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CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND O F THE STUDY
Terrorism no doubt poses a threat to the international relation in terms of place, security
and global mutual relation. Terrorist has no universal definition accept to one’s understanding
the concept and defined according to the method use in achieving the objective of the analysis.
Against this background terrorism has become a worldwide issue covering the field of
internationally. This research explains and evaluates global terrorism and the proper way forward
for the international relation. In this regard the issue of fighting terrorism has become a global
agenda since the issue of terrorism is a global issue impacting and diverting fear on the Boko
Haram insurgency in Nigeria and entire world threatened and made the Nigeria to unilaterally
declared a war against insurgency which supported by its allies such as china, unite state of
America, British e.t.c.
Terrorism is an illegitimate means of attempting to affect social and political change by
the indiscriminate use of violence (Lodge 1988:5). Also Adunagu (2001:51) maintains that
terrorism is “The use of violence to achieve social and political objectives” the bottom line of
the above definition is the terrorism is an aspect of social and political violence. Since September
11, 2001, multiple attacks on the twin towers of the world trade center and pentagon in the
united state of America , terrorism has became a house hold discussion in the world. Boko
Haram according to Dr. Anslem Dilichukwu Ommema in one of the presentations of Caritas
University – social science seminar day is traceable to the militia group called ECOMOG which
enjoyed the patronage of top policies in Maiduguri, began to patronage the group through
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budgetary allocation. The Boko Haram group has affected North-east of Nigeria’s socio-
economic statue especially in Maiduguri.
According to a seminar presentation in Caritas University by D.A Ommema (HOD), the
Boko Haram insurgents started as a militia group called ECOMOG, which have been sponsored
by prominent politicians in Maiduguri the build up to the 2003 elections. Later, other politicians
in other parts of Nigeria began to sponsor the group they provide them with huge sum of money,
provisions of training grounds on the mountains scattered in the area of the town as well as
protection against arrest by the state government. (Omemma 2012:15).
The sect’s spokesman Abu Qeda in one of his confessions in 2012 stated that the Boko
Haram sect started as a fundamentalist group officially called “Ahlus Sunna Lil Dawatis Jihad”
but now popularly known as Boko Haram. The project is therefore an attempt at a critical study
to show how Boko Haram has affected life and property of Maiduguri either positively or
negatively. It has been noted that Boko Haram is regarded as terrorist group that has affected
Nigeria’s economic status of Maiduguri and possibly recommending lasting solution to the
menace, so that the peace and stability which the country has longed for would be achieved and
there will be an end to terrorism in Nigeria. A cursory look around the world would reveal that
for many countries under this dispensation, has also suffered and are still suffering from terrorist
attack. For instance the united state of America which has lasted for almost two hundred years
since the 18th century still suffered in the hands of Osama Bin Laden before he was finally killed
in 2011. Also Israel. Pakistan and some other countries in Africa have had terrorist’s attacks that
have rendered peace and stability a mirage. For example Libya in 1986 was attacked by the
united state of America.
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In Nigeria Boko Haram insurgency snowballed into national menace after the 2011
general elections, the Northern governors who had relationships with the sect began to
withdrawn their patronages and eventually abandoned them. (The nation 2011:13). Most scholars
and analysts tend to describe to the opinion that terrorism is a social and political expression and
not a criminal act. As a result they agree that terrorist groups across the world has a common
adversary in the statuesque, represented by the regime in power, the social system of the
economic system. In their review therefore, the major objectives of the terrorists is to disrupt the
statuesque or dismantle the regime in power so as to impose their own value on the rest of the
society. However, since the terrorist lack willing public support and face stiff suppression from
the government, they always resist to discriminate violence on a tactical and strategic basis to
spread fear and intimidation and persuade the public of the validity of their cause (lodge 1988) .
All terrorist acts involve violence or equally important, the threat of violence. The Islamic
militant sect, Boko Haram has been terrorizing Maiduguri’s population for almost two years,
sapping economic activities in the town of Maiduguri. According to “focus Nigeria “,
an0Pinteractive programme on television 2012, the insurgency has brought about the demise of
business in the country especially in Maiduguri. For instance, traders who come from all over
Nigeria and neighboring countries to buy different kinds of goods and services especially textiles
in Monday market in Maiduguri, no longer frequent the market again and the market is not as
busy as it use to be. The study is set to investigate how this menace has eaten deep into our
socio-economic conceal and reliance.
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1.2 STATEMENT OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM
The high level of terrorism and violence in Maiduguri by the fundamentalist group (Boko
Haram) has heightened fear among the populace and the international community and has eaten
deep into our socio-economic status and as a matter of fact, the hostility has gone beyond
religious or social coloration. In this regards the issue of fighting terrorism has become a global
agenda. This study tries to examine the effects of terrorism on global peace and security.
1.3 RESEARCH QUESTION
i. Are there any effects of terrorism on global peace and security?
ii. Are there any effects of terrorism on socio-economic development in Borno state ?
iii. What roles government can play in eradicating terrorism?
1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The following are the objectives of this study:-
i. To examine the effects of terrorism on global peace and security.
ii. To determine if there are any effects of terrorism on socio-economic development in
Borno state.
iii. To provide solutions in eradicating terrorism..
1.5 RESEARCH PROPOSITIONS
This research based on the following proposition
1. Terrorism adversely affect the socio-cultural life of the residents in Maiduguri Metropolis
2. Frustration and aggression led to the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria.
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1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
This research is significant in the following ways:-
i. It will expand academic endeavors
ii. It will add to knowledge
iii. It will also help in policy making by Government and public organization
1.7 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHAPTERS
Chapter One is made up of the introduction, statement of the research problem, research
questions, objectives of the study, propositions, scope and limitations of the study, definition of
terms and the organization of chapters, Chapter Two comprises literature review, gabs in the
literature review, justification of the study and theoretical framework, Chapter Three consists of
location of the study, population of the study, method of data collection and method of data
analysis, Chapter Four contains data presentation and analysis, and Chapter Five has to do with
summary of the study, conclusion and recommendations.
CHAPTER TWO
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2.1.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter explores existing literature on the theme terrorism, global peace and security
in Maiduguri.
The literature review was undertaken thematically using the frustration aggression theory to give
a better theoretical framework for this study.
2.1.2 TERRORISM IN NIGERIA.
Recently, global peace and security have come under severe stress on account of terrorist
activities also national peace and security have come under stress too because of terrorist group
(Boko Haram) IN Maiduguri Borno state, Nigeria, especially by ultra- left wing Islamic groups
who are desirous of creating a society of their own vision and dream (Al- attas, 1999:41).
In this respect it becomes important to have such activities known as terrorism which is
synonymous with the book haram sect terrorism operates all over the world, though with
different ideologies, but maintain a secret sleeper cell, these sleeper cells share intelligence and
training, hence their belief in a similar coursed. Based on the fact that there is an affiliation or
connection between Boko haram sect in the Northern part of Nigeria with other terrorist sects,
such as the Hezbollah, Ali – qeda and Hamas.
In Nigeria especially, there is no history of terrorism In the form of coordinated attacks of
spread fear undermine the government of the country until recently. It is therefore contended
here that terrorism was important into Nigeria by the Niger Delta Militants in the early 1999 as a
means to influence international audience and secure command senate compensation for the
degradation of the environment through oil exploitation and production.
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Since the Amnesty deal in 2009, they seem to be in a suspended animation or holiday,
thereby paying the way for the Boko Haram insurgence to fill the vacuum create.
To be sure, Boko Haram which implies that “Western education is sinful” was launched
into existence in 2002 by a school drop-out Mohammed Yusuf in the society of Maiduguri as an
amorphous radical Islamic sect seeking to purify Islam and spread it by force as well as
dismantling western education and civil service across the Northern states of Nigeria. At the
Incipient stage, the group leader established a religious complex that include a mosque and a
school where many poor families from Maiduguri city as well as North east of Nigeria and
neighboring countries such as Niger and Chadenrolle their children. So on, the initial seemingly
innocuous group began to work as a recruiting ground for future Jihadist to fight the state. When
the group becomes rather difficult to control, then the governor of Borno State Ali Modu Sherrif
asked them to leave th state. Consequently, the group relocated to Kanama, Yobe state in 2003
and named itself the Taliban. From Its new location which they renamed “Afghanistan” the
group began the process of “Afghanistanization” of the North by launching fierce, dangerous and
sporadic attack on the citizens of the country including Western institution. In retaliation to the
killing of Yusuf in Police custody on July 30, 2009, the sect under its current leader Ibrahim
Abubakar Shakau launched its first terrorist attacks in the city of Maiduguri Borno State that
recorded the death of four people. Since then the menace of the group has escalated both In
frequency and intensity to extent of becoming a thorn in the flesh on Nigerian leadership.
Onwuamueze Dike (A thorn in the flesh of the Nation). News watch July 4, 2011.
2.1.3 ORIGIN OF BOKO HARAM SECT IN MAIDUGURI
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It is though difficult to pinpoint the exact origin of the Boko Haram sect. Professor Wole
Soyinka while speaking on the 100 anniversary of king’s college Lagos emphasized that Boko
Haram has always existed before the town or city as a sect.
Historically, the Boko Haram sect was purportedly founded in the 6o’s by Mohammed
Yusuf the late leader of the Boko Haram sect but its activities came to lime light in 2002 in the
city of Maiduguri as a notorious Nigerian Militant Islamic group that seeks imposition of Sharia
Law in the states of Nigeria. The origin of the states can be better understood viewing from the
history of sectorial groups in the Northern part of Nigeria since independence. It is feared that
these sects might have metamorphosed into the present day Boko haram. Boko haram is just one
of the many sects that sprang up to declare Jihad in the city of Maiduguri Borno State Nigeria in
recent times in 2004, group called the Al Sunny Wal Jama, attached police station in Yobe state
killing police they made away with guns and ammunition in the station and burnt it down the
group later retreated to a primary school in Kanama where it lifted the flag of the Afghanistan.
There are other sectorial groups such as Shite, which literally means set the street of Zaria on
fire. It was the mediative group which terrorized the Northern state in the 1980’s.
The origin of Boko haram according to Mmadike (2001:1) started in 1995 of Sahaba and
was virtually led by Lawan Abubakar, who later left for the University of Medicine in Saudi
Arabia for further studies. Yusuf was said to have taken over the leadership after departure of
Abubakar Shakau and indoctrinated the sect with his own teachings, which he claimed was based
on purity.
The group which initially drew membership from the Southern – West started off as the “
Taliban” it was first invited to Yobe state during the warm up to the 2003 election, in the wake of
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sharing implementation in some states in the North. Due to the fact that the election did not
assume the dimension their host thought – it would take, the take, the group was said to have
abandoned to its fate, before the state government ordered them to locate its vicinity. After this
came attacks one after another, that it has become a daily activity and a very strong hold.
2.1.4 FINDING LEADERSHIP AND IDEOLOGY OF BOKO HARAM ISLAMIC SECT
It has been practically difficult to ascertain the sources of the funds that Boko Haram uses
in turning its creation. But just like every Radical Islamic extremist, the Boko haram attacks
international radical sympathizers. These similar cells which believe in the sect ideology always,
tend to support the activists of other sects around the world. However considering the new
sophiscation that has been adopted by the group, that remuted that some influential citizens from
all works of life notably the social political and economic bourgeoisies sponsor the activities of
this group, though behind the scene. Based on this, it is also possible that some politician may
likely may likely hide under the canopy of the Boko Haram to their various political ends. If this
is the case, then such politicians are supposed to provide not only funds but also logistic
assistance. This is similar to the murders which have been said to be committed by this sects
must of them take the posture of social or political killings so one can argue from this ange that
the social class can also seek the services of the Boko Haram radical sects, lets recall that In
2005, when the late leader of the group was arrested it appeared on the national daily (punch
newspaper 07, June , 2005, sun newspaper 10 June, 2005) that his release was facilitated by a
noble political gladiator in the corridors of the people democratic party (PDP). Considering the
technology and fragile nature of the democracy in the city of Maiduguri Borno state, Nigeria and
the crisis engulfed by the Boko Haram sect, the name also called political big short was never
mentioned neither did it surface any where in public discussion. The much this was heard about
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it is the politicians’ hails from the city of Maiduguri and also contested in the presidential
election.
Although similar trace which contradicts the political and social class and the funding of
the Boko Haram is understood from the fact that late leader Yusuf Mohammed was a regular
visitor to Abuja, the security outfits to be precise this was before the swap state its violent
activity. Ustaz we understood control a reasonable wealth despite the condemnation of Western
style and its products. Also according to the Secessionist ( a school or thought that attributed
terrorism to the factices of the insurgents to dislodge the encumbers ascend to political power
themselves ), Boko Haram is being funded and sponsored by the politicians in the north-east
states of Borno during the build up of the 2003 general election. Later other top politicians in
other parts of the Northern Nigeria began to patronize the group through budgeting allocations
and monthly disbursement of huge sum of money, provision of training grounds on the many
