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CHAPTER ONE

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

1.1 INTRODUCTION

Marriage is an institution which represents all the behaviors, norms, roles, expectations, and
values that are associated with legal union of a man and woman. It is one of the principal life
events that mark the passage into mature adulthood, and represents a lifelong commitment by
two people to each other (Borgatta and Edgor, 2011; Asana, 2012). As a system, marriage is
consummated, following a series of monumental procedures as practiced and understood by
cultures of the parties involved. Different communities recognize patterns and types of marriages
according to their cultural/social worldview (Doki, 2011).

Nigeria, as a part of the wider African society, has been generally characterized with
arranged marriages, polygynous marriages and others. The old tribal traditions are disappearing
and more Nigerians are adopting Western concepts of marriage.(Aiyetan and Kolapo, 2012).
This trend has led to an unprecedented increase in intercultural marriages in Nigeria. Boateng,
cited in Ardayfio-Schandorf, (2012) observed that family background and ethnic origin which
were of considerable importance in traditional marriage practice have been replaced by love and
affection between partners. The practice of intercultural marriage in Nigeria, albeit a welcome
development, has opened up a plethora of issues which demand serious attention.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The dynamics of culture and human relationships have made researchers to observe many
influences, manifestations, and occurrences in marriage within the Nigerian society (Bohanna,
2013,Filani, 2012,Otite and Olayinka, 2011,Ezenkwu, 2011,Umoh and Adeyemi, 2011). These
manifestations and occurrences have had significant impact on the stability of marriage in the
modern Nigerian society. A recent observation of people’s attitude to marriages in the country
revealed the alarming negative effect of these occurrences (Animasahun and Fatile 2011).
Factors that militate against the quality of marriage in 21st century Nigerian society have been a
discussion among Nigerian social psychologists, religious authorities, behavioral scientists,

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sociologists, and 3 anthropologists (Ibokete, 2012, Aiyetan and Kolapo, 2012,Animasahun and
Fatile 2011).

Yet a substantial focus of research has reinforced cultural differences as a source of

instability, conflict, or dissatisfaction for couples (Cottrell, 1990; Hsu, 2011) rather than an
opportunity for transformation (Crippen & Brew, 2014). Many conclude that intercultural
couples face higher levels of marital challenges (Crohn, 2012; Ho, 2012); are more prone to
failure (Gurung & Duong, 2013); and are embedded with conflicts related to dormant allegiances
of worldview, family structures, and communication patterns (Perel, 2011). This work explores
the dynamics that foster problems in intercultural marriages in Nigeria with a view to
ascertaining the prospects of such marriages in the 21st century. It also makes the case that
intercultural marriages provide opportunities for a positive transformation of the negative trend
in marriages rather than the prevalent views portraying them as inherently problematic
(Animasahun and Fatile 2013).

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

Research questions serves as a guide in which the quest for answers to the problems
being investigated. Thus, in line with the above, the research will make an attempt to answer the
following questions

i. What is the impact of inter –marriage on peace building in Kaduna state

ii. How can Inter-marriage be a source of Peace building in Kaduna State?
iii. Is Inter-marriage solution to peace building in Kaduna state?

1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The objective of the present study was to examine the nature and impact of problems in
inter-cultural marriages among Nigerians. The specific objectives of this study are:

i. To examine the impact of inter-marriage in Kaduna state.

ii. To investigate and identify how inter-marriage can be source of peace building in Kaduna
state.
iii. To assess how inter marriage bring solution to peace building in Kaduna State

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1.5 RESEARCH PROPOSITIONS

Based on the objective stated above the study will test the following hypothesis:

H0: Inter-marriage has no impact on peace building in Kaduna state

H1: Inter-marriage has impact on peace building in Kaduna state

H0: Inter-marriage is not source of peace building in Kaduna state

H2: Inter-marriage is source of peace building in Kaduna state

1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The contribution of this study to the Nigerian society cannot be overemphasized. This
investigation hopes to address the gap in the existing literature on inter-cultural marriages in
Nigeria. Most literature on the subject do not provide sufficient theoretical framework for
considering intercultural marriage.

The study will also provide information to prospective spouses, families and adults who
need to learn about the effects of culture conflict in their marriage. The study will be useful to
future researchers on the subject.

It will be an addition to the numerous literatures on the subject in the Library. The work
will be useful to posterity.Ethnic families may want to learn strategies for dealing with any threat
of culture conflict in their marriages and life.

1.7 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

The study will cover the entire Nigeriawith specific reference to Kaduna state. Inter-
cultural marriage, throughout the study, is seen from the perspective of Yoruba marrying Igbo,
Efik or Hausa, etc or vice versa. This work not only examines the concept of marriage but goes a
step forward to identify the problems that affect intercultural marriage in Nigeria. It also
highlight the effects these problems as well as traces the future of inter-cultural marriage in
Nigeria.

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1.8 DEFINITION OF TERMS

i. Marriage

Agha (2013: 97) defined marriage as a close partnership of two different people of
opposite sex who have concerted to live and work together as one entity. Marriage, according to
Amponsah (2012: 74) is a union between two people, a man and a woman such that the children
born to the woman are the recognized legitimate off-springs of both parents. Neolocal Residence
Neolocal residence is a type of marital residence in which a couple establishes an independent
domestic unit after marriage.

ii. Culture:

The term has been variously defined by different people. Taylor defines culture as “that
complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, customs and any other
capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society (Popenoe, 2013: 75). Popenoe
prefers to see culture as the system of values and meanings in material objects. On their part
Nwosu and Kalu (2013: 3) believe culture to be the totality of people’s way of life. For them,
culture is a distinctive and transmissible network of symbols which characterizes a designated
aggregate of people. Marriage The term “marriage” like culture does not lend itself to a universal
definition.

iii. Peace:
According to Wikipedia 2014, Peace is a lack of conflict and freedom from fear of
violence between heterogeneous social groups. Benevolent leaders throughout history have
shown restraint establishing regional peace and economic growth through peace treaties that
resulted from de-escalating conflicts and multilateral and bilateral peace talks. Commonly
understood as the absence of war or violent hostility, peace often involves compromise, and
therefore is initiated with thoughtful active listening and communication to enhance and create
genuine mutual understanding.
iv. Peace Building:
Peacebuilding is an intervention that is designed to prevent the start or resumption of
violent conflict by creating a sustainable peace. Peacebuilding activities address the root causes

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or potential causes of violence, create a societal expectation for peaceful conflict resolution and
stabilize society politically and socioeconomically.
The activities included in peacebuilding vary depending on the situation and the agent of
peacebuilding. Successful peacebuilding activities create an environment supportive of self-
sustaining, durable peace; reconcile opponents; prevent conflict from restarting; integrate civil
society; create rule of law mechanisms; and address underlying structural and societal issues.
Researchers and practitioners also increasingly find that peacebuilding is most effective and
durable when it relies upon local conceptions of peace and the underlying dynamics which foster
or enable conflict.

v. Security:

Securityis the degree of resistance to, or protection from, harm. It applies to any
vulnerable or valuable asset, such as a person, dwelling, community, item, nation, or
organization.As noted by the Institute for Security and Open Methodologies (ISECOM) in the
OSSTMM, security provides "a form of protection where a separation is created between the
assets and the threat." These separations are generically called "controls," and sometimes include
changes to the asset or the threat. One of the most important and widespread aspects of security
is national security. National security is a concept that a government, along with its parliaments,
should protect the state and its citizens against all kind of "national" crises through a variety of
power projections, such as political power, diplomacy, economic power, military might, and so
on.

vi. Conflict:
Semion 2013, define Conflict is a breakdown in the standard mechanisms of decision
making, so that an individual or group experiences difficulty in selecting an alternative.

1.9 CHAPTALIZATION

Chapter one considers the background to the study, statement of the research problem,
research questions, objectives of the study, propositions, scope and limitations of the study,
definition of terms and organization of the chapters.

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Chapter two is made up of literature review, gaps in the literature review, justification of
the study and theoretical framework.

Chapter three is contain the historical background of Chikun L.G.A of Kaduna State.

Chapter four contain data presentation, interpretation and analysis.

Chapter five covers summary, conclusion and recommendations.

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CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter explores existing literatures on the impact of inter-marriages on peace

building in Nigeria, Kaduna state in particular and the historical background of Kaduna State,
Kaduna south and number of ward in Kaduna south as well as the indigenous ethnic groups.

2.1.2 MARRIAGE

Though it is very difficult to define marriage, the concept connotes a contract by which a
conjugal relationship is formalised as an enduring condition. Others like Murdock (2011) see
marriage as existing when a sexual union extends into some form of economic co-operation.
Anyebe (2013: 13) on the other hand sees it as a voluntary relationship of one man and a woman
(or group of women) to the exclusion of all others. To Goodenongh (2013:22), marriage is a
social contract in which a person of either sex (corporate or individual) in person or by proxy has
a subsisting claim to the right of sexual access to his/her partner(s) in which it is culturally
acceptable for children. From these definitions, it is at least clear that marriage involves at least
two people (most commonly of the opposite sex) who agreed to live together (or sometimes
apart) in a relationship capable of producing children who are recognised as legitimate
constituents of the society.
The object of marriage in society has been changing over time. In the very early stages of
humanity, the marriage contract could have been predominantly entered into for survival reasons
(Anyebe, 2015: 13). The imperative then could have been to ensure continuity of species since
only marriage could have given the couple better chances of making it through to their children’s
maturity by combining to get shelter, food, water and security. Prior to this, when marriage could
have been absent, the lone woman impregnated by a casual contact could have been left alone to
give birth even at the mercy of the elements, beasts and even other humans. Marriage could have
therefore given the woman more chances of surviving the hazards of pregnancies and nurturing
children to maturity. Further human development could have thrown up convenience as an
additional meaning of marriage (Anyebe, 2011: 13).

