SYEDA SUMBAL WAKEEL

BY – 481011
PAK STUDIES
2ND ASSIGNMENT
SPRING 2020
2ND SEMESTER
BBA- (4YEAR PROGRAM)

QUESTION NO 01:
Fill in the Blanks.
1. Liaquat Ali Khanwas the first Prime Minister of Pakistan.
2. Lord Mountbatten wanted to become first Governor General of Pakistan.
3. Objective Resolution was passed in the yearMarch 12, 1949.
4. East Pakistan was separated in the year 1971.
5. The first constitution of Pakistan was enforced on 23 March 1956
6. The official name of Pakistan is Islamic Republic of Pakistan.
7. Karachi remained the first capital of Pakistan from 1948 to 1967.
8. Natural Gas was discovered in Balochistan at Sui in the year 1952
9. Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) is the new name of the Regional
Corporation for Development.
10. SAARC is the abbreviation of South Asian Association for Regional
Cooperation..

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QUESTION NO 02:

Analyze the issue of accession of Princely States in the early years of Pakistan’s
inception.?
ANSWER:
This volume documents the accession and integration of the princely states of Pakistan,
especially Kalat, which forms a large part of Balochistan province. IN a strategic shift in
foreign policy vis-a-vis Pakistan, Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently raised the issue
of human rights violations in Balochistan, even going to the extent of referring to the
Baloch freedom struggle in his Independence Day address to the nation. While there were
official statements from Pakistan objecting to Modi commenting on its internal affairs,
exiled Baloch nationalists conveyed their gratitude to him. On this side of the border, the
killing of the militant Burhan Muzaffar Wani on July 8 in Kashmir led to fierce protests
and subsequent action by security forces. The British transferred power to the
governments of India and Pakistan in 1947, but the process of national integration in both
countries remains incomplete even 69 years later. Pakistan’s excesses in suppressing
Baloch separatists are well documented. At the same time, separatists continue to find
support in Kashmir.
Interestingly, both these areas were parts of princely states before their integration into
Pakistan and India respectively. Thus, it is useful to understand the nature and the process
of the accession of these states to find long-term solutions to the situations there. The
story of the princely states of India, including Jammu and Kashmir, is fairly well
documented. Barbara N. Ramusack’s The Indian Princes and their States (2004) is a
comprehensive work that discusses the nature of the princely states. Other important
works by historians such as Janaki Nair (Mysore Modern, 2011) have looked at
individual princely states.
The historian Yaqoob Khan Bangash fills the gap as far as the princely states that
became part of Pakistan are concerned. His book on the accession and integration of the
princely states of Pakistan is useful because it looks at the events surrounding the
accession of Kalat (that forms a large part of Balochistan province) apart from several
other states, including large entities such as Bahawalpur that bordered India.
Unlike the vast number of princely states (more than 500) that were part of the region
that became post-independent India, the region that eventually became Pakistan after the
creation of Bangladesh in 1971 had fewer states ruled by princes. Bangash’s research
identifies the following states: Kalat (now part of the province of Balochistan);
Bahawalpur (now part of Punjab); Khairpur (now part of Sind); Chitral, Dir, Swat and

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Amb (now in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province); and Hunza and Nagar (now part of the
disputed Gilgit-Baltistan region).
Most of the princely states of India grew out of the political vacuum created after the
decline of the Mughal Empire, but the states in Pakistan emerged in the wake of the
departure of Nadir Shah and Ahmed Shah Durrani. Except for Bahawalpur, which was
the largest state to become part of Pakistan, all the other states were tribal in nature and
more akin to the Arab sheikdoms of the Persian Gulf. This made them different from
other princely states, which were influenced by Mughal and British courtly culture.
By the early 20th century, more than one-third of India was ruled by native princes who
recognised British paramountcy. As Indian National Congress political activity against
British rule began to gather tremendous support in the provinces, the party devised a
policy in the 1930s that allowed its workers to agitate politically in the princely states.
The Muslim League did not have any such policy; therefore, it had a minimal presence in
the princely states that would become part of Pakistan. After the formation of Pakistan,
all the princely states mentioned above did accede to it but not before Bahawalpur and
Kalat seriously considered the idea of independence.
State-building and consolidation has been a bane for most post-colonial states. As most
post-colonial states were carved out of vast empires which included a multiplicity of
ethnicities and religions, juggling racial, ethnic, and religious divides, has proved to be a
daunting task. As political scientist James Chiriyankandath comments, European export
of the ‘mono-cultural nation-state left most postcolonial states with a dilemma of how to
reconcile this with ethnically and religiously diverse plural societies.

