ABSTRACT

Title of Dissertation: AN EXPLORATION OF THE IMPACT OF FAMILY

BACKGROUND FACTORS ON THE SCIENCE

ACHIEVEMENT OF AFRO-CARIBBEAN AND

AFRICAN AMERICAN STUDENTS IN THE

UNITED STATES

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Patrice J. Pinder, Doctor of Education, May 2010

Dissertation chaired by: Obed Norman, Ph.D.

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Graduate Programs in Mathematics and Science
Education
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Ogbu and Simons (1998) defined voluntary immigrants as individuals who

chose to migrate to the United States (U.S.). Involuntary immigrants are defined
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as individuals whose ancestors were brought to the U.S. by force (Obgu &

Simons, 1998). There have been recent reports indicating that voluntary

immigrants are outperforming involuntary immigrants (Fisher, 2005; Williams,

Fleming, Jones, & Griffin, 2007). There seems to be a trend in voluntary

immigrants exhibiting a higher academic achievement pattern than involuntary

immigrants (Fisher, 2005; Rong & Preissle, 1998; Williams et al., 2007).

However, the reason for the groups’ differences in achievement has not been

extensively explored. The primary objective of this research study was to explore
the impact of family background on the academic achievement patterns of Afro-

Caribbean and African American students in the United States.

The study utilized two research designs; a causal-comparative and a

correlational design. A questionnaire was distributed to a sample of eighty-seven

high school students. Eighteen of the participants were Afro-Caribbean students,

and sixty-seven were African American students. Chemistry test scores for the

students were also provided. The results of the study indicated that Afro-

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Caribbean students outperformed African American students on the test of

science achievement. The difference was statistically significant (t= 2.43,

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p<0.05). Additionally, results suggested that there were a few significant

differences in Afro-Caribbean and African American students’ family

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backgrounds.

Moreover, the findings of this study suggest that the positive impact of
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arrival status on the first-generation of Afro-Caribbean immigrants may be

influencing their children’s academic success in science. The present study holds

a few implications for parents and teachers of immigrant minority students.

Additionally, the current researcher has offered several implications for future

research on ethnicity, immigration pattern, parenting, and achievement.

AN EXPLORATION OF THE IMPACT OF FAMILY BACKGROUND FACTORS

ON THE SCIENCE ACHIEVEMENT OF AFRO-CARIBBEAN AND AFRICAN

AMERICAN STUDENTS IN THE UNITED STATES

by

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Patrice J. Pinder

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A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Education
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MORGAN STATE UNIVERSITY

May 2010
 UMI Number: 3419388

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 ii

AN EXPLORATION OF THE IMPACT OF FAMILY BACKGROUND FACTORS

ON THE SCIENCE ACHIEVEMENT OF AFRO-CARIBBEAN AND AFRICAN

AMERICAN STUDENTS IN THE UNITED STATES

by

Patrice J. Pinder

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has been approved
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March 2010
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DISSERTATION COMMITTEE APPROVAL:

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___________________________, Chair
Obed Norman, Ph.D.

___________________________
Glenda Prime, Ph.D.

___________________________
Jonathan E. Wilson, Ph.D.
 iii

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my dissertation committee for the feedback provided

during the dissertation process. Drs. Obed Norman, Glenda Prime, and Jonathan

E. Wilson, your feedback was appreciated. I also benefited from working with Dr.

Sylvester Mckay on the statistical analysis.

I thank God for giving me the patience and endurance in this tedious

process. I also thank my mother, Mrs. Naomi Pinder, and my sister Ms. Pauline

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Pinder for their love, support, and encouragement. To my friends, Dr. Pauline

Lindo, Dr. Elizabeth Curtis, Dr. Adebimpe Adebiyi, Dr. Afef Janen, Dr. Karen
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Benn Marshall, Dr. Renu Ahuja, Miss Lisa Warlick, Ms. Edith Blackwell, Miss
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Angelique Sykes, and Mr. Charles Kara, thank you for helping me to understand

what true friendship is all about. You all provided that listening ear throughout my

dissertation process, and for this, I am ever thankful.

