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Understanding the Greek Crisis, Part 1

Alexios Synodinos

This article will try to explain to those unfamiliar with the current situation in Greece the root
causes of the current Greek drama.

Despite the widely promoted idea that Greece’s problem is mainly financial, that could not be
further from the truth. What this ancient country is facing nowadays is its total collapse as a
nation-state. The alleged economic crisis is in reality to a large extent fictitious, and it is used
by the current government and by outside forces as an excuse and as a tool in order to
promote the economic exhaustion of the Greek middle class and the eventual disintegration of
the state.

My main thesis is that shortly after the end of the Cold War a plan was designed and
implemented for the effective dismantling of Greece and the eradication of the national
identity of Greeks which would mathematically lead to their disappearance as a homogenous
group of people. The reader should not be bewildered by such claims; the article will present
to him all the necessary evidence to support that thesis. The first part of the article will focus
on a necessary crash-course in the political history of Greece, from the end of the Second
World War to the election of the current Greek government.

I.

In 1944 the German army retreated from Greece in order to defend its homeland from the
advancing Red Army. In a whirlwind of events the Greek Communist Party (KKE) forced the
country into a bloody and catastrophic intrastate war, where its armed guerrillas fought
against the national army of Greece. The communist struggle for power was of course
doomed from the beginning since Stalin had already agreed with Churchill in the Moscow
Agreement of 1944 that Greece would undoubtedly remain in the western camp.
Nevertheless, the communists of Greece sought the alliance of other communist countries
such as Bulgaria, Albania, and Yugoslavia, all willing to assist them under specific
conditions, i.e., territorial gains from Greece if the communists eventually prevailed. The
KKE, desperate for help, agreed and its self-appointed provisional guerrilla government
signed the give away of huge parts of Greece bound to be surrendered to Yugoslavia after the
victory of the communist guerrillas. To make a long and painful story short, the communist
insurgents were crushed, and Greece emerged obliterated but free from the yoke of Sovietism.

The defeat of the communists was a major blow for the Greek Left. Their terrible crimes,
which varied from mass executions of non-communist civilians to the abduction of thousands
of children sent to the Soviet bloc for brainwashing, led the country to a peculiar Right-wing
regime in which anyone who refused to glorify the royal family was suspected of being a
communist sympathizer. The Right was dominant but it became clear that such a Manichean
view of politics would sow the seeds of its future destruction. The masses of the people who
belonged to the Centre, and they were never affiliated with the illegal Communist Party and
the other Left-wing groups, were designated by the regime’s propaganda as leftists, crypto-
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Communists or as dangerously leaning to the Left. In an extraordinary process that I assume it

is hard for the reader to comprehend (and by the author as well) the centrists slowly but
steadily accepted their categorization as Leftists, which the Right-wing regime gave them. At
the same time the illegal communist party funded by the USSR and having organised an
important underground network was spreading its propaganda and contributing to the political
instability of the country by fomenting strikes, clashes with the police, and riots. The
aforementioned blunder of the Right to designate anyone who wasn’t Right-wing as enough to
be classified as a Leftist, was of course exploited by the Communists. In short, the Right and
the Left worked simultaneously in order to move the Centre to the Left. Thus the patriotic
Centrist people who had fought against the Communists a few years earlier, started to identify
themselves more and more with the Left and became increasingly receptive to Leftist
propaganda. At the same time the clashes were continuing in Greece, the elected government
of the popular centrist party (Enosis Kentrou) was overthrown when a group of its deputy
members decided to leave the party and the government. Instability continued until a group of
Αrmy officers decided to impose a military, authoritarian regime on the 21st of April, 1967.

II.

The military regime lasted 7 years and ended abruptly when Turkey invaded Cyprus in 1974.
What led to the tragedy of Cyprus and why the, at the time, militarily superior armed forces of
Greece decided not to intervene is a highly controversial issue. The invasion took place after a
split within the circle of the army officers who installed the military regime. The indisputable
leader Georgios Papadopoulos was dethroned and his place was taken by a lesser figure in the
regime, Brigadier Dimitrios Ioannidis. Ioannidis was strongly nationalistic, however he never
really had a grasp of politics. Another interesting point about Ioannidis is that his sister was
married to a famous Greek-Jew called Zak (Jacques) Alazrakis, who had very good relations
with the then Secretary of State of the USA, Henry Kissinger. According to what has been
argued for years by the majority of the army officers who imposed the military regime,
Kissinger through Alazrakis promised Ioannidis that if he could overthrow Papadopoulos and
later Bishop Makarios (then president of Cyprus), he would have the support of the USA
regarding the Cyprus issue and he would remain in power for decades. The gullible Ioannidis
acted swiftly; he got rid of Papadopoulos and tried to dispose Makarios, but Kissinger had
already promised Turkey a piece of Cyprus and abandoned Ioannidis.

The Cyprus invasion had cataclysmic results in Greek politics. The military regime fell, and
democracy and parliamentarianism were restored. Konstantinos Karamanlis (the elder),
freshly returned to Greece, cynically ignored the Cyprus issue and by signing a truce with the
Turks he offered them the crucial time to reorganise and prepare for a second attack against
the island which eventually led to the Turkish occupation of 38% of Cyprus. K. Karamanlis
(the elder) could not care less about the Greek-Cypriots, the internal matters of the Greek state
was his immediate concern. He punished harshly the officers involved in the 1967 coup as
well as their collaborators. In a process similar to the de-nazification of 1945 in Germany,
military and police officers who were sympathetic to the military regime were slowly being
replaced by more democratic officers. A large number of the later may have been incompetent
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or inexperienced, but that meant nothing for the new government; the issue was the total
eradication of anyone capable of imposing a new Junta.

The most significant decision of K. Karamanlis (the elder) was to silently allow uninterrupted
the spread of Left-wing propaganda, in the frame of which the Right (and its alleged patrons,
namely the USA and the UK) were responsible for the 1967–1974 military Junta, the Cyprus
tragedy, and pretty much for every negative aspect of social and political life in Greece since
the creation of the modern Greek state in 1829. The Right was demonized, and that
demonization still exists in Greece. Moreover, the Left embarked on a gigantic effort to
assume control of the universities; and it did succeed in that, since K. Karamanlis (the elder),
though being the traditional leader of the Right, consciously offered no resistance. Politically
Greece was leaning day-by-day closer and closer to the Left. The communist party, which
was now legalized, was an established political force, capable of influencing a much larger
audience than its constituency.

During the same period, a highly charismatic figure, after having returned from his “exile” in
Sweden, was getting his first steps to control the weakened Centre. His name was Andreas
Papandreou, the offspring of the previous leader of Greece, Georgios Papandreou and his
Jewish wife, Sofia Minejko. A. Papandreou not only managed to unite the Centre under his
party, PASOK (Panellinio Sosialistiko Kinima [= Panhellenic Socialist Movement]) but
started gaining large support from the Left as well. Without abandoning his patriotic profile
he adopted all the Left-wing slogans, even the most extreme. The communists were puzzled;
they did not know how to react. For years they were fighting against the Right but now they
had a new, much more vicious enemy. An enemy that was promising the Greek people social
justice and prosperity but without the imposition of a communist dictatorship. The self-
flagellating Right was an easy target for the Left, but A. Papandreou was not. The bright
ascending star of Greek politics was also smart enough not to alienate the traditional Centrist
politicians. He did not offer them positions in his new party but calmed down their fears about
his strong Left-wing rhetoric. He clearly explained to them that the Left would sooner or later
prevail politically in Greece and in that eventuality none could imagine what would be the
results—from aligning Greece with the Soviet bloc to a bloody civil war and total chaos. He
was the only credible and capable force in Greek politics able to prevent that, he confidently
argued. The Greek people were abhorred by the actions of NATO and the USA regarding the
Cyprus invasion and thus were easy targets for the propaganda of the Communists. A.
Papandreou also explained that only by adopting the rhetoric of the Left could support be
gained from the masses and the tide turned. The old Centrist politicians were amazed by the
sharpness and cunning of A. Papandreou and most of them wholeheartedly supported him.