mountains scattered in the Northern parts or region especially in Maiduguri as well as protection
against arrested by the federal government. The basic element are Islamic radical fundamentalist
view:- most groups and individuals may sympathize with the ideology of this sect and from time
to time throw in the weight behind the activities, financially.
2.1.5 MEMBERSHIP OF BOKO HARAM SECT
In discussing the membership of Boko haram sect, emphasis should be laid n the belief of
Islam as a religion. Boko Haram is basically radical sect group terrorism reserved for Nigerians
alone. This is also considering the strategic location of the Boko Haram radical sect based in the
city of Maiduguri Borno State, which is the boarder of Cameroon and Chad. Considering the
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porous nature of Nigeria borders the bulk of the sects include terrorist who are drawn from other
neighboring countries such as Chad and Cameroon.
The membership and environment of members of the Boko Haram is the same thing as
other terrorist operations in the world. On this account instruction, recruitment and membership
is synonymous to this issue. For instance social network such as the face book and twitter have
social pages for friends and followers. The Boko Haram has seven (7) face book accounts with
different members (The Nation, June, 2011).
Basically, the membership of the Boko Haram sect constitute mostly individual who have
migrated from the neighbouring countries. What these recruits tends to in common besides their
urbanity with languages, and their computer skills is displacement. Those who joined the Jihad
did so in a city other than the one in which they. Were reared they are many individual from
Chad, Benin and other neighboring states of who besides or resides in the country without being
noticed as aliens. Despite their accomplishment they had little or no standing in the host societies
they lived.
The membership of Boko Haram sect is many drawn from university and secondary
school drop out. The widespread of the membership and its militant instruct have been
responsible for its spontaneous strikes across the North- east especially in the Maiduguri city. In
Maiduguri where their headquarters is cited, th guns battle have been terrific and fierce. The age
bracket of this member is not restricted to any age limit. But the active members fall between the
age of 16 – 30 years while the leaders and instructors are old ranging from 30 – 60 years.
One of the predominant features about the members of the Boko Haram insurgents is that
they wear long beads and the red and black scarf. Discussing the membership of the Boko Haram
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insurgents, it is important we understand the activities of sleeper cells around the world. These
groups of individuals are trained, they liberate just as any normal individual. The important thing
about their instruction to act considering the new form of attacks to Barracks and schools in the
city of Maiduguri, it is possible that the insurgent membership comprises or foreigners. To
substantiate this postulation, a United State (U.S) diplomatic cable from 2009 obtained Wiki
Leaks and provided to Reuter by a third party said a veteran Chadian extremist with –“ united
ties to Al-Queda associated” had visited North-east Nigeria and may be planning an attack.
By implication, the members of the group do not require any special qualification to
enable them become members.
2.1.6 IDEOLOGY OF BOKO HARAM
The Boko Haram insurgents is just like any other terrorist sleeper cell operating around
the world based on Ideology, the similar attribute that these groups such as Al-queda share can
be described as anti – westerner just as the al-queda attacks on Amenea are not motivated by a
religiously inspire hatred of American culture or religiously the belief that united state (U.S)
foreign policy has oppressed, killed otherwise harmed Muslim in the middle east condensed in
the phrase. “ they hate us for what we do, not who we are” (Abony, 2006:27).
Experts in the study of origin of word and two they have twice at their current from and
meaning known as “Etymologist” described Boko Haram as a terms emanating from the Hausa
word “Boko” which means “Animist” western or otherwise non-Islamic education, Where as the
Arabia word Haram could be metamorpherically attributed to mean “sin” which in other words
literally connotes “forbidden”. The above etymologically illustration summarize the ideology of
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the sect with the ideology facility opposing not only western education but western culture and
modern science as well.
Similarly, the Boko Haram sects ideology strongly opposes the theory of evolution also
known as Darwinism theory, the theory which was developed by 19 th Century British naturalist
Charles Darwin, which has it that species of living things originate, evolve and survival through
natural selection in response to environmental force. This is strongly contended by the Boko
Haram insurgents and this maintains their position and ideology.
2.1.7 THE DRIVE OF POVERTY
Poverty is the deprivation of basic needs which commonly known as to food, clothing,
shelter, healthcare and education. Maiduguri as well as Nigeria itself is an underdeveloped
country as general. The town also blessed with vast enable land for agricultural and it is also rich
in soil in commercial activities. However the country has been so bedeviled with bad leadership
since independence that the country today despite her readiness in natural resources, is one of the
poorest countries in the world in terms of per capita income (Omemma, 2012.)
Poverty has become so endemic in the town that the latest National Bureau of statistics
(NBS) put the national poverty rate at 67.1 percent. Poverty has been on a steady increase in the
nation. The endemic poverty level in the city of Maiduguri is so enormous that the latest report
from official statistics showed that poverty in North West is 77.7%. North – east is 76.3% which
is much higher than that of national poverty rate of 67.1%.
Poverty is so much that the former Central Bank of Nigeria(CBN) governor Prof.
Chukwuma Soludo said poverty was and issue of the North especially North- east were included
Maiduguri. The former CBN governor still Sanusi Lamido Sanusi also said poverty is fueling
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Boko Haram and the same vein, Former president of the united state (U.S), Bill Clinton echoed
the same view as Sanusi Lamido. On the contrary, p over rate in the Southern Nigeria is much
lower that the poverty rate in Southern part of Nigeria is below 49%.
According to the NBS estimated that this trend may rise further if the potential positive
impact of several anti-poverty and employment- generations intervention programmes of
government fail through. Since poverty and unemployment in Africa strongly correlate, it will
not be supposing to assume that the unemployment rate is in excess or 40 percent. What is true
that we have a crisis which historically has been a plat form for the creation of and dynamic
sustenance of other crisis? We have an issue that seeks to emphasize our different more than our
common destiny. We operate a system that express the weakness in the foundation of our unity
which the people respective sly away from confronting. The fundamental imperfection in the
Macro- socio-economic structure of Maiduguri Borno State is unsustainable and that our politics
cannot crowd out the impending reactions to their unaddressed problem. Karl Marx is popularly
known for truism which emphasize or current reality “ religious is the opium of the poor, yet it is
not only about religious but our historically cultural practices of deliberately putting people in a
state of ignorance.”
Illiteracy is also both a product of and drive of poverty. Thus the greater the level of
poverty, the higher the literacy rate and of course more poverty. This dynamically reinforces
each other. Accordingly, when a young man is poor, liberate and unemployed, he becomes a
clean slate for any kind of brainwashing. (The Nation 21/2/2011 the poverty in the North-east
especially in the city of Maiduguri). the brainwashing given to them provide a quasi-equivalent
of employment and thus fed engaged in acting out what they have been brainwashing about. is
this not the kind of situation we find the Boko Haram phenomenon?
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However for proper clarification, is to understand and closely examine the of coordinates
of Boko Haram and that of poverty in the city of Maiduguri. Boko Haram at the outside appeared
to have heard its operational basis located in the poorest areas of the town or city of Maidudguri
such as Umarari, Gwange, Bulalulin garannan, mafoni Bulunkutu, Dala, Karbar Maila and so on.
It is in such area or place where people have been denied the opportunity to go to school as well
have meaningful socio-economic source of livelihood that recruitment is the easiest for Boko
Haram leaders are aware of it and of course are maximizing the advantage of obvious truth. It is
not any different from the situation that prevailed during the pre-amnesty militancy periodism
the Niger Delta. The long and short of it is that with entrenched poverty, illiteracy and
unemployment we cannot eliminate the menace of Boko Haram or similar security heart (the
nation April 5, 2012).
2.1.8 THE DRIVE OF UNEMPLOYMENT
In Nigeria democracy has been restored for a over decade ago, which no doubt open so
much hope and expectations by the people for instance, it is assume that with democracy people
would be free to choose their leaders and preventatives and hold them accountable for the over
all objective of fast tackling development and improving the general living conditions of the
masses. This expectation is not misplaced considering that Nigeria itself had abandoned human
and natural resources. However, the reality on ground has shown that this expectation is yet to be
realized. Hence the growing sense of despondency among the masses.
In other countries in North Africa like Tunisia, Egypt and Libya where dictator have held
sway for over three(3) decade, people have revolted against the system. Though this countries
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can’t be said to be less democrative than Nigeria, yet the condition of the people in real socio-
economic terms is better than Nigeria (Abati, 2011).
The problem of chronic youth unemployment is very evident in the city of Maiduguri,
Borno state, Nigeria. Every year thousands of graduate are turn out for where there are no jobs.
Town’s street are littered with youths hawkers who ordinarily would have found gainful
employment in some enterprises, or would have demonstrated their still and resourcefulness if
there is enabling environment structure on ground. Instead the youths have now shifted their
attention to insurgency in the state. (Adepebgo, 2011).
Unemployment described the conditions of people who are without jobs. The
international labor organization (ILO) defines the unemployment as number of the economically
active population who is without work but available for and seeking for work, (Adebawo, 1999).
Government at all level should strive to creates viable structure which will encourage the youths
to think rationally towards jobs creation rather than jobs pilferage and almost unending
unemployment proliferation in vogue in the city of Maiduguri, Borno state Nigeria.
Youth unemployment therefore could be described as the conglomerate of youths with
diverse background, willing and able to works, but cannot find any type of jobs that they are
trained to do and which they will be proud to do as their area of expertise. When the supply of
labor outstrips the demand for labor, it causes joblessness and unemployment (Echebirir, 2005).
The unemployed youths have become political thugs and blood thirsty hoodlums at the
disposal of the politicians. The point here is that when large numbers of youths are unemployed
their quest to survive may make them become unwilling tools in the hands o f mavericks and
disgruntled politicians who may want to use them for anti-social and Chin destine political
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activities. The utilization of the unemployed youths to perpetuate ethnic religious clashes in the
present democratic dispensation and well documented (Ibrahim, 2006: Okafor, 2007).
Unemployment is the motivating factors of the insurgence in Maiduguri, Borno State,
because they were left unemployed and in the process of getting their selves what to do they
learn it in the negative way, which is terrorism act; there have been increase in the involvement
of youths of unemployment. This has the potential to destabilize and truncate the democratic in
Maiduguri, Borno State, Nigeria.
Finally, democracy is a journey not a destination for Maiduguri Borno State it is a
learning process. As a matter of fact it may not be a perfect system of government, but it has
several advantage over others system. People including the Maiduguri youths must feel the
positive impact of democracy in their lives. The situation whereby only a few privileged persons
in positions of authority benefit from this system government at the expense of the impoverished
masses ported a great and real danger that may incur the wrath of the unemployed youths in
Maiduguri if not addressed urgently. Borno state and Nigeria leaders should strive to promote
good governance in order to engender youths empowerment, employment and socio-economic
development in Maiduguri as well as North in general (Alanana, 2003).
2.1.9 INSURGENCY
Because the goal is to overturn real or perceived maladies endemic to particular
conditions and situations by employing a wide range of violent, political, social and economic
means to achieve that goal. Insurgencies defy simple characterization. Each insurgency reflects
unique conditions, characteristics and dynamics setting it apart and making simple solutions
based on doctrinal formulas difficult if not impossible. Insurgencies are largely internal conflicts
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waged by indigenous movements for political, economic or social control of a particular state or
region (Moore 2007:3).
To the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA, 2009). Insurgency is protracted political-
military activity directed toward completely or partially controlling the resources of a country
through the use of. Irregular military forces and illegal political organizations, Insurgent activity
including guerrilla warfare, terrorism and political mobilization, for example, propaganda,
recruitment, front and covert party organization and international activity is designed to weaken
government control and legitimacy while increasing insurgent control and legitimacy.
The common denominator of most insurgent groups is their desire to control a particular
area. To this extent, O’Neil defined insurgency as a struggle between a non-ruling group and the
ruling authorities in which the non-ruling group consciously uses political resources… and
violence to destroy, reformulate, or sustain the basis of one or more aspects of politics (O’Neil,
1990:13 cited in Hammes, 2006:4).
Insurgencies have a goal-setting and however use violent insurrections to a accomplish
them or help shape their ideology or desire as it is imperative for them to acquire military
training and sophisticated weapons to execute particular targets, inflict pain and fear. This could
not be achieved in isolation unless they adequately get support of external forces and that is why
Drew (1988:8) view insurgencies as ‘self-sustaining’, and the situation becomes clear-cut when
outside powers intervene in some manner. Often such intervention is only in the form of
supplying material aid to one side or the other, or providing professional revolutionaries who can
organize and discipline what might otherwise be a haphazard affair easily crushed by the
government in power. More so, scholars like Abimbola (2010); Akhokegh (2012) and Thomson
(2012), in explaining the emergence of Boko Haram based on the politicization of the struggle
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for access to resources by the elites. In this sense Boko Haram is therefore conceived a pawn
created by politicians to achieve their selfish interests as argued by Alao, Abimbola (2010) and
Akokegh (2012), Okpaga et al (2012), and Thomson (2012).
2.1.10 EMERGING TRENDS OF INSURGENCY
While these hallmarks of insurgency have remained constant, the nature of insurgency
has evolved in other areas. Like all forms of war, insurgency changes in resemblance with the
political, economic, social and technical conditions of the society it springs from. Today,
