Professional Documents
Culture Documents
INTRODUCTION
Banditry has recently become a major internal security concern in Nigeria, with the country’s
northern region as the epicentre. Reports of bandits with automatic weapons storming herders’
settlements and farms with the mission of killing people and pillaging cows proliferate (Yusuf,
2015). According to Bashir (2014) between October 2013 and March 2014 approximately 7,000
cattle were rustled from commercial livestock farms and traditional herders in Northern Nigeria.
Tauna (2016) posit that 30,000 cattle were recovered from rustlers within a few months of setting
up a joint military operation against the menace in Katsina State. In most cases, the rustlers kill
and maim their herders and rape the women before dispossessing them of their cows (Akowe and
Kayode, 2015); in some instances, they also kidnap girls or women in the process (Adeniyi,
2015).
Virtually all of the states in the northern region of Nigeria are affected by banditry and
Banditry. In Plateau State, cattle-rustling activities are prevalent in eight Local Government
Areas (Mangu, Bokkos, Barikin Ladi, Shendam, Jos South, Riyom, Langtang North, and
Langtang South) out of the 17 Local Government Areas (Yusufu, 2015). Tony and Bodunrin
(2016) reported that several villages in the areas lying between the four northern states of
Kaduna, Katsina, Zamfara, and Niger have been under siege from cattle rustlers who freely
unleash terror on helpless herders and cow farmers. Although banditry has been rampant in the
rural areas of Northern Nigeria, it not only poses serious security challenges at the specific sites
of conflict but also threatens to engulf places outside of the rural sector and Northern Nigeria.
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In Kaduna State and in Igabi Local Government Area in particular, banditry has been
going on since 2004 when it started mildly. It continued growing till the climax of the whole
thing in November 2014 when the rustlers decided to attack a town called Anaba village in igabi
distinct over killing seven (7) people and burning several houses along with warehouses (Samuel
Arawan, 2019). These rustlers are a mixture of ethnicities including Fulani; rustlers continue to
threaten human security and economic activities in the rural communities throughout Igabi and
some part of Kaduna State and Northern Nigeria (Ishaya and Abaje, 2015).
The literature on banditry and the violent conflict linked to it has consistently been
growing in other parts of Africa (Kaimba, 2011; Nganga 2012, Greiner 2013). In Nigeria,
however, apart from studies focusing on clashes between herders and farming communities
(Ofuoku and Isifie 2009; Okoli and Atelhe 2014; Olaniyan and Okeke-Uzodike 2015), predatory
Banditry has yet to receive adequate scholarly attention. The few attempts to address this issue,
commendable as they are, suffer either from being essentially descriptive in nature (Kwaja 2014)
or because their insights and implications derive principally from the East African experience
(Okoli and Okpaleke 2014). Nevertheless, as in the case elsewhere, the contemporary spate of
violence and the destructive aftermath linked to Banditry begs for attention. The present study
seeks to understand the contours, trends, and trajectory of banditry in Igabi and how the state has
The rising waves of banditry constitute a devastating threat to the security of lives and
property of the citizenry. The high level of banditry in Igabi by rustlers has heightened fears
among the populace and the international community and has eaten deep into the economy and
as a matter of fact, the hostility has gone beyond religious or political coloration. Banditry has
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emerged as a major security challenge in Nigeria. As a criminal enterprise, it has consequences
for the socio-economic, political, cultural, and psychological spheres of society. At the economic
level, it constitutes a major threat to the livelihood of herders and those who depend on cows for
survival. At the socio-political level, rustlers’ activities have resulted in death, loss, and the
Banditry has been a veritable threat of public safety and security threat in Igabi Local
Government Area. It has led to loss of lives, population displacement as well as loss of cattle in
their numbers. It creates a sense of insecurity, this act apparently degenerates into a terror-brand
mass raids where innocent villagers including women and children are victimised. Banditry has
seriously and negatively affected the socio-economic and political development of Igabi. This
has negative effects on the Kaduna State’s security, stability and integration.
In view of the statements of the research problem, the study put forward the following
questions:
i. What are the causes of Banditry in Igabi Local Government Area of Kaduna State
ii. What are the effects of banditry on agricultural productivity in Igabi Local Government
iii. What can be done to resolve the problem of banditry in Igabi Local Government Area of
Kaduna State?