At that point I would like to point out that despite the anti-American, anti-NATO, and anti-
European Economic Union (EEU) rhetoric of A. Papandreou, he had spent decades in the US,
held a US passport, and had taught Economics at several American universities. Moreover, he
had served in the US Navy during the Korean War. It is very interesting too that the USA
never took any measures to prevent A. Papandreou’s rise to power in Greece. In fact one of
the leaders of the military junta still alive today (General Stylianos Pattakos) has repeatedly
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stated that American diplomats showed a strong interest in the well-being of A. Papandreou
and lobbied so he could get out of Greece.

Eventually A. Papandreou won the elections of 1981, crushing everything in his path by
gaining 48% of the votes. Despite the hopes of his more Left-wing supporters, Greece
remained in NATO, it never abandoned the EEU and of course never broke its ties with the
US. However, A. Papandreou was honest in his promised social transformation. He
completely reorganised Greek society and the economy to a form which to a large extent still
stands today. He nationalised dozens of key industries and imposed a state-centric economic
model. His supporters were rewarded with a good salary and a position somewhere in the
rapidly expanding public sector. Most of them were the traditional voters of the Centre, but
not all. A large number of them were a mix of people who for various reasons (political views
or simple incompetence) were never able to be financially assured or to get a stable job.
Nevertheless, with the assistance of PASOK, they jumped from working class status to middle
class easily. Their employment by the State had as the result a radical change of their lives.
They bought cars, built houses for their families, and were able to afford prolonged vacations.
PASOK’s socialism was in reality the revenge of the average oppressed Centrist or Leftist
but, above all, the revenge of the incompetent person. Meritocracy was abolished; for what
mattered under A. Papandreou’s regime was only whether one was a card-holding member of
his party or not. However, A. Papandreou had to deal with a key problem in Greek society,
which he recognised as a crucial factor for his aspiring continuous reign. A large part of the
bourgeoisie was still supporting the Right and never forgave his Left-wing rhetoric.

During the mid-1970s, after the overthrow of the military regime, a terrorist organization
named “17th of November” appeared. Its first targets were officials of the military regime
involved in interrogations and persecutions of anti-regime activists. Soon though, the group
culminated its actions by killing industrialists, businessmen and newspaper publishers. Along
with the “17th of November” a few other terrorist groups emerged forming the peculiar
matrix of Greek Left-wing terrorism. In spite of their true or alleged differences, those groups
struck hard against the Right-wing bourgeoisie. What A. Papandreou couldn’t do with the
nationalizations, was accomplished by the bombs and bullets of the terrorists. The old Right-
wing upper middle class was no longer a force in the economic and political life of the
country. Of course, no solid proof was ever found that PASOK was connected to the Left-
wing terrorism in Greece, and perhaps such claims, mainly presented by the Right-wing
newspapers of the time, were mostly exaggerated. Nevertheless, PASOK now had the power
and the opportunity to create a new upper middle class friendly to its cause and ideas, and A.
Papandreou acted accordingly. New businessmen appeared who, assisted by the State, grew
their businesses larger and swallowed the remnants of the old economic elite. New media
lords were created and fanatically supported the regime of A. Papandreou. That power
complex formed in the 1980s and 1990s still exists in Greece, and it is largely responsible for
the extraordinary support PASOK enjoys in the media and among the rich and the powerful.
In short, what A. Papandreou did was what the Ottoman sultans had been doing for ages. As
soon as they seized the power, they eliminated the old elite and created a new one, friendly to
them. That way none would be able to challenge their authority.
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The absolute reign of A. Papandreou continued throughout the 1980s. The people (mainly his
supporters) were happy since he used all the money EEU offered to Greece not for economic
development but to pay salaries and pensions. In order for the reader to understand the orgy of
public spending he needs to consider the issue of the pensions for “national resistance” acts
during the German occupation of Greece. More than 200,000 people were recognised as
resistance fighters and acquired a pension by the State. It is important to note that at the same
time that 200,000 resistance fighters were allegedly fighting against the Germans, the German
army in Greece counted merely 30,000 men, and most of them were non-combatants. How
exactly with a ratio of 1:7 the Germans stayed 4 years in Greece and with minimum casualties
is beyond understanding! But in the 1980s none seemed to care much about trivial things such
as mathematics and history. At the same time the high-ranking party members of PASOK had
their time with the public money. In less than 8 years people who had previously zero bank
deposits were found with huge sums of money in Swiss banks. Dozens of political scandals
were exposed, and the controlled media could not avoid mentioning them. A large number of
people became disillusioned with PASOK, and the Right, though severely weakened, began to
appear as the only political force competent to put some order in the chaotic situation the
scandals and the extraordinary public spending had caused.

After a ludicrous period of political instability followed by a brief period of a government of

cooperation between the Right and the Left, the Right-wing party of Nea Dimokratia (ND)
came to power. ND of course was not the Right of the past. For the party elite avoided the
term “Right-wing” like the plague. Its leader at the time Konstantinos Mitsotakis tried to
present ND to the voters not as a Right-wing party, but as a party of technocrats ready to save
Greece from 8 years of PASOK’s irresponsible and catastrophic governance. He also took
active steps in order to ensure that traditional Right-wing ideas (e.g. patriotism, respect of
religion and the family) became unfavourable with the party’s rank and file and especially
among its youth members.

The K. Mitsotakis administration is not remembered for much—apart from his formal
recognition of the state of Israel and some failed attempts to send Mr A. Papandreou and
senior figures of PASOK to jail for the economic scandals of the previous government. His
economic policies were disastrous while the way he handled the national interests of Greece
and the multiple crises in the Balkans puzzled even his most devoted supporters. Eventually,
he lost the parliamentary majority when a group of members of parliament from his party
decided to abandon it. In the next elections K. Mitsotakis lost, and PASOK came back to
power. But, A. Papandreou’s third term in office was brief and marked by his rapidly
deteriorating health. He was eventually succeeded by an unpopular member of his party called
Konstantinos Simitis, who became the new leader of PASOK and the prime minister of
Greece.

There is an interesting story about K. Simitis, which the reader should be interested to know.
When during the period of the military regime he tried to escape from the country, he used a
fake passport with the Jewish name Aaron Ventura. Even more intriguing is the fact that K.
Simitis has publicly admitted that his grandfather’s original surname was the very Jewish-
sounding Avouri, which was later changed to Simitis (Simitis = Semite in Greek).
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Despite his affiliation with the socialists, his views on the economy proved to be neo-liberal;
moreover, he was an open and firm supporter of globalisation and of the breaking down of
borders and nation-states. Although his weird appearance and his characteristic sneer made
him unpopular, he nevertheless had a serious academic aura about him. He looked like the
kind of individual you may dislike and would not want your daughter to marry, but you could
safely trust him to form your business plan; and indeed Greeks did trust him twice.

III.

The Greece that K. Simitis acquired in 1996 was a totally different country than the one he
delivered after eight years of rule. But it was not the kind of Greece he had promised to his
voters. The country was lacking modernization, Simitis explained. For decades Greece had
been behind the other European countries in development, he was continuously arguing; and
Greeks were trapped in a self-absorbing mythology regarding their past, their uniqueness,
while they had based their state-culture on a mixture of Hellenism and Orthodox Christianity
which Simitis and his milieu found ridiculous. Somehow, according to that theory,
nationalism and low GDP rates were interconnected, and the former was responsible for the
later. In other words, it was not the destruction of the private sector, that PASOK had
achieved in the previous years, that was responsible for Greece staying behind, but Greek
nationalism and the idea Greeks had for themselves as a solid nation (with more than 4,000
years of history). Mr. Simitis and his colleagues did not have to explain that highly peculiar
equation because it was immediately accepted and promoted by the media. Anyone who dared
to challenge that theory was characterized as anachronistic, on the borders of sanity, and as an
extreme nationalist. Thus dissidents were gradually but steadily silenced; that was not difficult
after all, since by 1996 the media barons who had been supporting the populist and patriotic
ideology of PASOK under Mr A. Papandreou, changed their tune in order to fit with the new
party line.

Under K. Simitis, Greece became a massive laboratory of social engineering. Everyone who
lived during that period remembers that there was a tremendous gulf between what the vast
majority of the media and the government advocated and what the people thought and
believed. Views on the Greek identity that before 1996 were considered traitorous,
scientifically unfounded, and on the fringe, suddenly became popular on TV and in the
newspapers. The core belief of the modern Greek identity, viz. that modern Greeks are the
descendants of the ancient Greeks, was relentlessly attacked. Opposition was of course
silenced. At the same time the previously venerated role of the Orthodox Church in Greek
history was distorted by over-presenting its negative side and by ignoring its positive
contributions to the Greek nationhood.