insurgent organizations are comprised of loose coalitions of the willing, human networks that
range from local to global. This reflects the social organizations of the societies they come from
and the reality that today’s most successful organizations and networks rather than hierarchies. In
addition to being composed of coalitions, insurgencies also operate across the spectrum form
local to transnational organizations. In coalition insurgency, the goals of the different elements
may vary, too (Hammes, 2006:2). In Nigeria, Boko Haram is concentrated in north-east Nigeria,
but it has demonstrated national reach. It has carried out operations in Plateau state, where ethnic
and religious conflict has long been pierce. Abubakar Shekau, leader of the sect also claimed
responsibility for a suicide bomb attack in the port of Lagos. Elsewhere in the North are other
groups about which outsiders, including the Nigerian government appear to know little. Their
grievance and violence are usually local, although they use the Shekau’s rhetoric’s. Presumably,
many of them have a criminal or political dimension (Campbell, 2014:3)
2.1.12 NEW COUNTER/INSURGENCY TRAITS
Just as insurgencies have enduring characteristics so do counter insurgencies. The first
governing step the counterinsurgent must take people. Without effective, continuous security it
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does not matter if the people are sympathetic to the government – they must cooperate with the
insurgent or be killed. The counterinsurgent must also come to grips with the emerging
characteristics of insurgency. To deal with the networked, transnational character of insurgents,
the counterinsurgent must develop a truly international approach to the security issues he faces.
In addition, he must counter not just a single ideology, but all the ideologies of the various
groups involved in the insurgency. This is daunting because attacking the ideology of one group
might reinforce that of another. Success in this kind of fight will be difficult to achieve, but I can
be attained if the government attacks the insurgents’ coalition by exacerbating individual group
differences (Thomas, 2006:21).
To Drew (1988:22) any successful counterinsurgency strategy must incorporate a three-
dimensional approach. The government must exercise the sources of popular unrest, must
identify and destroy the covert infrastructure, and must defeat the insurgent military forces. Each
of these tasks is critical. However, Bagu (2014:23) maintain that there is need to consider a new
community security architecture that is people-centered and owned. The architecture should
include traditional rulers, locally trained, documented and supervised vigilantes, religious leaders
and the police, who will collect information, strategize and act to prevent, mitigate and manage
violence and security (Arewa Research and Development Project, 2014:Vol.2 No.1)
2.1.13 CAUSES OF INSURGENCY IN NIGERIA
Debates over the causes of insurgencies often focus on a few identifiable issues, usually
related to corruption, poverty, political ineptitude, or religious dimensions (Moore, 2007:6).
However, Abdul Karim (2011) asserts that violent uprisings in Nigeria are ultimately due to ‘’the
fallout of frustration with corruption and the attendant social malaise of poverty and
unemployment’’. Kwaja (2011), also maintains that ‘’religious dimensions of the conflict have
20
been misconstrued as the primary driver of violence when in fact, disenfranchisement and
inequality are the root causes’’. Nigeria, he points out, has laws giving regional political leaders
the power to qualify people as ‘indigenes’ (original inhabitants) or not. It determines whether
citizens can participate in politics, own land, obtain a job, or attend school. The system is abused
widely to ensure political support and to exclude others. The extent of relative poverty and
inequality in the north has led several analysts and organizations to argue that socio-economic
deprivation is the main factor behind insurgencies campaign of violence in northern Nigeria
(Kuka:2012). More so, Isa, Okumu Ikelegbe (2010), argued that communities affected by the
insurgence are wrecked by ‘’poverty, deteriorating social services and infrastructure, educational
backwardness, rising numbers of unemployed graduates, massive numbers of unemployed
youths, dwindling fortunes in agriculture… and weak productive base of the northern economy’’.
On his part, Elegbe (2011) opined that ‘’ the increasing poverty in Nigeria is
accompanied by increasing unemployment’’. He concluded that unemployment is here in the
North than in the South. In his recent personal account of the insurgency as a product of
economic deprivation and corruption in northern Nigeria, in his words: “economic deprivation
and corruption produce and exacerbate financial and social inequities in a population, which in
turn fuel political instability”. Mustapha (2012), while analyzing the menace of the attacks of the
insurgence emphasized that ‘’it is the symptom of the failure of nation-building and democratic
politics in Nigeria. It is the misguided cry of a disgruntled youth crushed by the socio-economic
system on the one hand and then repressed by the state on the other’’. Achebe (2012)
furthermore described the activities of the insurgents as a product of economic deprivation and
corruption in northern Nigeria.
21
In his words, Archal (2012), highlights the issue of the divergent (and largely unequal)
economic and social dynamics of northern versus Sothern states in Nigeria as a main factor in the
act of insurgency rebellion. According to him, the act of insurgency is ultra-violent social
movement that has deep roots in the social and economic marginalization of a large section of
Nigeria’s northern population. Thus, the activities of these insurgencies have done much harm to
the socio-economic and political activities in the country especially in those worse stricken states
of Borno, Yobe, Adamawa, Bauchi, Gombe, Plateau and Kaduna. Also, to Maina (2014:68),
‘’the problem or what compounded our security situation is lack of timely intervention, or,
simply put, our collective negligence to indicators of insecurity. We all clearly saw the
indicators, yet ignored them or bluntly refused to take the appropriate or timely action or
intervention’’.
From the above, therefore, we can say that the emergence of insurgency in Nigeria did
not come out of international influence only, but there are some identifiable issues which cause
the Boko Haram insurgency in north-eastern Nigeria that has affected the security of Kaduna
State. However, Abdul Karim (2011) showed us clearly that corruption, poverty and
unemployment brought about the insurgency malady. Elegbe (2011) also agrees with the opinion
of Abdul Karim that these factors are the inflammables of the Boko Haram violent insurrection.
In his opinion, Kwaja (2011) maintain that religious dimension of the insurgency was wrongly
interpreted as the major fallout of the menace, thus, he argued that it is inequality and
disenfranchisement. There are more factors as put forward by authors and researchers like
Achebe (2012) who noted that the economic deprivation in northern Nigeria is the cause and
source of the violence. More so, Archal (2012) also is in affirmation with the claim by Achebe.
22
2.1.14 SECURITY
The concept of security is not new. In fact, it has remained the central organizing
principle of existence both at individual and group levels (Aligwara cited in Mbachu and Eze,
2009:250). Therefore, security can be simply defined as a measure that ensures peaceful co-
existence, stability and orderliness that guarantees the absence of fear, threats, anxiety, tension
and the apprehension of losing life, liberty, property or other important goals and values
(Lipmann, 1943:51 cited in Adedayo, 2011: 175).
Aja (1999:31) say that; ‘’a nation is secure to the extent that is not in a position to lose
core values, life, properties and liberties, and if it wishes to deter aggression or win war when it
is unavoidable’’. Therefore, the security concept provides for an enabling environment or
atmosphere of good socio-political orderliness in a system. No nation or a reasonable society will
take the issue of security for granted or carelessly. Therefore, a nation’s survival is the ultimate
goal of its governing institutions, which include individuals, groups, associations and others.
However, to Buzan (1988:2); security is taken to be about the pursuit of freedom from threat and
the ability of states and societies to maintain their independent identity and their functional
integrity against forces of change, which they see as hostile. The bottom line of security is
survival, but it also reasonably includes a substantial range of concerns about the conditions of
existence. Security cannot be achieved at the expense of others. Actors deprived of security are
possible threats. Security can only be achieved by combined efforts. In this view, security to
Palm (1982) means that a certain degree of trust between actors originating from a certain de
level of predictability – needs to be achieved by sharing commitments. The common security
approach reflects this view. ‘’national security must rest on a commitment to joint survival rather
than on the threat of mutual destruction (Palme, 1982 cited in Schafer, 1982:2).
23
2.1.15 NATIONAL SECURITY
National security is that part of government policy having as its objective the creation of
national and international political conditions favorable to the protection or extension of vital
national values against existing and potential adversaries (Trager and Simonie, 1973:35-48).
Traditional views of national security emphasize the physical aspect; from this view
point, the most obvious component of national security is the protection of national boundaries
from encroachment by other nations (Snow, 1987:73). Another view point sees national security
as embodiment of the sovereignty of a state; inviolability of its frontiers and the right to
individual and collective self-defense. In practical terms, it means ability, physical and moral, of
a state to defend itself against external and internal threats. The state is secure when it is able to
ensure free, independent and peaceful development for itself’ (Petrovsky, 1996).
However, National security is based on the threat perception and analysis. A threat
perception places emphasis on the perceived signals or intentions of the adversary while threat
analysis has been ably defined as the process through which information about an adversary’s
hostile acts are evaluated and presented in such a way as to improve the basis for policy makers
to exercise their judgement (Ukpabi, 1987:118).
National security denotes the protection of national boundaries against internal or
external aggressors for the purpose of providing peace and the collective progress of the nation.
That is, to avert perceived threat to national sovereignty national security and and national values
and political system.
24
2.1.16 THE BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY AND NATIONAL SECURITY
Since the violence re-emergence of the Boko Haram in 2010 the attacks and suicide
bombing carried out by the group was increasing beyond the national boundary. In pursuit of
their violence objective, the sect engages in bombing police station, schools and mosques. The
sect also engages in kidnapping of foreigners, and the recent tactics of kidnapping women. The
group kidnapped more than 250 school girls in Chibok town of Borno state. According to
Anyadike (2014), the changing dynamics of the operations and tactics of the group confused
many scholars and analysts. Its initial campaign of violence targeting security personnel and their
formations have now expanded to include civilians, non-governmental targets and the entire
Nigerian populace.
The major violence started in 2009 between the Nigerian security forces. This violence
has claimed the lives of more than 1000 people with over 700 killed in Borno state capital
Maiduguri (Umar, 2012). This violence has exposed the weakness of Nigeria security system by
its inability to curb the crisis on time. Subsequently, the group carried out another attack, when it
orchestrated a large prison break in Bauchi in 2010 which freed more than 700 inmates including
the sect members (Voice of America, 2012).
The threats posed by the group recently are undermining the existence of Nigeria as one
political territory. The group captured more than local governments in the affected states of
Borno, Yobe and Adamawa. And about 500 Nigerian soldiers and refugees flee Boko Haram to
Cameroon (Sahara Reports, 2014).
This shows that from the above cited reports, the Boko Haram insurgency in north-
eastern Nigeria carried out innumerable destruction on public and private property, killing of
25
people, frustrating the security of the region and spilled to other neighbouring states in the north.
More have had been done on the national security of Nigeria.
The Central Intelligence Agency (2009) shows that insurgency is a protracted political-
military activity directed toward completely or partially controlling the resources of a country
through the use of irregular military forces and illegal political organizations. However, this may
not be applicable in Kaduna metropolis because the recurrent bombings in the area since 2012
indicates the ideological stand of Boko Haram insurgents to end western education in Nigeria,
coupled with its aggression as a result of the extra-judicial killing of their leader and founder,
Muhammed Yusuf by the security agencies.
While Elegbe (2011), shows that increasing poverty in Nigeria is accompanied by
increasing unemployment, economic deprivation and corruption which have produced sharp
financial and social inequalities in the population, which in turn fuel political instability, he
failed to take account of the proliferation of light and small arm through porous Nigerian
borders, especially from border states of Maiduguri, Adamawa, Lagos, Sokoto and Kano states.
These states are bordered by Chad and Niger, particularly, where uprisings flamed into
destructive crisis and insurrections that affected the near settlements. Archal (2012) also, in his
words, affirm what Elegbe (2011) opined, that divergent economic and social dynamics of
northern and southern states in Nigeria are the major factors in the act of insurgency rebellion.
He did not mention the fact that Kaduna metropolis as a multi-ethno religious society lived for
many formidable years together and thus far, may not be major problem that fueled the Boko
Haram bombings in the metropolitan area and should not be treated solely as such, after all,
victims of the attacks were Muslims and Christians.
26
To the Central Intelligence Agency (2009), insurgency is a prolonged politically
motivated military activity directed toward the partial or complete control of a nation’s
resources, it fails to capture the implication of unemployment, economic deprivation and
corruption which causes frustration and consequently can lead to aggression of the frustrated
ones to pick up arms against the state and security agencies. These may be the major factors that
bred the Boko Haram insurgents’ violent attacks in Kaduna metropolis, because some frustrated
elements in the state could be accomplices to the insurgents.
Aja (1999:31) shows that a mention is secure to the extent that is not in a position to
loose care value, life, properties and liberties, and if it wishes to deter aggression or win war
when it is avoidable. However Buzan (1988:2), indicates that security is taken to be about the
pursuit of freedom from threat and the ability of states and societies to maintain their
independent identity and their functional integrity against forces of change, which they see as
hostile. Therefore, both Aja and Buzan agree on ‘’protection of life, properties, values and
integrity and ensuring protection of freedom of people against aggressors’’. However, the
security agencies in Nigeria have been marshalling available resources within their reach to
counter the Boko Haram insurgency in Kaduna metropolis which has created suspicion among
people of the area. And, insecurity, thus can bring about other minor internal strives between or
among settlers or indigenes of the metropolis. Such as ethno-religious crisis and political
instability. The researcher is out to investigate and assess the security implication of Boko
Haram insurgency in Nigeria: a case study of Kaduna metropolis so that, solutions can be
proffered on how to manage internal wrangling in order to strengthen the tenets of democracy
and peaceful co-existence in Kaduna metropolis.
27
2.1.17 THEORETICAL FRAME WORK
A theory is a strategy for studying political phenomena (Isaac, 1975:60). It is

