of the southern European coun-
tries, and Loukas Tsoukalis’ The European Community and Its Mediter-
ranean Enlargement (1981).
A third, and much less developed, approach comes from a post-Marx-
ist and wider leftist intellectual tradition that attempted to place modern
Greece in the global semiperiphery, somewhere between the underdevel-
oped Third World and the developed West. Espoused by sociologists and
other social scientists from the 1960s to the 1980s, today this approach is
in decline following the demise of dependency and other related theories.
Two good examples of works within this paradigm are Nikos Poulantzas’
The Crisis of the Dictatorships: Portugal, Greece, Spain (1976) and, more
recently, Nikos Mouzelis’ Politics in the Semi-Periphery (1986).
210 • BIBLIOGRAPHY
Apart from all these wider comparative studies, modern Greece has been
studied in its own right. In that regard, there are a few works in English
of exceptional quality, some of which have not even been translated into
Greek and remain accessible only to the English speaker. A good starting
point might be Speros Vryonis’ The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia
Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fif-
teenth Century (1986), which deals with an understudied and underappre-
ciated period and a process out of which modern Greece would later start
taking form. Vryonis employs his exceptional intellectual gifts to brilliantly
construct a narrative for the contraction and transformation of Hellenism
into the modern times.
Turning to the pivotal moment of the arrival of nationalism in the
18th century and building upon the work of Konstantinos Th. Dimaras,
Paschalis Kitromilides’ The Enlightenment as Social Criticism: Iosipos
Moisiodax and Greek Culture in the Eighteenth Century (1992) provides
a groundbreaking study of intellectual history and the ideas that paved the
way for the national revolution and the emergence of modern Greece.
Furthermore, John Petropulos’ masterful Politics and Statecraft in the
Kingdom of Greece, 1833–1843 (1968) offers a vivid and comprehensive
account of the making of modern Greece, during and in the immediate
aftermath of the revolution. Deconstructing the national myth of a uni-
fied revolutionary movement, Petropulos delves into the power struggles
among the various constituencies and elites competing for the definition
of modern Greece. Very perceptively, Petropulos identifies the continuities
and discontinuities between Ottoman and independent Greece and many of
the pathologies and their causes of its politics that have survived, to a large
extent, to the present day.
Douglas Dakin has written the definitive account of the process of Greek
state formation in The Unification of Greece 1770–1923 (1972). Although
much smaller than Italy and Germany, it took Greece more than a century
to acquire its present form through the gradual enlargement of the original
small kingdom established in and around Peloponnesus in 1830.
Other important works that deal with specific subjects or time periods
after independence include Kostas Vergopoulos’ Le capitalisme difforme
et la nouvelle question agraire: L’example de la Grèce moderne (1977),
which explains the socioeconomic structure of modern Greece as the result
of the workings of a fundamental agrarian question that produced a nation
of small landowners. John Koliopoulos analyzes the phenomenon and so-
cial context of brigandry, which survived well after independence in 19th-
BIBLIOGRAPHY • 211
Greeks. This was the result of the mistakes they committed by being hos-
tage to a Stalinist, dogmatic ideology and worldview.
Andreas Papandreou, who revolutionized Greek politics after 1974,
wrote Democracy at Gunpoint: The Greek Front (1971). In it, Papandreou
masterfully brings together the definitive leftist narrative on postwar Greek
history. This is a book that should be read less as history and more as
metahistory by everyone interested in the myths and ideology that have
dominated Greek public life since the fall of the colonels’ junta in 1974.
For Papandreou, postwar Greece has been a victim of U.S. intervention
and imperialism. For him, as for most Greeks in the 1970s and 1980s, the
precondition for the development and democratization of Greece should
be the restoration of the country’s independence. Much of contemporary
Greek historiography is about refuting the simplistic but captivating narra-
tive that Papandreou promoted.