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This dissertation is also dedicated to the late Mr. Roger L. Pinder (father),

as well as Mrs. Eloise Adderley Saunders, Dr. Greer-Chase, and the newly

deceased, Dr. Maria Ragland Davis, a former Biology professor and scientist at

the University of Alabama in Huntsville, whom I was fortunate to meet in April

2003.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables ………………………………………………………………......... vii

Chapter One: Introduction…..………………………………………………….. 1

Background………………………………………………………………. 1
Ethno-cultural Minority Students and Achievement.………………… 3
Theoretical Perspectives……………………………………………….. 4
Purpose of the Study…………………………………………………… 5
Statement of the Problem……………………………………………… 5
Research Questions……………………………………………………. 6
Hypotheses………………………………………………………………. 7
Definition of Terms……………………………………………………… 7

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Significance of the Study………………………………………………. 8
Delimitations and Scope of Study……………………………………… 10
Limitations………………………………………………………………… 10
Overview of Chapters…………………………………………………… 11
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Chapter Two: Review of Literature……………………………………………. 12
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Selection of the Literature……………………………………………… 12
Overview of Literature Review…………………………………………. 13
Black and White American Students and the Achievement Gap…… 14
Achievement Difference between Afro-Caribbean
and African Americans …………………………………………………. 18
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Theories to Explain the Black and

White Achievement Gap………………………………………………… 27
Theories to Explain the Afro-Caribbean and
African American Achievement Gap…………………………………… 40
Voluntary and Involuntary Migration to the U.S., Family
Background Patterns, and Students’ Achievement Differences……. 45

Chapter Three: Methods..………………………………………………............ 53

Research Questions…………………………………………………….. 53
Hypotheses.……………………………………………………………… 53
Research Design………………………………………………………… 54
Target and Accessible Population…………………………………….. 55
Sample…………………………………………………………………….. 56
Sampling Techniques and Achieving Population Validity..………….. 56
Instrumentation…………………………………………………………… 58
Procedures…………………………………………………………………61
Data Analysis……………………………………………………………... 62
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Research Analysis Questions & Hypotheses Revisited…………. 63

Analysis of Questions…………………………………………………… 63

Chapter Four: Results….……………………………………………………….. 66

Introduction………………………………………………………………. 66
Demographic Data ……………………………………………………… 66
Afro-Caribbean and African American Student Differences………… 71
Achievement differences………………………………………… 71
Differences in Family Background Patterns…………………… 72
Afro-Caribbean Data Correlations and African American Data
Correlations………………………………………………………………. 77
Afro-Caribbean Students’ Data Regression Coefficients……………..80
African American Students’ Data Regression Coefficients………… 81

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Chapter Five: Discussion..……………………………………………………… 83

Interpretation of t-tests…………………………………………………... 83
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Test of Science Achievement…………………………………… 83
Family Background Patterns……………………………………. 84
Interpretation of Correlations…………………………………………… 86
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Family Background Factors Influencing Science
Achievement……………………………………………………… 86
Discussion of the Relationships between Science
Achievement and Family Background Factors for
Afro-Caribbean Students…………………………………………86
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Discussion of the Relationships between Science

Achievement and Family Background Factors for
African American Students……………………………………….87
Discussion of the Relationships between Science
Achievement and Family Background Factors for
Afro-Caribbean and African American Students……………….89
Interpretation of Regression Coefficients……………………………… 89
Family background Factors Influencing Science
Achievement……………………………………………………… 89
Regression Coefficients for Afro-Caribbean Students……… 90
Regression Coefficients for African American
Students…………………………………………………………… 90
Regression Coefficients for Afro-Caribbean and
African American Students ……………………………………. 91
Limitations of the Study…………………………………………………. 92
Conclusions……………………………………………………………… 92
Voluntary Immigrants Tend to Outperform Involuntary
Immigrants……………………………………………………….. 93
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Differences in Patterns of Arrival as an Explanation to

Account for Differences in Groups’ Achievement …………… 93
Differences in Patterns of Arrival Can Influence Differences
in Immigrants’ Homes and this Can Account for
Differences in Groups’ Achievement…………………………… 94
Suggestions for Practice & Future Research………………………… 96
Suggestions for Teaching Practice…………………………… 96
Suggestions for Future Research…………………………….. 98