also criterion in selecting the question to ask and data to consider in political enquiry
(Dyke, 1989:43). This research work employs ‘’Frustration-Aggression Theory’’ to
study the effects of security challenges on Borno state especially in Maiduguri
Metropolis.
By far, the most popular explanation of security challenges amongst social

scientists is a psychological explanation, those who stress the model emphasized the
psychological theory of motivation and behavior frustration and aggression.
Frustration-Aggression theory was originally developed by John Dollar and his
research associates and it shares the notion of the gap between expectation and
achievement which leads to frustration and anger and finally triggers violent behavior
(Dollard, 1939).
The theory was later expanded and modified by scholars such as Yeats, Ber and
Owitz, 1962. The central premise however, is the assumption that the aggression is
always the result of frustration. Given the requisite condition, an individual whose
basic desires are thwarted and who consequently experienced a profound sense of
dissatisfaction and anger is likely to react to his condition by directing aggressive
behavior at what is perceived as being importance of the desire, the more vigorous the
aggressive response (Hann and Joe, 1973:13).
Moreover, some scholars point to the difference between what people feel they
want or desire, to what extent they actually get the ‘’want get ratio’’ (Feierabend,
1969:256) and the difference between ‘’expected need satisfaction’’ and ‘’actual need
satisfaction’’ (Davies, 1962:6) where expectation does not meet attainment, the
tendency is for people to confront those they hold responsible frustrating their
28
ambitions. This is the central argument that Ted Robert Gurr’s ‘’Relative
Deprivation’’ thesis addressed by saying that the greater the discrepancy, marginal,
between what is sought and what seem attainable, the greater will be the chance that
any violence will result’’ (Davies, 1970:24). However, the central argument of this
theory is that people will become angry when they do not get what they want, or are
prevented from getting what they deserve or are deprived of what they have or the
opportunity of getting it.
The theoretical treatment of the inhibition of aggression is related to the time