In universities professors with traditional and patriotic views were brushed aside in order to
make way for those willing to promote the ideas adopted by the government. Schoolbooks
were also changed in order to eradicate any negative views on the traditional enemies of the
Greek nation such as the Turks. That led to the disappearance from the schoolbooks of the
majority of the crimes against the Greeks committed during the period of the Ottoman Rule of
Greece (1453–1821). In other words, the views of a tiny fringe of the Greek society became
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the dominant views in the media, the universities, and the vast majority of the politicians.
Such views were of course not popular among the populace; however propaganda works
wonders, and the continuous bombardment of the masses with certain ideas and beliefs can
easily change their minds.

Traditional moral values were also under scrutiny. In the mid and late 1990s Greece
experienced the rise of Trash TV. Suddenly after-midnight Greek television was taken over
by shows that promoted pan-sexuality, fetishism, bisexuality, and advocated an easy-going
attitude towards homosexuals and homosexuality. Journalists discovered the transvestite
community and were eager to share with the public its anxiety and problems. The afternoon
TV zone which is mainly directed towards a female audience was filled with shows about the
private lives of famous socialites and with an emphasis on their sexual performance and their
lustrous life. At the same time several youth magazines began to appear and became very
popular among the young Greeks. Such magazines were the print equivalent of the Greek
Trash TV shows, but were far more influential among the youth, because they actively
imposed a new set of values radically different from the ones the conservative Greek society
had. For a man, according to those magazines, success in life meant to have a lot of money
and to be able to date and have sex with as many women as possible. Equally, for a woman
success meant to be sexy and attract and marry a rich man. In the pursuit of such life goals,
morality was described as a ridiculous obstacle designed to hold back the “smart” and
“capable” individuals. It goes without saying that every form of sexual depravity was
characterized as absolutely normal. Experimentation was the key word for the young readers
of those magazines and successful men and women had to try everything, especially those
“forbidden fruits” traditional society despised.

IV.

A question that remains to be answered is why there was no serious opposition to that full-
scale assault on the values of Greek society. Surely if the socialists were supporting such
ideas, then the conservative Right would strongly oppose them, since they were turning
against everything the Right was standing for. As aforementioned, the party that represented
the Right in Greece, called Nea Dimokratia (ND) had undergone a massive ideological re-
orientation since 1974. The last remnants of truly conservative and Right-wing elements in
the party were silently expelled or forced to leave. By the beginning of the 21st century ND
was a neo-liberal party which has fully absorbed the propaganda of the Left regarding issues
such as the nation-state, the role of religion in society, etc. Equally the Greek intelligentsia
remained indifferent to the distortion of morality and the attack on moral values, as it had
remained silent during the 1980s when A. Papandreou was transforming the Greek society in
order to fit his party’s needs. Thus, what was left to stop the tidal wave of social liberalization
was the unorganised majority that of course had no access to the media. Once again, as
history teaches us, a small group of people with a common goal and with the means to affect
the masses can easily win against any unorganised opposition no matter how large the latter
is.
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Simultaneously, the Simitis Administration was going from one fiasco of its foreign policy to
the other, thus severely damaging its integrity and the national pride of Greeks. The long
awaited structural reforms of the Greek economy, highly advocated by the media, never came.
K. Simitis privatised a few national industries but did practically very little to boost the
private sector. What did happen during his administration was the popularisation of share
buying. Athens Stock Market, which the vast majority of Greeks had not even known it
existed before the late 1990s, became part of the life of the average Greek. The media and the
government were arguing in favour of share-buying as a means for the average family to
boost its income, and they were promising that the ratings would continue to rise. Those sane
voices consulting against share buying by people who were totally ignorant of the market
were effectively pushed to the fringe and ridiculed. Everyone was getting their share of the
stock market fever. People were selling their land properties in the country in order to buy
shares. Old ladies took their savings out of coffers and rushed to the first stockbroker with the
hope of doubling their money in a few months. Those days, newspapers, TV and radio shows
dedicated to the stock market numbered in the dozens. The message getting out was simple
and clear: get your savings out of the banks and coffers, sell your unusable land in the
country, and buy shares, it is easy money! The stock market fever lasted for a few years—and
then the economic crash of 1999 came. The result was of course predictable: billions changed
hands; the rich became immensely richer, and the low classes lost all their savings. At the
same time, the debt of the country was rising without stop and illegal immigrants were
flooding Greece by the hundreds of thousands. The last “achievement” of K. Simitis was to
manipulate the statistics of the Greek economy and present false ones to the European Union
in order to get Greece into the Euro-zone. This very decision has been described as the
Waterloo of Greek economy by several analysts and recently as a mistake of gigantic
proportions by Angela Merkel and other European statesmen. K. Simitis left office with a
catastrophic approval rating. He was succeeded in PASOK’s leadership by the current prime
minister of Greece. Elections followed and in March 2004 PASOK lost, and the ND came to
power.

V.

With a promising program of deep structural reforms and a pledge to re-establish the State,
Konstantinos A. Karamanlis, a nephew of K. Karamanlis (the elder), acquired more than 45%
of the electorate. The cataclysmic changes K. A. Karamanlis advocated had a wider support
than his traditional constituency. Surveys which were conducted during the first months of his
administration clearly showed a public approval rating and a strong support for harsh but
necessary measures in order to improve the state’s economy. However K. A. Karamanlis did
not calculate in his plans three major factors: the total dominance of the Left in the media, the
all-powerful trade unions, and the general political culture in Greece which after more than
three decades of Left-wing propaganda was heavily influenced by Marxism.

As mentioned earlier in this article, the Right in Greece has been self-chastised in order to be
cleansed from the acts of the Right-wing post-Second World War regime and the 1967–1974
military regime. The ND party adjusted its strategy based on the fact that there was a negative
notion regarding everything Right-wing among most Greeks. Instead of trying to change that
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notion, it thought it could take power by adopting as much of a Left-wing and liberal profile
as possible. It never took a strong stance against the lawlessness and irresponsible behaviour
of the trade unions nor did it ever try to create alternative media in order to get its message
across. The expulsion from its ranks of the conservative and traditional-minded individuals
was followed by the rise in the party of ex-Leftists, liberals, and various others who were
detested by the conservative and patriotic electoral basis of the party. ND simply waited until
the voters were fed up with the socialists. But such strategies never work in the long run; thus
when ND came to power it could not implement any of its reforms. For it may have the
support of the majority but not the support of the media and the professionally organised
minorities who controlled the trade unions. Any attempts to change the status quo in the
public sector and the highly ineffective structure of the educational system were eventually
strongly opposed with violent protests and demonstrations. Not from the majority of course,
but from the same professional demonstrators of the Left that felt threatened from the
announced reforms. The media adopted a highly critical stance for the K. A. Karamanlis
Administration from the beginning. By 2004 most traditional Right-wing newspapers were
either high-jacked by Left-wing journalists or in a prolonged period of decline with their sales
getting lower and lower. In the battle between the government and the trade unions, the vast
majority of the TV networks preferred to align themselves with the later. Faced with the
organised opposition and fearing that the continuous clashes and the civil unrest threatened by
the far Left and the trade unions would lead to his downfall, K. A. Karamanlis backed down.
All the plans for the structural reforms were scrapped and thrown away. The ND party failed
its voters and everyone who hoped for a real change. On the other hand, the Left and the trade
unions had won an easy victory and planned their counter-attack. Strikes and demonstrations
continued unabated. To K. A. Karamanlis the Left found an enemy who could unify its
fragmented pieces: socialists, trade unionists, anarchists, and communists suddenly had a
common cause, to overthrow the government. At the same time the first scandals of economic
mishandling by ND members started to appear and finally the media had some real
ammunition to fire at ND.