References………………………………………………………………………. 101

Appendices………………………………………………………………………. 117
Appendix A: Emerged Field Data………………………………………. 117
Appendix B: Emerged Profile…………………………………………… 118

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 Previous literature results on American and non-American

students’ family factors…………………………………………. 48

Table 2 Selected demographic data on total participants……………. 67

Table 3 Selected demographic data on Afro-Caribbean

participants………………………………………………………. 68

Table 4 Selected demographic data on African American

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participants………………………………………………………. 69

Table 5 Means, standard deviations, t-value, and significance

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level for science achievement of Afro-Caribbean and

African American students …………………………………….. 71

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Table 6 Means, standard deviations, t-values, and significance

levels for family background factors of Afro-Caribbean and

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African American students……………………………………. 73

Table 7 Relationships between science achievement and

family background factors for Afro-Caribbean students…….. 77

Table 8 Relationships between science achievement and

family background factors for African American students….. 79

Table 9 Regression analyses for family background factors on

student achievement for Afro-Caribbean students…………… 80

Table 10 Regression analyses for family background factors on

student achievement for African American students…………. 81

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Table 11 Means and standard deviations for science achievement

of Afro-Caribbean and African American male and female

students …………………………………………………………...117

Table 12 A profile of the Afro-Caribbean and African American

Immigrant groups ………………………………………………. 118

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Chapter One: Introduction

Background

Migration has become an important global phenomenon in the 21st century

and has reshaped the composition of the United States’ (U.S.) population (Glick

& White, 2003; Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2000). Since 1965, the U.S.

has admitted over 20 million new immigrants (Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco,

2000). In 2006, 13.3% of young people ages 18 to 25 years old living in the U.S.

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were born outside of the country, and an additional 6.5% were born in the U.S. to

foreign-born parents (Marcelo & Lopez, 2006). Thus, the immigrant population
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accounted for about 12.1% of the entire American population (Marcelo & Lopez,

2006).
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Reportedly, one out of every five children under the age of 18, a total of 14

million, is either an immigrant or a child of immigrant parents who have ties to the
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Caribbean, Africa, Asia, or Latin America (Marcelo & Lopez, 2006; Schmid, 2001;

Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco, 2000, 2001). Moreover, census projections

estimate that by 2030 the majority of the population in the U.S. will be ethno-

cultural groups other than the presently dominant European Americans (Sue &

Sue, 1999). It was also predicted that by 2020 ethno-cultural minorities will make

up 30–40% of all students enrolled in public schools (Sue & Sue, 1999).

There has been an increase in the number of Caribbean immigrants to the

U.S. over the past two decades (Mitchell, 2005). This rise in the numbers of

Caribbean immigrants to the U.S. mirrors the trend seen with other ethno-cultural
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minorities in America (e.g. Indians, Chinese, Africans, South, and Central

Americans). The U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (1997) reported

that more than half a million Caribbean islanders migrated to the U.S. between

1992 and 1996, and as of 2000, there were an estimated eight million Caribbean

immigrants in the U.S. (U.S. Census Bureau, 2001).

Mitchell (2005) reported that Caribbean immigrants migrate from the 50

inhabited island countries that stretch 2,000 miles from Trinidad in the southern

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Caribbean to Western Cuba in the northern Caribbean. Additionally, Caribbean

people are reported to be heavily concentrated in urban areas, such as: Atlanta,
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Boston, Chicago, Denver, Los Angeles, Miami, New York, Philadelphia, and

Washington, DC (Horner, 2001; Mitchell, 2005). The influx of Caribbean and

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other ethno-cultural minorities to the U.S., and the large numbers of immigrant

children within the U.S. public school systems present significant opportunities
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for research on patterns of immigration, cultural differences in parenting, and the

influence of each of these variables on students’ academic achievement (Horner,

2001; Mitchell, 2005; Ogbu, 2003; Portes, 1999; Rong & Brown, 2001).