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i. To identify the causes of banditry in Igabi Local Government Area of Kaduna State
ii. To examine the effects of banditry on national security in Igabi Local Government Area
iii. To proffer possible resolution to the menace of banditry in Igabi Local Government Area
of Kaduna State.
i. Banditry contributes to the security challenges in Igabi Local Government Area of Kaduna
State.
ii. Poverty and unemployment lead to banditry in Igabi Local Government Area of Kaduna
State.
iii. Banditry adversely affects the socio-economic and political development of Igabi Local
Available literature has not been able to specifically address the root causes of banditry in
Nigeria with a view to addressing the bud in the interest of Northern Nigeria and the country at
large. Banditry has become a major source of concern, not only to its implications on the size of
the herd and the suffering it generates, but also to the threat it poses to the very survival of state
institutions in the places where it occurs. While still primarily a rural-sector activity, where the
capacity of state institutions to effectively mediate competing demands are threatened, relatively
weak, or non-existent, the interjection of modern destructive weapons and extreme violence
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accompanying banditry signify its transition from mere cattle raiding into a ruthless, highly
Therefore, this study would enlighten the government and the general public on the
extent of damage done by the activities of bandits, and its effect on national security and socio-
economic development. The findings of this study augment the already existing literature on
banditry and crime management. It exposes the predicament of the citizen on the hands of
criminals and this could be important to policy makers especially those entangled with the
security and social wellbeing of the citizens in a given political sphere. Bearing in mind that it is
the responsibility of the state to collect taxes from the citizens, hire and own instruments of
The result of this study would serve as a point of reference to teachers, students and
researchers on security, economy, conflict and political science in Nigeria and they may find the
work benefiting to them as it furnishes them with current information on the subject matter. The
study would be useful to security personnel and policy makers on issues that affect the security
and economy of the state in agriculture and other sectors. Recommendations provided by this
study would serve as a means towards the development of a strategic action plan that may be a
significant force, curbing the menace of bandit in Kaduna State and Nigeria as a whole.
The scope of this study is to assess the Effects of Rural Banditry on National Security: A Case
Study of Igabi Local Government Area of Kaduna State within the period of five years (2015-
2020). Hence, the findings are to be generalized to other districts in the region, the study intends
to shed more light to the topic of banditry in Kaduna state and Nigeria as a whole and how it
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The greatest constraint is the problem of collecting necessary and important data because
of security issues. Some security personnel may refuse to cooperate and provide all the necessary
information either because the topic is related to security issue or the informants to consult may
either transfer from the state or leave the state for fear or attack therefore collection of data from
1.8.1 Banditry
Banditry is the life and practice of bandits, in another way it is synonym to thief, arm robbery,
kidnapping, raping, hence the term one armed bandit for gambling machines that can leave the
The New English Dictionary on historical principles (NED) defined ‘Bandit’ in 1885 as
‘one who is proscribed or outlawed’; hence, a lawless desperate marauder, a brigand: usually
applied to members of the organised gangs which infest the mountainous districts of Italy, Sicily,
The term bandit (introduce to English via Italian around 1590) originates with the early
Germanic legal practice of outlawing criminals, termed bannan (English ban) the legal term in
the Roman Empire was Acht or Reichsacht, translated as imperial ban. In modern Italian the
equivalent word ‘bandit’ literally means banned or a banned person. In simpler way, it is an act
1.8.2 Banditry:
Cattle’s rustling is the act of stealing cattle. Cattle theft is dubbed rustling, while an
individual who engages in the act is called Cattle rustler. Banditry refer to a violent activity by
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pastoral communities stealing livestock from each other (Mulugeta and Hagmann, 2017). A
Banditry is the act of forceful raiding of livestock from one community by another using guns
and leaving behind destruction of property and loss of lives. The term is of the historical United
States colloquial etymology in which context pioneer farmers lost cattle while grazing on huge
ranches that were difficult to patrol for policing. Traditionally, Banditry have been driven by the
criminal intent to expropriate cow for meat or for sale. Pertinently, it must have served as a
Okoli and Okpaleke (2014) opined that conceptually, the term “Banditry” appears to have
evolved into a more or less standardised specialist nomenclature. Hence, the concept is almost
universally applied to designate the act of stealing cattle from grazing herd notwithstanding the
motivation or contextual specifics. Some recent studies have however used the notion of “cattle
road” to denote the same reality. Okoli and Akeihe (2014) are of the view that Banditry refer to
the stealing of grazing cattle or lock of cattle while grazing on huge ranges. Banditry is a global
phenomenon which has manifested in various scales and dimension in the country, Banditry has
been widespread particularly in the northern part of the country where cattle raring is a dominant
agricultural practice. Recent developments tend to have implicated Banditry in the rising wave of
Sa’idu (2012) said cattle rustlers are usually migrants which are not settling in a
permanent settlement, more often than not, they move from one place to another in search of
greener pastures. These rustlers normally move from north to south and from south to north
depending on the season. Around November, December, and February the Fulani’s herdsmen
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will start moving southward in search for green pastures and water for their herds. This period
Fulani herdsmen movement equal with the season of harvest in the northern part of Nigeria.
1.8.3 Kidnapping:
Kidnapping has one of the world’s highest rates of kidnap for ransom cases. Kidnapping
is the unlawful detention of a person through the use of force, threats, fraud or enticement. The
purpose is an illicit gain, economic or material, in exchange for liberation. Kidnapping is a global
problem that affects countries all over the world from United State, Mexico and many African
countries, Asia and beyond. Government are working hard to address this problem and ensure
that the perpetrators are captured and brought to justice. Kidnapping refers to the abduction and
captivity of a person, typically to obtain a ransom. Sometimes kidnappers hold their captives
longer in order to demand more money from the victim’s relatives or associates.