As the support of the public for the ND party was diminishing, K. A. Karamanlis concentrated
his efforts on foreign policy. Admittedly he did an excellent and surprising move to re-
approach Russia and sought to establish a strong cooperation in regards to energy and
defence. The Russians welcomed the offer with open arms. After all, since the 19th century
Russia was trying to get access to the Eastern Mediterranean; Great Britain did whatever it
could to prevent it. That geopolitical antagonism was what essentially saved Greece from the
communist yoke during the 1940s. Churchill, who feared the complete dominance of the
Balkans from the successor of Czarist Russia, the USSR, pressed Stalin into the famous
percentage agreement of October 1944, which kept Greece in the western bloc. After 1945 of
course, Great Britain declined to a second-class power, but it was replaced by the USA. The
Americans were alerted by the sudden approach between Greece and Russia. The reader
should be aware that Greece spends billions of Euros in arms in order to counter the ongoing
Turkish threat from the east, and the vast majority of the arms come from American
companies. A stronger relationship between Greece and Russia, apart from the geopolitical
headache which it would cause the USA, could also mean that Greece may prefer to buy
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Russian arms instead of those manufactured in the US. Furthermore, it meant that Greece
would be not so easily controllable by the US or the EU, since it would have the backing of its
new strategic ally, Russia. The high mark of that very promising cooperation was the signing
of the Burgaz-Alexandropole Pipeline agreement between Greece, Bulgaria, and Russia. The
agreement would have multiple benefits for Greece. For the pipeline would secure Western
Thrace from future Turkish encroachment; it would turn Greece into an active player in
regards to global energy politics and certainly new jobs would be created, especially in an
area (Western Thrace) where unemployment has been always high. As it was expected, the
agreement infuriated the US; and Condoleezza Rice, then US Secretary of State, demanded
the scrapping of the agreement and made it abundantly clear that its implementation would
severely damage traditionally good US-Greek relations.

Despite US opposition, the pipeline agreement was signed in March 2007, and a very hot
summer was ahead for the country and the K. A. Karamanlis Administration. In late August, a
few days after the government declared its willingness to lead the country to elections in
September, large forest fires sprung up in Attica, the Peloponnese, and the island of Evia.
Arguably forest fires are not something new in the summer time; this time, however,
something was radically different. Most of the fires appeared to be part of an organised plan
targeting the agricultural production and infrastructure of the country. Dozens of improvised
incendiary mechanisms where discovered, and the fire-brigade stations around the country
were flooded with false calls for fires in isolated places as if someone wanted to totally
disorganise the fire-brigade forces. Willingly or unwillingly, the same disorienting role was
effectively played by the media, which deliberately manipulated information to increase their
audience. A characteristic example is the spreading of the news that the archaeological site of
Ancient Olympia was burnt down due to the alleged failure of the firefighting system, and
government incompetence, of course. When the fires were eventually extinguished, hundreds
of thousands of acres had been burnt. Everyone realized that the country had been struck by
one of its greatest catastrophes in its history. The Peloponnese had suffered the most, and in
this author’s opinion for a good reason. Traditionally most parts of the Peloponnese have been
a stronghold of the Right; it is the area of Greece where the 1821–1829 Greek War of
Independence started and the modern Greek state was born. Peloponnesians tend to be
conservative-minded, patriotic, and they live off the land. Anyone involved in the patriotic
and nationalistic circles of Greece can easily notice the highly disproportionate number of
Peloponnesians. Moreover, the author believes that in the coming disintegration of the Greek
state if there is a place where the Greek nation will manage to survive, it will be the
Peloponnese, largely due to the geographical location of the area, the morphology of the land,
and the culture and nature of the Peloponnesians

In the elections that followed, K. A. Karamanlis won by a minor margin. For the next two
years he did nothing more than watch indifferently as his country, his party, and the
credibility of his government went down the drain. In December 2008, a hot-headed
policemen shot and killed a young anarchist in Athens. Riots broke out, and the government
ordered the police to keep a defensive and passive stance. In other words, to sit and watch as
the anarchists and the Leftists accompanied by illegal immigrants were destroying everything
in their sight. The Left, despite its pretentious claims of condemning the violence, glorified
 11

the riots, speaking of a “revolt” against the government and the capitalist system. Of course
nothing was further from the truth. The alleged “revolt” was against neither the government
nor capitalism. The targets of the rioters were not the highly-guarded shops owned by the
multinational corporations but the businesses of small entrepreneurs who were ruined by the
lack of willingness of the government to protect them. The widespread destruction was
followed by looting in which illegal immigrants participated actively. The “revolt” was a
devastating blow to the Greek middle class. Most entrepreneurs and small shop owners in
Athens and other major cities were financially destroyed; and consequently those employed
by them lost their jobs as well. The Left, taking advantage of the government’s reluctance to
prevent the riots, managed in a few days to brush aside the traditional small businesses that
for decades were the basis of the Greek economy. Now the way for the gigantic shopping
malls of the multinational corporations was finally open.

By mid-2009 the first signs of the current economic crisis were visible, as people started
losing their jobs and were unable to find a new one, the prices were rising, and at the same
time the shops and small businesses were declaring bankruptcy, one after the other. At the
same time, whole parts of Athens, the Greek capital, and other major cities of Greece were
invaded and occupied by hordes of illegal immigrants from Asia and Africa. Greeks and most
of the Eastern European immigrants were being ethnically cleansed from their areas since
they were unable to co-exist with the newcomers. These no-go areas turned into lawless Third
World pockets. Greece, which at the beginning of the 1990s was a country with the
extraordinary homogeneity of 98% Greek population, is now rapidly colonized by Asian
Muslims and Africans. Crime and especially heavy crime that was almost non-existent before
the 1990s, sky-rocketed to unprecedented levels. Sensing the incoming financial collapse and
the social upheaval K. A. Karamanlis preferred not to finish his second time in office and
declared elections. He was of course aware that he would lose them—and even took active
steps to further alienate the voters by promising more taxes and a stricter economic policy in
case he was re-elected. At the night of the 4th of October, 2009, a happy and clearly relieved
K. A. Karamanlis was crushed at the polls.

Bibliography

Botsaris, Demos-Markos, 17 Noemvri (= [The terrorist group] 17th of November), vols I-IV
(Athens: Isocrates, 1990)

Crouzet, François, Le conflit de Chypre, 1946-1959, vols I-II (Brussels: Établissements

Émile, Bruylant, 1973)

Kollias, Konst. Vl., Vassileus kai Epanastassis 1967 (= The King and the 1967 Revolution)
(Athens, 1984)

Meynaud, Jean, Forces politique en Grèce. Translated into Greek, Athens: Byron, 19742.

Modinos, Polys, Chypre. Le dur chemin de l’histoire (Nicosia: Fondation d’archevêque

Makarios III, 1987)
 12

Idem, Rapport sur l’abolition de la démocratie en Grèce, 15 juillet 1965-21 avril

1967 (Montréal: Études de Science politique, 1967)

Papandreou, Andreas, Democracy at Gunpoint. The Greek Front (Pelican Books, 1973)

Papandreu, Andreas, Il capitalismo paternalistico. I meccanismi economici, politici e militari

delle superpotenze industrializzate (Milano: ISEDI, 1972)

PASOK, Diakyrixi Kyvernitikis Politikis. Symvolaio me to Lao (= A Declaration of

Government’s Policy. Contract with the People) (Athens, 1981)

Pattakos, Stylianos G., 21 Apriliou-8 Oktovriou 1973. Hemerai kai Erga (=21st of April,

1967-8th of October, 1973. Days and Works) (Athens: Ekdosis, 1999)

Idem, 21 Apriliou 1967. Diati; Poioi; Pos; (= 21st of April, 1967. Why? Who? How?)
(Athens: Viovivl, 1999)

Woodhouse, C. M., Karamanlis, the restorer of Greek Democracy (Oxford: Clarendon Press,

1982)

Source: Ab Aeterno, no. 3, June 2010

Understanding the Greek Crisis, Part 2

 13

Alexios Synodinos

In the first part of this study we examined the post-World War II political history of Greece
and the events and machinations that lead to the election of the current Greek government and
the polymorphous crisis from which Greece currently suffers.

The second part of the study deals with the kind of people that constitute the Greek
government, a key issue which will clarify to the reader the reasons why Greece has taken this
catastrophic course. Moreover, it offers a short but concrete description of the extraordinary
and unexploited wealth Greece possesses focusing mainly on its oil, natural gas, and uranium
deposits. It is that wealth which the “circumcised banker elite” and its goyim servants seek to
grab by destroying the Greek economy and the Greek ethno-state by debt.

