CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of the study

Presently in Nigeria, the formation of ethnic and religious have completely taken over the stage

and also have played a noticeable role with socio-political interactions of the Nigerian state.

The scenario of this ethnic militia has posed itself to be a threat to Nigerian democracy and

security, spanning from the North, East, and South of the Nigerian state. In the Northern state,

the exertion of Boko Haram sect which has destroyed millions of lives in the region cannot be

ignored. The Obatse Cult activities in Nasarawa state in north central Nigeria is likely going to

be out of control. Taking it to the east, the frequent kidnapping by bad men/criminals remains

dangerous in that region. In the South-south area, the activities of Niger Delta militants who in

spite of the amnesty offered to them by the late President Yar Adua is still not steady, for this

reason the environment still remained threatened day by day.

One of the major challenges that have constrained development in Nigeria is superiority, power

of ethnic militias which is now a threat to democracy and security of the country and also

eclipsed the nation for over a decade now. The lasting presence of violence expressed between

these groups who feel excluded and unimportant from existing power structures on one hand and

central authority on the other hand have seriously affected not only peace and security but also

undermined and weakened the countries national development. Also, the violent conflicts with

security personnel,  and the deliberate destruction of public properties by both ethnic militias and

insurgency seriously undermines the safety of lives and properties of the people, and infuse fear

and sense of insecurity on the majority. These negatively influence the development of the

Nigerian state.

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Nigerian as a developing country has in recent times been at the receiving end of the frequent

rise of ethnic militias. It has been pointed that this has also been a huge challenge in a significant

number of African and Asian countries seeking to migrate from the stage of electoral politics to

the consolidation of democracy. The weight of confirmation shows that democratic openings

have often annoyed ethnic and communal tensions in divided societies. It is now at the back of

every citizen’s mind that we live today in an "era of militant ethnicity", with its grave social,

economic, political and human costs because of the challenges facing the state.

Among the most critical and violent of this new brand of released political forces of which many

have thought of as 'resurgence' is the intractable phenomenon of ethnic nationality/identity

movements. Presently in Nigeria, this development has overshadowed and taken on the form of

ethnic militia movements ostensibly standing in for and seeking to protect their different ethnic

interests in a country in which the state is to a large extent perceived as unconcerned to the needs

of the ethnic nationalities in the country. The most important and well pronounced among these

militias include the plethora of the Niger Delta militias such as the Egbesu Boys of Africa

(EBA), the Niger Delta Volunteer Force, and the Chikoko Movement. Other new and more

pronounced militias include the O'odua People’s Congress (OPC), the Movement for the

Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) and the Arewa People’s Congress

(APC). Without any question, the move towards ethnic national self-determination, in whatever

form it clearly shows itself, is the maximum challenge facing the security of the Nigerian nation

from the 1990s onwards. In densely populated slums of Lagos, Warri, Port Harcourt, Aba,

Onitsha, Kaduna and Kano, militant groups sporadically unleash extreme violence on civil

society as well as on the symbols of governmental authority (Okechukwu 2000). The weight of

the killing of many people by these militant groups is better imagined than experienced.

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Agitating youths boldly overrun state security squads, ransack police stations and overtakes the

streets for days. An order or law that requires people to be indoors are inflicted from  time to

time while embattled governmental authorities resort to shoot-on-sight orders to quell riots and

restore order in the volatile Nigerian urban communities. The sudden increase in ethnic militias

ironically seems to be what unifies Nigerians against the excesses of the state after many years of

pernicious rule. Generally, Nigerians do not have of faith in their government; they lack the rule

of law and a sense of being oppressed. Common to these militant groups are the attributes of the

uncritical use of violence, a preponderance of youth membership, ethnic identity affiliations, and

movements of a basically pronounced and well-known nature and pressing change over the

status quo such as the calls for a Sovereign National Conference or a National Conference as the

case September be. It is against this backdrop that this paper seeks to unravel the interesting fact

of ethnic militias and its threat to democracy and Nigerian security.

1.2. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The constant cases of insecurity in the north eastern part of Nigeria and the Niger delta has been

a source of concern as it has taken a negative tool on the corporate existence of Nigeria. Cases of

militancy and insurgency have long ago divided the country along ethnic lines and this does not

augur well for the cultural and social development of our country especially as regards to

democracy. The cases of insecurity caused by these menace has resulted to the decline of the

productivity of the country and has equally put democracy in a grave risk as people cannot go

out to exercise their franchise amidst insecurity hence the declaration of state of emergency

which negatively affects democracy in the country.