Contemporary Greek historiography can be grouped in two broad cat-
egories. There are the conventional studies of Greek politics, some of
which are particularly well researched, such as Evanthis Hatzivassiliou’s
Greece and the Cold War: Frontline State, 1952–1967 (2006) and Ioannis
Stefanidis’ Stirring the Greek Nation: Political Culture, Irredentism and
Anti-Americanism in Postwar Greece, 1945–1967 (2007). Then, there are
collective works that bring together different social sciences such as the
book edited by Mark Mazower and entitled After the War Was Over: Re-
constructing the Family, Nation, and the State in Greece (2000).
In regards to more contemporary subject areas, including Greece’s
foreign relations, three edited volumes and a coauthored study stand out
within a plethora of works. First, the one by Harry J. Psomiades and
Stavros Thomadakis entitled Greece, the New Europe, and the Changing
International Order (1993), which, although a bit outdated, offers a rich
collection of essays on Greece in the immediate aftermath of the end of
the Cold War. Then there is Graham Allison and Kalypso Nicolaides’ The
Greek Paradox: Promise vs. Performance (1997), which is a multidisci-
plinary collection of essays by some leading social scientists and commen-
tators on the particular developmental trajectory of modern Greece and its
failure to converge more rapidly with Western Europe. Thirdly, Dimitris
Keridis and Dimitris Triantafyllou brought together analysts from different
sides in Greek–Turkish Relations in the Era of Globalization (2001) in a
refreshing attempt to connect foreign policy with wider international and
domestic developments. Finally, RAND Corporation’s Ian O. Lesser and
his associates, together with the Kokkalis Foundation, produced Greece’s
BIBLIOGRAPHY • 213
I. GENERAL
A. General Information
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BIBLIOGRAPHY • 231
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VII. SOCIETY
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Greece.” Journal of Modern Greek Studies 14, no. 2 (October 1996).
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B. Education
Gennadius, J. A Sketch of the History of Education in Greece. Edinburgh:
World Federation of Education, 1925.
Kazamias, Andreas, and Byron G. Massialas. Greece: Tradition and
Change in Education: A Comparative Study. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice-Hall, 1965.
Keridis, Dimitris, and Chryssostomos Sfatos, eds. Greek Higher Educa-
tion: Prospects for Reform. New York: Pella, 1998.
Marder, Brenda. Stewards of the Land: The American Farm School and
Modern Greece. New York: Columbia University Press, 1979.
Moustaka, Calliope. Attitudes, Sociometric Status and Ability in Greek
Schools. Paris: Mouton, 1967.
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views of National Policies for Education). Paris: OECD, 1982.
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loniki: Cedefop, European Communities, 1995.
USA International Business Publications. Greece: Education System and
Policy Handbook. Washington, D.C.: IBP, 2008.
C. Religion
Amand, Emmanuel. Mount Athos: The Garden of the Panaghia. Berlin:
Akademie-Verlag, 1972.
Byrnes, Timothy A., and Peter J. Katzenstein, eds. Religion in an Expand-
ing Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
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1852. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969.
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242 • BIBLIOGRAPHY
VIII. CULTURE
B. Art
Chrestou, Chrysanthos. Modern Greek Engraving. Athens: Ekdotiki Athi-
non, 1994.
Hadjinicolaou, Nicos. Theophilos, Kontoglou, Ghika and Tsarouchis: Four
Painters of 20th Century Greece. London: Wildenstein, 1975.
Ioachimides, Christos. Eight Artists, Eight Attitudes, Eight Greeks: Stepha-
nos Antonakos, Vlassis Caniaris, Chryssa, J. Kounellis, Pavlos, Lucas
Samaras, Takis, Costas Tsoclis (introduction). London: Institute of Con-
temporary Art, 1975.
Lidderdale, H. A. The War of Independence in Pictures: Copies by Deme-
trios Zographos from Originals by His Father Panayiotis Zographos
Commissioned by General Makriyannis and Presented to Her Majesty,
Queen Victoria through Her Minister at Athens Sir Edmund Lyons 1839.
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1976.
Lydakis, Stelios. Geschichte der Griechischen Malerei des 19ten Jahrhun-
derts [A History of Greek Painting in the 19th Century]. Munich: Prestel
Verlag, 1972.