Let us start by examining the profile of Mr. Papandreou, the current prime minister of Greece.
Mr. Papandreou claims his first name is Georgios (George), but the evidence shows
otherwise. He was born in Minnesota, USA and as a kid his family used to call him Jeffrey.
That information was until recently posted in the article about him in the English section of
Wikipedia.[1] Allegedly the young Jeffrey was later baptized in the Greek-Orthodox Church
and was christened Georgios at the age of seven. According to that version of the story his
baptism (as well as the baptism of his sister) was conducted by the Greek-orthodox
Archbishop of America Iakovos (James) in 1959. However, the Archdiocese of America does
not have any record of the event. To overcome that obstacle the image makers of Mr.
Papandreou circulated a different version in 2008, of which the young Jeffrey was baptized
along with his brothers and sister in a private ceremony at the house of the family in Greece.
Both versions of the story have in common that it was the strong demand of his Greek
grandfather for the children to be baptized. Another common characteristic of the two
versions is that neither is supported by any evidence. The rite of baptism is considered the
most important day in the life of a Greek-orthodox Christian and it is celebrated accordingly.
Friends and family are invited for the event and of course pictures are taken. Unfortunately
for Mr. Papandreou pictures of his baptism do not exist, nor does any official document or
certificate of his baptism. Even if we accept that Mr. Papandreou was indeed baptized the
question that remains is, why his family refused to do it at the appropriate age (that of the
infant)? Moreover, some people claim that Mr. Papandreou who studied at the Athens
College, is mentioned in its files not as an Orthodox Christian but as a Protestant. Due to the
fact that the author of this article takes Christian mysteries seriously, and to avoid any
confusion with his grandfather, for the rest of the article Mr. Papandreou will be referred to by
his full real name, Jeffrey Papandreou.

The racial make-up of Jeffrey Papandreou is also interesting. As it was explained in the first
part of this study, his father, Andreas Papandreou, was half-Jewish by his mother.[2] The
mother of Jeffrey Papandreou is an American by the name Margaret Chant. Few things are
known regarding her background. During the 1970s and the 1980s there were widespread
rumors in Greece and among the Greek-American community that the Chants were of Jewish
or Bulgarian-Jewish origin and their name was latter Americanized to “Chant” originally from
 14

“Chantov” or “Chantovski.” Those rumors were countered by her father Dag “Horatio” Chant
who was an Elder in the Jehovah’s Witnesses sect and according to his claims of Irish and
German origin.[3] However, since such claims have resurfaced, if there was any concrete
evidence of the non-Jewish origin of the Chant family, it is certain that the systemic media
would have presented it by now. Of course, it does not really matter if Jeffrey Papandreou is
racially Jewish by 25% or 75%, the important is that, as it will be explained later, his behavior
closely resembles that of Lenin,[4] he has surrounded himself with Jews, and is in full
accordance with the “circumcised banker elite.”

Jeffrey Papandreou grew up in a house of which English and not Greek was spoken. His
mother, despite living for more than sixty years in Greece, has refused to learn and speak the
Greek language. Thus, Jeffrey Papandreou has always been more comfortable with English
than with Greek. His far from perfect command of the Greek language is frequently satirized.
Even more peculiar is his relation with the Greek orthodox faith. During the period he was
serving as a foreign minister of Greece he frequently clashed with the priest of a church
nearby his house because he was annoyed by the sound of the bells. Whenever he has been
forced by his image makers to participate in religious feasts and ceremonies made abundantly
clear that he is totally ignorant of all the traditions and customs of the Orthodox Church.

Jeffrey Papandreou has always had a very dysfunctional relationship with Greece. Some e-
mails among members of the Papandreou family that were leaked a few years ago and
acquired publicity had Nikos Papandreou, the brother of Jeffrey, calling Greece a damned
country and describing himself and his family as Americans with American hearts disguised
as Greeks.[5] That dysfunctional relationship of Jeffrey Papandreou with Greece is illustrated
in his political career. Apparently his vocations were the Ministry of Education and the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, switching from one to the other throughout the years PASOK
was in power. As a minister of Education he did whatever he could to minimize the teaching
of the ancient Greek language at schools[6] and to “improve” the educational system by
making it less demanding for the pupils; Jeffrey Papandreou was not alone in that effort, he
rather followed the main party line in the destruction of the Greek educational system. The
author who was at school at the time recalls the continuous changes of books, with the new
ones always being with more sketches and text illustrations, and in which often theory was
explained through successive sketches rather than written words.[7]

His career as a foreign minister embarked with a gigantic effort to improve the relations with
Turkey. For Jeffrey Papandreou the problems in the Greek-Turkish relations were nebulously
attributed to preconceived negative notions the Greeks have towards Turks and vice-versa.
Provided these notions were changed, the relations between the two countries would be
instantly improved. Of course how exactly the continuous provocations of Turkey in the
Aegean Sea and the disputation of Greek sovereignty by Turkey on Greek islands can be
explained with that theory is beyond any rational explanation. But Greece ceased to be a
country when one can have a rational debate the day the mass media and the universities were
taken over by the Marxists and the liberals. Based on that post-modern understanding of
international relations, Jeffrey Papandreou sought to create dozens of Greek-Turkish
committees of experts who would explore issues of mutual interests, establish trust and alter
 15

everything in education, public culture and the media portraying in a negative light the “other
side.” The findings of such committees never became widely known, but judging by the
steady and drastic changes in school textbooks, the gradual removal of anything reminding
Turkish atrocities from public display and the media ban on the continuous provocations of
Turkey, it can be safely assumed that the goal has been the total eradication of anything which
would remind Greeks of Turkish barbarity and the suppression of truth in favor of a “new
approach” in Greek-Turkish relations. The reader should be aware of the fact that although
such committees experienced their heyday during the previous PASOK administration and
their decisions begun to be implemented in the early 2000s, the changes in the school
textbooks continued unabated even when the government changed and the Center-Right party
of ND (Nea Dimokratia) came to power. The reason for this is quite simple: the policy of
Greece in most issues is not decided by her institutions but by forces outside her, which have
nothing to do with Greek politics. The two major parties (PASOK and ND) despite their
alleged differences follow what is dictated to them by these outside forces. More examples of
that phenomenon will be presented as the article progresses.

Jeffrey Papandreou as the Foreign Minister of Greece was of course championed by the
Turkish establishment and he is continued to be adored by the Turkish newspapers which
hailed his inauguration as the prime minister. The semiology of having one’s traditional
enemies praising his leader would of course puzzle even the most gullible person. However, it
should not surprise anyone who is aware of Jeffrey Papandreou’s views. He is one of the
biggest supporters of Turkey in Europe and a strong defender of Turkey’s entrance in the EU.
In most issues regarding Greek-Turkish relations he has astounded even his most devoted
supporters by taking pro-Turkish stances. In 2004, when the Kofi Annan Plan for Cyprus was
presented by the UN, most Greek politicians were very reluctant to celebrate it as a solution
for the Cyprus problem. On the contrary, Jeffrey Papandreou was adamant on his support for
the Annan Plan. He strongly pressured the Cypriot government to accept it. What exactly
meant the implementation of the Annan Plan in Cyprus and what would be the consequences
of such an action are beyond the scope of this article. Nevertheless, the reader should be
aware that the Annan Plan, had it been implemented, would have established a non-functional
state, with the 18% of the Turkish population having essentially more political power than the
82% of the Greek-Cypriot community and it would have given the opportunity to Turkey to
have control of even the free parts of the islands which now constitute the Republic of
Cyprus.

Other views of Jeffrey Papandreou include the legalization of so-called “soft drugs,” strong
support for gay and lesbian rights, a belief in totally unrestrained immigration, radical
egalitarianism, and militant feminism. His mother, who is head of the largest feminist
organization in Greece, indoctrinated young Jeffrey on a feminist understanding of history in
which women are oppressed by men and the only way to end war and other global problems is
the promotion of women in places of power. That is reflected in the current Greek
government (hand-picked by himself) which has a disproportionate number of female
ministers. In short Jeffrey Papandreou is a true child of the 1960s, a Mediterranean version of
Bill Clinton.
 16

II

The cabinet[8] of Jeffrey Papandreou is a peculiar coalition of crypto-Jews, proponents of

globalization, ultra-liberals with little touch with reality and in two distinct cases “Hellenized”
Balkan Slavs who consider Greece their enemy and are eager to plant the seeds of its
destruction. Moreover, Jeffrey Papandreou has employed a large number of advisers, all both
foreigners and ultra-liberals. The structure of the government and its human geography is
typical of a state run by Jews. They at the top and a few gentile collaborationists assisting
them either for ideological reasons or personal gains as Professor Kevin MacDonald would
put it. A detailed analysis of the background of all of them would derail this article from its
purpose so a few characteristic examples will be examined selectively from each category.