issue; in that the lack of immediate overt manifestations of aggression is assumed to
lead to prolonged covert consequences that eventually ‘break out’ indifferent form.
Dollard et al. recognized that not all frustrations produce over aggression and to
account this fact, they posited inhibitory forces whose strength was said to vary
positively with the severity of the punishment anticipated to result from the particular
contemplated goal reaction. It was proposed that if punishment (a notion that was
broadened to include such things as injury to a loved object and failure to achieve
desired objectives) was anticipated to outweigh any incentives that could be gained.
Concerning the reduction of the instigation-reducing means, positing an ‘’inverse
relationship between the occurrence of different forms of aggression’’. They qualified
this postulated reciprocal relationship by suggesting that it applies especially to the
dichotomies of overt and self-directed aggression (Dollard, 1939 cited in Van der
Dennen: 1998).
2.5.1 Basic Tenets of Frustration Aggression Theory
The following are the basic tenets or fundamental premise of the Frustration
Aggression Theory;
(i) Aggression is always the result of frustration and that frustration, however may
lead to other modes of violent behavior (Feirabend 1972:136)
29
(ii) Another of the theory is that, if the goals of people are blocked; they would
tend to be frustrated and aggressive. Also that a frustration-aggression
mechanism is connecting deprivation to violence (Davies, 1973).
(iii) Nevertheless, the theory is of the view that political instability is identified as
aggressive behavior which results from situations on unrelieved, socially
experienced frustration (Feira bend, 1976).
(iv) The unavailability of the aggression instigator as a target for attack leads to
aggression against highly similar persons. Relative to the strength of the attack
that was prevented, the strength of the attack upon the highly similar substitute
person is only trivially reduced (Van der Dennen,: 1998)
2.5.2 Strength and Weaknesses of Frustration Aggression Theory
The frustration-Aggression theory has soon became accepted by a majority of