Kidnapping is not a new problem in Nigeria, and it is one of the country’s biggest
challenges. The country faces many problems including unemployment, corruption, and low
rates of education. In some perspectives kidnapping is seen as political because corrupt politician
It can be viewed as religious issue because of group’s fundamentalist Islamic beliefs for
example the Boko Haram ‘Western education is prohibited’ this explain why the school children
becomes target example in 2014 about 276 Chibok School girls, ages 16-18 were kidnapped by
this group.
Kidnapping has become endemic in the Nigerian society. It is fast becoming a lucrative
alternative to armed robbery offence. The gravity of kidnapping is so intense that it has virtually
affected most persons in our society. The current dimension of kidnapping became alarmed in
the Niger Delta region when militants in February 2006 abducted some oil workers, ostensibly to
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draw global attention to the dire situation in the oil rich Niger Delta region of the country, the
victims were mostly foreigners. Since then the social problem of kidnapping has spread like
wild-fire in most parts of the country, especially in the south-eastern region and north- west,
north-east and north-central parts of the country. The targets are no longer foreigners alone;
practically every Nigerian is now a target. On the hind sight, however, it is observed that the
former Governor of Anambra State was kidnapped in July 10, 2003 by his fellow political party
members who were in opposition with him (Emewu & Anyanwu, 2009). Arguably, therefore,
kidnapping is not actually new in Nigeria; but the current lucrative ransom demanding strategy
has become a serious social problem for the Government and people of Nigeria. For instance, in
the year 2008 Nigeria was placed sixth on the global kidnap index by an online tourism site. This
rating puts the country Nigeria among countries with serious kidnapping problems, behind
Philippines, Venezuela, Columbia, Brazil, and Mexico (Ujumadu, 2008; Ekpe, 2009). Such
report could serve as an assumption due to lack of accurate statistical data. Also Ekpe, (2009)
reported that Nigeria recorded 512 cases of kidnapping and 30 dead persons in kidnappers’ den
This is similar to Kaduna State and Igabi Local Government Area in particular,
kidnapping has now become a lucrative business for the bandits in Igabi Local Government Area
of Kaduna State.
There are many causes of kidnapping around the Globe, Nation, State and Local
Unemployment
Poverty
Religion
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Greed
Politics
corruption
1.8.4 Rape:
There are a multitude of definitions of rape both legally and within the folk mores of a
culture. In this project, rape is defined as the penetration of the mouth, vagina or anus by any part
of the attacker's body or by an object used by the attacker, without the consent of the victim.
What does without consent involve and/or what does it not require? Myth: Rape requires
physical force. Studies have shown that in the majority of rapes, the perpetrator does not use
force which results in physical injuries (Green 1987; Weekly 1986). The threat of force and
death and the intimidation inherent in gender stratification is sufficient. In reality many forms of
covert coercion and force may be used in rape. It is the victim's fear of the assault and its
outcome that renders her passive, not compliant, and without consent. Since many victims of
rape are also survivors of incest and other sexual abuse they may 'shut down' their emotions and
bodies at the onset of a rape; they learned this 'survival' behaviour as children (Lundberg-Love &
Geffner 1989).
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adopted the use of rape mostly to women in their captives to satisfy their sexual ego and abuse
Raping presently is not only people of different gender but same gender. Homosexuality
their own gender. Men who are romantically or sexually attracted to other men are called gay
while woman attracted to another woman romantically or sexually are called lesbians. This
attitude is also part of banditry menaces in the State and in Igabi Local Government Area.
1.8.5 Robbery:
Is a crime which is a major source of fear among the public. It is defined here as the use
or threat of force to steal property by the bandits from a person in public space. Street robbery
concentrates at specific times, in particular places, and happens to certain types of people. The
routine activities of both offenders and victims, and the timing of these, can assist us in
interpreting these patterns in robbery. International research has determined that most offenders
for street robbery are young (under 30 years) and male in large number with some few female
participants. In some places there appears to be a greater representation of persons from ethnic
minorities and deprived backgrounds, but this is not universal and may be interrelated. From an
offender’s perspective, street robbery is favored for being quick and profitable – it nets cash as
well as goods and drugs. They largely make rational decisions in the crime event, based on cost-
benefit reasoning. The bandit plays a great role in arm robbery along Igabi Local Government
Area of Kaduna State. They attacked people and force to steal property from the victims, in some
cases kill or keep the victims to request for ransom from the families of victims.
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Bandits have also form the habit of raping women while conducting their banditry acts,
raping is defined as the act of forcefully using a women or man without her/his agreement.