 One way of dealing with such a dilemma has been to either dramatically centralise
or decentralise the state. Both options have, however, led to mixed results, with
the disintegration of several federal states and the springing up of numerous
insurgencies in centralised states. From tensions between the north and the south
in Nigeria, to the recent secession of South Sudan, and the persistence of
insurgency in India’s north-east and Pakistan’s south-west, questions of state
formation and consolidation remain a twenty-first century concern. Pakistan’s
history still haunts the country. Many of its current ills are directly related to its
inception and first few years. The Kashmir dispute, the Balochistan revolt, sour
relations with Afghanistan, an ‘on-again, off-again’ alliance with the United
States and a security-centric approach – all stem from the creation and early
consolidation of Pakistan. Sir Hilary Synott (1945-2011), a former British High
Commissioner to Pakistan, stated that ‘Pakistan’s present is inextricably linked to
its history, relatively brief as it is.
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  He further noted that the state’s structural and historic weaknesses are such that
‘nothing short of a transformation of the country’s body politic and institutions
will be necessary’,

 If the country is to survive at all. Therefore, it is a lot more significant now to

understand the processes which have shaped Pakistan in the past if the country is
to move back from being ‘on the brink’. Pakistan’s first decade has been the most
important yet still understudied period. Even though the so-called democratic
period of the country only lasted just over a decade and was followed up by
dictatorial rule, while the decisions, frameworks, issues, and concerns of the first
decade still remain unresolved. Ayesha Jalal has rightly argued thatno
understanding of contemporary Pakistan is possible without an historical analysis
of the first decade after independence, a period of relative flux in the institutional
balance of power between elected and non-elected institutions but during which

.
the state structure was cast into an enduring, even rigid, mould

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QUESTION NO 03:

Disuss the major determinants of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy?

ANSWER:
Our foreign policy is one of the friendliness and goodwill towards all the nations of the
world. We do not cherish aggressive designs against any country or nation. We believe in
the principle of honesty and fair play in national and international dealings, and are
prepared to make our contribution to the promotion of peace and prosperity among the
nations of the world. Pakistan will never be found lacking in extending its material and
moral support to the oppressed and suppressed peoples of the world and in upholding the
principles of the United Nations Charter.”
Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah.
Foreign policy is a plan of action that a nation adopts with regard to its diplomatic
dealings with other countries in the world. This is the policy that dictates how a country
will act with respect to other countries politically, socially, economically, and militarily.

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The development of foreign policy is influenced by domestic considerations, the policies
or behaviour of other states, or plans to advance specific geopolitical designs.
In the context of Pakistan, we have seen that when Saudi Arabia expected Pakistani
soldiers to fight in Yemen though the request was politely turned down   the government
invoked religion; when Chinese President Xi Jinping visited Pakistan, official
propagandists started to highlight the economic and strategic imperatives that bind
together Islamabad and Beijing; when it comes to our other neighbours in the region
India, Afghanistan and Iran we mostly adopt a hostile undertones and perceive Indian
manoeuvres in the region as a threat; when it comes to Muslim World, we present our
country as the only Muslim State having nuclear power and the only advocate of unity of
Muslim Ummah; and when it comes to EU or the United States or Russia  or any
superpower, we invoke our important geographical location in Asia. So, the first question
that comes to mind regarding the foreign policy making in Pakistan is: “What factors
determine the foreign policy making in Pakistan?”
Following is a brief description of the factors that policymakers have to keep in mind
while making decisions related to country’s policy.
1. Ideology:
Pakistan was created as a homeland for Muslims of British India after a long freedom
struggle. Islam was at the core of this struggle because Two Nation Theory reinforced
that Muslims were a separate nation, with their distinct cultural, ideological and religious
values. In the establishment of Pakistan, Muslims actually dreamed of a separate
homeland where they could spend their lives according to the teachings of the Holy
Quran and Sunnah of the Holy Prophet (PBUH).
Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah also vowed to preserve the Islamic ideology of the
country. He said:
“Pakistan not only means freedom and independence but the Muslim Ideology which has
to be preserved, which has come to us as a precious gift and treasure and which, we hope
other will share with us.”
Moreover, at the very outset, Liaquat Ali Khan, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan,
declared:
“Pakistan came into being as a result of the urge felt by the Muslims of this subcontinent
to secure territory, however limited, where the Islamic Ideology and way of life could be
practiced and demonstrated to the world.”
So, it was not possible for our foreign policy makers to set aside this ideology while
framing country’s foreign policy. Hence Islamic ideology has always been a central focus
in this realm.
2. Geography:
“The foreign policy of a country is determined by its geography”.Napoleon Bonaparte
For the policymakers, it is important to take into considerations factors like what
country’s neighbours are, as their attitude, irrespective of their size or power, has a direct
bearing especially on issues of its security, development and resource allocation. No
country could change its geography nor choose its neighbours. So, in Pakistan, sole