social psychologists and was later taken up by other social scientists who used its
basic assumptions in the development of influential deprivation theory of violence and
aggression. However, Dollard et al.’s Frustration-Aggression hypotheses were
devastatingly simply stated:
i. Aggressive behavior(s) always presupposes the existence of frustration.

ii. The existence of frustration always leads to some form of aggression (Dollard,
1939).
Miller, one of Dollards’ co-authors later retracted the second part of the theory
on grounds that aggression was only one of a whole range of alternative responses that
could be triggered by frustration. However, there are other possible objections to the
initial hypothesis. More so, frustration is an ambiguous term, it can mean simply
denial or deprivation of some good desired by an individual or group (Wilkinson,
1979).
30
A Further basic pitfall or weakness of the theory is it’s imprecision in the use of
concept of aggression even if it is accepted that aggressive behavior(s) is frequently
preceded by frustration without conceding that frustration often leads to aggression.
Therefore, it is important to know what constitutes and intensifies aggression. For
example, in the context of political violence, there is need to know what particular
forms and intensities of collectively perceived deprivation lead to riot, rebellion,
terrorism, conflict and even revolution. And why is it that large scale collective
deprivations such as those of famine, economic collapse or defeat in war and most
times leading to massive riot acts of political violence, yet sometimes fail to do so.
Frustration-Aggression theory as such, has not successfully and seriously grappled
with such problems (Wilkinson, 1979).
More so, the theory’s assertions in question is that it fail to distinguish between
instigation to aggression and the actual occurrence of aggression thus; it omits the
possibility that other responses may be dominant and inhibit the occurrence of acts of
aggression. In this respect, it is inconsistent with later portions of the exposition which
make a distinction between instigations to a response and the actual presence of that
response and state that punishment can inhibit the occurrence of acts of aggression.
2.5.3 Relevance of the Theory to the Research Study
As a working model, this theory of frustration-aggression is used to explain the

occurrence of the Boko Haram insurgency in north-eastern Nigeria and its implication
to the security of Borno State. However, the theory posit that aggression is not just
undertaken as a natural reaction or instinct biological theorists assume, but that it is
the outcome of frustration and that in a situation where the legitimate needs of an
individual is denied or suspended either directly or by the indirect consequence of the
way the society is structured, the feeling of disappointment may thus lead such a
31
person to express anger through violence that will be directed at those he holds
responsible or people directly or indirectly related to them (Gaiya, 2009:48).
More so, the theory however, gives a theoretical explanation of insurgency

which has since its uprising disrupted (and still disrupts) the political system in
Nigeria, a factor that has affected the north-eastern part of the country as well as the
Borno State security structures, negatively. This is due to the fact, Borno State is the
economic centre of the north-east, and therefore violent groups from the region shall
continue to use violent attacks to call for attention to their plights or what they are
fighting for. Furthermore, it is pertinent to use the frustration-aggression theory to
study the causative factors in order to analyze and examine the security problem in
Borno State as it plays a significant role in the political, economic and socio-cultural
progress of the state. Also, to be able to provide solution(s) to conflict management
and political stability of the north-eastern part.
Lastly, the relevance of the theory to the research cannot be underestimated due
to the fact that it emphasizes mainly on the explanation of violent conflict and how
insurgency is a response of frustration (Davies, 1973). Also, with the extra-judicial
killing of the Boko Haram’s leader; Muhammed Yusuf, the insurgent group became
more aggressive as an expression of frustration (oppressive-retaliation) in the north-
east as well. The security forces that carried out the dastardly act closed minds for any
truce or negation between the Nigerian government and Boko Haram.
32
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter is designed to highlight the procedure for investing the phenomenon under
study. This includes brief description of the location of the study. Source of data, method of data
collection, population of the study, sampling techniques, data analysis and limitation of the study
3.2 LOCATION OF THE STUDY
The research is conducted on Borno state which has its state capital at Maiduguri. The
city is one of the city which has a good number of the State’s population. The research captured
entire Maiduguri metropolis.
3.3 POPULATION OF THE STUDY
Maiduguri also called Yerwa by its locals, is the capital and the largest city of Borno
State in northeastern Nigeria. Maiduguri is estimated to have a population of 1,907,600,
according to the 2006 census results. Its residents are mostly Muslim including Kanuri, Hausa,
Shuwa, Bura, Marghi, and Fulani ethnic groups. There is also a considerable Christian
population and people from Southern states such as the Igbo, Ijaw, and Yoruba. Maiduguri is
home to three markets which include an ultra-modern "Monday market" that has a spectacular
satellite image view. There is an ancient museum, and the city is served by the Maiduguri
International Airport.
33
The city has one of the best layouts in Nigeria. The values of land and properties are high. A
2009 survey of property markets in Nigeria positioned Maiduguri as the third most expensive for
buying and renting in after Abuja and Lagos.
Maiduguri is the principal trading hub for north-eastern Nigeria. Its economy is largely based on
services and trade with a small share of manufacturing. The city lies at the end of a railway line
connecting Port Harcourt, Enugu, Kafanchan, Kuru, Bauchi, and finally Maiduguri.
3.4 SAMPLE SIZE AND SAMPLING TECHNIQUES
This study is solely concerned with the population of people in Maiduguri metropolitan;
however, since it is not possible to cover the entire city population due to so many reasons which
among others include money, time, scale of the study etc. attempts is made to draw a
representative random sample form as many groups or people in town as possible.
The sample population is 500 people. This number which is drawn using the stratified
random sampling method. To this end, the town (Maiduguri) is stratified into four (4) comprising
the following: first, the community leaders and this includes respondents from Maiduguri
District Head (D.H)
The second are business community leaders and this include respondents from
Maiduguri market. The third sub-set involved civil servants, here both senior and junior staff of
the state secretariat are administered questionnaire and have been interviewed. Finally, the fourth
sub-set comprise the residents, workers and ordinary people on the street were also administered
questionnaire and have been interviewed.
34
This implies that the researcher will have access to the whole population and then randomly (in
no particular intentional order) selects the number needed to make u the same results. The
researcher made sure the selected samples are true representation of the characteristics of the
study population. Five hundred (500) questionnaire were distributed and one hundred and ninety
eight (498) were returned which is ninety nine (99%) representing the hundred percent as the
respondents have all the characteristics of the entire population. Therefore, findings and
conclusions on the sample will be relevant and suitable for making general conclusions.
3.5 METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION
The research used both the Primary and Secondary method of Data collection
a. Primary Method
These are the first hand information used for the purpose of these work. For the primary
source for data the administration of questionnaire and the unstructured oral interview format
was also used in situations where some respondents could not express themselves well in
questionnaire. Thus, the literates and the illiterate segments of the population were accessed
by the research r. this primary methods of data collection have more advantage because it is
from those that were either affected directly or were eye witness which made it reliable.
b. Secondary Method
The secondary method of data collection enabled us to consult textbooks, newspaper, office
record, pepper presentations at seminars and conferences, act finding committee reports,
website and other available written material in Libraries and the internet cafes.
c. Method of Data Analysis
The purpose of this analysis is to reduce data into interpretation be ensure form so that the
relationship of research problem can be studied and accurate analysis can be ensure. For the
35
purpose of this research work, the researcher presented data by way of statistical tabulation
system, which is a method of transferring data from its gathering instruments to a readable
tabular format. The method ensure the data were systematically examined for further analysis
and interpretation. The tabular presentation format shows the frequency distribution
according to the respondents’ sex, age, marital status, level of education, occupation, tribe,
party affiliation etc.
Data analysis in this study involves the use of both quantitative descriptive analysis methods
summarized the result of the subject under the investigation. Using quantitative disruptive
method, the researcher used the statistical measures of central tendency like simple
percentages and frequency distribution tables to sum the mass of information generated
during the field work. Though the application of qualitative descriptive analysis method on
the other hand, the researcher explains the statistical results ( interpretation ) of the findings,
and if in the information generated such that conclusion was drawn, the basic findings will be
used to analyze the data for easy understanding and or application.
36
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION, INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS
4.1 Introduction
This chapter focuses on the presentation of data collected from the questionnaire which
were distributed to the respondents. The main aim of this study was to identify the effects of
terrorism on global peace and security.
According to the population size stated in chapter three of this study, a total number of
five hundred (500), out of four hundred and eighty (480) copies were properly filled and
returned. Thus, the information given by the respondents will be quantified numerically and
converted into percentages. The tables below show the frequencies and percentages of
respondents’ demographic factors and responses to all the questions that were asked in the
questionnaire.
4.2 Analysis of Tables
Table 4.2.1: Age of Respondents
Variables Frequency Percentage (%)