1.8.6 Security
Otto and Ukpere (2012) observed that security relates to the presence of peace, safety, happiness
and the protection of human and physical resources or the absence of crisis. While to Akin
(2008), security as any laid down procedures towards the protection of persons and property
against hostile persons. He further opined and observed that security is a situation whereby a
conducive atmosphere is created within which people in the state can go about their normal daily
activities without threat to either their lives or property. Thus, security encompasses all approach
toward safeguarding human as well as material resources in the state against all forms of
aggression or violent conduct. According to Roger (2005), security is a state of being safe and
the absence of fear, anxiety, danger, poverty and oppression. It is the preservation of core values
Human security is concerned with safeguarding and expanding people's vital freedoms. It
requires both protecting people from critical and pervasive threats and empowering people to
take charge of their own lives. Protection refers to the norms, policies and institutions essential to
shield people and implies a 'top-down approach', such as the rule of law and democratic
governance. Empowerment underscores the role of people as actors and participants and implies
a 'bottom-up' approach.
The concept of human security is translated quite differently in different societies and at
different times according to the level of development, democratic orientation, ethics, social
attitudes toward gender, and differences in ethnic group, opinions, and beliefs. It is related to
basic needs and basic human rights, the fulfilment of these needs, and the respect for these rights.
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Security includes economic, food, health, environmental, political, personal and community
security.
This work is organised into five chapters. Chapter one contains background to the study,
statement of the research problem, research questions, objectives of the study, propositions of the
study, scope and limitations of the study, definition of terms and organisation of chapters.
Chapter two consists of literature review, gaps in the literature review and theoretical framework.
Chapter three which is the research methodology comprises location of the study, population of
the study, sampling techniques and sample size, methods of data collection and methods of data
analysis. Chapter four dwells on data presentation, analysis and interpretation, whereas chapter
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CHAPTER TWO
2.1 Introduction
This chapter reviews related literature on the subject matter of this research in line with
the objectives of the study. Hence the chapter is divided into the following sub topics: Banditry
and Security in Nigeria, Banditry and Security in Kaduna State, Banditry and Security in Igabi
LGA, Gaps in the Literature Review and Theoretical framework adopted for the study.
In Nigeria, the prevalence of banditry has been widespread, particularly in the northern
part of the country where cattle raring obtains as a dominant agricultural practice. Recent
developments tend to have implicated Banditry in the rising wave of violence in northern
conflicts (Okoli and Atelhe, 2014; Okoli and Iortyer, 2014). This scenario has accentuated the
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significance of Banditry as a fundamental national security problematic in Nigeria (Daily Trust
2014 February; Okoli and Iortyer, 2014) The recent classification of some Fulani herdsmen as
Boko Haram collaborators by the Nigerian military and politicians (McGregor 2014) reveals the
complexities of violent clashes between cattle breeders and sedentary agriculturalists across
The alleged involvement of camel pastoralists from the Republic of Niger in some
conflicts in the north-western and central regions of Nigeria also highlights the need to
investigate the multidimensional causes and the politicisation of a problem that spills over to
neighbouring countries. For instance, Awogbade 1987 analyses the relationship between
herdsmen and farmers as an economic exchange of dairy products for grain, access to local
markets, and the provision of manure on arable land while the cattle consume crop residues.
However, he claims that religious and cultural factors, among others, are key to peaceful
relationships that became less cordial as the Fulani migrated further south. This has led to several
agitations in the past, notably by the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria
(MACBAN), which advocates for the social, political, economic, and cultural integration of
Climate changes, the migration further south, the growth of agro-pastoralist, the
women by herders, blockage of stock routes and water points, freshwater scarcity, burning of
rangelands, cattle theft, inadequate animal health care and disease control, overgrazing on fallow
lands, defecation on streams and roads by cattle, extensive sedenitarisation, ineffective coping
strategies, ethnic stereotyping, and the breakdown of conflict intervention mechanisms, these are
usually identified by scholars as the root causes of such violence in rural areas (Folami 2009).
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In line with above, Abass (2012) contends that the major source of tensions between
pastoralists and farmers is basically economic, with land related issues accounting for the
majority of the conflicts. This can then be situated within the broader context of the political
competition for fixed space to meet the demands of the growing population (Olabode and
Blench (2010) has observed that ecological and economic determinism may not capture
the complexities embedded in the conflict contexts of these groups. Sellen (1996) also advocated
for contextual analyses of ̳local socio-ecological conditions ‘and diversity of pastoral populations
in accounting for their nutritional habits. Therefore, there is need to overcome the socio-cultural
stereotyping of the nomadic life and relate experiences to their contexts, while taking cognisance
of the holistic functioning systems of local economies (Gefu and Gilles 1990).
In more recent times, transhumant herdsmen coexist with agro-pastoralists and farmers
who have also taken to cattle breeding (Awogbade 1987), and this has redefined their
perceptions of and relationships with each other. Of these herdsmen, the Fulani are highly
visible. Yet there are about 14 other groups who practise pastoralist activities in Nigeria,
including the Arabs, Kanuri, Kanembu, Shuwa, and Touareg (Blench 2010; Krause 2011; Abass
2012; Audu 2013; McGregor 2014) Hence, rustling and banditry activities have been a veritable
threat to public safety and security in Nigeria. It has led to loss of lives, human injury, population
displacements, as well as loss of cattle in their numbers. This situation goes with repercussions
that do not portend well for the collective wellbeing of the herding communities. It creates a
sense of insecurity which has the capacity to hamper the productivity of the herding enterprise.