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consideration has been on safeguarding and preserving country’s independence and
territorial integrity. Geography, thus, placed on Pakistan the onerous responsibility of
consistent vigilance and careful conduct of its relations not only with its immediate
neighbours but also with the rest of the world.

3- History:
Since its inception, Pakistan has been facing complex challenges. Hence, the country’s
foreign policy is also guided by its history. Pakistan and India relations have been marred
by distrust and antagonism. Pakistan and Afghanistan have also been at odds since long,
major concern being the Durand Line which Afghanistan is not willing to accept an
international border. Thanks to the old imperial connections, we immediately got sucked
into the Cold War struggle. In the process, we encountered unbroken series of crises and
challenges that perhaps, no other country in the world has ever experienced. So, foreign
policy makers cannot remain oblivious to these factors.

4. Domestic Policies
The foreign policy of a country is linked to its domestic policies, governance issues and
political situation. A country’s standing in the international community always
corresponds directly to its political, social, economic and strategic strength. Foreign
policy cannot be divorced from domestic considerations. It is an outcome of national
priorities, strength and weaknesses. Unlike large powers, mistakes in foreign policy can
be very costly for a developing country like Pakistan. Pakistan’s position in the world is
constrained by its weak economics and its dependence on foreign finances. And, that has
been a big challenge before the policymakers.
The policymakers must understand that no country has ever succeeded externally if it is
weak and crippled domestically. Even a superpower, the former Soviet Union, could not
survive as a superpower because domestically it was weak and crippled.

5. Security
Internal and external security is the most important factor in Pakistan’s foreign policy.
Historian Paul Kennedy named Pakistan as one of the nine pivotal states whose future
evolution would not only determine the fate of their region, but also affect international
stability. Pakistan has developed as a principal actor and a vital personality of its own.
So, it is supposed to secure and protect its all vital interests, at all costs.

6. Economic Compulsions
Pakistan as a developing country also needs to establish and maintain cordial relations
with those states with whom it can maximize its trade relations or from whom it can
obtain maximum economic aid. Pakistan’s position in the world is constrained by its
weak economics and its dependence on foreign finances. The main aim of Pakistan’s
foreign policy is to boost economic trade.

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QUESTION NO 04:
Highlight the salient features of the constitution of 1956.?
ANSWER:
Background:
Chaudary Mohammad Ali was a sincere politician and an experienced parliamentarian.
He took personal interests in the constitution-making process. He presented the draft of
the first Constitution of Pakistan in the second assembly. It was approved by the
assembly on 29th February, 1956. Then this draft was sent to the Governor-General
Major-General Iskander Mirza who ratified it on 2nd March, 1956. Thus, the first
constitution of Pakistan was formed nine years after the independence of the nation.
Finally, the first constitution was enforced on 23rd March, 1956 and Pakistan was
declared as Republic.

Salient Features Of The Constitution Of 1956:

i) Preamble:
Objective Resolution was made a part of the constitution of 1956 which declared that the all
sovereignty belonged to Allah.

ii) Written Constitution

The Constitution of 1956 was a written document. It consisted of 234 Articles, 3 Parts and 6
Schedules.

iii) Semi-rigid Constitution:

It was a semi-rigid constitution. Unlike the constitution of USA, it was not very difficult
to make amendment to it; only one-third majority of the assembly could make an
amendment to it.

iv) Federal System:

The Constitution of 1956 provided a federal system in the country which consisted of the
following institutions:
a) The President
b) The Government
c) The Parliament

a) President:
According to the constitution of 1956, President was the head of the State. He was a Muslim
who was elected by the National Assembly and all the four provincial assemblies by a majority
vote for a period of five years. He enjoyed the following powers:
• He could nominate the Prime Minister.
• He could appoint the provincial governors, judges of Supreme and High Courts, Auditor