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This was the era of “arranged marriages” in which the poor contracted marriages as a
strategy to pool resources and to connect through space and time. The rich could have on the
other hand, married as a strategy to combine wealth and property. In between these two reasons
are other related to sexual gratification, religious obligation (depending) on the society and
economic reasons. There are two main forms of marriage across cultures. These are plural
marriages and singular marriages. Plural marriages are referred to in anthropological parlance as
polygamy and have two basic variants.
The first polygamy is the marriage form in which a husband has several wives while the
second, polyandry is the opposite where the wife has several husbands. About 80% of societies
recorded by anthropologists are polygamous (Bergstrom 2014:15) thus making polygamy the
most popular form of marriage in the world.
Singular marriages otherwise referred to as monogamy are exclusive marriages in which
one has a single spouse for life (Bergstrom 2011:15). Between the two main forms is a complex
range of variations depending on 16 the different histories and cultures of mankind. While
marriage may be contracted through the exchange of sisters in other societies, in others, it is
through paying the appropriate dowry or bride price as the case may be. Other variations are
predicated on the rules of endogamy and exogamy.
While endogamous marriages occur between members of the same social or kin groups,
exogamous marriages occur between members of different social/kin groups (Bergstrom
2011:17). Without exception, all human societies-even those that are endogamous-recognize
incest and prohibit sexual relations and marriage between people who are “closely related by
blood”. Examples include brother/sister and parent/child relationships, though specific incest
rules and sanctions for dealing with breaches may vary from one culture to the other. Another
aspect of marriage that underscores the complex differences in the marriage institution across
cultures is the issue of residency rules. Each marriage system has it own unique rule guiding
where the couple would reside. There are all together about seven residency rules.
These are neolocal, patrilocal, matrilocal, matrifocal, avunculocal, ambilocal and
natalocal. Neolocal residence rule requires each partner to a marriage to move out of his/ parents
home to a new and neutral residence, which becomes the core of an independent nuclear family.
Neolocal residences are common in complex societies with a high rate of geographical and
labour mobility as well as in simple hunting and gathering societies in which nomadic

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movements are part of the subsistence strategy. In the patrilocal residence rule, the couple reside
in the man’s father’s house, their offspring are counted as part of the extended family which
overtime develops into a patrilineage. In its simplest form, this rule involves the movement of
the woman to the man’s house upon marriage. This is sometimes referred to as virilocal
residence.
Laura, (2013:273) Matrilocal residence on the other hand evolves the movement of the
man upon marriage to the wife’s place. Their children become part of the matrilocal extended
family which also developed over time into a matrilineage. Uxorilocal residence is the simplest
form of matrilocal residence and involves the husband moving to join the wife in her place of
birth. The next residency type, matrifocal arises when a woman and her children and daughter’s
children (Grand children) have to establish a home without their husbands or adult men.
Matrifocal residences are often as a result of war or situations when the husband(s) are unable to
support their wives. It is therefore not a common residence rule in most cultures. Avunculocal
residence rule is a two-stage rule. The first stage involves the virilocal rule in which the wife
joins her husband in his father’s places after being married. The second stage is when their
children are matured and the couple is required to relocate his family to live with his mother’s
brothers – who together with him make up an avuncolocal extended family.
David, (2014:53-57) avunculocal residences are characteristic of matrilineal societies. In
ambilocal residence rule, the couple makes the decision to either join the wife’s parents or the
husband’s parents. Whoever they agree to join an ambilocal extended family is created. In the
last residency rule, natolocal partners to the marriage remain apart. Each with his/her parents.
Children for obvious reasons remain with the mother. Natolocal residences are characteristics of
matrilinear societies and in societies like the Ashanti where the rule is common, settlements are
in large towns where husbands and wives can be within reach of each other.
Harold, (2010) given all these complexities in the institution of marriage, any deep
understanding of the institution must not only be situated in the context of a particular culture
and tradition, but also a specific time period.

2.1.3 CHOICE OF SPOUSES

In all societies, socially derived limitations are placed on the range of persons from
among whom spouses may be chosen. Social-exchange theories focusseson the contextual

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characteristics of the larger marriage market, where individuals compare the assets and liabilities
of prospective spouses. Mate selection criteria include income, wealth, home- versus labour-
market production, and physical attractiveness. Once the benefits of marriage outweigh the
benefits of remaining single for both partners, a legal union is formed Winch (2015: 18). The
specialization and trading model adopts a rational-choice perspective that views men and women
as attempting to maximize personal gains through marriage.
This model asserts that individuals exchange personal assets—be it income, wealth, home
production, child rearing skills, or physical attractiveness-for a partner with the highest overall
value on a related set of assets. Historically, men have specialized in and traded on their
economic production, whereas women have specialized in and traded on their domestic
production Kiernan, (2014:210). Career-entry theory is derived from job-search theory, which
asserts that potential workers look for employment in the labour market until they find a job that
satisfies the minimum qualifications necessary for acceptable employment. From the perspective
of the worker, the sorting of individuals into jobs is maximized when the number of jobs
available in the market increases. An analogous situation occurs during the process of spousal
selection.
A person wishing to form a marital union searches for a spouse in the marriage market.
As with employment, individuals usually have a predetermined idea of the minimal
characteristics necessary before a potential spouse is deemed acceptable. Once in the marriage
market, individuals compete with others to find a spouse. High levels of human capital in women
decrease the probability of marriage by extending women’s marital search process and
simultaneously raising their reservation wage for potential husbands. More importantly, from a
career-entry perspective, men’s economic volatility lowers the probability of marriage by
creating long-term financial uncertainty for both men and the women who choose to marrythem
(Bumpass & Hsien-Hen, 2011:23).
Psychodynamic theories often focus on how childhood experiences and family
background influence partner selection. Individuals may model their potential spouses after their
opposite-sex parents, or they may create images of the ideal spouse based on childhood
experiences. Filter theory posits that we sift through potential mates based on predetermined
criteria-often ascribed characteristics such as race and class.

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Homogamy filters include finding a potential mate that matches your characteristics such
as propinquity, physical attractiveness, race, education, income, and religion. Propinquity is
typically the strongest homogamy filter. Heterogamy filters include selecting a mate based on
characteristics that are opposite such as gender. (Bramlett& Mosher, 2012: 137) Societies which
prescribe that a spouse be chosen from among one or more designated categories of persons have
been said to possess closed marriage systems. Those in which such prescriptions do not exist
have been characterized as having open marriage systems. The designation of a marriage system
as “closed” is not meant to suggest total absence of choice in the process of mate selection. This
point is illustrated by Klass (2014:62), who shows that in Bengal (and in other parts of India),
while caste affiliation delimits the broad category of persons from which a spouse is chosen, a
man who must choose husbands for his daughters or “wards” does so from within a relatively
narrow selection of eligible males known to certain of his kinsmen.
The most frequently cited closed marriage systems are found among the indigenous
societies of Australia. Some of these societies, for example the Kariera, practice what
anthropologists term “symmetrical cross-cousin marriage,” wherein pairs of local groups engage
in the “simultaneous or nearly simultaneous exchange of women” (Leach, 2015:59). In open
marriage systems, the only group of persons unequivocally proscribed as marriage partners are
those to whom the incest taboo is extended. There are no normative prescriptions relating to
groups from which spouses should be chosen. Nonetheless, many studies indicate that
demographic, ecological, and sociological factors enter into the choice of spouse. Age,
residential propinquity, class, religion, ethnicity, education, and occupation have been isolated as
important determinants in the choice of marital partners. Likewise, parents and peer groups are
often instrumental in delimiting for each individual the field from which a spouse will be chosen.

2.1.4 MARRIAGE IN NIGERIA

Marriage in Nigeria takes place under three legal systems (Center for Reproductive
Rights 2013: 83): Islamic (Maliki school of law), civil (statutory law), and customary
(tribal/traditional law) (Danish Immigration Service, 2015: 68). In general, marriages in the north
of the country are under Islamic law, while those in the south are under statutory law. However,
even when couples marry under statutory law, customary laws generally prevail in personal
matters (Danish Immigration Service, 2015: 68). Customary law tends to vary "from one ethnic

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group to another, from state to state, and most often from one town to another" (Ewelukwa,
2012: 434). Two major types of marriage exist in Nigeria: monogamy, a marriage of one man to
one woman, and polygyny, a marriage of one man to two or more wives (Ewelukwa, 2012: 434).
In most cultural groups in Nigeria, traditional marriage is usually an arrangement
between two families as opposed to an arrangement between two individuals. Accordingly, there
is pressure on the bride and bridegroom to make the marriage work as any problem will usually
affect both families and strain the otherwise cordial relationship between them. In most Nigerian
cultures, the man usually pays the dowry or bride-price and is thus considered the head of the
family. Adultery is acceptable for men, but forbidden for women. Basically, two forms of
marriages which greatly influence intercultural marriage are common in Nigeria (Bolaji,
2011:65).
One was the betrothal of a girl to a young man chosen by the families of the young
people concerned. This may be predicated by close family ties, which may range from political
ties, religious ties, and historical ties to mere friendship between such families. The second
category of marriage partner selection (which makes for the increase in inter-cultural marriage)
now prevalent in Nigeria is the one in which individuals concerned personally chose their own
partners. This may not be unconnected with the increased pace of modernization whereby
emphasis is shifting from extended family ties, which formally existed in most of the rural areas
(Orubuloye, 2010: 32). Ogunjuyigbe and Adeyemi (2011: 56) revealed in their study that most
Yoruba men would prefer arranged marriages for their children for security purpose. This is to
ensure a peaceful, successful and comfortable married life for their children.