There is a body of research aimed at explaining the differences in the

academic and social outcomes of young adults from different social and cultural

contexts (Marjoribanks, 2004; Portes, 1999). Paik (2004), Samuel, Smolska, and

Warren (2001), and Wang (2004) suggested that comparative studies may

provide some insight and explanation as to the factors that may lead to high
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academic achievement for one ethnic group and low academic achievement for

another ethnic group.

Ethno-cultural Minority Students and Achievement

In Canada, like the U.S., there are large numbers of ethno-cultural

immigrant groups. Samuel et al. (2001) documented the achievement differences

between the ethno-cultural immigrant groups and native born students in

Canada. Samuel et al. found that adolescents from selected ethno-cultural

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groups in Canada outperformed native born Canadians.

Samuel et al. (2001) conducted a mixed-methods study with 1,954 ethno-

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cultural high school students in Canada and found that voluntary immigrants (i.e.

Caribbean islanders, Indians, Russians, Chinese, Latin Americans, & South East
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Asians) to Canada performed better academically, and had a different perception

of the Canadian school system than did native born Canadians. Interview data
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and analysis of students’ end of year test scores revealed that voluntary

immigrants’ perceptions and overall average mean score on end of year

examinations were consistent with Ogbu and Simons’ (1998) cultural ecological

theory (Samuel et al., 2001). The voluntary immigrants’ average test score was

found to be higher than that of native born Canadians. These voluntary immigrant

students also viewed the Canadian school system as being “less rigorous,” “less

rigid,” or “easier” than their home countries’ school systems (Samuel et al.,

2001). Thus, these students felt that they had a better chance of academic

success in Canada than in their countries of origin (Samuel et al., 2001).

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Theoretical Perspectives

In the 1980s, Ogbu advanced the cultural ecological theory in an attempt

to account for academic success among voluntary immigrants (Ogbu & Simons,

1998; Samuel et al., 2001). The cultural ecological theory attempts to explain

why different minority groups adapt differently to school and other

institutionalized settings, achieve at different rates, and acquire literacy and

numeracy differently (Ogbu 1990, 1992). The theory considers the arrival

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patterns of immigrants, and parent-centered factors in the home of the immigrant

as possible influences on students’ achievement (Ogbu, 2003).

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This study is informed by Ogbu’s (2003) cultural ecological theory and

Walberg’s (1984) belief that the home environment can influence learning
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outcomes. Walberg’s theory posits that the stimulating psychological aspects of

the home environment require optimization to increase student achievement of

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cognitive and affective outcomes. Therefore, Walberg’s model is predicated on

the belief that the stimulating psychological aspects of the home environment can

impact learning outcomes for immigrants. For example, parental beliefs and

attitudes toward school and learning can strongly influence their children’s desire

to achieve academic success (Ogbu, 2003; Paik, 2004; Walberg, 1984; Wang,

2004). Ogbu’s cultural ecological perspective and Walberg’s theory fueled the

need for this study to explore achievement and family background differences

between immigrant groups. The two theories also fueled the need for this study
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to explore the association between Afro-Caribbean and African American

students’ family background and achievement patterns.

Purpose of the Study

The primary objectives of this exploratory research study were to

determine if there were differences in achievement and family background

patterns between Afro-Caribbean and African American students in the U.S.

Statement of the Problem

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The problem of this study was to determine, through an exploratory

process: if there were differences in achievement and family background patterns

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between Afro-Caribbean and African American students in the U.S.; and, if there

were associations between family background patterns and science achievement

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for the two groups. The independent variable was family background. The

dependent variable was student science achievement. The family background

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data was gathered from high school students who were a part of a public central

Maryland university’s federally funded research project.

Out-of-school activities and attitudinal factors associated with parenting

were included under family background factors in this study, because of the

theoretical belief that parents’ values, attitudes, and priorities may greatly

influence those values, attitudes, and priorities of the child (Ogbu, 2003; Ogbu &

Simons, 1998; Samuel et al., 2001; Wang, 2004). Out-of-school activities

examined in this study included extra science lessons, extra study time in
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science, and school absences. Attitudinal factors associated with parenting

included performance motivation to do science and science attitudes.

Family background factors were measured with the 2000 Organization for

Economic Co-operation and Development Program for International Student

Assessment (OECD PISA) student (background) questionnaire. Achievement

was determined by scores on a teacher designed quarterly chemistry test.