Mr. Yannis Ragousis is minister of the Interior.[9] He had a cataclysmic rise in the hierarchy
of PASOK climbing almost instantly from a fairly unknown mayor of an Aegean island to the
right hand of Jeffrey Papandreou. Ragousis however is the Greek version of his real Jewish
name Saragousi (or Saragussi) which indicates his Sephardic origin from Saragossa,[10]
Spain.[11] Mr. Ragousis had kept that fact hidden from the public but it was accidentally
discovered by an amateur investigator.[12] At the time these pages are written, Jeffrey
Papandreou is contemplating on the idea of creating a ministry which will coordinate all
others and its minister will be acting as a second prime minister. According to most sources
Mr. Ragousis is one of the two primary candidates for the job.[13]

Another characteristic example of the quality of Jeffrey Papandreou’s government is Anna

Diamantopoulou, currently Minister of Education, Lifelong Learning and Religious Affairs
and frequently referred to as Mrs. Bilderberg due to her membership in the Bilderberg Club.
[14] Diamantopoulou is a strong believer in multiculturalism, globalization, and the
dismantling of nation-states. She is currently promoting the de-Hellenization of the Greek
educational system in favor of a form of education without cultural and ethnic preferences.
Her husband goes by the non-Greek surname Salavano(s). The closest assistant of Anna
Diamantopoulou and under-minister of education is another crypto-Jewess, Paraskeui (Evi)
Christofilopoulou. She dropped the Jewish surname of her family, Kaler, and kept the Greek
and Christian-sounding name of her husband, when she became involved with Greek politics.
Unfortunately for her, the Ph.D. thesis she submitted in 1990 bares her real name.[15]

On the side of the gullible gentile collaborationists, the most pro-eminent member of the
government is the minister of the Environment and Energy, Tina Birbili. A weird looking,
ultra-liberal, eco-fanatic whose incapability to be in touch with reality is legendary. After 10
months in office she managed to block crucial projects for the development of Greece (e.g.,
the partial deviation of river Acheloos) due to the insistence of fringe ecologist groups and to
derail any other project that would damage her ecological profile. Her last achievement was
the ban on the annual precautionary sprays against dangerous mosquitoes in areas of Northern
Greece. As a result seven people died from the West Nile virus. The reason behind the
decision to ban the sprays indicates her radical ecological beliefs and it is attributed to her
anxiety on the damage the sprays would cause to the fragile “mosquito society.”[16]
 17

Theodora Tzakri is the new star of PASOK. She climbed fast in the hierarchy of the party
despite or maybe because of her provocative and inappropriate (for a member of the
parliament) appearance and speech problems which she has been battling to eliminate for
years. Jeffrey Papandreou appointed her vice-minister in the Ministry of the Interior and she
became one of the staunch supporters of the law which changed the rules for the acquisition
of the Greek nationality by foreigners. The law will be examined thoroughly in the following
parts of this study. T. Tzakri is allegedly of Slavic origin and there is plenty of anecdotal
evidence to support that claim.[17] Her actions as the vice-minister have been in accordance
with that allegation. She was the main architect of the law that enables the return to Greece of
50,000 Slavs from FYROM[18] who in the communist mutiny of 1944–1949 fought along
with the communists and later fled or were expelled from Greece. Such a decision will result
in cataclysmic events since it artificially creates an ethnic minority and offers the opportunity
to the government of FYROM to promote its propaganda regarding ethnic “Macedonians”
within Greece.

The aforementioned examples simply indicate the kind of people who are in power in Greece.
Besides them, a large number of foreign advisers[19] surround Jeffrey Papandreou and cost
millions to the Greek people. Unsurprisingly most belong to the international “good ol’ boy
network” of Jewish intellectuals (e.g., Leif Petrogsky), Jewish economic gurus (e.g., Joseph
Stiglitz), bankers and members of the Bilderberg Club (e.g., Tommaso Padoa Schioppa),[20]
and ex-far leftists turned policy makers (e.g., Joeff Malgan). All of them have in common that
they are old friends of Jeffrey Papandreou and with one notable exception (that of Prof. Kevin
Featherstone) know absolutely nothing of Greece and the Greek society. One could ask, what
would benefit Greece the employment of such highly-paid and dubious advisers? Are not the
ministers and their teams enough for the prime minister of Greece? How come all the advisers
happen to be good friends of Jeffrey Papandreou? Perhaps the answer is quite simple and not
technical at all. Jeffrey Papandreou has lived in Greece for enough time to acquire some
Greek customs. One of them is that when you inherit a fortune the first thing you do is to
make presents to your close friends. The “fortune” of the story is of course Greece struck by a
severe financial crisis. A financial crisis, which Jeffrey Papandreou did whatever he could to
accelerate and deepen.

III

The wealth of a State is largely based on two key components: the ingenuity, education and
industriousness of its people (especially of its middle class) and its natural resources. If those
two exist and are effectively combined then a state and its people can prosper. If the first is
missing then the solution is to seek the technical advice of more advanced nations. If a State
lacks natural resources then its only course of action is to acquire such resources from abroad,
either by buying them or by exploiting those of other countries. Greece has no shortage of
either, nevertheless she is considered one of the poorest countries in Europe, her
manufacturing and heavy industry are non-existent, and she has to import almost every
technological product from abroad. Why? The answer to that disturbing question is simple.
What Greece lacks is the leadership willing to combine the aforementioned components for
development, and that happens for a crucial reason: the modern Greek state has never been an
 18

independent state and its leaders (with a few notable exceptions) have been always chosen by
outside forces to serve the interests not of the Greek nation but of others.

The fact that Greece is nothing more than a country-destination for tourists and that tourism is
considered its primary industry reflects a conscious decision taken not by Greeks but by
foreigners and implemented by the governments of Greece. That is not a wild conspiracy
theory: there is plenty of evidence to support it. Interestingly such information is sometimes
available in open sources, provided someone knows how to search as well as read between the
lines. To avoid losing the reader in a sea of dates, names, documents, and agreements, we will
present here one of the crucial studies on Greek economy which was later used as a guidance
for the direction the economic development of the Greek State would follow. After the end of
World War Two, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) devised a study-blueprint for
Greece’s economic development,[21] the plan also involved the World Bank (WB) which
would make sure it was rigidly followed. The study was propositioned by Moshe Ezekiel in
1947 (no need to explain the origin of the name). Head of the WB at the time was Eugene
Isaac Meyer—Jewish as well of course. The study focused solely on the coming 25 years. Its
directions were simple, although expressed in an ambiguous language. Essentially, Greece
was discouraged from developing any serious form of heavy metallurgical and chemical
industry. The study also proposed the creation of a permanent advisory committee with
powers far surpassing the advisory level and able even to parole the paying off of
international loans of the state etc.[22] In other words, any plans for the strategic development
and industrialization of Greece were cancelled, the Greek economy was to be formed in a way
which would make the Greek state totally dependent on international markets. The answer to
the question most Greeks always ask as to why Greece never created an automobile industry
or a military industry capable to build anything above bombs and infantry weapons lies in that
study. Nevertheless, even under those strict rules, Greece managed to develop some heavy
industry which remained largely intact until the restoration of democracy in 1974.

As aforementioned, the study of Moshe Ezekiel had a surprisingly short (25 years) scope.
That puzzled the Greek economists who studied it thoroughly at the time. In retrospect, the 25
years scope does make sense. Because roughly after 25 years the study was conducted, the
Greek state under the leadership of Konstantinos (Constantine) Karamanlis (the elder)
embarked on a course of nationalization and economic strangulation of large industrial sectors
which was eventually completed when the socialist Andreas (Andrew) Papandreou came to
power in 1981. When the de-industrialization process was finished, the country focused on the
tertiary sector and especially tourism. Was that a coincidence? It is really difficult to tell.
However the reader should be aware of an important axiom when studying history. What is
usually referred as “the system” is always several steps ahead of those opposing it and has
long term plans. If things do not make sense at the time they are implemented, it is because
the outsiders are incapable of seeing the full picture. With the passage of time, the pieces are
placed in the right order and the puzzle is completed.