2.1.5 PEACE BUILDING

The notion of building peace in conflict-affected states and societies is not new, and
certainly not one invented by the United Nations (UN). Contemporary discussions, nonetheless,
might very well give this impression, not least since the inauguration of the UN’s ‘peace building
architecture’ in the wake of the 2005 World Summit, encompassing a UN Peace building
Commission (PBC) of 31 member states, a UN Peace building Support Office (PBSO) based in
New York, and a UN Peace building Fund (PBF) to help finance its mandates. But the endeavour
to build peace is, of course, much more than the activities of a particular (legal and political)
institutional set-up. Indeed, peace building has gained in prominence – not just in specialized

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academic and practitioner circles, but also in the public discourse at large.

2.1.6 Peace Building: Concepts, Actors and Institutions

Ever since the work of the peace researcher Johan Galtung, it has become common
parlance to distinguish between so-called ‘negative’ and ‘positive’ peace. The logic here is that
peace is not just the absence of armed conflict and violence, but is indeed about the pursuit of
social justice through equal opportunity, a fair distribution of power and material resources, and
an equal protection by and in the face of the rule of law. Peace, then, means long-term peace. It
means creating the conditions under which individuals in society can benefit from coherent
legal frameworks, public order, political stability, and economic opportunities. And peace
building thus refers to all efforts to foster a sustainable peace through the establishment of
institutions that promote and enable the non-violent resolution of tensions and disputes.
Following Galtung (1999), peacebuilding is therefore differentiated from peacekeeping
(maintaining a balance of power and keeping the warring parties apart) as well as peacemaking
(solving the conflict by removing the source of the tension), a distinction that was also echoed
in the 1992 report of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, entitled ‘An Agenda for
Peace’.

Building peace nevertheless remains a rather ambiguous affair, and it is not at all the
case that stakeholders and analysts agree on what the concept of peace building entails. On the
one hand is the very practical perspective taken by the likes of Paul Lederach, for whom peace

building involves concrete conciliation efforts in situations of conflict. 3 On the other is peace
building conceived as a specific operational mandate, and Michael Barnett et al. (2007) identify
a plethora of working definitions employed by various multilateral agencies and government
donors in their attempts to institutionalize peace building. As Ronald J. Fischer (1993)
highlighted, according to Galtung’s conceptualization peace building is somehow at the
interface between peacekeeping and peacemaking, between a robust third-party response to on-
going violent conflict, and the establishment of conditions to be able to tackle the causes of the
dispute. But this bridge-building function also throws up a whole host of questions related to
which actors and institutions should be involved in the undertaking, what kind of mandate and
resources ought to be involved, and what the timeframe for such an operation might be.

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Yet repeated attempts to get all multilateral, governmental and non-governmental actors
to agree on a precise definition of peace building have not borne fruit – and in some respects,
conceptual ambiguity might well be the lesser of two evils, as it allows international decision-
makers the room to manoeuvre their way through potentially tricky negotiations. For most
purposes, a functional differentiation of the specific sectors that make up the building blocks of
something called ‘post-conflict peace building’ might well be sufficient – along the lines of
security, socio-economic welfare, and justice and the rule of law. What this might entail has
been elaborated by Vincent Chetail’s peace building lexicon (2009). But questions remain as to
the compatibility of such an ambitious agenda with some of the UN’s guiding principles of
sovereignty and neutrality, for instance (Bertram, 1995), and as has been argued in the case of
Somalia, the very act of labelling a particular context as ‘post-conflict’ and the required
intervention as ‘peace building’ may be pernicious (Menkhaus, 2009). As Oliver Ramsbotham
(2007: 170) points out, there is an inherent danger in applying a standard operating procedure to
a wide range of disparate conflict settings, ‘rather like Wittgenstein’s locomotive cabin in which
a uniform-looking set of handles in fact fulfil a number of diversefunctions’.

The field of peace building is thus potentially vast, and academia has not failed to join the
conversation with a rapidly growing body of literature whose works are often written by research
analysts straddling the practitioner-scholar divide. There is also a striking predominance of
political science and the field of International Relations (see Doyle and Sambianis, 2000; and
Zaum, 2013, for an overview), with contributions from the perspectives of international law,
development studies, or anthropology, for instance, playing a more minor role. Thankfully, this
is beginning to change, as there would otherwise be the risk of perpetuating a rather one-sided
debate on the institutional dynamics of peacebuilding – one that, moreover, is decidedly
Anglophone, with stakeholders and scholars at pains to find suitable equivalents in their
respective languages for the very notion of ‘peacebuilding’ itself.

2.1.6 PROBLEMS OF INTER-CULTURAL MARRIAGES

(i) Language Barrier

Nigeria is the third most ethnically and linguistically diverse country in the world, after
New Guinea and Indonesia (Ethnologue). Nigeria has at least five hundred languages, although

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the exact number remains unknown since new languages are regularly being recorded for the
first time, while others are disappearing. This ethnolinguistic diversity has very significant
implications in almost every area of life. Common language, behavior patterns, and values form
the base upon which members of the culture exchange meaning with one another in conducting
their daily affairs. These similarities generally allow people to predict the responses of others to
certain kinds of messages and to take for granted some basic shared assumptions about the nature
of reality. In monocultural communication, difference represents the potential for
misunderstanding and friction. Thus, social difference of all kinds is discouraged. Intercultural
communication—communication between people of different cultures—cannot allow the easy
assumption of similarity.

By definition, cultures are different in their languages, behaviour patterns, and values. So
an attempt to use one’s self as a predictor of shared assumptions and responses to messages is
unlikely to work. Because cultures embody such variety in patterns of perception and behaviour,
approaches to communication in cross-cultural situations guard against inappropriate
assumptions of similarity and encourage the consideration of difference. Communication is a
common source of discord in marriage due to the inherent differences in the communication
styles of various cultures (Kreider, 2000: 25). Patterns of communication are imprinted early and
typically persist through adulthood. Miscommunication can occur because of the tendency to
send and interpret messages based on one’s own cultural code and cues for communication.

Specifically, discrepant styles of communication and values related to childrearing are

common examples of cross-cultural challenges experienced as an intercultural couple. The wife
may want to inculcate her language to the child at an early age unconsciously or even
consciously. This may not go down well with the husband who may feel that his language should
be the major language the child should learn. According to Bola, Yoruba woman married to an
Igbo man: I had the language barrier problem with my husband. He’s Igbo and I’m Yoruba. He
insisted that our children learn the Igbo language first. I guess he could say that because he
taught me Igbo language...I didn’t agree at first but he was hell-bent on his view. So I gave in.
Our children speak Igbo language; I intend to teach them Yoruba though… Even among
intercultural couples, language barrier creates a problem (Orubuloye, 1987).

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This is especially the case if one spouse does not know how to speak the language of
his/her spouse. A spouse who is Yoruba may struggle to learn or communicate in Igbo language
if he/she is married to an Igbo man/woman. Rabiu, an Hausa woman married to an Ibibio man
opines that: Within the first two years of our marriage, I suffered terribly as result of my inability
to hear and speak Ibibio, my husband’s language. I vowed to learn the language and in six
months I started hearing Ibibio, but I didn’t let anyone in the house know. Within a year, I was
fluent in speaking Ibibio. You could imagine the joy! It was then that I discovered that my in-
laws could actually use derogatory words about me in my presence. One day, I gave them a big
shock, when they were talking about getting another wife for my husband- I told them not to dare
me in their own language. They simply moped at me speechless! This has brought about the
resort to Pidgin English and Standard English as the lingua franca in most intercultural homes.

(ii) Culture Shock

The concept of ‘culture shock’ was first introduced by Oberg (1958) who indicated with
it the distress experienced by the sojourner as a result of loosing all familiar cues, signs and
symbols from his physical and social environment. According to the researcher the psychological
consequences can be a sense of loss and feelings of deprivation, confusion, anxiety, disgust and
indignation. A considerable literature has already been compiled on the questions of culture
shock and adaptation. However, there is an agreement 28 that the constant demand of coping
with differences in climate, food, and social norms leads to frustration and sometimes to a sense
of worthlessness (Brislin 1981: 138).

Using some empirical data Furnham&Bochner (1982) proved the relationship between
culture distance and social difficulty. The more distant the spouse’s native culture from his/her
spouse’s culture is, the more difficult his or her adaptation becomes. The scholars view culture
shock not as a deficiency in the personality or cultural socialization of a spouse but rather as a
lack of given social skills with which to negotiate social situations in the family (Furnham 1988).
Comparing the data of different Canadian studies Berry, King and Boski (1988) conclude that
the adjustment results in acculturation. The latter term is defined by them as ‘culture change that
results from continuous firsthand contact between two distinct cultural groups’.

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According to the authors acculturation may also be expressed in physical, social, cultural
and psychological changes. Gudykunst& Hammer (1988: 132) discover that intercultural
adaptation is a function of uncertainty reduction. Most often culture shock appears out of
uncertainty. The latter is understood as individuals’ inability to predict their own and others’
beliefs and attitudes (cognitive uncertainty) as well as their own and others’ behavior in a given
situation (behavioral 29 uncertainty) (Gudykunst 1989). The reduction of uncertainty means for
sojourners to overcome their culture shock. Although many scholars underline the negative
experiences related to culture shock, there are some positive interpretations of it too. For
instance, Adler (1979:30) defines culture shock as a cross-cultural learning experience. As a
result of it individuals become aware of their own growth, learning and change. It is in this
direction that the positive outcomes of culture shock should be sought.