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1.3 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The main aim of the study is to examine the threat of ethnic militia to democracy and security in

Nigeria. Other specific objectives include;

1. To examine the effect of ethnic militia on the development of democracy in Nigeria.

2. To determine the relationship between ethnic militancy and insecurity in Nigeria.

3. To recommend possible solution to ethnic militia in Nigeria.

1.4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES

H0: Ethnic militia does not affect Nigeria’s democracy

H1: Ethnic militia affects Nigeria’s democracy

H0: There is no relationship between ethnic militia and insecurity in Nigeria

H1: There is a relationship between ethnic militia and insecurity in Nigeria

1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The study would greatly benefit the Nigerian populace, government at all levels and politicians

as it would go a long way of unveiling the consequences of ethnic militia on our nascent

democracy and security. The study would also proffer solutions to ethnic militia in Nigeria. The

study would be of immense importance to students, researchers and scholars who are interested

in carrying out further research on this subject matter.

1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY

The study is restricted to the examination of ethnic militia and its threat to democracy and

security in Nigeria using a case study of the Niger delta militants.

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1.7 DEFINITION OF TERMS

I. ETHNIC MILITIA: There is no single definition on the concept of ethnic militia.

According to Falana, ethnic militiain the Nigerian context is viewed as a militant organization set

up to protect the interest of a particular nationality within the Nigerian federation.

II. DEMOCRACY: A system of government by the whole population or all the eligible

members of a state, typically through elected representatives or the definition of democracy is a

form of government in which the common people hold political power and can rule either

directly or through elected representatives. An example of democracy at work is in the United

States, where people have political freedom and equality.

III. SECURITY: Security is defined as being free from danger, or feeling safe. An example

of security is when you are at home with the doors locked and you feel safe.

IV. THREAT: A threat is a communication of intent to inflict harm or loss on another

person. Intimidation is widely observed in animal behavior chiefly in order to avoid the

unnecessary physical violence that can lead to physical damage or the death of both conflicting

parties. A threat is considered an act of coercion.

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 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.0 INTRODUCTION

In this chapter, we shall be discussing the conceptual review and of ethnic militia, Possible

Factors Responsible for the Emergence of Ethnic Militias and Insurgency in Nigeria and theories

in review of this study.

2.1 Conceptual Review

2.1.1 Ethnic Militia It is imperative to first and foremost understand the concept of ethnicity

before we can conceptualize ethnic militias. The word ethnic can be traced to its Latin and Greek

origin “Ethnos” which means nation or race. Toland (1993) defines ethnicity as the sense of

people hood held by members of a group, sharing a common culture and history within the

society Thomson (2000) in the same vain defines ethnic group as a community of people who are

convinced that they have a common identity and based on issues of origin, kinship ties,

traditions, cultural uniqueness, a shared history and possibly a shared language. Babawale,

(2001) see ethnicity as a highly inclusive group identify based on some notion of common origin,

recruited commonly primarily from kinship and typically manifesting some measure of cultural

distinctions. Ethnic militia as a concept cannot be boxed in a single definition. This implies that

divergent conceptualization of the term abound. In the words of Olukotun (2003) ethnic militias

are paramilitary forces that performed police functions within their locality while the government

considers militia group as insurgent groups that engage in subversive activities against the state.

To Falana (2003) Ethnic militia in the Nigerian context is viewed as a militant organization set

up to protect the interest of a particular nationality within the Nigerian federation. In this paper,

ethnic militias can therefore be seen as paramilitary actors in a given community who make

6
political demands on the state as citizens. They are also particularistic in nature and are

characterized by subversion of the capacity for deliberations, usurpation and incivility.

Adejumobi (2002) sees these organizations as ‘youth based formations that emerged with the

intention of promoting and protecting the parochial interests of their ethnic groups and whose

activities sometimes involve the use of violence’. Ethnic militials therefore are organised

violence-oriented groups populated by diverse elements, cutting across different age strata, but

drawing membership exclusively from an ethnic group and established to promote and protect

the interests of an ethnic group. Ethnic militias is an extreme form of ethnic agitation for self

determination and occurs when the ethnic group assumes militant posture. They serve as a social

pressure group designed to influence the structure of power to the advantage of and call attention

to the deteriorating material condition or political deprivation and perceived marginalization of

their group or social environment.

i. Insurgency Insurgency is derived from Latin word, meaning rising upon or against.