18 – 20 100 21
21 -30 132 27
31– 50 133 28
50 and above 115 24
Total 480 100
Source: Field Work, 2018
Table 4.2.1 shows the age bracket of the respondents. The table reveals that one hundred
(100) respondents represented by twenty-one (21%) are between 18-20 years of age, One
37
hundred and thirty-two (132) respondents represented by twenty seven percent (27%) are
between 21-30 years of age, one hundred and thirty three(133) respondents represented by
Twenty-eight Percent (28%) are 31-50 years of age, while one hundred and fifteen (115)
respondents represented by twenty-six (24%) are 50 years and above.
Table 4.2.2: Gender of the Respondents
Variable Frequency Percentage (%)

Male 280 58
Female 200 42
Total 480 100
Table 4.2.2 shows the gender of the respondents. The table reveals that Two hundred and
eighty (280) respondents represented by Fifty-eight Percent (58%) are Male, while Two Hundred
respondents represented by forty-two Percent (42%) are Female.
Table 4.2.3: Marital Status of the Respondents
Variable Frequency Percentage (%)

Single 145 30
Married 200 42
Divorced 60 12
Widowed 75 16
Total 480 100
Table 4.2.3 shows the Marital Status of the Respondents. Table indicates that One
Hundred and forty-five (145) respondents represented by Thirty Percent (30%) are Single, Two
hundred (200) respondents represented by Forty-two Percent (42%) are Married, Sixty (60)
respondents represented by twelve percent (12%) are Divorced, while Seventy-five (75)
respondents represented by Sixteen Percent (16%) are Widowed.
38
4.2.4: Respondents views on possible factors which influence Boko Haram insurgence.

Illiteracy 20 4
Law enforcement agencies 35 7
Political incitements 49 10
Poverty 161 34
Unemployment 179 37
All of the above 36 8
Total 480 100
Table 4.2.4 shows the nature and cause of Boko Haram insurgence in Borno State. The
table reveals that Twenty (20) respondents represented by Five Percent (4%) believe Illiteracy is
the cause of Boko Haram insurgence in Borno State, Thirty-five (15) respondents represented by
Seven Percent (7%) say Boko Haram insurgence in Borno State caused by Law enforcement
Agencies, Forty-nine (49) respondents represented by Ten Percent (10%) says its political
incitement, One Hundred and Sixty-one (161) respondents represented by Thirty-one Percent
(31%) believe poverty is the cause of Boko Haram insurgence in Borno State, One Hundred and
Seventy-nine (179) respondents represented by Thirty-seven Percent (37%) say its
unemployment, while Thirty-Six (36) respondents represented by Eight Percent (8%) say all the
mentioned above are the causes of Boko Haram insurgence in Borno State.
4.2.5: Respondents views on the extent Terrorism affect Global peace and threaten
peaceful co-existence.

Extremely high 160 33
High 285 59
Low 23 5
39
Extremely Low 12 3
Total 480 100
Table 4.2.5 shows the respondents ‘views on the extent Terrorism affects Global peace and
threatens peaceful co-existence.
The table revels that One hundred and sixty (160) respondents represented by Thirty-three
Percent (33%) are of the opinion that terrorism Extremely High affect global peace, Two
hundred and Eighty-five (285) respondents represented by Fifty-Nine Perent (59%) says
terrorism highly affect global peace, Twenty-three (23) respondents represented by Five Percent
(5%) says its Low, while Twelve (12) respondents represented by three Percent (3%) says
terrorism creates low effects on global peace.
4.2.6: Respondents views on whether government can play a vital role in discouraging the
youths from being recruited by insurgents.

Strongly Agreed 210 44
Agreed 250 52
Strongly Disagreed 7 1
Disagreed 13 3
Total 480 100
Table 4.2.6 shows the respondents’ views on if government can play a vital role to play in
discouraging the youths from being recruited by insurgents. The table revels that Two hundred
and ten (210) respondents represented by forty-four percent (44%) strongly agreed, Two hundred
and fifty(250) respondents represented by Fifty-Two Percent (52%) agreed, Seven (7)
40
respondents represented by one Percent (1%) Strongly Disagreed, while Thirteen (13)
respondents represented by three Percent (3%) Disagreed that government can play a vital role in
discouraging the youths from being recruited by insurgents.
4.2.7: Respondents’ views whether Terrorism affect the socio-economic
development of Borno State.

Strongly Agree 210 44
Agree 250 52
Strongly Disagree 13 3
Disagree 7 1
Total 480 100
Table 4.2.7 shows the respondents views whether Terrorism affect the socio-economic
development of Borno State.
The table indicates that Two hundred and ten (201) respondents represented by Forty-four
Percent (44%) strongly agreed that Terrorism affect the socio-economic development of Borno
State.
Two hundred and fifty (250) respondents represented by fifty-two Percent (52%) agree about the
statement, Thirteen (13) respondents represented by three Percent (3%) strongly disagree, while
seven respondents represented by one Percent (1%) disagreed that Terrorism affect the socio-
economic development of Borno State.
4.2.8: Respondents views on weather parent can play a vital role in discouraging the youths
from being recruited by insurgents.
41
Agree 220 46
Disagree 10 2
Total 480 100
Table 4.2.8 shows the respondents views whether parent can play a vital role in discouraging the
The table indicates that Two hundred and fourty (240) respondents represented by Thirty-Two
Percent (32%) strongly agree that shows the respondents views whether parent can play a vital
role in discouraging the youths from being recruited by insurgents, Ninety-Four (94) respondents
represented by Forty-Eight Percent (48%) agree about the statement, Twelve (12) respondents
represented by Six Percent (6%) strongly disagree, while Twenty-Eight (28) respondents
represented by Fourteen Percent (14) disagree that shows the respondents views whether parent
can play a vital role in discouraging the youths from being recruited by insurgents.
4.2.9: Respondents views on weather Law enforcement agencies can play a vital role in

Agree 240 50
Disagree 20 4
42
Total 480 100
Table 4.2.9 shows the respondents views weather Law enforcement agencies can play a
vital role in discouraging the youths from being recruited by insurgents. The table indicates that
Two hundred and ten (210) respondents represented by Forty-four Percent (44%) strongly agree
that Law enforcement agencies can play a vital role in discouraging the youths from being
recruited by insurgents, Two hundred and forty (240) respondents represented by Fifty Percent
(50%) agree about the statement, Ten (10) respondents represented by Two Percent (2%)
strongly disagree, while Twenty (20) respondents represented by Four Percent (4%) disagree
that Law enforcement agencies can play a vital role in discouraging the youths from being
recruited by insurgents.
4.2.10: Respondents views on weather religion leaders can play a vital role in discouraging
the youths from being recruited by insurgents

Strongly agreed 240 50
Agreed 220 46
Disagreed 5 1
43
Total 480 100
Table 4.2.10 shows the respondents’ views on weather religion leaders can play a vital
role in discouraging the youths from being recruited by insurgents. The table revels that Two
hundred and forty (240) respondents represented by Fifty Percent (50%) strongly agreed, Two
hundred and twenty (220) respondents represented by Forty-Six Percent (46%) agree on weather
religion leaders can play a vital role in discouraging the youths from being recruited by
insurgents, Fifteen (15) respondents represented by Three Percent (3%) Strongly disagreed to the
statement, while Five (5) respondents represented by One Perent (1%) Disagreed weather
religion leaders can play a vital role in discouraging the youths from being recruited by
insurgents.
4.2.11: Respondents’ views on weather teachers can play a vital role in discouraging the
youths from being recruited by insurgents

Agree 174 36
Disagree 7 1
Total 480 100
Table 4.2.11 shows the respondents views on weather teachers can play a vital role in
discouraging the youths from being recruited by insurgents. The table shows that Two hundred
and ninety-one (291) respondents represented by Sixty-one Percent (61%) strongly agree that
teachers can play a vital role in discouraging the youths from being recruited by insurgents
44
One hundred and seventy-four (174) respondents represented by Thirty-six Percent (36%)
agree about the statement, Eight (8) respondents represented by Two Percent (2%) strongly
disagree, while seven (7) respondents represented by one Percent (1%) disagree that teachers can
play a vital role in discouraging the youths from being recruited by insurgents.
4.2.12: Respondents views on weather government can play a vital role in discouraging the

