ASSIGNMENT

ON
HISTORY OF MIZORAM
Hist/2/cc/09

Topic: AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS

Submitted by:
RUTHI LALRUATDIKI
Roll.no: 20/HIST/O40
2nd Semester

Department of History and Ethnography

School of Social Sciences
Mizoram University
Aizawl- 796004
2021
 AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS
The pre-colonial Mizo economy was pre-dominantly agrarian in nature. Apart
from domestication of animals, hunting and fishing, agriculture was the backbone of Mizo
economy. Development of Mizo society and its various socio-economic and political
organizations were dependent on agriculture. Cultivation of land has been not only the main
and traditional occupation but a cultural activity of the Mizo. Jhum cultivation (or shifting
cultivation) is the most popular cultivation practiced by them. This traditional jhumming has
been practiced by the Mizos since time immemorial. Though the state government
discourages this aged-old practice yet due to lack of alternatives, shifting cultivation is still
practice.
The Mizo system of cultivation is confined to cutting down the jungle, burning it and
dipping the seed among the ashes. Therefore, elaborate implements and machines are not
required. Some of the most important hand tools and implements used included Chem,
Tuthlawh, Hrei, Fawvah, Ipte-pui and different kinds of ‘Em’ like Dawrawn, Paikkawng,
Emping, Tlamem etc.
DAO (CHEM):
A Dao, local people called Chem is used for a lot of purposes such as to clear the
bushes and jungles for Jhum cultivation, dibbling seeds in the soil, to cut bamboo posts
preparing bamboo wall and roof materials and weapons against wild animals by the tribal
peoples. Chem is made up of high carbon steel blade fitted in bamboo root handle. To
fabricate Chem, iron blade base is heated in fire till red hot and pushed inside the handle. It
has got one sharp edge sharpen with a file by the blacksmith but the other side is too blunt.
The blunt side can be used as hammer in driving pegs in the ground. The local people
further sharpen it after procuring from the blacksmith in the same direction as the
blacksmith did. A hardstone is generally used for sharpening by the local people.
HOE (TUTHLAWH):
A hoe, locally called Tuthlawlh is a lightweight tool, easy to handle and is mostly used
by the people for farm activities like weeding, clearing, seedling etc. the blade is made of old
steel plate and is concave in nature. The outer face of the blade is about 6cm and the width
decreases near the butt. Its handle is made of wood about 30cm in length. The length of the
blade near the butt to the tip is about 10cm. The hoes very closely resemble the axes, the
heads being a little lighter and broader.
AXE (HREI):
The axe’s head are of iron about 11/2 inches wide at the edge, and taper almost to a
pointed end, the handles are simply pieces of bamboo, the heads being fixed through the
hole made at the tough root portion. It is mainly used for cutting wood and felling trees. In
earlier days the Mizo also used stone implements which they called Teklung for sowing
seeds. A large number of stones are found and excavated in some old and deserted places.
This item is one of the popular exhibits in Mizoram State Museum.
SICKLE (FAVAH):
 Harvesting sickle, local people called Favah is a tool used for crop harvesting
operations. It has got one sharp edge with very fine serrated teeth. The sharpening is done
on one face of the blade. The iron blade is about 4cm in width. Favah is used for cutting the
rice ears, clearing weeding and collecting thatching materials.
Besides the iron implements, the Mizo use other materials which are indispensable
to the discharge of their jhum work. These are as follows: -
IPTE:
Whenever a man goes out to jungle or jhum he is supposed to take with him ipte, a
bag made of coarse cloth. This bag is multipurpose and inside it are always kept dao and
other tools and it is also used for carrying jhum products while returning.
EM:
It is a generic name for different types of baskets made of cane such as dawrawn,
empai, emping, paikawng, siaktuam, tlamem, tui chawi kawng, paiper, kalang etc. the size of
these baskets are different. The baskets most commonly used for jhum works are: Kalang
for threshing paddy, paiper for carrying paddy seed while sowing, tlam em for stocking
threshed paddy, dawrawn and empai for carrying paddy and other jhum products from
jhum to the village.
Jhum cultivation is a process where farmers cleared the land by slashing the tress
and bushes, then burned them to release nutrients into the soil. They grew crops in the new
field for a few years, then cleared another plot of land to plant, and returned again and
cleared those old fields which were generally covered with young trees. The Mizos followed
this pattern of cultivation since early times. In the olden days, it is practiced in every village.
The chief and the elders were the proper custodians of the village land. Each year, the chief
and the elders had a committee to decide upon the method of distribution of Jhum land for
the year’s cultivation. No other part of the village land other than the agreed ranges or
stretches of land should be cleared for the year’s cultivation by any family. The elder had
the privilege of the first choice within in the agreed ranges. They were, thus, called “Zalen”
(free men). The elders were the chief ‘s councilors and the chief might ask them at any time,
of their help even to the extent of incurring economic expenses. They did share the glory
and the success of the chief. Next to the Zalen came, “Ramhuals” who were few individuals,
the chief’s favourites, selected by him had the second choice of Jhum land. As the Ramhuals
had to pay double the regular usual amount of paddy tax, the chief might select as many
Ramhuals as he pleased. Ramhuals might be selected from near the relatives of the chief or
elders or they might be locally influential families on whom the chief could depend for help
at all time. After the Zalens and Ramhuals satisfied themselves with their plots, the ranges
were then publicly open for the year’s Jhum cultivation. Each household head would select
plot for his family and would be demarcated it from the others by a small stream or other
natural or artificial dividing lines etc. As the hill men were familiar with the village territory,
boundary lines might also be simply expressed in words.
In early January, the clearing of jungles was started. The clearing of jungles has been
men’s job as the work consisted of clearing dense and rough jungles. After clearing, the plot
was left to dry up to be burnt in late March or early April, closely followed by the first round
of weeding work. After burning, seedling was started. The seedling work was largely left to
the women folks while the building of Jhum shack was men’s work. In the month of May,
the seedling work was over followed by the first shoot of weeds, and then the real