Research Questions

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This research study sought to answer four research questions. These

research questions were:

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1. Are there differences in achievement between Afro-Caribbean and

African American high school students?

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2. Are there differences in family background characteristics between

Afro-Caribbean and African American high school students?

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3. Is there a relationship between family background characteristic and

science achievement for Afro-Caribbean and African American

students?

4. Which of the family background factors best predict science

achievement for Afro-Caribbean and African American students?

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Hypotheses

Given the list of research questions, four hypotheses were tested. The

hypotheses relate to questions 1 and 2. The following hypotheses were written

as both null and alternative hypotheses, and were tested by individual t-tests for

statistical significance as follows:

Ha1: There is a statistically significant difference in science achievement

between African American and Afro-Caribbean students.

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H01: There is no statistically significant difference in science achievement

between African American and Afro-Caribbean students.

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Ha2: There is a statistically significant difference in the family background

patterns between African American and Afro-Caribbean students.

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H02: There is no statistically significant difference in the family background

patterns between African American and Afro-Caribbean students.

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Definition of Terms

Afro-Caribbean: people from the Caribbean whose ancestors came from Africa

(Fisher, 2005).

Culture: culture refers to the attitudes, values, customs, traits, beliefs, and

behavior patterns that characterize a social group (Kauchak & Eggen,

2005).

Ethnicity: ethnicity is the sharing of common language, cultural values, and norm

amongst individuals of the same race (McAllister & Irvine, 2000).

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Ethno-cultural groups: the term ethno-cultural group is a recently coined term,

which is used more broadly than the term ethnicity to define individuals of

a specific group. The term ethno-cultural links ethnicity to cultural

affiliations (Tate & Quesnel, 2008).

First-Generation immigrants: first-generation immigrants refer to individuals who

left their home countries and migrated to a new country (Dictionary.com

Unabridged). In this study, first-generation Caribbean immigrants refer to

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individuals who left their countries of origin and migrated to the U.S.

Second-Generation immigrants: second-generation immigrants refer to

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individuals who were born in the U.S. to at least one foreign-born parent

(Mollenkopf, Waters, & Kasinitz, 2008). In this study, second-generation

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Caribbean immigrant refers to an individual who was born in the U.S. to at

least one Caribbean parent.

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Significance of the Study

Prior studies (Ogbu & Simons, 1998; Ogbu, 2003; Williams et al., 2007) on

voluntary and involuntary immigrants to the U.S. focused mainly on achievement

differences between the two groups. Of the few studies (Codjoe, 2007; Heard,

2007; Fang, 2006; Jeynes, 2003; Lee & Bowen, 2006; Paik, 2004; Wang, 2004)

that advanced the voluntary and involuntary immigration research debate, these

studies in general examined the role differences in family background patterns

played on achievement differences between immigrant students.

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Although the immigration and achievement differences debate was

advanced, this was done in the context of comparing American and Asian

students (Jeynes, 2003; Paik, 2004; Wang, 2004), or African American and

Hispanic immigrant students (Heard, 2007). The role family background patterns

played on Afro-Caribbean and African American students’ achievement was not

deeply explored. This study sought to contribute to the education literature by

advancing research in two ways. First, this research examined achievement and

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family background pattern differences between Afro-Caribbean and African

American students. Secondly, this study explored the associations between

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family background and science achievement for the two groups of students.

Those family background factors used in previous studies (Codjoe, 2007;

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Heard, 2007; Jeynes, 2003; Paik, 2004; Wang, 2004) to determine an

association between Asian and American, or African American and Hispanic

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students’ academic achievement were examined in this study (Table 1). This

study sought to examine the correlation among those family background factors

identified in the literature with student achievement. This helped to identify those

family background factors that positively influenced achievement, or negatively

influenced achievement for Afro-Caribbean and African Americans. Further, this

study identified the at-home and at-school parental involvement factors that may

enhance learning outcomes for immigrant students of African descent.

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Delimitations and Scope of Study

This study utilized African American and first and second-generation Afro-

Caribbean students within the U.S. The study sample consisted of high school

chemistry students in grade 12. The study did not use participants in elementary

or middle schools. Additionally, participants were selected from an urban public

high school within Baltimore with ties to an urban public university located within

Central Maryland.