With no heavy industry there is no real initiative for a country to dig up and take advantage of
its natural resources, and with no developed mining and refining industry there is no ability to
do it properly and sell it to others. As a result the natural resources stay buried in the ground
 19

waiting for a company or the State to exploit them. Due to room limitations, a detailed study
of the mineral wealth of Greece is not possible, thus the focus will be mainly on the three
crucial energy sources which Greece has in plenty, uranium, oil, and natural gas.

As a matter of fact, since 1950, it has been known that quantities of uranium ore exist in areas
of Northern Greece. The discovery attracted the attention of American scientific groups which
visited the country in order to conduct extended researches on the subject. The search for the
Greek uranium continued until 1995, but the findings in most cases were kept from the public.
In 1996 a leaked document from the Institute of Geology and Mineral Exploration of Greece
appeared in a newspaper which revealed that Greece has one of the largest deposits of
uranium ore in the world, located in Kavala, Northern Greece.[23] Similar studies continued
to leak and appeared in Greek newspapers, proving the abundance of uranium ore deposits in
several areas of Northern Greece such as Serres, Kilkis, and the Chalcidice peninsula.[24]
Unsurprisingly the deposits have until now remained unexploited. Those voices that argued in
favor of the creation of an industry of mining and enriching uranium were ignored. Sixty
years after the discovery of the first uranium deposit in Greece, no government has dared to
do anything other than dismiss the pleas of frustrated scientists who call for the immediate
excavation of the ore. Of course, if the Greek State decided to act and take advantage of that
mineral treasure, it would be able to pay off its debt, acquire the necessary amount of money
to invest on the building of civilian nuclear reactors, thus becoming independent in terms of
energy, and even export electricity in the Balkans and elsewhere. Moreover, given the
unfavorable conventional military balance between Greece and Turkey, it could promote the
argument that it has the right to develop nuclear weapons as a credible deterrence. The price
of enriched uranium is on a continuous rise on the market and one gram of it is estimated to
$20,000.[25] Only by taking advantage of its uranium ore Greece could transform from the
poor man of Europe into a regional energy superpower and able to join the small “nuclear
weapons club.” Consequently, its importance in the international chessboard would be
multiplied, its borders would be secured, and Greeks would prosper. One could argue that
based on the eastern Mediterranean balance of power a nuclear Greece would force other
countries to go nuclear as well, with Turkey first. A nuclear Turkey in the underbelly of
Russia would not be welcomed by a Soviet or post-Soviet Kremlin. Such an explanation for
renouncing the Greek state’s right to exploit its uranium ore could be described as reasonable.
However, Greece is rich not only in uranium, but in other conventional fuels as well such as
oil and natural gas and it has done very little to use them in its favor.

IV

There is an abundance of articles, books and studies regarding the oil deposits in Greece. It
will not be an exaggeration to repeat the words of Nikolaos Zardinidis who in 1978 and as a
Minister of Public Works said that Greece is an island that swims in oil. Until now large
quantities of oil have been discovered in Thermaikos Gulf, in north-eastern Aegean Sea,
Western Greece, and southward of Crete.[26] Of particular importance are considered the oil
deposits south-east of the Aegean island of Thassos, and in other areas close to the islands of
Samothrace and Mitylene. Those deposits, although known for quite some time, remained
unexploited due to the volatile Greek-Turkish relations and a series of agreements between
 20

the two countries in which Greece, following stubbornly an appeasement policy, agreed to
abstain from any form of geological research in disputed territories or international waters.
Every time the officials of the Greek statehood are confronted with questions regarding the
dormant oil deposits in the Aegean Sea, they repeat the mantra of a possible aggressive
reaction of Turkey to any research or drilling operation. Of course the fact that for 35 years,
after the fall of the military regime, they did nothing to confront, counter, and contain the
Turkish threat is always out of the conversation.

Nevertheless, even if we accept the theory of the Turkish threat, there is absolutely no excuse
for the Greek state to remain inactive in regards to the oil deposits in the Ionian Sea. In the
island of Zakynthos (Zante) oil literally gushes out of the soil. During the period of the
military rule, a brilliant Greek industrialist and scientist, Sotiris Sofianopoulos, acquired the
permission to extract oil in the area of Keri, Zakynthos. He did that successfully until the
military regime fell. Democracy was restored, and the oil in Zakynthos began to attract
attention. The interest about the oil deposits in Greece was renewed. The government of K.
Karamanlis the elder (almost deified today by Center-Right voters) acted swiftly.
Sofianopoulos was arrested on false charges and brought to a trial. The court eventually
dropped the charges, but Sofianopoulos’ oil drilling plan ceased to exist. That was not enough
for the Greek state apparatus however; Sofianopoulos was hunted down and destroyed
financially by the combined forces of the government and the banks.

Natural gas is closely associated with oil. Greece has no shortage of it either. 12,000,000
cubic meters of natural gas have been estimated in a deposit near Zakynthos and
approximately 450,000,000 cubic meters in Thessaloniki. Strong evidence suggests the
existence of other natural gas deposits northward of the island of Crete.[27] Up until now
Greece has made use of only a tiny fraction of its hydrocarbons, with the notable exception of
the deposits at the Prinos-Kavala basin. Whilst other Mediterranean states (including the
Republic of Cyprus) have been constantly exploring their depths for hydrocarbons, Greece
remains largely unexplored.[28] To cover its growing energy market Greece buys its natural
gas from Russia and it spends 10,000,000 euros per year in Arab and Russian oil![29] The
reluctance of the Greek State to extract its uranium ore and take advantage of its hydrocarbons
has made the country 70% dependable on foreign energy sources.

Gold is also not rare in Greece. According to the Institute of Geology and Mineral
Exploration (IGME) only in the area of Rhodope, the gold deposit which has been discovered
is evaluated up to 9 billion euros.[30] Similar deposits exist in other parts of Northern Greece
(Serres, Kilkis, Chalcidice peninsula) and in several islands of the Aegean Sea (e.g. Mitylene,
Chios, Lemnos). Greece currently buys 14 tons of gold a year mainly from Switzerland to
sustain its goldsmith industry. Extracting the gold would be obviously a boost in Greek
economy; however, the Greek state found a clever way to merely pause all the excavations
and exploitation of the Greek gold. In the early 2000s, it allowed a spurious company, TVX
Gold (and its Greek department TVX Hellas) to extract the quantities of gold in Chalcidice.
TVX Gold managed to extract 1,000,000 tons of ore but carelessly destroyed the surrounding
area with its highly toxic wastes of which most were directed into the sea turning the blue
waters of the Bay of Ierissos into red.[31] The inhabitants of the area revolted and demanded
 21

the immediate halting of all mining operations. That was of course what all the ecological
organizations needed to start condemning any form of mining as destructive to the
environment and hazardous for the people. Nowadays, when someone calls for the extraction
of the Greek gold he faces a unified opposition from a variety of ad hoc groups, conservation
organizations, and Left-wing fanatics. These people galvanize and mobilize the communities
next to areas of possible mining operations with prophecies of an impeding doom for them
and the environment. Thus, the gold remains buried, the Greek government now has an
excuse not to do anything to exploit it, and TVX Gold had sufficient time to make lots of
money by extracting gold without spending anything in securing its hazardous wastes. To
complete the puzzle the reader should be aware that TVX Gold belongs to György Soros, the
widely known Jewish economic guru, promoter of “color revolutions,” and supporter of
hundreds of progressive NGOs (of which several of them are environmentalist).

Apart from gold, the Greek soil also hides in large quantities other precious metals such as
silver, copper, iridium, and palladium. Any country that has these aforementioned metals, and
manages to extract them and use them for its own advantage can have its geo-economic
profile skyrocketed. In terms of key strategic minerals (iron, manganese, chromium, and
nickel) Greece is the only country in Europe that has all of them. Until the 1990s, it was the
sole producer and exporter of manganese in Europe, but its production stopped when the
European Union decided to start buying the cheaper manganese from Brazil. Since 1982, rare
metals such as lanthanum, thulium, thorium, and others were found to exist in high
concentration in several areas in Greece. Similarly, in terms of precious and semi-precious
stones studies have shown the existence of rubies, sapphires, amethysts, and dozens of others.
No effort has ever been made by any Greek government to mine them. The last discovery on
the grounds of minerals was that buried in the Aegean Sea (north of Crete and in Kastelorizo
island) large deposits of methane hydrates exist.[32] Methane hydrates have been described as
the fuel of the future which will eventually replace oil.