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The loss of cattle to rustlers means depletion of household income and communal resource of the
herding community.
The implications of this for sustainable productivity of the herding venture are easy to
decipher. This could ultimately lead to drop in the aggregate supply of organic protein and dairy
in Nigeria. What is more critical and dicier is the correlation between Banditry and spiral
violence in some parts of northern Nigeria. The incessant attacks by cattle rustlers on herding
communities tend to set them at loggerheads with their ecological neighbours -the settled native
farmers. In some instances, the farmers are arbitrarily accused by the herders as the culprit and
masterminds of their cattle raids. The strategic implication of this development is that it has the
capacity of raising the instrumental value and utility of Banditry to a level where its solution
would be as problematic as terrorism itself. The logic is that if Banditry earnestly become an
instrumentality for terrorist design, it will surely thrive so long as terrorism prevails. (Blench
Banditry among Kaduna’s pastoralists has changed profoundly in the last decades.
Fought with modern weaponry and often extreme violence, Banditry is increasingly enmeshed in
politicised claims over administrative boundaries, struggles for exclusive access to land and
attempts to establish or safeguard ethnically homogenous election base (Audu, 2015). The
association of Banditry, for example Kidnapping, Robbery, Banditry with political struggles has
been evident in some parts of Kaduna State. For instance, in 2013, many people were killed or
Kaduna State. Audu (2015) reported that in less than three months: April-June, 2015, over
11,571 cattle were stolen by rustlers in four (4) local government areas of Chikun, Kajuru,
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Kachia and IgabiLocal Government Areas of Kaduna State, the spate of Banditry has sometimes
been associated with the activities of the Boko Haram Islamic sect. The argument in this regard
is that rebel or terrorist groups resort to Banditry as a means of raising fund in support of their
group agenda.
Kwaja (2014) opined that Banditry are more or less, a nomadic phenomenon. This
‘drive’ a stolen cow or a cow-herd from the graze, it also takes a nomad to efficiently navigate
the ‘forest routes’, escaping with the stolen cow. Without any prejudice to possible exceptions, it
would take an active involvement, or at least connivance, of a nomad to plan and prosecute a
‘good’ Banditry deal. In this connection, it has been alleged that the bulk of the cases of Banditry
in northern Nigeria has been perpetrated by the ‘transnational syndicate of renegade Fulani-
nomads who know the forest well. In banditry activities kidnapping now is the current trend
where people are kidnapped at home or on their way to different places for their daily activities
for ransom from their families and in most cases killed, tortured or raped while processing the
In Northwest Nigeria, particularly in Kaduna State and most especially in Igabi Local
Government Area, criminal gangs are engaging in rural banditry by stealing cattle and livestock
leading to the displacement of rural dwellers. The theft of animals forces the rural inhabitants to
migrate southward; causing environmental degradation, population growth, increase in the price
of cattle, regional instability influence and exacerbates farmers/herders conflict dynamics. Rural
banditry and Banditry appear to be increasing by the day because of several interconnected
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issues involving tensions between farmers and pastoralists exploited by criminals masquerading
as herdsmen.
and intergroup relations and the worsening socioeconomic conditions of the people. The rural
areas are populated by farmers and pastoralists who form the economic foundation of the nation
contributing over 40% of Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product in recent years (Augustine, 2015).
Rustling and other animal theft has a different significance in the context of perennial conflict
between pastoralists and crop farmers. Hence, conflicts are driven by insecurity perpetuated by
grazers in this area. For instance, the growing menace of Banditry by armed gangs and bandits
appears to differ in terms of scale and economic consequences in “ungoverned” spaces, and
territories between Kaduna, Katsina and Zamfara States. These armed gang and bandits routinely
raid cattle ranches owned by traditional pastoralists. The rising incidence of Banditry as a part of
the problem of rural banditry may not be unconnected to the problem of small arms and light
weapons that have found their way into the hands of non-state actors, now a part of the wider
challenge of human security confronting Nigeria. Although it is difficult to obtain reliable data in
Nigeria, it has been suggested that between 7 and 8 million illicit small arms and light weapons
are in circulation in West Africa alone, with a huge number entering Nigeria (Chuma-Okoro,
2013).