Agree 220 46
Disagree 10 2
Total 480 100
Table 4.2.12 shows the respondents views whether government can play a vital role in
The table indicates that Two hundred and fourty (240) respondents represented by Thirty-Two
Percent (32%) strongly agree that government can play a vital role in discouraging the youths
from being recruited by insurgents, Ninety-Four (94) respondents represented by Forty-Eight
45
Percent (48%) agree about the statement, Twelve (12) respondents represented by Six Percent
(6%) strongly disagree, while Twenty-Eight (28) respondents represented by Fourteen Percent
(14) disagree that government can play a vital role in discouraging the youths from being
recruited by insurgents.
4.2.13: Respondents views on weather dialogue can stop the activities of Boko Haram

Strongly agreed 240 50
Agreed 220 46
Disagreed 5 1
Total 480 100
Table 4.2.13 shows the respondents’ views on weather Respondents views on weather
dialogue can stop the activities of Boko Haram. The table revels that Two hundred and forty
(240) respondents represented by Fifty Percent (50%) strongly agreed, Two hundred and twenty
(220) respondents represented by Forty-Six Percent (46%) agree on that dialogue can stop the
activities of Boko Haram, Fifteen (15) respondents represented by Three Percent (3%) Strongly
disagreed to the statement, while Five (5) respondents represented by One Perent (1%) Disagreed
that dialogue can stop the activities of Boko Haram.
46
4.3 Discussions on Findings
This study examines the effects of terrorism on global peace. The objectives were to
explore whether the military option is the possible solution in tackling the menace. To determine
if poverty is inducing the Boko haram insurgency in Maiduguri,To access the socio-economic
implications of Boko Haram insurgency on Borno state, To determine if dialogue is a
desideration to the Boko Haram insurgency in Maiduguri.
Findings from the analysis show that Table 4.2.1 to 4.2.3 shows the demographic
representation of the respondents. Table 4.2.1 indicates the age category of the respondents and
majority of the respondents One hundred and thirty-two(132) respondents represented by
Twenty-seven are 21-30 years. Table 4.2.2 indicates that Two hundred and eighty (280)
respondents represented by Fifty-eight Percent (58%) are Male. Table 4.2.3 shows that Two
hundred (200) respondents represented by forty-two Percent (42%) which constitutes the
majority are married.
Table 4.2.4 shows that one hundred and seventy-nine (179) respondents represented by thirty-
seven present (37%) which constitute majority agreed that unemployment is the possible factor
which influence Boko haram insurgence.
Analysis from Table 4.2.5 shows that two hundred and eighty-five (285) respondents represented
by fifty-nine percent (59%) constitute majority agreed that the extent terrorism affected global
peace is high.
While table 4.2.7 shows that Two hundred and fifty (250) respondents represented by fifty- two
percent (52%) which are the majority agreed that terrorism affects socio-economic development
of Borno state.
47
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY OF THE STUDY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Introduction
This chapter focuses on summary of the study, conclusion and recommendations based
on the findings.
5.2 Summary of the Study
This study examined the effects of terrorism on Global peace. In order to achieve this
objective, the study was grouped into five chapters. Chapter one focused on the Background of
the Study, Statement of the Research Problem, Research Questions, and Objectives of the Study,
Propositions of the Study, Scope and Limitations of the Study, Definition of Terms and
Organisation of Chapters.
Chapter two presented the literature review and theoretical framework, the chapter
discussed Terrorism in Nigeria, Origin of Boko haram sect in Maiduguri, Finding leadership and
ideology of Boko haram Islamic sect, Ideology of Boko haram, The Drive of Poverty, The Drive
48
of Unemployment, Insurgency, Emerging Trends of Insurgency, National Security, Theoretical
Framework. This study adopts the Sociological and psychological Theory.
Chapter three presented Location of the Study, Population of the Study, Sampling
Techniques and sample size, Method of Data Collection and Method of Data Analysis. The
finding from the analysis shows that, unemployment, poverty and illiteracy are the major causes
of terrorism. The finding also reveals that terrorism also affect the socio-economic development
of Borno state and global peace. Finally, based on the analysis from the study, providing Jobs for
youths will help reduce terrorism.
5.3 Conclusion
Terrorism has emerged as a major security challenges in Nigeria. It has consequences for
the socio-economic, global peace, political, cultural, and psychological spheres of society. At the
economic level, it constitutes a major threat to the livelihood of residents. At the socio-political
level, terrorism’ activities have resulted in death, loss, and the destruction of lives and properties,
thereby disturbing peace and security. Therefore, the Nigerian government is expending major
resources to eradicate terrorism. At the psychological level, a vast number of people have been
disposed of their belongings, and families have been traumatised; there have been reported cases
of rape and kidnapping, which has caused psychological trauma.
Based on the proposition of the study, it was discovered that Terrorism contributes to the
security challenges in Borno state. It was also discovered that poverty and unemployment leads
to terrorism in Borno state. And finally, it was agreed upon by the respondents that Terrorism
affect the socio-economic and global peace of Borno state.
5.4 Recommendations
49
Based on the findings from the study, the following recommendations were put forward:
i. It is important for the government to strengthen security in the forests that serve as
hideouts for the terrorists.
ii. The forests must be secured and the illegal users must be dislodged and permanently
prevented from controlling the spaces.
iii. In addition, the security forces must strengthen the intelligence-gathering system, with
support from the local population.
iv. Also, government should create jobs for youths in order to keep them busy rather than
staying idle.
v. Military expeditions should be launched in Borno state
vi. Government should improve or upgrade its intelligence personnel.
vii. Parent, religious leaders and school teachers should join government in fighting terrorism
by educating the youths in the society.
50
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CHAPTER ONE

1.1 BACKGROUND O F THE STUDY

America, British e.t.c.

Terrorism is an illegitimate means of attempting to affect social and political change by

economic statue especially in Maiduguri.

According to a seminar presentation in Caritas University by D.A Ommema (HOD), the

protection against arrest by the state government. (Omemma 2012:15).

united state of America.

sapping economic activities in the town of Maiduguri. According to “focus Nigeria “,

socio-economic conceal and reliance.

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTION

i. Are there any effects of terrorism on global peace and security?

iii. What roles government can play in eradicating terrorism?

1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The following are the objectives of this study:-

i. To examine the effects of terrorism on global peace and security.

ii. To determine if there are any effects of terrorism on socio-economic development in

iii. To provide solutions in eradicating terrorism..

1.5 RESEARCH PROPOSITIONS

This research based on the following proposition

2. Frustration and aggression led to the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria.

This research is significant in the following ways:-

i. It will expand academic endeavors

ii. It will add to knowledge

1.7 ORGANIZATION OF THE CHAPTERS

summary of the study, conclusion and recommendations.

a better theoretical framework for this study.

2.1.2 TERRORISM IN NIGERIA.

such as the Hezbollah, Ali – qeda and Hamas.

In Nigeria especially, there is no history of terrorism In the form of coordinated attacks of

degradation of the environment through oil exploitation and production.

2.1.3 ORIGIN OF BOKO HARAM SECT IN MAIDUGURI

Haram has always existed before the town or city as a sect.

2.1.4 FINDING LEADERSHIP AND IDEOLOGY OF BOKO HARAM ISLAMIC SECT

to time throw in the weight behind the activities, financially.

2.1.5 MEMBERSHIP OF BOKO HARAM SECT

neighboring countries such as Chad and Cameroon.

different members (The Nation, June, 2011).

city of Maiduguri, it is possible that the insurgent membership comprises or foreigners. To

enable them become members.

2.1.6 IDEOLOGY OF BOKO HARAM

modern science as well.

Haram insurgents and this maintains their position and ideology.

2.1.7 THE DRIVE OF POVERTY

shelter, healthcare and education. Maiduguri as well as Nigeria itself is an underdeveloped

is much higher than that of national poverty rate of 67.1%.

impact of several anti-poverty and employment- generations intervention programmes of

nation April 5, 2012).

2.1.8 THE DRIVE OF UNEMPLOYMENT

realized. Hence the growing sense of despondency among the masses.

economic terms is better than Nigeria (Abati, 2011).

attention to insurgency in the state. (Adepebgo, 2011).

unemployment proliferation in vogue in the city of Maiduguri, Borno state Nigeria.

Youth unemployment therefore could be described as the conglomerate of youths with

Unemployment is the motivating factors of the insurgence in Maiduguri, Borno State,

Maiduguri, Borno State, Nigeria.

Finally, democracy is a journey not a destination for Maiduguri Borno State it is a

good governance in order to engender youths empowerment, employment and socio-economic

development in Maiduguri as well as North in general (Alanana, 2003).

Because the goal is to overturn real or perceived maladies endemic to particular

region (Moore 2007:3).

To the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA, 2009). Insurgency is protracted political-

1990:13 cited in Hammes, 2006:4).

Insurgencies have a goal-setting and however use violent insurrections to a accomplish