Museum of Modern Art. Cinemythology: A Retrospective of Greek Film.
Athens: Greek Film Center, 1993.
Rice, David Talbot. Art of the Byzantine Era. London: Thames & Hudson.
1963.
Spender, Stephen. Ghika: Paintings, Drawing, Sculpture. London: Lund
Humphries, 1964.
Spiteris, Tony. Introduction à la peinture neo-hellenique [An Introduction
to Modern Greek Painting]. Athens: 1962.
Tsarouchis, Yannis. Theophilos. Athens: Commercial Bank of Greece.
1966.
C. Literature
Alexiou, Margaret. After Antiquity: Greek Language, Myth, and Metaphor.
Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2002.
244 • BIBLIOGRAPHY
Alexiou, Margaret, and Vassilis Lambropoulos, eds. The Text and Its
Margins: Post-Structuralist Approaches to Twentieth Century Greek
Literature. New York: Pella, 1985.
Barnstone, Willis. Eighteen Texts: Writings by Contemporary Greek Au-
thors. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972.
Beaton, Roderick. George Seferis: Waiting for the Angel—A Biography.
New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2003.
———. An Introduction to Modern Greek Literature. Oxford: Oxford Uni-
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———, ed. The Greek Novel, AD 1–1985. London: Croom Helm, 1988.
Bien, Peter. Constantine Cavafy. New York: Columbia University Press,
1964.
———. Kazantzakis and the Linguistic Revolution in Greek Literature.
Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1972.
———. Nikos Kazantzakis. New York: Columbia University Press, 1972.
Browing, Robert. Medieval and Modern Greek. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1989.
Calas, Nicolas. Texts on Poetics and Aesthetics (1929–38). New York:
1982.
Cavafy, Constantine P. Collected Poems. Translated by Edmund Keeley
and Philip Sherrard. London: Hogarth Press, 1975.
———. The Complete Poems of Cavafy. Translated by Rae Dalven. New
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———. Passions and Ancient Days. Translated by Edmund Keeley and
George Savidis. London: Hogarth Press, 1975.
———. The Poems of C. P. Cavafy. Translated by John Mavrogordatos.
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Dawkins, Richard M. Modern Greek in Asia Minor: A Study of the Dialects
of Silli, Cappadocia and Pharasa, with Grammar, Texts, List Transla-
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Decavalles, Antonis. Odysseas Elytis: From the Golden to the Silver Poem.
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Dimaras, Konstantinos Th. A History of Modern Greek Literature. London:
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Doulis, Thomas. Disaster and Fiction: Modern Greek Fiction and the Asia
Minor Disaster of 1922. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977.
———. George Theotokas. Boston: Twayne, 1975.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY • 245
———. Odysseus Elytis: Selected Poems. New York: Viking Press, 1981.
Keeley, Edmund, and Philip Sherrard. Four Greek Poets: C. P. Cavafy,
George Seferis, Odysseus Elytis, Nikos Gatsos. Harmondsworth, Eng-
land: Penguin Books, 1966.
———. Six Poets of Modern Greece. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1961.
Klironomos, Martha. “George Theotokas’ Free Spirit: Reconfiguring
Greece’s Path toward Modernity.” Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora 18,
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Krikos-Davis, K. Kolokes: A Study of George Seferis’s Logbook III (1953–
55). Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert, 1978.
Lambropoulos, Vassilis. Literature as National Institution: Studies in the
Politics of Modern Greek Criticism. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univer-
sity Press, 1988.
Layoun, Mary, ed. Modernism in Greece? Essays on the Literary and Cul-
tural Margins of a Movement. New York: Pella, 1990.
Levitt, Motton. The Cretan Glance: The World and Art of Nikos Kazantza-
kis. Columbus: Ohio State University Press. 1980.
Liddell, Robert. Cavafy: A Critical Biography. London: Duckworth, 1974.
Mackridge, Peter. Dionysios Solomos. Bristol: Bristol Classical Press, 1989.