This is largely a result of porous borders, including the affinity between border
communities which consider any stringent border control as an infringement upon the social and
cultural rights of the people (Chuma-Okoro, 2013). This estimate is far above the figure of 1-2
million illicit small arms in the early 2000s (Egwu, 2014). Public policy responses must
recognize that most of the factors potentially driving the proliferation of small arms and light
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weapons are linked to the decline in state capacity and the human security dilemma facing both
the state and citizens. The situation in many parts of Nigeria resembles broader Sahel region
governance voids. For instance, ungoverned space provides a power vacuum, which is at times
filled by religious extremist groups and/or criminal elements who have taken over remote areas
Association of Nigeria (MACBAN), there is weak state capacity to regulate and establish
effective governance which accounts for the high level of illegal activities perpetrated by
criminal gangs and networks. Most especially, in the Igabi area of Kaduna State which is a
death trap where Banditry and other related criminal activities has become concentrated.
Tukur further noted that Igabi, through Funtua, Faskari, parts of Zamfara going to Anchau is
not safe due to cattle rustlers and bandits. Every cow there has been stolen including cows
belonging to some Nigerian army generals and top civil servants (Tukur, 2013). It is therefore,
necessary to critically appraise the conditions of the people living in Igabi LGA contiguous to
“Kamuku” forest so as to enhance their wellbeing and productivity. Rural banditry affects the
rural economy negatively because it impedes on production and imperils the lives of people in
Igabi LGA of Kaduna State is worsened by the proliferation of small arms and light
weapons, affected by conflict, especially in the African Sahel region, due to lack of
merely cross porous borders, acquiring new identities in the process. The difficult terrain of
many rural areas, particularly the scenario around “Kamuku” forest coupled with poor
communication, lack of social amenities such as good roads, adequate power supply and
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health facilities and poverty aggravate the situation, transforming it into ideal space for
rustling, smuggling, and small arms trade. These conditions also provide potential routes for
terrorist activities. These core challenges of human security are increased further by
democratic governance’s failure to deliver development and livelihood security for either
individuals or groups of people in the study area. Also, perhaps, major violent crises have
been manifestations of the deteriorating human security situation and the failure of democratic
governance in Igabi LGA. It has also sparked discourses that frame conflicts between
It is against this backdrop that this study deems it appropriate for the rural dwellers not
to be left in the hands of bandits because they are significant to the national economy and
constitute about 70% of the nation’s population (Augustine, 2015). It is therefore imperative
to put the activities of bandits in context and deal with it effectively so as to enable rural
against their will. Thus, it is a composite crime. It can also be defined as false imprisonment
by means of abduction, both of which are separate crimes that when committed simultaneously
upon the same person merges as the single crime of kidnapping. Kidnapping and abduction
elements is typically but not necessarily conducted by means of force or fear. That is, the
perpetrator may use a weapon to force the victim into a vehicle, but it is still kidnapping if the
victim is enticed to enter the vehicle willingly, e.g., in the belief it is a taxicab. Kidnapping
may be done to demand for ransom in exchange for releasing the victim, or for other illegal
purposes. Kidnapping can be accompanied by bodily injury which elevates the crime to
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aggravated kidnapping. This is what is going on daily along Kaduna-Igabi road and the entire
Robbery is part of banditry activities in Igabi Local Government Area of Kaduna State,
robbery is a crime which is a major source of fear among the public. It is defined here as the
use or threat of force to steal property by the bandits from a person in public space. Street
robbery concentrates at specific times, in particular places, and happens to certain types of
people. The routine activities of both offenders and victims, and the timing of these, can assist
As observed from literature studies, women and children innocent from the Banditry
activities are victimized. Victimization of the innocent was further reiterated by Alemeka (2013)
in Nigeria. He said that a critical dimension of the implication of Banditry is its apparent
degeneration into a terror-brand mass raids wherein innocent villagers, including women and
Chrisman (2012) argues that in Northern Nigeria, cattle‘s rustling was considered a
serious offense, and it frequently resulted in lynching of cattle rustlers by vigilante. This was in
attempts to stop wide spread cattle raids that were a problem to livestock farmers. However in
Katsina State, cattle‘s rustling was a traditional cultural practice of testing a person's bravery and
Political violence in Igabi Local Government Area of Kaduna State observed that in the past,
warriors were always on alert to repel raiding parties foraging for stock. The weapons of war
consisted of spears, bows, swords and arrows or long knives. The inter-ethnic raids were due not
22
as a rule to bad blood but desire to increase their stock. The study by Abdullahi (2015) point out
that Banditry was a traditional practice conducted for purposes of increasing stock- most
valuable economic resource. However, the available literature did not have a specific cause of
Banditry, it is also believed that in the modern day, Kidnapping, Robbery, Banditry and other
Bandits activities are motivated by other factors away from the desire to restock, the study
Elite theory is deep-rooted in classical sociology, especially that of Weber (2005 [1992]), Pareto
(1935), Mosca (1939) and Michels (2009) [1915]). These authors usually labelled as ‘classical
elitists’. Beyond its strong rots in classical sociology, elite theory developed into a vibrant
theoretical field, intersecting other theories, such as rational choice theory and political culture
theory. Most elite theory reviews (e.g. de Hollanda, 2011; Khan, 2012) focus on the work of
classical elitist, considered to be the founding fathers of the elitist school. Classical and current
elite theorists share the ambition of explaining state outcomes through elite behaviour. If political
sociology is concerned with the relationship between societies (Botelho, 2011), elite theory is
based on the assumption that elite action has a casual effect on such a relationship. Thus, regime
types, regime change, liberation, secularization and many other political phenomena fit within
theory, says that people are always governed by elites except short period of time. He rejects a
linear progressive evolutionary interpretation of history and social change. For him, “history of
men is the history of the elites continue replacement of certain elites as one ascends another
23
decline, such is the real phenomenon though to us it may often appear under another form”
before Pareto. He himself also study Kolabinska’s study, who was also one of Pareto’s student,
“La Circulation des Elites en France” as a reference source. To Pareto, elites are those people
who posses in marked degree qualities of intelligence, character, capacity, of whatever kind.