Among the best strategies to cope with culture shock is the increasing of individuals’
communication competence, expressed in their knowledge of the host country as well as in their
empathy (Rothwell 2000). Empathy is the ability of the individual to see the world through the
eyes of the others and thus to better understand their thoughts and feelings. How does all these
relate to intercultural marriages? Culture shock for individuals in intercultural marriages includes
outsider status, cultural losses, and divided cultural homes. What is unique is that these
experiences are reactions to the culture of an intimate partner. Chidinma Afolabi, an Igbo lady
married to a Yoruba man, shares her experience: It is extremely difficult for me to be away from
my family and I have come to feel very lonely and isolated…because I don’t have my family [or]
social network. 30 A common theme among intercultural partners is the persistence of discrepant
identity status (Lee & Bean, 2004).

The alternating out-group membership of partners in an intercultural relationship has

destabilizing and isolating effects on each partner at different times. This dynamic frequently
remains invisible to the in-group partner who can rely on his/her own cultural codes to interpret
social interactions. Eke Ibiam, an Efik woman married to an Igbo man, says: “I always feel like I
am at a game and I am the only one who doesn’t know the rules”. Hauwa Kanayo, an Hausa
woman married to an Igbo man, opines: It’s like I didn’t really have a place [in Awka, Anambra
State. The family treats me as a guest…on one hand I am a mother which confers a special
status, but as a wife I’m not quite up to par because I couldn’t properly look after my man… and

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I didn’t speak the language anyway. It was pretty isolating, and Emeka [her husband] would say
that everything was just “too complicated” to explain. Ceremonies that punctuate important
traditions are common transgressions of implicit rules by cultural outsiders. Rules surrounding
these occasions are embedded at an early age, and those surrounding the significance and
meaning of food are a frequent source of violation and cause for mutual offense. Value is what is
seen as good or bad, right or wrong, true or false, important or unimportant (Crippen, 2008).

Values tell us a lot about who a person is. Couples from the same cultural group
sometimes have different value systems, and couples from different cultural groups almost
always have different value systems. Value differences cause disagreements and
misunderstandings between the couple, which may lead to many conflicts. Hauwa, explains that:
His mom would offer me fufu to eat… And, culturally, to just say “Yes” would be like you were
expecting it… So, I say something like, “Oh, no thanks.” And that would be my cultural way of
responding, and we are supposed to do it probably three times. She is supposed to offer again.
And I am supposed to say “no, no, no” and by the third time, I say “OK.” So… initially I felt
hurt… I think Emeka and her family [thought], “she said she doesn’t want it, so if she doesn’t
want it, she doesn’t want it and if she did she would say so.” Sometimes, my expectations caused
quarrels for me and Emeka, after we have left their family house. In order for intercultural
couples to overcome value differences, there needs to be tolerance from both parties. It helps
when there are more similarities than differences in their value systems.

The type of food peculiar to a cultural group also becomes a problem in some
intercultural marriages. In this context, certain factors come to play: the nature of the meal, how
the meal is prepared, what time the meal is served, where the meal is eaten, and how it is eaten.
People from different cultures usually prefer different types of foods, even people from the same
culture who are from different locations have a problem with food. How would a Yoruba man
feel about eating egusi soup most times he has his meals, or how would an Igbo woman raised in
Igboland feel about eating amala and ewedu? Eating customs from different cultures can cause
problems. In some cultures the time a woman takes to prepare a meal is significant of how much
she loves her spouse, and in other cultures the spouse won’t care if the wife picked up the meal at
the drive through as long as he gets fed. So if food is really the way into a man's heart, what is a
woman to do when the man does not like her specific choices of meals, and she doesn't like his,

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should she sacrifice herself and eat what he prefers? Chika said: I didn’t like the amala and
ewedu thing one bit... the sight alone was disgusting. I think I underestimated the impact my
preferences would have on my marriage because I fell in love with Funke... and to my greatest
dismay she couldn’t practically live without amala and ewedu. Till now, that is like three years
into the marriage, I can’t just bring myself to eat amala...i just watch her enjoy her food while i
eat fufu or something else... For some cultures mealtime is family time, yet for some others
mealtime may just be whatever time the person gets hungry. If the person is used to eating at
specific times during the day and making a feast out of every meal, they may find themselves in
trouble when the spouse is eating at random times of the day, not in the dinner table, but on the
sofa watching TV, or the spouse simply does not eat at home but instead takes it on the go
because of his busy schedule does not permit him time to sit down and eat with the family
(Sullivan and Cottone 2006).

What if the couple does not share the same manners or etiquette at the dinner table, who
is to say which one is the correct form, and how will the argument be settled? For many eating is
a common and non-threatening event of their daily lives, for others, especially intercultural
couples, eating can become a form of pitfall in the relationship. Gender roles cause problems
when each individual holds different beliefs about how the other person should behave (Crippen,
2011: 15). In some cultures, women are given more liberties and freedoms, but in other cultures,
like African culture, the female is heavily expected to serve the man. When the culture from
these different societies unite some problems arise especially if the man of the Western society is
marrying a woman of a non Western society and is under the impression that she is going to
serve him when no other woman from his the same culture would do this, and the woman is
marrying him because she believes he is going to offer her more liberty and freedom, like no
other man in culture could offer. Couples from cultures with opposing expectations regarding
gender roles have problems: I basically grew up at home and was used to my mum doing most of
the work, not that my dad was idle, but you see there’s this thing in Edda about woman being
kind of strong and being able to provide for her family-i don’t know where it comes from but it’s
just there... so when I got married to Flora-she’s from AkwaIbom State- I sort of found myself
expecting her to behave like my mum...it took me quite a while to note that because I felt it was
normal, after all where i come from that’s normal (Nwosu and OgbuKalu, 1982).

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(iii) Family Acceptance

Families with multiple cultural identities often experience cross-cultural cleavages or

externally-imposed divisions as a result of the broader social environment, and differences in
socialization across extended families. Some of these cleavages include discrimination,
preferences for endogamy, and discrepant family systems. Discrimination and ethnic
stratification are often accepted as normal by partners who were socialized as part of a dominant
culture with presumptions of identity, privilege and insider status. In addition to the broader
social cleavages confronting diverse family systems, there can be challenges associated with
integrating families from disparate cultural backgrounds that did not necessarily sanction
exogamy, nor value diversity within the extended family. In-laws are a frightening issue in any
marriage. Disapproving in-laws are an issue in the majority of intercultural marriages. (My in-
laws) felt that he should marry an Igbo girl. They felt that I wouldn’t understand the culture, that
I wouldn’t understand how an Igbo man needs to be taken care of…that I wouldn’t know how to
cook Igbo food, that I wouldn’t know how to make him happy. (Eke Ibiam) My family always
had hopes that I would marry a Yoruba man…I think they accept [my marriage] because they
HAVE to. I mean, that’s what they do, but I wonder how left out they might feel. (Funke)

The problem with in-laws is that depending on their culture; they hold different views
regarding what rights they have over their children, even after their children marry. In some
cultures, the parents believe their children are owners of their life and have the right to decide
anything for themselves once they marry or turn a certain age. In other cultures, parents hold the
belief that since they raised and took care of the children when they were young, the children
owe them eternal respect and gratitude, part of this respect and gratitude is conceived as parents
having the authority over their child and the spouse of the child.

Patriarchal authority becomes an issue if one person holds customs where their parents do
not have any say in their children's married life. Miriam said: My parents want to be involved in
all of our decisions for when it comes to picking a house or how we landscape something… I
have never had them be a part of it, that’s just the way our family is. And it’s a little too much for
(Miriam)I think... I think if we lived (near my family) there would be more problems. (Anya) I
realize now that his family was miles away and I didn’t have to deal with them on a day-to-day

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basis. If they had been here, I doubt that we would still be together because it would have been
too great of a leap for me to behave in the role that they would have wanted me to behave in.

Intercultural families find it beneficial to move away from both of their families to avoid
this type of problem. Distancing themselves from the 36 family may help alleviate the in-laws
problem, but it can also contribute to issues of separation from a main source of support. Couples
need to take into consideration the pros and cons of being away from the in-laws before they
make the final decision to move away. The family is often another source of discrimination for
those in intercultural marriages. The majority of people in intercultural marriages have said that
they have had to face one or both parents express serious concern to outright disapproval of their
choice to marry inter-culturally. This disapproval can be expressed verbally or by certain family
members refusing to come to important events such as weddings, holiday celebrations, or family
reunions. In some extreme cases, members of intercultural marriages have reported having lost
all contact for years at a time with once close members of their families (Crippen, 2008).

The influence of parents on the lives of their children leads to failure in marriage. Some
controversial parents do not seem to understand that married couples have their lives to leave and
decision they make concerning what affects their lives. These parents try to interfere into their
children’s lives and that finally puts the couples in confusion as to who to listen to when the
ideas contradicts one another. It is more common if from the beginning the parents were not
comfortable with the marriage and especially if the marriage is an intercultural one. It has
unfortunately become a common thing in Nigeria that when parents especially women are
advising their daughters on how to leave in their matrimonial homes. According to one
respondent, Hauwa, the first thing you hear them say is that: Na mijibazaningoyobane meaning,
(a man is not some one who you give hundred percent of your heart to). From this point the
women goes into her blessed home with such negative notion. As soon as a littlie problem-which
is part of any social life, emerges, her point of reference becomes the above statement instead of
patience and understanding. On the side of the man, when it is discovered that a man is giving
his entire love, care and concern to his wife, as she deserves, his parents interpret that to mean he
has been giving ‘love portion’ or have been ‘charmed’ (Popenoe, David 1977).