———. The Modern Greek Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
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Maskaleris, Thanasis. Kostis Palamas. New York: Twayne, 1972.
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N.H.: University Press of New England, 1977.
———. The Mermaid Madonna. Translated by Abbott Rick. London:
Hutchinson, 1959.
———. The Schoolmistress with the Golden Eyes. Translated by Philip
Sherrard. London: Hutchinson, 1964.
Newton, Brian. Cypriot Greek: Its Phonology and Inflections. The Hague:
Mouton, 1972.
———. The Generative Interpretation of Dialect: A Study of Modern Greek
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Palamas, Kostis. The Twelve Days of the Gypsy. Translated with an intro-
duction by George Thomson. London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1969.
———. The Twelve Words of the Gypsy. Translated with an introduction by
Frederic Will. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1964.
———. The Twelve Words of the Gypsy. Translated by Ph. Theodore,
George Stephanides, and C. Katsimbalis. Memphis, Tenn.: Memphis
State University, 1975.
BIBLIOGRAPHY • 247
D. Music
Butterworth, Katherine, and Sara Schneider, eds. Rebetika: Songs from the
Old Greek Underworld. Athens: Komboloi, 1975.
Holst, Gail. Road to Rebetika: Music from a Greek Subculture—Songs of
Love, Sorrow and Hashish. Athens: Anglo-Hellenic, 1977.
———. Theodorakis: Myth and Politics in Modern Greek Music. Amster-
dam: Adolf M. Hakkert, 1980.
Papaioannou, John. European Music in the Twentieth Century. Edited by
Howard Hartog. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books, 1961.
Pym, H. The Songs of Greece. London: Sunday Times, 1968.
Stasinopoulos, Arianna. Maria: Beyond the Callas Legend. London: Wei-
denfeld, 1987.
Wellesz, Egon. A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography. Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1961.
E. Folklore
Abbott, George F. Macedonian Folklore. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 1969.
BIBLIOGRAPHY • 249
A. General
www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/gr
U.S. Central Intelligence Agency: The World Factbook—Greece.
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Calendar of Greek Events.
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www.mfa.gr
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Greece.
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General Secretariat of National Statistical Service of Greece.
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World Statesmen: Greece (basic information about Greece, including
chronology, national anthem, flags, maps, and constitution).
B. News
www.dolnet.gr
DOL, the Internet website of the Athens media group, including the
English weekly Athens News (www.athensnews.gr).
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Kathimerini, the electronic edition in English of the Athens spread-
sheet.
www.enet.gr
Eleftherotypia, the electronic edition in Greek of the Athens newspaper.
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Eleftheros Tipos, the electronic edition in Greek of the Athens newspa-
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www.flash.gr
Flash.gr, a multimedia newspaper in Greek.
www.hri.org
HR-NET, a news portal.
www.in.gr
in.gr, a news portal.
BIBLIOGRAPHY • 251
C. History
www.agp.gr
The Andreas G. Papandreou Foundation
www.ascsa.edu.gr/archives/Gennadius
Gennadius Library
www.askiweb.eu
Archives of Contemporary Social History
www.benaki.gr
The Benaki Museum
www.elia.org.gr
The Greek Literary and Historical Archive (E.L.I.A.)
www.gak.att.sch.gr
General State Archives
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The Konstantinos G. Karamanlis Foundation
www.ikm.gr
The Konstantinos Mitsotakis Foundation
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National Library of Greece
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The Parliament Library
E. Culture
www.benaki.gr
Benaki Museum
www.bodossaki-foundation.gr
The Bodossakis Foundation
www.eie.gr
National Hellenic Research Foundation
www.fhw.gr
Foundation of the Hellenic World
www.gfc.gr
Greek Film Center
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Greece Museums Guide
www.greekfestival.gr
Athens Festival
www.hfc.gr
Hellenic Foundation for Culture
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The Kokkalis Foundation
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Alexander Onassis Public Benefit Foundation
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Stavros Niarchos Foundation
www.yppo.gr
Ministry of Culture of Greece
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Ministry of National Education and Religious Affairs
About the Author
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