More precisely if we grade every individual regardless of any ethical judgment, according to
their branch activity and occupation in the society, we find at each grade level there will be a
certain amount of individual that consist of a class. In this class hierarchy, people who are in the
class which is on the top of the other classes are called, “elite” (Pareto, 1935).
change of elites rather than non-elites. This is mostly due to availability of historical data
according to him. Elites and non-elites are not stable, they are subject to change. New elites rise
and take old elite’s place. This change is called the law of circulation of elites by Pareto. He says
“elites” or aristocrats do not last. They live or take position in a certain time, “History”, he says,
“is a graveyard of aristocracies” (Pareto 1935, p. 1430). In course of the time, elites undergo a
change in legal rights in society like extension of right of citizenship that gives an opportunity
Elite critics believe that the emphasis has largely been on the relation between democracy
and elite theories. This tendency is mostly by anti-democratic reputation of elitists’ theorist. In
contrast there has been less emphasis on elite theories contribution on understanding on social
24
stratification, obstacles for social mobility, distribution of power, wealth and status in societies as
well as organizations.
To spread negative reputation of Machiavelli to these three thinkers. The question is that why
elite’s theories were born in Italy at the turn of century. Two answers have been given.
Firstly, is that Machiavellian tradition in Italy and the second answer finds a direct
relationship between elitist theories and backward development of Italy at the turn of century.
According to Meisel, “Both [Mosca and Pareto] reacted to the general consequence of the
industrial revolution, but they comprehended it in their own specifically Italian context. Their
country was a backward province of world capitalism (Meisel 1965(a), p. 6). On the same
line G. Lukacs says that lack of genuine bourgeois democracy in Italy led them to emphasis
on political leadership (Bottom ore 1964, p. 9-10). These answers without doubt have reality
but we have to also consider that, Italy was not an isolated country from the rest of Europe.
Further autobiographies of theorist clearly show that they have close relation with other
countries physically and academically. Therefore, these two reasons are not enough to
Circulation of elites more specifically, in the realm of politics, ruling class is the main
concern of Pareto, Mosca and Michels. All of them analyze the structure of elites, social
stratification in society, social mobility upward and downward, relation among the elite strata
and relation between elite and non-elite classes; and socio-economic, political and historical
25
conditions’ effect on these phenomena and relationship among them. The great emphasis is given
to distribution of power, status and wealth, and the battle among the classes to get lions’ share in
socio-economic change and ideology (or religion as Pareto and Mosca call) shape new classes.
Once new classes are formed, they become new social and political forces in society and try to
move up into the upper strata. This process is well explained in Pareto’s latter work” The
transformation of Democracy. He says that as a result of changes in societies in 19th century two
classes are rising: the class of wealthy speculators and the class of wage earners. At the same
time power of two classes is declining: The class of property owner and the military class. In
terms of future political structure he says”... the growing power of wealthy speculators might be
viewed as “plutocratic” tendency, while the growing power of wage earners might be viewed as
democratic tendency”, and, he adds “these two classes can be thought as having in some sense,
This theory can be said to be applicable and relevant to political elite recruitment in
Nigeria, especially in connection to the research topic “The effect of Banditry on National
Security”. Such ways in which the elite theory can be of relevant to the study of Banditry and
Firstly, the power elites are present in any society, no matter how small or large, old or
new, the society is. For instance, the power elites have been identified with those occupying key
position in the economic, political and military institutions in any country as in the United States
of America. In the case of Nigeria, the economic, political and military powers are subsumed in
26
the Hausa-Fulani aristocratic class, which exercises overriding power in Nigeria through
political, economic and military institutions. However, they have collaborators from other ethnic
groups.
Secondly, the aid of the elite theory, it is much easier and better to understand and
appreciate the concept, structure and exercise of power in Nigeria and such other concepts as
oligarchy, power brokers, mafia et cetera and their meanings, particularly in the Nigerian
context.
Thirdly, the elite theory as a framework will help in illuminating and throwing more light
on politics and other related concepts such as elite circulation, re-cycling of leaders and regime
elongation or longevity in Nigeria. Through the elite theory, it becomes clear that those in power
do not want to surrender power easily but to hold on to it tenaciously, whereas, some are also out
Fourthly, elite theory is very relevant, particularly, in the area of political elite
recruitment in Nigeria. This is so, as it will be seen later in this paper. This explains the reason
why the menace of banditry in Nigeria has been one of the security challenges in the country.