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2.1.7 EFFECTS OF THE PROBLEMS IN INTERCULTURAL MARRIAGES

a) Divorce

Divorce as a social psychological problem is quite common in most societies today. Even
before the decision of divorce arises, there are a number of factors, which can influence people
or a couple towards a divorce. The quality and amount of time involved in a couple’s premarital
relationship can be a good indicator of later causes of divorce. Problems that develop before
marriage do not disappear and often lead to the causes of divorce down the road. These problems
can often even amplify themselves during a marriage. Intercultural marriages are prone to
problems of social integration. Social integration as the degree of interaction between individuals
and the larger community is emerging as an important factor related to the incidence of divorce
(Gofwen, 2000: 62). In addition, the rate of divorce increases in urban areas. The greater
likelihood of divorce in the urban centres may be caused by the higher rate of lower levels of
sociocultural integration with extended families, ethnic neighbourhoods (Robert, 1991). The
urban centres are influenced by social dynamics such as sophisticated lifestyles, feminist
ideology and culture, materialism, the need to live “the good life” etc. All these greatly affect
marriage. John (1992) observed tha89t when husband and wife belong to the same religious
faith, the rate of divorce is lower than if they belong to different religious faiths.

b) Unbalanced Cultural Development in Children

A cursory look at intercultural marriages reveal many advantages in the raising of

children (Crippen, 2011). However, a more critical look shows otherwise. The models of raising
children vary from culture to culture, and deciding which method to use poses a problem for
many intercultural couples. Thus, they usually resort to trial and error. Parents of such children
can decide to try various things while raising their children, such as one sided adoption of the
culture of the dominant spouse, or they can combine elements of both cultures. Such children
benefit from the exposure of both parents, but the child may also easily suffer from contradicting
each parent when he does what the mother or father prefers, in this case the child will be placed
in a loose/ loose situation. The issue of cultural identity is the most popular problem that children
from intercultural marriages face (Gofwen, 2000: 76).

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An identity crisis arises when the child can't decide what group he belongs to. Children
obtain a sense of identity from their parents, but when both parents posses different identities the
child will face trouble. The child may try to choose one identity over the other, but then one
parent will try to pull him in one direction, and the other parent will try to pull him in a different
direction. When the child finally decides, the parent who was not chosen will give the child
negative feedback on his choice. This problem can lead children into emotional instability and a
great resentment towards their parents, because they did not receive the support they longed for.
Another problem children from intercultural marriages face is when the parents and child agree
on an identity but then society does not agree with their choice. The child blames the parents for
the negative feedback society gives them; this adds to the resentment that children hold against
their parents. Pett (2002) noted that the instability that may result from the tension in
intercultural marriages make children in such families prone to deviant behaviours such as
juvenile delinquency, alcoholism, prostitution, dropping out from school, drug addiction. This is
because when the family life is unsatisfactory, the children often develop personality difficulties
and behavioural pattern due to poor socialization, hence turn to delinquent acts to cope with their
defects.

c) Intra-Family Crises

One of the most common problems that intercultural couples face is discrimination. The
minimal social support intercultural couples receive greatly affects their marital stability of such
marriages (Hendricksen& Watts, 1999). Diminished social support detracts from sense of
community, family, and workplace involvement that those in intercultural marriages have access
to (Kris and Killian, 2009). The stress of deciding to enter into an intercultural marriage and the
discrimination experienced in society makes these couples need familial support even more than
same-culture couples. However, due to their families’ negative views on intercultural marriage;
needed family support is often not available, which is even more detrimental due to the couples’
already limited social networks (McNamara et. al, 1999:121). McNamara et.al (1999:121) also
found that common family gatherings that bring together both sides of the intercultural couple’s
family are usually extremely stressful for each partner and often leaves them 42 drained. Thus,
many intercultural couples report preferring to stay at home where they can be assured that they
will not be discriminated against (Hibbler&Shinew, 2002). Social support has been said to be

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helpful in the formation of intercultural relationships, but also for the very survival of the
marriage (Zebroski, 1999). In the traditional Yoruba society in Nigeria, most marriages are
arranged by the parents on both sides (Bolaji, 1984).

Basically, two forms of arranged marriages were common among the Yoruba. One was
the betrothal of a girl before she was born and the second, chosen by the families of the young
ones concerned. The third category of marriage partner selection now prevalent among the
Yoruba is the one in which individuals concerned personally chose their own partners. This may
not be unconnected with the increased pace of modernization whereby emphasis is shifting from
extended family ties, which formally existed in most of the rural areas (Orubuloye, 1987).
Ogunjuyigbe and Adeyemi (2003) revealed in their study that most Yoruba men would prefer
arranged marriages for their children for security purpose. This is to ensure a peaceful, successful
and comfortable married life for their children.

2.1.7 PROSPECTS OF INTERCULTURAL MARRIAGES IN NIGERIA

A. Social Prospects
(i) Acceptance of Intercultural Marriages

Despite seeming potentially disruptive and conflict-prone, studies have shown that
acceptance of intercultural marriages is increasing at a rapid pace and an increasing number of
intercultural couples are reporting that their families have openly accepted their intercultural
relationship, and they feel comfortable speaking about their relationship in public (Rosenblatt et.
al., 1995; Waters, 2000; Fears & Deane, 2001; Lee & Bean, 2004). TingToomey (1999) in his
study buttressed that intercultural marriages facilitate adaptive outcomes such as cognitive
flexibility, improved social competence and increased self-awareness, while Kim (2001) noted
that such marriages foster personal growth. One of the respondents noted that: In many ways, our
marriage has made other people to see that it (intercultural marriage) can actually work. Two of
my friends have married Igbo guys and I think they are quite comfortable. Today, my mother
jokes about the time my husband came for my hand in marriage. We laugh over it and that shows
that they have become more acceptable to the fact that marriages like ours are not such a bad
thing (Bola).

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The increased acceptance of intercultural marriage could be traced to the decline in

endogamy. This tendency as articulated by Jibo (2001) can be explained at five levels. First, the
introduction of the cash economy led to increased liberalization of world-views. Young men in
search of jobs ventured into heterogeneous urban centres far away from their homes where they
established liaison with women (not from their cultures) some of whom they ended up marrying.
The 1969 civil war also increased the scope of intercultural marriages. According to Jibo (2001),
many Tiv people enlisted in the army and were thrown at the war front where as a strategy of
conquest, they were encouraged to marry Ibo women. Many of such marriages exist amongst the
officers’ corps and men of the Nigerian Army. Another level, according to Jibo (2001), is related
to increased economic prosperity as a result of cumulative earnings from farming, trade and
wage employment. This has empowered travel, mixing and settlements in heterogeneous areas
leading to more intercultural marriages. The next level is the “international dimension”. Nigerian
communities are growing in Diaspora especially in North America and Europe. Most members
of these communities in Diaspora are professionals (with permanent residency status in these
areas) who have since married women of other cultures and races thus expanding the exogamic
circle of Nigerians.

Today, there is more consideration of the feelings and opinions of women in the marriage
process. The transformation of Nigerian society with its attendant implications has expanded the
consideration given to women’s feelings by all stake holders in the marriage contract. Now a
man has to first seek the approval of his intended wife before approaching her people for
support. It is rare to beat and force a woman into marriage. Women can more openly turn down
marriage proposals from men and the reasons can be anything from old age to ‘lack of love’.
Sometimes it is even possible for a couple to marry against the expressed wish of their parents.
This has tended to undermine the hitherto dominant influence of elders in society especially on
matters of marriage and has opened the way for more intercultural marriages.

(ii) Resiliency in Intercultural Marriages

Though cultural differences are seen as sources of instability, conflict, or dissatisfaction

for couples, studies have shown that many of the people engaged in intercultural marriages tend
to have stable marital life (Monahan, 1966; Crester and Leon, 1985; Ho and Johnson, 1990,

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Kreider, 2000; 46 Crippen and Brew, 2007). Marital stability is also affected by the particular
cultural combination (Monahan, 1970; Ho and Johnson, 1990; Jones, 1996). Cultural prejudice is
often cited as a main reason why, in some cultural groups, out-marriages are rare and in others
are more common. In addition, cultural prejudice has been shown to affect the resiliency of the
marriage based on the partner's ability to cope with the prejudice (Chan and Wethington, 1998).

Chan and Wethington (1998) identified several factors that could facilitate resiliency in
intercultural marriages. First, intercultural marriages tend to be more stable and involve fewer
conflicts than other types of relationships due to the early awareness of differences. This
predisposes the couples to broach issues otherwise taking for granted. Second, whereas
intercultural couples and families face unique challenges, they tend to develop mature coping
and conflict-resolution styles. Third, given that well-functioning intercultural couples often have
higher levels of education, they tend to have superior resources for coping with the problems
they encounter. Bola said: It has opened my eyes to dealing with difference, adapting to different
ways of doing things, being more tolerant about difference, more open-minded. I hope I am
developing a little more sensitivity to the people around me. I think that is a good thing. (Rabiu)
Finally, intercultural couples tend to build support networks of like-minded people and build
strong bonds with each other as a means to overcome adversity.