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General and Advocate General.
• He could call a session of the National Assembly and was authorized to dissolve it.

b) Federal Government:
Federal Government comprised the President, the Prime Minister, the National Assembly, and
the Federal Cabinet. The Chiefs of Army, Navy and Air Force and the Supreme Court. The
federation of Pakistan comprised four provinces, federal and tribal areas. There were three lists
of subjects viz, the federal list, the provincial list and the concurrent list.

c) The Parliament:
The constitution of 1956 provided a unicameral legislature called the National Assembly
which consisted of 300 members. Out of these, 150 members were elected from East
Pakistan and 150 from West Pakistan. It enjoyed full authority over the federal list of
subjects. It was compulsory to call two sessions of the assembly in a year one to be held
in Decca while the other was to be convened in Karachi.

v) Independence Of Judiciary:
the constitution of 1956 established an independent judiciary which consisted of the following
Courts:
a) The Supreme Court
b) The High Courts (One each in East and West Pakistan)
c) The Lower Courts.
The Supreme Court was the highest court of the country. It not only heard appeals from the
Lower Courts but also interpreted the Constitution at the request of Federal or the Provincial
authorities. Similarly, two High Courts were established in Decca and Karachi. Judges of these
courts were appointed by the President of Pakistan.

vi) Basic Rights:

The Constitution of 1956 provided the following Basic Rights to Its people irrespective
of religion, caste or creeds.
a) Safeguard against arrest and detention
b) Security to person and property
c) Safeguard against forced labor
d) Freedom of movement
e) Freedom of speech
f) Freedom of assembly
g) Freedom of association
h) Freedom to hold property
i) Freedom to profess religion
j) Freedom to earn livelihood

vii) National Language:

Both Urdu and Bengali were grated the status of national languages. However, it
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was decided that English would be the official language for 25 years.

viii) Islamic Provision Of The Constitution:

The Constitution of 1956 included the following Islamic Provisions:
a) According to the Constitution of 1956, the country was named as “Islamic Republic Of
Pakistan.”
b) The Objective Resolution was made a part of it which declared that Sovereignty of the
universe belonged to Almighty Allah.
c) According to Article 32, the President of Pakistan would be a Muslim and of 40 years
of age.
d) Article 18, provided that the all citizens would be free to profess and practice their
religion.
e) The constitution put a ban on liquor, gambling and prostitution.
f) According to Article 198, no un-Islamic law would be enacted in Pakistan.
g) The constitution provided for brotherly relations with Muslim countries.
h) The constitution included a provision for the establishment of an Islamic Research
Institute.
i) It also provided for setting up an Islamic Advisory Council.

Critical Analysis/Drawbacks Of The Constitution Of 1956:

The Constitution of 1956 was a great achievement but it was also criticized for its some
flaws. We can pinpoint some of them as following:

i) Absence Of Islamic Provisions:

No provisions were made to make Islam as a state religion.

ii) Head Of A State:

In the absence of the President, the speaker of the National assembly might be acting
president and a speaker might be a non-Muslim. In other words, Head of the state could
be a non-Muslim.

iii) Authority Delegated To The People:

According to the Constitution, the authority was delegated to the people of Pakistan and
the people of Pakistan could be Muslims and non-Muslims.

iv) Interpretation Of Quran And Sunnah:

Interpretation of the Quran and Sunnah was referred to the legislature rather than
theologians. Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy said,” you are deluding the people by calling
it an Islamic State.”

v) Response of East Pakistan:

The people of East Pakistan were not happy with this constitution because they were
demanding their share in the government according to their population because their
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population was more than that of West Pakistan. Moreover, they were demanding to
declare the religion of the State as Islam. But the rulers of the day were not inclined to
do. General Iskander Mirza said, “We cannot run wild on Islam.” So, these controversies
gave rise political and constitutional problems in the country and ultimately paved the
way for military intervention.

Causes Of Failure Of The Constitution:

The Constitution of 1956 was abrogated in 1958. The causes of its failure were as under:
a) The multi-party system was one of the main causes of its failure.
b) General elections were not held up to 1956. Consequently, the parliamentary system
did not strike roots in country.
c) The politicians were insincere and preferred their personal interests over national
interests.

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QUESTION NO 05:

Present an overview of Pakistan’s relations with Saudia Arabia?