The weapon used by the criminals was given to them during campaigns and political rally by the
elites who want power at all cost, an attempt is further made in this paper to clearly illustrate the
Lastly is the political elite recruitment process in Nigeria, the question of who leads or
rules in any society is always central in politics precisely because power is not even distributed.
Power is said to be concentrated on the ruling minority elite otherwise known as the political
elites.
CHAPTER THREE
27
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 Introduction
This chapter deals with the research methodology for the study. The chapter provides
location of the study area, population of the study, sampling techniques and sample size,
Igabi is a Local Government Area in Kaduna State, Nigeria. Its headquarters is in the
town of Igabi. The Local Government was created in September, 1978. The Local Government is
situated in the Western part of Kaduna State between latitude 120201N and longitude 900E.
Igabi Local Government lies within the Northern Guinea Savanna Zone. Igabi Local
Government Area have a total land area of 6,185km2; the mean annual rainfall for Igabi is 1250
m. The rainy season is between April and October, when the prevailing wind is from the
Southwest. The dry season lasts from November to March, where the prevailing wind is from the
Sahara known as the Harmattan. Temperatures are moderate (30°C-35°C) and humidity is high.
The temperature range for much of this area is between 30°C and 35°C, with temperatures
normally rising in March/April to 42°C (Drolet, 2009). Igabi Local Government is neighbouring
Katsina State through Funtua-Dandume axis to the East, so also Zamfara State through Tsafe
Local Government. The village or forest that linked this States is surrounded by arm bandits
attacking travellers and villages almost on daily basis, this contribute to the banditry activities in
Igabi LGA.
Igabi also is neighbouring Niger State through in Rafi, Kontagora and Mariga LGA’S,
this also linked through same forest which the Bandits carried their operations successfully. Igabi
28
3.3 Population of the Study
Igabi Local Government has a total population of 352,363 made up of 126,836 men and
131,745 women respectively (National Bureau of Statistics, 2016). A brief history of population
census of the Local Government was given as in 1991census-143,072, while as at 2018 the
records still remains as it was in 2016 National Census the population with 143,072 and
The records vary due bandit’s activities which resulted in movement of people from
villages to semi urban and urban areas. The bandit’s activities resulted in many killings,
destructions of societies and communities which seriously affected the population the area.
Igabi Local Government Area of Kaduna State has eleven (11) Politcal Wards namely:
MagajinGari III, Randagi and Tabanni. The major ethnic groupings of the LGA are Gwari,
Hausa and Kamuku. Other tribes include Igbo, Yoruba, Tiv and so on. The Hausa and Fulani are
believed to have migrated from the neighbouring states of Katsina, Zamfara, Gusau, Gobir and
Sokoto States. The people of Igabi Local Government Area Council are very hospitable and they
Equal number of questionnaires will be assigned per selected Political Wards within the
local government, Six Political Wards out of the eleven will be use for the study which gives a
sampling size of three hundred and ninety-nine (399) based on the study population of Two
Hundred and Fifty Eight Thousand Five Hundred and Eighty One (258,581). The Six Political
Wards selected for the research includes: Dogon Dawa, Kakangi, Kazage, MagajinGari I,
29
In each of the selected wards, in Igabi Local Government Area, from household heads or
residence owner would be chosen using cluster sampling and the data will be collected from
available affected Victims, Displaced Resident, Village Heads, District Heads, Civil servants
from Government Ministries to different Departments who were considered to be well informed
about the subject matter. Random sampling technique will be used in administering the
questionnaire, so that everybody in the study area will have a chance of being selected.
The taro Yamane method sample size calculates was formulated by the statistician taro Yamane
in 1967 to determine the sample size from a given population. Below is the mathematical
n = N/(1 +N(e)2)
Where
N = sample size
Using Taro Yamane’s formulas to determine good sample size, the formula is as stated below:
N
Sample Size =
(1+ N (e)2)
Where
258,581
Sample Size = 1+ 258,581 ( 0.05 ) 2
¿
¿
= 399.38
= 399
30
3.5 Methods of Data Collection
The types of data include both primary and secondary. The secondary types were sourced
from both published and unpublished articles, journals and publications from renowned
organisations and international bodies on the topic under study. In the case of primary data,
questionnaires were used to elicit the required data from residents in Igabi Local Government
Area of Kaduna State. Interview of key informants also constitute another source of primary data
of study.
The analysis will be carried out through the use of statistical tools like frequency table
and simple percentage which will enable the researcher to reduce the responses to figures for
better understanding and analysis. The data collected from the field will be analysed using
frequencies, percentages and tables which is more resourceful and convenient to the researcher.
The percentages and frequencies will be used to determine the degree of response from the
respondents and the table to be followed by analysis and interpretation as doing so would greatly
31