agricultural work began. Rice was the principal food of the Mizo’s. Since the rice is the main
crop, the sowing of seeds required many labour works. It is considered to be the most
boring work. The young men and girls were also much needed for this labouring work. All
the cultivators are done on the hillside and by manual labour. But other crops like maize,
sesame, soybean, mustards and a variety of vegetables were grown purely for domestic
consumption. The steepness of the ranges rendered terrace cultivation impossible and the
mode of production has to follow, and is still following, the primitive system of Jhum
cultivation. As such, the level of production had to remain very low. Generally, between the
end of May and the beginning June, the cultivators have to weed the entire jhum at least
three times a year and sometimes four times. This process of weeding each have different
name, namely: Hnuhlak, Hnuhhram, a thual, and a thet thet. When the rainy season came to
an end, the land and the roads becomes dry, the rice too becomes ripe, this time of the year
is called ‘lo zawh’. The Mizo’s celebrated the ‘lo zawh’ by inviting their friends and drinking
zu. However, after Christianity, instead of zu, they drink tea. By the end of the year, their
overall hard work finally came to an end when the rice becomes ripe. They collected them
with their friends and family. The rice is separated from the branches by the process called
‘FASUAR’ and the rice were dried in the sun.
Jhum cultivation had provided the ethos necessary for the villagers to experience the
feeling if oneness resulting from the common bond derived from the sharing of the village
land in a uniform way. The practice of Jhum cultivation did not permit permanent land
holding system, and this reinforced the sentimental attachment to the Jhum land which
materialized itself in the affectionate adaptation to the whole village territory resulting in
the solidarity of the villages. The cycle of Jhum cultivation was usually seven to eight years.
Thus, the whole village land was connected with agricultural sentimentalism because many
cycles would take place in one’s life time. It, therefore, appeared that the solidarity of the
village was the effect of the system of agricultural work and agricultural land. Agricultural
work-partnership in the past was highly cherished by the people.
Aged people earnestly retold their youthful days in terms of work-partnership, and
for young people who did not feel the burden of family responsibilities, work-partnership is
the main attraction to agricultural work. So, it can be said that agricultural work and
agricultural land had a sentimental value beyond purely material products knitting every
Mizo to a kind of romantic attachment and fascination to agricultural work. Since young
men and women paired themselves in such a way that the jhum works would be performed
reciprocally on two or more plots of land at alternate days . It can be said that a number of
social interactions had taken place during agricultural work and at agricultural land among
them. The practice of jhum cultivation does not permit permanent land holding system. The
cycle of jhum cultivation at a patch of land is seven to eight years. In this way, the whole
village land is connected with agricultural sentimentalism because many cycles would take
place in one’s life-time. Therefore, it can be said that the solidarity of villages was the effect
of the system of agricultural work and agricultural land.
IMPACT OF GROUPING SCHEME IN MIZORAM:
In Mizoram, one of the measures taken by the government to counter activities of
the MNF underground was the introduction of the grouping of Villages. The introduction of
grouping scheme, in fact, had a dual purpose in the sense that this was to speed up
developmental works and bring about all-round development in the countryside. The dual
nature was overtly expressed in the first phase of grouping was called “Protected and
Progressive Villages”. The first phase of the scheme was introduced under the provision of
the Defense of India Rule, 1962. Subsequent phases were introduced under the provisions
of the Assam Maintenance of Public Order Act, 1953 and covered almost the entire
Mizoram in four distinct phases. So, certain number of villages or clusters of villages were
forcibly brought together into a single village unit under the scheme, and the actual
operation was carried out by the military personnel. Thus, the grouping scheme was carried
out purely for administrative convenient and military operation without the slightest
consideration to the social consequences, local sentiments and local economic system.
So, it can be said that the sudden introduction of grouping of villages, without
proper planning, had tremendous consequences on the traditional system of jhum
cultivation. People are now unable to work full-time in the jhum land and thus have to
virtually supplement agricultural work with some other subsidiary occupations. A large
number of people left jhum cultivation for other occupations whenever they could find. It
can be said that jhum cultivation in the pre-1967 situation was a way of life rather than a
mere means of earning livelihood. Jhumming is now left only to poor families who are
unable to make a start in other occupation. Many families are forced to leave the grouping
centres and start afresh in the Thlawhbawks (newly set up villages) where they could find
better chances of doing jhum cultivation. As such, the traditional system of agricultural
work-partnership has become a dying custom both at the grouping centres and
Thlawhbawks, and agricultural work cannot revive its traditional importance as a source of
value orientation.
Grouping of villages results in the dislocation of agricultural system and greater
emphasis on the value of cash economy. This gives rise to the immediate emphasis on
monetary profits resulting in widespread misappropriation of developmental funds at all
levels. Many people are unable to adjust themselves in the new situation. The resultant
anxiety and tension cause the emergence of new structure of relationships. Capital crimes
like murder and theft which were almost unknown to the pre-1967 Mizo society has
become common phenomena in the grouping centres.
Grouping of villages involves roughly 75 per cent of the population of Mizo district
and had four distinct stages: P.P.V. (Protected and Progressive Villages); New Grouping
Centres; V.G.C. (Voluntary Grouping Centres); L.A. (Extended Loop Areas). Each stage of
grouping was initially undertaken by the security forces and later the centres were taken
over by the Civil Administration. Grouping was done under the provisions of the Defense of
India Rule, 1962. The three phased operations which started from 4.1.1967 were completed
in 10 weeks and all the centres were taken over by the Civil Administration by February
1967.