B. Cultural Prospects

For individuals in intercultural marriages, cultural competency can be enhanced through

the development of a broader frame of reference, increased cultural sensitivity, and tolerance for
diversity. Most couples in such marriages have continued to experience what could be expressed
as an “opening up of the world” which has helped them to think outside of their closed cultural
mindset. This has enhanced people’s way of thinking and dealing with problems. Kalu said: In
many ways, she has opened up my world, and she has helped me think outside of the Edda
mindset. This has enhanced my own way of thinking and dealing with problems. I have learned
to be more considerate and caring towards people of other tribes and backgrounds. I think I have
developed a more inclusive worldview. It really challenges my perspectives that were a given…
there is a bigger culture, a different way that they see it, and that can be a very valid way of
seeing things. So I think we have less focus on trying to change each other and more focus on

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trying to understand. [Funke] Within the context of intercultural parenthood, intercultural

marriages have provided other transformative opportunities for individuals and couples, such as
access to other models of parenting and the opportunity to confront and negotiate imprinted
cultural values. Chidinma said Coming from a different set of values, it does bring about a lot
more discussion and reflection and that’s a good thing... And I think we discussed that a lot more
than we would have had to if we were both Yoruba or if we were both Igbo because I guess we
would have just assumed that we were going to do certain things.

It’s almost like we were liberated because the rulebooks were a little more open. It is
easier to disregard traditional parenting practices that either of us disagrees with because we are
married to someone who wasn’t raised with the same model. Instead of just doing things by rote,
we are forced to confront our differences and discuss what is best for our family situation.
[Emeka] Intercultural parents perceive innumerable benefits, opportunities, and privileges
associated with being in culturally diverse households. These opportunities include cultural
belonging, increased cultural literacy, culturally adaptability, and heightened empathy.

i. Cultural Belonging

Although cited in the literature as a source of confusion for spouses and children (Tim-
Tommey, 2001), the dual heritage status of intercultural marriage also conveys a sense of
connectedness. Intercultural couples have 49 been recorded to have a feeling of access to the
‘best of both worlds’ (TimTommey, 2001). They feel an affinity with people of their spouses’
cultures. Children of intercultural marriages feel this affinity from the cultures of both parents.
Ibiam said I think the beauty of it is, when they meet somebody who is Efik, they feel an affinity.
Or if they meet someone who is Igbo, they feel an affinity. It breaks down barriers; they have all
of these multiple levels of connections, as opposed to just one... I think they seek friends who are
culturally diverse. They have this multi-cultural point of view. Thus, intercultural marriages
break down barriers by creating multiple levels of connections and cultural diversity, as opposed
to just one.

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ii. Cultural Literacy and Adaptability

Cultural literacy and an enhanced cultural adaptability are other examples of

opportunities for couples exposed directly to more than one culture. Specifically, expanded
worldview and multilingualism are transformative opportunities for couples and their children
living in culturally diverse households. They can see that the world is not just Igbo, Hausa,
Yoruba, Efik, or any ethnic group they came from. They have a broader frame of reference, more
open-minded. They benefit from different approaches, in terms of travelling and being exposed
to both of families and cultures. Hauwa said I feel we have benefited from differences...certainly
we have benefited in terms of us travelling and being exposed to both of our families. We have
visited Awka several times and Kano. So we have exposure to different ways of life, which we
both think is beneficial. Further, the ability to code switch, or switch cultural codes according to
context, is another adaptive, transferable skill for intercultural couples and their children who
learn to negotiate cultural differences within their families.

iii. Cultural Empathy

Finally, a heightened cultural awareness and empathy are significant benefits for
intercultural couples. Specifically, sensitivity to and appreciation for cultural differences are
interpersonal skills that can be developed from the experience of living in a culturally diverse
household. Nnamdi said Bola no longer has rigid beliefs about, “this is how all people are,”
because she has in-laws (especially my mom) that are so different if nothing else. I don’t know,
but if you are from really similar backgrounds you probably don’t think about it or talk about
(cultural differences)…or if they do, then (they don’t have) the experience of living and
experiencing different cultures. My experiences have taught me to be very accommodating.
(Rabiu)

C. Religious Prospects

Over the years, religion is a factor that has been considered important by intercultural
couples in Nigeria. The traditional view has deemed it important that individuals who desire to
marry should have the same religious belief since differences in religious belief may be a
disruptive force in their marriage life. This view assumes that religion could be a binding force to

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hold marriage together for those with the same religious belief. This fact is supported by the
study of Adeyemi (2011) that found that people are so particular about the demographic
characteristic of their prospective spouses. In this study aimed at establishing the causes of
marital instability, 59% of university students surveyed indicated that they will not marry from
another religious group that is not theirs but from the same religious group.

The reason for this being that religious differences cause marital instability and may lead
to divorce. This continues to be the major problem of intercultural marriages involving Christian
and Muslim couples as both couples are quick to disagree on the religion of their children. Most
marriages in which the man is a Muslim tend to turn entirely Muslim with time. Nneka said I
think that is one of the things I regret in my marriage to Tunde. Initially [Tunde was Muslim], he
didn’t bother or so it seemed, till he started changing...and one day, he 52 said all of us would
start going to the mosque down the street. That was the beginning of our troubles. I have started
making moves for divorce-I just can’t stomach it. Even where the woman decides not to become
a Muslim, the tendency is for the man to prefer that the children become Muslims. It is important
to note, however that with the increasing secularization of the Nigerian society which has made
people to place more emphasis on non-religious characteristics in choosing a spouse, more
couples who do not belong to the same religion are on the rise. It is quite pertinent to point out
that whatever sign of hope there is for Muslim-Christian marriages have received a huge blow by
the recent spate of bombings by the “Boko Haram” whom non-Muslims erroneously regard as
representative of Muslims. In all, therefore, there seems to be a room for religious tolerance in
intercultural marriages, but this room is bound to become constricted as the religious atmosphere
of the country is jeopardized. The extent to which the external factors affect intercultural
marriages in Nigeria is a matter that is not within the scope of the present work.

2.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.2.1 Social Exchange Theory

This study adopt Social exchange theory which is a social psychological and sociological
perspective that explains social change and stability as a process of negotiated exchanges
between parties. Social exchange theory posits that human relationships are formed by the use of
a subjective cost-benefit analysis and the comparison of alternatives. The theory has roots in

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psychology and sociology. Social exchange theory features many of the main assumptions found
in rational choice theory and structuralism. It is also used quite frequently in the business world
to imply a two-sided, mutually contingent and rewarding process involving transactions or
simply exchange.

Theory of Marriage Societies differ considerably with respect to the rules governing the
way in which the roles of husband and wife should be assumed, with respect to the specific rights
and obligations which accrue to persons in these roles, and with regard to the behavioral and
rural attributes of the other roles created by marriage. Nonetheless, most anthropologists have
regarded the institution of marriage as universal in human societies, and many have attempted to
provide definitions of marriage sufficiently general to encompass its various manifestations. The
fact, that marriage is closely linked to parenthood has led many scholars, including Westermarck,
Malinowski, and Radcliffe-Brown, to propose theories of marriage which center on what
Malinowski termed “the principle of legitimacy.” Thus, Radcliffe-Brown writes: “Marriage is a
social arrangement by which a child is given a legitimate position in the society, determined by
parenthood in the social sense” (2012: 5).
Leach (2011:107) was among the first to argue that a definition of marriage in terms of
legitimacy is too limited. In his opinion, any attempt at a universal definition of marriage is
inevitably “vain,” since the “institutions commonly classed as marriage is concerned with the
allocation of a number of distinguishable classes of rights”. He suggests that in most cases the
institution of marriage serves to allocate rights to either or both spouses; in some cases it serves
primarily to allocate rights to the husband and his wife’s brothers. Despite Leach’s position
against a universal theory of marriage, his formulations stimulated two fresh attempts at
universal theories.
Peter (2012: 49) suggested that in light of Leach’s propositions, marriage should be
defined as “the socially recognized assumption by man and woman of the kinship status of
husband and wife” The task of the anthropologist would then be to ascertain and delineate the
particular rights and obligations associated with these kinship roles in the particular societies
being studied. Fischer (2011) regarded Peter’s position as tautological, on the grounds that the
Oxford and Webster dictionaries defined “husband” and “wife” respectively by phrases such as
“a married man” and “a married woman.” In a discussion of Nayar marriage, Gough (2014: 32)

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agrees and reaffirms the heuristic value of a definition of marriage based on “the principle of
legitimacy.”
In an attempt to overcome the difficulties inherent in any formulation which defines
marriage as a union of “a man and a woman,” and in an attempt to provide a substantive
definition for the concept of legitimacy, Gough suggests that marriage be defined as A
relationship established between a woman and one or more other persons, which provides that a
child born to the woman under circumstances not prohibited by the rules of the relationship is
accorded full birth-status rights common to normal members of his society or social stratum. Her
effort to refine the older, more general “principle of legitimacy” definition has yielded one,
which on close examination is equally inadequate. Operating with such a definition, no
investigator could classify as married any particular woman who had assumed the jurally
recognized kinship role of wife but who had not borne children. Of course, the conditions under
which a child would be accorded “full birth-status rights” could be elicited by the investigator.
However, for any given case, the researcher would have to await the birth—or perhaps the
conception-of a child before he could ascertain whether conditions entailed in the husband wife
relationship had been violated.
Furthermore, Gough’s definition implies that in any society each person having “full
birth-status rights” is the child of a relationship, which can be termed marriage. Among various
peoples of the world, “full birth-status rights” accrue to persons born of relationships, which are
not recognized as marriage according to prevailing jurally rules. If a general accepted theory of
marriage is to be formulated, it would seem that the one proposed by Peter should serve as a
model. Fischer’s criticism of Peter’s definition may be disregarded, since dictionary definitions
are usually unsatisfactory bases for discussions of roles. The roles of husband and wife must be
defined in terms of the essential rights and obligations and the behavioural attributes entailed in
them in any particular society. Gough and Fischer are justified in their concern that confronted
with different forms of mating, the anthropologist employing Peter’s definition would be unable
to decide which institutions should be referred to as “marriage,” as “concubinage,” etc.
However, if the statement were modified so as to define marriage as the jurally valid and
socially (or publicly) recognized assumption of the kinship roles of husband and wife, there
would be few or no problems concerning the distinction between marriage and its socially
recognized alternatives. Such a proviso emphasizes that the publicly acknowledged kinship roles