In other words, Greece by using its immense natural resources could have easily become one
of the richest countries on earth. Instead of that it remains a poor state seeking to survive by
foreign loans and by tourism. There is no doubt that several decades ago it was decided that
Greece will remain underdeveloped and totally dependable on other countries. As mentioned
earlier, what it is usually called “the system” is always several steps ahead and has long term
plans. The Greek State has kept its mineral wealth intact, throughout all those decades, not as
strategic reserves for the future, but because it was ordered to do so. A new “Plan
Oldenburg”[33] detailing the exploitation of the natural resources of Greece must exist
somewhere and most probably Jeffrey Papandreou was allowed to own a copy. The plan will
be implemented as soon as Greece goes bankrupt and dissolves. This time the aggressors are
not the Germans and the victim is not the invaded USSR. It is the “circumcised banker elite”
as the aggressor and Greece as the victim. But in order for the former to accomplish its plans
it had to create a grave economic crisis and install a puppet government dedicated to the
eradication of the Greek statehood and its people. It is that polymorphous attack against
Greece which the future parts of this study will examine.

Notes
 22

[1]  The exact phrase was: “He was born as Jeffrey Papandreou in St Paul, Minnesota.” The
website Answers.com used to have the exact same phrase in the article on Mr. Papandreou.
The entries in both sites were changed after the word about the real name of Mr. Papandreou
was spread in Greece.

[2] According to the Jewish tradition, children born of a Jewish mother are considered
nominally Jewish. 

[3] Botsaris, Dimos-Markos, I Megali Apati (= The Big Fraud) (Athens: Isokratis, 1986),
p.138

[4] Lenin’s mother was of partly Jewish ancestry. (Robert Service, Lenin: A

Biography[London: Pan Books, 2002], p. 16.)

[5] “Letter of Nikos Papandreou,” Nemesis Magazine, January-February 2004

[6] The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion mention the eradication of classicism from
schools. (Protocol 16: Brainwashing; available
at:http://iamthewitness.com/books/Protocols.in.Modern.English.htm.)

[7]    The reader should be aware of the insistence of the Protocols of the Learned Elders of
Zion (Protocol 16: Brainwashing), on the alteration of the education system of Christians into
one which will turned them into unthinking submissive brutes who must wait for the ideas to
be presented in front of their eyes.

[8]    The cabinet described here is the one that exists at the time the article is written (1st of
September, 2010). There are continuous rumours that Jeffrey Papandreou will reshuffle his
cabinet sometime in the following weeks.

[9]    The PASOK administration has changed the names of most ministries giving them
‘inspirational’ new titles. For example, the Ministry of the Interior was renamed Minister for
the Interior, Decentralisation and e-Governance.

[10] Aser, Moysis, I Onomatologia ton Ebraion tis Ellados (= Onomastics of the Greek
Jewry), (Athens, 1973), p. 12

[11]  The Jews of Spain, who were expelled by King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella in 1492
were welcomed in the Ottoman Empire, of which part at the time was Greece.

[12]  There is an abundance of evidence that Jews with the surname Saragousis changed their
name to Ragoussis while in Greece and then back to Saragoussis when they immigrate to
countries where their Jewishness would not handicap them in any way (e.g. the USA). A clear
example of that is the case of one Viki Ragoussi distance relative of the minister who
migrated to the USA from Greece in the 1920s and changed her name to the original Jewish
“Victoria Saragoussi.” As nationality she stated “English/Hebrew.” Her information can be
retrieved from Ellisisland.org:http://www.ellisisland.org/search/matchMore.asp?
LNM=SARAGOUSI&PLNM=SARAGOUSI&kind=exact&offset=0&dwpdone=1. (Access
to the members’ area is necessary.)
 23

[13] Kehagia, Voula, “Yperypourgeio ftiahnei o Giorgos” (= Giorgos [Papandreou] is making

a super-Ministry), newspaper Ta Nea (Athens), 23rd of August 2010.

[14]  List of invitees in 2009 Bilderberg Club meeting in Greece

[15]  See: http://genreetlocal.free.fr/biblio/detail-grece/1-christofilopoulou-3.htm

[16] “Birbili: Ta Kounoupia Pano apo ti Zoi ton Anthropon” (Mosquitos are more valuable
than human life, stated Mrs Birbili), newspaper To Paron (Athens), 22st of August 2010.

[17]  For example, in the past, she has been accused of participating in meetings of self-
proclaimed ethnic “Macedonians” of Slavic origin inside Greece. The uproar of the case led to
an official request for explanations from the Ministry of the Interior by MP Thanos
Pleuris http://www.thanos-plevris.gr/boyli/paroysia-tis-yfypoyrgoy-theodoras-tzakri-se-quot-
makedoniko-quot-glenti.html

[18] “I Tzakri Fernei Piso 50,000 Pseutomakedones” (=Tzakri invites back into Greece
50,000 pseudo-Macedonians), newspaper Eleutheros Kosmos (Athens), 4th of May 2010.

[19]  For a list of the Jeffrey Papandreou’s advisers see: http://www.tovima.gr/default.asp?

pid=2&ct=32&artId=348544&dt=14/08/2010 (in Greek)

[20]  Mr Padoa Schioppa is in the list of participants of the Bilderberg Club in 2010
(http://www.bilderbergmeetings.org/participants_2010.html).

[21]  We know of that plan and its importance, which has crippled Greek development, due to
the efforts of Dimitrios Batsis, a Left-wing, but patriotic Greek, who the same year published
an exceptional book regarding the industrial capabilities of Greece. Batsis was infuriated with
Ezekiel’s propositions, and despite his Marxist terminology, he accurately portrayed them as a
stranglehold on Greece. He went a step further and in his book offered an alternative plan for
the industrialization of Greece based on her (then known) natural resources. A few years later,
Batsis was accused of being a member of a communist spy ring along with some other Greek
communists. The head of the ring Nikos Beloyiannis was beyond any doubt a traitor who had
worked for the Soviet and other communist security agencies. On the other hand, the
accusations against Batsis were practically never proven. The military court charged with the
case ordered the execution of the arrested. It was later found that the American government
played a decisive role in the decision of the court. Batsis was executed at the age of 35: not
even his father, an admiral in the Hellenic Navy, could save him. His book disappeared from
the libraries and the bookshelves for decades. Nowadays, everyone is aware of Beloyiannis
and the Left in Greece has turned a traitor into a martyr. Batsis remains largely unknown.

[22]  Batsis, Dimitrios, I Anagkaiotita gia ti Dimiourgia Vareias Metallourgikis kai

HimikisViomihanias (=The necessity of Heavy and Chemical industry) in Papazisis,
Ioannis, Polytimoi Lithoi kai Stratigika Orikta tis Ellados (= Precious stones and strategic
ores), (Thessaloniki: Kadmos, 2009), p. 405.

[23]  Papazisis, I., op.cit., , p. 202.

 24

[24]  Ibid. p. 213.

[25]  Ibid. p. 205.

[26]  Kolmer, Konstantinos, Ta Petrelaia tis Ellados (=Oil in Greece) (Athens: Livanis, 2006),
p. 222.

[27]  Ibid., pp. 222-23.

[28] Stampolis, Kostis, “Greek Oil production Enjoys Upturn,” Financial Mirror, 2009.
(Available at http://www.financialmirror.com/Columnist/Global_Markets/517)

[29]  Papazisis, op.cit., p. 189.

[30]  Ibid., p. 134.

[31] Enviroment News Service, “Red Mine Waste Fouls Pristine Greek Bay.” (Available
athttp://www.minesandcommunities.org/article.php?a=1616.)

[32] Sgouros, Georgios & Mazis, Ioannis, “Koitasmata Stin Anatoliki Mesogeio” (= Deposits
in Eastern Mediterranean), journal Epikaira (Athens), 2nd of May 2010.

[33] Along with Operation Barbarossa, the Germans formulated a plan for the total economic
exploitation of the conquered territories of the USSR. It is known to history as Plan
Oldenburg.

Source: Ab Aeterno, no. 5, Fall 2010.