ANSWER:

“Saudi Arabia has always stood with Pakistan in difficult times and the Pakistani
government and its people highly acknowledge it,” Pakistani Prime Minister Imran
Khan said on September 23, Saudi National Day. A month after he was sworn in as
prime minister, on September 18, 2018 Khan embarked on his first official visit to
Saudi Arabia. He was accompanied by Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi,
Finance Minister Asad Umar, Information Minister Fawad Chaudhry and Adviser on
Commerce Abdul Razzak Dawood. The visit came days after the Saudi information
minister visited Pakistan and met with Khan and other top civil and military officials.
Khan’s choice of Saudi Arabia for his first official visit, concurrent with comments
from his finance minister, led to much conjecture that the trip was actually a cover for
a larger purpose — to seek a significant loan to avoid a complete IMF bailout.
In his first speech as prime minister, Khan bemoaned Pakistan’s financial situation,
saying “never in Pakistan’s history have we faced such difficult economic
circumstances.” The country’s fiscal deficit inflated to 6.6 percent of gross domestic
product in the 2017-2018 financial year. The idea that Islamabad would turn to
Riyadh was very much predicted. After all, back in 2014, Saudi Arabia had loaned
Pakistan $1.5 billion just six months after Islamabad’s last bailout from the IMF.
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It seems the trip was very much successful. Although details were scant, the very fact
that Saudi Arabia assured “their maximum assistance” to the new prime minister
suggested that the two sides had reached some kind of understanding. Khan noted that
a new chapter of bilateral cooperation had been opened — one that would benefit the
entire region
Pakistani Information Minister Fawad Chaudhry said on September 20 that Saudi
Arabia is the first country that Pakistan has invited to become a third partner in the
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and the projects that Saudi Arabia will be
investing in will be worked out during the Saudi delegation’s visit, scheduled for the
first week of October. No formal statements have been made from either Saudi Arabia
or China in this regard.
Pakistan and Saudi Arabia have always enjoyed close relations, primarily because of
religious ties. Both countries are affiliated with the Organization of Islamic
Cooperation (OIC). During his tenure, Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif
had established favorable relations with senior members of the Saudi royal family.
The Saudis have been very generous when it comes to providing aid to Pakistan. For
example, when a devastating earthquake hit Balochistan in 2005, Saudi Arabia
supported Pakistan with $10 million in humanitarian aid. Moreover, when floods
swept across Pakistan in 2010 and 2011, Saudi Arabia granted Pakistan $170 million
for relief operations and reconstruction activities in the affected areas.
I t is also important to note that currently an estimated 1.9 million Pakistanis reside in
Saudi Arabia. Both Saudi Arabia and the UAE are major providers of jobs for
Pakistanis abroad – remittance payments being a key source of foreign currency for
the Pakistani treasury. On the trade front, many efforts have been made. Pakistan’s
main imports from Saudi Arabia consists of crude oil and oil-based products. In
return, Pakistan’s export include rice, meat products, spices, textiles, chemicals,
footwear, and leather goods. The total value of bilateral trade is around $2.5 billion. In
January 2018, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan pledged to strengthen their economic ties
with a preferential trade agreement that would fit in with Crown Prince Mohammed
bin Salman’s Vision 2030.

This is not to say that there haven’t been hiccups along the road. One such bump was
in 2015 when, due to domestic constraints, Pakistan did not send its troops to fight in
the Yemen war. Despite this, Pakistan participated in exercise North Thunder, which
took place in northern Saudi Arabia, along with 20 other Arab and Muslim countries

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in March 2016. Moreover,  General Raheel Sharif, the former chief of army staff of
the Pakistan Army, was appointed as the commander-in-chief of the Islamic Military
Alliance — an  announcement which raised many eyebrows and debate within and
outside the country. In February 2018, the Pakistan army sent a contingent of troops to
help secure the borders of Saudi Arabia. Despite Khan’s party being a key reason why
troops were not sent to Yemen in 2015, he has followed the official Pakistani
narrative and spoken out against the Houthis, stating that Pakistan “always stands by
Saudi Arabia.”

The Saudi-Pakistani relationship has not always been even-handed — the tilt being in
favor of the Saudis, which is understandable when one party is on the receiving end of
aid. The Saudis have always treated Pakistan with an air of contempt. This can be
showcased in the statement made by the current Saudi Foreign Minister Adel el
Jubeir, when he stated that that Saudi Arabia is not just an observer but an actual
participant in Pakistani affairs.

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