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created by marriage as opposed to its alternatives derive support from the juridico-political
domain of the society. Of course, there may be more than one jurally valid way of assuming the
roles of husband and wife as is the case in present- day Nigeria which recognizes marriages
contracted according to one or more sets of “customary laws” as well as marriages contracted in
accordance with legal codes based on Western models. It becomes obvious that the study of
inter-cultural marriage must rest on the premise that all societies recognize kinship roles which
are founded “in law” as well as those which are based ultimately on actual, assumed, or
presumed genetic relation-ships. Fundamental to the understanding of the concept of “lawfully
based” kinship is the fact that human mating is everywhere subject to socially derived
regulations.
While it is normally expected that marriage will lead to parenthood, the roles of husband
and wife need not be defined by reference to children who will come to be regarded as legitimate
offspring of individuals in these roles. The roles of husband and wife should be defined in terms
of the rights and obligations which attach to them, and marriage must be defined as the lawfully
or jurally recognized assumption of these roles.

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CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Research Design

In this research work, the researcher will use a survey and descriptive design. This is

because the research involves description and explanation of variable in the research work.

Survey Research Design

These actually deal with the studies of both large and small sample size of selected

population. The aim might be to discover the relative distribution of interrelation of sociological

and psychological variable. However, it will be concern with accurate assessment of

characteristic of a whole population but is rare for survey research to study the whole population.

3.2 Population of the study

The population of this study is Chikun local government area of Kaduna state on which

the researcher collected data. According to National population commission of Nigeria (web),

National Bureau of Statistics (web) 2016, the local government has a population of 502, 500.

3.3 Sampling Technique and Sampling Size

The study intended to find out the effects of intercultural marriages on peace and security

in Nigeria, a study of Chikun local government. It is not practical to study whole population and

to arrive at generalization, though the result of the research is to have universal application. The

process of sampling makes it possible to draw valid inferences or generalization on the basis

carefully administering questionnaires of variables with a relatively small proportion of

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population. The sample consists of effects of intercultural marriages on peace and security in

Nigeria particularly in Chikun local government area of Kaduna state.

The local government is made up of thirteen (12) districts namely: Chikun, Gwagwada,

Kakau, Kujama, Kunai, Kuriga, Narayi, Nassarawa, Rido, S/Garin arewa Tirkaniya, Sabon

Tasha, Ungwan Yelwa. (Information from Chikun L.G council).

The researcher has selected U.S National Education Statistical table to determine the

sample size which is the most accepted method of Social Science as expressed by Krejcie and

Morgan (1970). Therefore, four hundred (400) questionnaires will be administered the researcher

to represent the total population which is five hundred and two thousand five hundred (502, 500).

3.4 Sources of Data Collection

The aspect of the research study attempts to portray the source of data, method of its

collection, presentation and analysis. There are two sources of data, the primary and secondary

data. The primary source of data will be acquired from administration of questionnaires and

interview. The secondary sources were from journals, magazines. The interview guide used for

the enquiry contained open-ended and semi-structured questions, which allowed respondents to

provide adequate answers to the questions forwarded.

3.5 Instrument of Data Collection

The research data will be collected with the aid of a questionnaire. The questionnaire will

be administered by the researcher which will serve as the main instrument of data collection, so

that information can be organized and easily analyzed. The questionnaires will be divided into

various sections according to the research objectives. The questionnaire will contain both open

34
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ended and close ended questions. In the close ended questions, the respondents will be provided

with a variety of answers, out of which he/she will tick on the appropriate one. This will allow

for comparison of the extent of uniformity of response. The open ended questions will provide

opportunity to get the respondents views, and there will be direct questions followed by enough

space for respondents to give their responses. Also, the questionnaires will contain some Likert

scale and multiple choice questions. More importantly, the questionnaires will be self

administered under the close supervision of the researcher, this will help in explaining some

questions that might be difficult for the respondents to understand and guide the respondents on

how to answer the questions.

3.6 Method of Data Analysis

Analysis of data collected on this sociological and psychological research will be guided

by the use of appropriate analytical tools. After retrieving the questionnaires back from the

respondents, a code guide will be made. A code guide is a guide used to transfer all questions

from the questionnaires to a coding sheet. After which the data will be transferred into Statistical

Package For Social Sciences (SPSS) software version 25.0 for analysis. The data gathered

through the questionnaires will be analyzed using univariate analysis: the univariate analysis

involved the use of descriptive statistics such as frequency distribution tables and percentages,

which were found to be more resourceful and convenient to the reader for quick understanding.

3.7 Historical Background of Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State.

This chapter focuses on the historical background, scope and location, occupation and

economy, culture and people of Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State. owing to the

popular demand of the masses, the Federal Military Government decided to create more Local

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Government Areas, so as to draw the Government closer to the people and enhance popular

participation in decision making. Local Government has been created by the then military regime

out of the defunct Kachia Local Government Area of Kaduna State. local government as a third

tier of government is essentially created for the purpose of grass root development.

Chikun L.G.A is one of the Local Government created in 1989 out of the defunct Kachia Local

Government Area. (Chiun Local Government Pamphlet, information unit, Kujama).

The administration headquarters is situated at Kujama. Chikun Local Government Areas

have a provisional population of five hundred and two thousand, five hundred (502, 500),

National population commission of Nigeria (web), National Bureau of Statistics (web) and land

area of about 4,645sq/kms. The local government is bounded in the North West Niger State, in

the North, Igabi and Kaduna North Local government, in the southeast Kajuru Local

Government Area. The geographical location is between latitude 10 North and 8 East. It is

situated in the Northern Guinea Savannah Zone. It is pre-dominantly Gbagyi. We also have

Hausa/Fulani, Kataf, Igbo, Jaba, and Yoruba etc. the religions are Christianity, Islam, and

traditional religion. (Tukool.com)

3.7.1 Towns and Political Division of Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State

The Local government is made up of thirteen (12) districts namely: Chikun, Gwagwada,

Kakau, Kujama, Kunai, Kuriga, Narayi, Nassarawa, Rido, S/Garin area Tirkaniya, Sabon Tasha,

Ungwan Yelwa.

3.7.2 Scope and Geographical Location

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Chikun L.G.A is one of the twenty-three (23) Local Government Area in Kaduna State,

Nigeria. It has an area of 4,635km square and a population of 502,500. Chikun Local

Government is located between latitudes 10.30 and 10.50 North and longitudes 6.40 and 7.50

east. Its headquarters are in the town of Kujama. Chikun Local Government Area share boundary

with Igabi local government to the North West, Niger state to the west, Kajuru local government

area to the north and Kachia local government area to the east.

The most important climatic variables in the study area include temperature, rainfall and

relative humidity. The study area experiences high temperature all year round, which is

characteristic of the tropics. The mean daily temperature in the area can be as high 34 C between

month of March and May Temperature could be a low as 20 C during December to January. This

low temperature is intensified by humidity due to the dry harmattan wind.

3.7.3 Occupation and Economy

The occupation of the inhabitants of Chikun Local government area of Kaduna state is

predominantly civil servants such as administrators health workers, accounting officer, teachers

among others: artisans which include tailors, carpenters, electricians, crafts, masonry, metal

construction, blacksmith, traders and contractors and a few of them engaging in agriculture

activities such as fishery animal husbandry, crop farming and horticulture to supplement their

major income.

The economy of Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State is majority sustained

by agriculture: both cash we’d food crops are cultivated which included: Yam, Cotton,

Groundnut Tobacco, Maize, Beans Guinea Corn, Millet, Ginger, Rice, and Cassava. Another

sector of agriculture by which Nassaraw Ward, one is sustained animal rearing which includes

37
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poultry, Cattles, sheep, Goats and Pigs. Chikun local government area of Kaduna State also

possesses several industrial and manufacturing companies. Goods such as carpets, textiles,

reinforced concrete materials, bicycles, assembly and toiletries. Consumer goods produced

ranging from diary-products to soft drinks, flour groundnut oil. Some important industries in the

Chikun local government area of Kaduna State include: Federal super phosphate fertilizer PLC,

Ideal flourmills PLC, Nigeria Breweries, Nigeria Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Sunglass

Nigeria PLC, and United Nigeria Textile Limited.

3.7.4 Culture and People of Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State

Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State is made up of beautiful faces and rich

cultural heritages. The residents are predominantly Christians and Muslims, however, to some

extent African Traditional region is practiced by some segment of the population. Among its

various honored festivities is ‘Eid-el-kabir, (Sallah celebration). Eid-el-moulud, Christmas,

Easter, National day, New year, Children’s day etc. The population comprises of people of

different ethnic group such as Hausa, Gbagyi, Fulani, Jaba, Bajju, Kagoro, Kagoma, Atyap,

Kamaton, Ikulu, Moroa, Numana, Gwandere, Kaningkom, Fantsam, V.Mada, Ayu, Nizom, Igbo,

Yoruba, Idoma, Nupe, Ebira, Tiv, Lantang, Kanuri, Jukun, Igala, Dakarkari, Benin, Efik and

other people from different ethnic groups with different cultural backgrounds. In a nutshell,

Chikun local government area of Kaduna State can be said to be a mini Nigeria as it had a

representation of almost all the ethnic groups in the country.