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Limitations

The present study was limited in several ways. First, quantitative studies
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can only partially explain the associations between family factors and student

achievement. In contrast, qualitative studies provide richer data and details when
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quantified numerical findings may not.

Second, the questionnaire is somewhat lengthy because it consists of 31

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questions. Thus, utilizing a lengthy questionnaire in this research may have

increased the burden to respondents and could have accounted for the 13

incomplete questionnaires. Burns et al. (2008) recommend utilizing a maximum

of 25 questions in order to reduce the burden to respondents and to increase the

chance of respondents completing their questionnaires. However, shortening the

questionnaire to 25 questions was not feasible as all 31 questions were vital to

informing this study.

Third, the PISA questionnaire was designed to collect information on

students’ and parents’ countries of origin, ages, genders, and family

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backgrounds. However, as with most self-report questionnaires, there are

limitations to the accuracy of data collected. Students surveyed may not always

give their true responses, but rather the responses they think the researcher may

want them to give (a researcher effect).

Overview of Chapters

The goal of this research was to provide an important insight into the

influence of the family on the immigrant minority student school performance. In

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chapter 2, a detailed review of the theoretical and empirical literature on

voluntary and involuntary immigration and academic achievement is given. A

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discussion of the theoretical models that guide this research, as well as the

important relationships between immigration patterns, the family, and

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achievement are highlighted. Chapter 3 introduces the methodology. Chapter 4

presents the data results and data findings, and chapter 5 concludes with a
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discussion of findings, conclusion, educational implications, and

recommendations for future research.

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Chapter Two: Review of Literature

Selection of the Literature

This review discusses theoretical and research studies. Empirical and

non-empirical sources were utilized as a part of the review process. The articles

and books that were used represent a broad range of works spanning many

fields, such as anthropology, sociology, psychology, medical research statistics,

education, and education statistics. These works address school performances,

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family background factors, racial, ethnic, and culturalized aspects of the students’

achievement (similar statements in Pinder, 2008).

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Education databases, SAGE Journals online, ERIC, and Questia Google

Scholar were searched for the period 1970 to 2010. Abstracts and full text
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articles that discussed education achievement of non-minorities in the U.S.;

education achievement of minorities in the U.S., U.K., and Canada; school

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achievement of Caribbean students in the U.S., U.K., and Canada; school

achievement of African American students in the U.S.; Caribbean students,

families, and achievement; African American students, families, and

achievement; Caribbean, African American students, and Achievement; cultural

ecological theory; and parental involvement were selected for the review. Overall,

more than 200 sources were consulted from August 2007 to March 2010, but

about 100 sources were utilized as a part of this research (similar statements in

Pinder, 2008).
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Overview of Literature Review

This literature reviews theoretical studies (Foster, 2004; Ogbu, 2003;

Ogbu & Fordham, 1986; Ogbu & Simons, 1998), and research studies (Bruschi &

Anderson, 1994; Carter, 2003; Codjoe, 2007; Fisher, 2005; Heard, 2007; Jeynes,

2003; O’Bryan, 2006; Paik, 2004; Samuel et al., 2001; Strand, 1998, 1999, 2006,

2007, & 2008; Wang, 2004). It also discusses what are considered to be major

explanations for differences in educational achievement between students in the

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U.S.

The sections of this review that follow are divided into main themes or
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categories that focus on Black and White students, voluntary and involuntary

immigrant students, family factors, and student achievement. The subsections

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that follow are divided into three broad categories: studies where researchers

have studied only Black and White students, studies where researchers have
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studied various groups of involuntary and voluntary immigrant students, and

studies where researchers have studied only Afro-Caribbean and African

American students. Moreover, the subsections of this review of literature discuss:

Black and White students’ achievement differences; Afro-Caribbean and African

American students’ achievement differences; theoretical perspectives on the

Black and White gap, and voluntary and involuntary immigrant gap; and factors

that may account for immigrant students’ achievement differences in the U.S.

This study first discussed the Black and White achievement gap in order

to adequately explain the apparent gap in achievement between voluntary and