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CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

4.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter contains data presentation, interpretation, analysis and findings. A total of
400 questionnaires (240 males and 160 females) were distributed in Kaduna metropolis. The
questionnaires present both demographic characteristics of the respondents and their views on
the impact of inter marriage on peace building in Nigeria. Data presentation and analysis is made
in tabular form and frequency of responses calculated in percentages. All these are shown below.

4.3 PRESENTATION OF DEMOGRAPHIC VARIABLES OF THE RESPONDENTS

Some of the demographic variables selected were sex, gender, age, grades, educational
qualification and marital status.

Table 4.1 GENDER OF RESPONDENTS

Gender Respondents Percentage %

Male 242 60.5%
Female 158 39.5%
Total 400 100
Source: Field Survey, August 2019

Table 4.1 above shows the gender distribution of the respondents used for this study. Two
hundred and forty-two represent sixty-point five percent of the respondent are male, one hundred
and fifty-eight represent thirty-nine-point five percent of the population are female.

Table 4.2 AGE GRADES OF RESPONDENTS

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Age grades Respondent Percentage %

18-30 141 35.25%
31-40 years 199 49.75%
41-50 39 9.75%
51-60 21 5.25%
Above 60 years 0 0
Total 400 100
Source: Field survey, August 2019

Table 4.2 indicates that one hundred and forty-one respondents represent thirty-two point
two-five percent of the respondents fall between the age group of 18-30, one hundred and ninety-
nine respondents forty-nine point seven-five percent of respondents fall between the age group
of 31.40, thirty-nine represent nine point seven-five percent of respondents fall between age 41-
50, twenty-one represent five point two-five percent fall between age 51-60.

Table 4.3 MARITAL STATUS OF RESPONDENTS

Marital status Frequency Percentage %

Single 35 8.75
Married 299 74.75
Divorced 66 16.5
Total 400 100
Source: Field survey, August 2019.

Table 4.3 above shows the marital status of the respondents used for this study. Thirty-
five represent eight point seven-five percent of the respondents fall in category of single, two
hundred and ninety-nine represent seventy-four point seven-five percent of respondents fall in
category of married. And sixty-six represents sixteen point five percent of the respondentsfall in
category of divorced.

Table 4.4 EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION OF RESPONDENTS

Educational Respondents Percentage %

Qualification
GRADUATE 33 8.25%

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SSCE 198 49.5%

PRIMARY 155 38.75%
NONE 14 3.5%
Total 400 100
Source: Field survey, August 2019.

Table 3.4 above indicates the educational qualification of the respondents used for this
research study. Thirty- three which represent eight point two-five percent of the population are
graduate holders, one hundred and ninety eight represent forty-nine point five percent of the
population are SSCE holders, while one hundred and fifty-five which represent thirty-eight point
seven-five of the respondents are FIRST SCHOOL LEAVING CERT holders. Fourteen
represent three point five percent of the respondents are illiterates.

4.5 PRESENTATION OF DATA ON ASSESSMENT OF THE IMPACT OF

INTERMARRIAGE ON PEACEBUILDING IN NIGERIA: A CASE STUDY OF
KADUNA METROPOLIS.

Table 4.5 Inter Cultural Marriage in Kaduna Metropolis is Peaceful

Option Respondents Percentage %

Strongly agreed 159 39.75%
Agreed 91 22.75%
Disagreed 71 17.75%

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Strongly disagreed 49 12.25%

Undecided 30 7.5%
Total 400 100
Source: Field survey, August 2019.

Table 4.4.1 shows that the intercultural marriage in Kaduna metropolis is peaceful. One
fifty-nine of respondent thirty-nine point seven-five percent of the population strongly agreed.
Ninety-one represent twenty-two-point seven five percent of the respondents agreed, seventy-one
represents seventeen point seven-five of the respondent disagreed, forty-nine represent twelve
point two-five percent of the respondents strongly disagreed, thirty represents seven point five
percent of the respondents which could not decide.

Table 4.6

There is Significant Relationship between Inter Cultural Marriage and Peace Building in
Kaduna Metropolis.

Options Respondents Percentage %

Strongly Agreed 157 39.25%
Agreed 97 24.25%
Disagreed 83 20.75%
Strongly disagreed 36 9.0%
Undecided 27 6.75%

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Total 400 100

Source: Field survey, August 2019.

The table 4.4.6 shows that there is significant relationship between inter cultural marriage
and peace building in Kaduna metropolis. One fifty-seven which represent thirty-nine point two-
five percent of the population strongly agreed, ninety-seven represent twenty-four point two-five
percent of the respondents agreed, eighty-three represent twenty point seven-five percent of the
population disagreed, thirty-six represent nine-point zero percent of the respondents strongly
disagreed. Twenty-seven represents six point seven-five of the respondents could not decide.

4.4.3 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

From the discussion and responses of the respondents received during the research
findings were recorded that intercultural marriage in Kaduna State is peaceful and there is
significant relationship between intercultural marriage and peace building in Kaduna Metropolis.

Table 4.4.1 shows that the intercultural marriage in Kaduna metropolis is peaceful. The
table 4.4.6 shows that there is significant relationship between inter cultural marriage and peace
building in Kaduna Metropolis.

The analysis and interpretation of data generated from 400 questionnaire showed that
majority of respondent are between the age of 31-40 years. The sex of the respondents shows
that male respondent is higher than the female with 60.5%. The class of respondents with the
highest percentage are SSCE holders with 49.5%. It shows that most of respondents are married
and strongly agreed, with 157 (39.25%) which reveals that there is impact of intercultural
marriages on peace building, alongside with couples who agreed that there is impact of
intercultural marriages on peace building with 25 (17.8%).. according to the data collected on
field there are 2 (1.4%) people who could not decide if there is any impact of intercultural
marriages on peace building.

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CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMENDATION

5.1 SUMMARY

The dynamics of culture and human relationships have made researchers to observe many
influences, manifestations, and occurrences in marriage within the Nigerian society These
manifestations and occurrences have had significant impact on the stability of marriage in the
modern Nigerian society. A recent observation of people’s attitude to marriages in the country
revealed the alarming negative effect of these occurrences. Factors that militate against the
quality of marriage in 21st century Nigerian society have been a discussion among Nigerian

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social psychologists, religious authorities, behavioral scientists, sociologists, and anthropologists.

The main objective of this research study is to examine the impact of inter-marriage on peace
building in Nigeria. The researcher discovered that intermarriage plays an important role in
peace building in Kaduna State. Children that are brought up from different cultures and religion
tend to be more peaceful and social and spouse from different ethnic, culture and religion also
manage conflict which brings about peaceful society. The motivation of people to inter marriage
is highly necessary and important in any country especially in Nigeria where we have different
cultures and believes.

5.2 CONCLUSION

People often ask “why should we engage in inter-cultural marriages?”, What do I stand to
achieve or gain in marrying a wife/husband from a different culture?, what will become of the
children from inter-cultural marriages ?, Yet, people are still willing to marry from different
cultures not just because of love for their spouse but it also foster unity, peace and development
amongst families that involve in inter-marriages. Another reason is that, these people drive
satisfaction from marrying from different cultures.

Tim Toomey (1966) in his study buttresses that inter-cultural marriages facilitates
adaptive outcomes such as cognitive flexibility, improved social competence and increased self-
awareness, while Kim (2001) noted that such marriages foster personal growth. According to
him, there are many ways marriages have made other people to see that inter-cultural marriages
can actually work. Factors which stand out as the determinant of inter-cultural marriages are
satisfaction and peace of mind. These determinants are also referred to as motivators. However,
Adeyemi (2003) revealed in his study that most Yoruba men would prefer arranged marriages for
their children for security purposes. This is to ensure a peaceful, successful and comfortable
married life for their children.But arranged marriages don’t always work out and end in the
peaceful, comfortable and successful marriages as aspired by the parents because they tend to
remain in the marriage because of the respect and fear of the parents not because of love and
affection.

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The researcher however, believes that if inter-cultural marriages are based on love and
affection by the children and not the parents, the marriage will tend to bloom and full of
affection, which contribute significantly to peace building in the society.

5.3 RECOMMENDATION

Most people for a variety of reasons, would much prefer to marry from their culture,
rather than look elsewhere looking for spouses.A few suggestions on inter-cultural marriages
were used in promoting peace through inter-cultural marriages to achievement peace in Kaduna
State.

a. Firstly, the state should employ the use of supporting intercultural marriages which is
very important in the society. Inter-cultural marriage is one effective way of achieving
peace in a society.

b. NGOs and other private sectors should encourage people on inter-cultural and inter
religion marriages because people interact better through marriage, which creates strong
unity that leads to peaceful society.

c. The state should organize sensitization programs aimed at enlightening the different
tribes and religion living in the state on the importance of inter-cultural marriages and this
should be incorporate in seminars, training workshops and community or town hall meeting
in all local government area of the state.

d. Religion bodies should also be effectively involved in running of day to day inter-
marriage programs. Religion, tribal, ethnic and political crisis should be discouraged.

e. NYSC is one of the body that encourages inter -marriages in Nigeria, other
educational bodies should also encourage and support inter marriage

f. The Nigeria youth association should plays an attractive reward for any inter marital
affair in Nigeria.

g. Ministry of labour should also create employment for inter marital affairs with
standard wages in other to encourage more Nigeria in to intermarriage.

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