According to Anold (2013) insurgence could be defined as individuals who rise in

forcible opposition to lawful authority, especially when it engages in armed resistance

to a government or to the execution of its laws. In the words of David (2012)

insurgency is 'an organized resistant movement that uses subversion, sabotage, and

armed conflict to achieve its aims. Insurgencies normally seek to overthrow the

existing social order and reallocate power within the country. In this paper insurgency

is seen as individuals or group who destabilize the development of a country by

posing threat and act of aggression on other members of the society. They also seek to

overthrow an established government, and also form an autonomous national territory

within the borders of a state.

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ii. Development As a concept in social sciences, there is no clear, all inclusive

definition of development. To Rodney (1972), development is considered to be many

sided process. At the level of individual, it implies increase in skills and capacity,

greater freedom, creativity, self-discipline responsibility and well-being.To him,

development thus descends economic indication. In the words of Todaro (1980)

development is a multidimensional process involving the organizational and co-

orientation of the entire economic and social system. Abduraheem (2002) also

considers development as the improvement in the general standard of living of the

people of the society. This means that development does not only involve economic

growth, but also a condition of people in a country, for example adequate food, jobs

and income inequality. Considering various views of developments, we can define in

this paper that development encompasses social, economic and political process.

National development therefore means harnessing both social political and economic

development of the country in such a way that individual lives are improved. It could

also be seen as a sustained level of socio-economic and political maturity in which

people, institutions have attained satisfactory conditions (material and spiritual) in a

manner that they can eschew inequality, divisions for national spiritedness or

oneness. It is imperative to point out that in a nation where ethnic militias and

insurgency are the order of the day the development process of that country is

dwindled.

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2.1.2 Difference between Ethnic Militia and Insurgency

It is trite to state that, Ethnic militia and insurgency are similar to each other. This is predicated

on the fact that both of them carry out military acts in projection of their issues, they destroy

lives and property, they destabilize the country and also weaken the economic activities of the

state.. Notwithstanding the similarities of ethnic militia and insurgency there exist some

differences. Insurgency responds violently much more quickly, and with much greater frequency,

than ethnic militia, even when holding abuse levels. Secondly, insurgents quickly retaliate in an

action but ethnic militia due to organizational process they delay in there reprisal attack. Ethnic

militias are tribal based while insurgency comprises members from all facets of life to form the

group.

2.1.3 Alienation and Militancy in the Niger Delta

It is not in doubt that alienation is the root cause of militancy in the Niger Delta (Joab-Peterside

2005). To this end, alienation from natural resources, means of livelihood and species being

endangered have been noted (Frederick 2008:5). The literature on the Niger Delta agrees that the

oil industry has not promoted the development of the region; rather, it has undermined the area’s

development (Ikein et al 1991). For example, Aaron (2006) has noted that: Oil has meant for the

indigenes of the Niger Delta, wrenching poverty. Peoples Rights have come under severe assault

by the ecologically unfriendly practices of oil Transnational Corporations (TNC’s). In addition,

State laws and policies as they relate to petroleum resources, expropriate the indigenous peoples

of the Niger Delta of their ‘right’ to their natural resources …According to Brown [1998], the

local economies of the Oil Producing Communities have collapsed. And they are not integrated

into the oil economy of Nigeria…the success of the oil economy has not promoted their own

capacities. It has not promoted there own self-reliance. It has not promoted the social engine of

9
the society… the pace of development has left them. The point is that oil based environmental

degradation and ethnic based political domination has combined to alienate the people from the

use of their natural resources for their own development. Oil exploration and production is

associated with a number of activities that devastate the environment, and impact negatively on

economy and society. Okoko 1998 have demonstrated the impact of the oil industry on the

economy and society of the Niger Delta. Oil spills kill fish and agricultural crops, in addition to

reducing nutrient value of the soil (HRW 1999, Clark et al 1999). Studies have shown that gas

flares diminish agricultural productivity. It has been noted that crops planted about 200 metres

from flare sites lose 100 percent of their yield. Those planted about 600 metres from flare sites

experience 45 percent loss in yield, and 10 percent loss in yield for crops planted one kilometer

away from gas flares (Salau 1993)(Adeyemo 2002). But what are the impacts of this on the

Niger Delta people? The results are productivity losses, occupation displacement/disorientation,

and increased poverty (UNDP 2006) World Bank 1995. Development has stagnated, and no

matter how hard peasants work, they remain at the same point, and sometimes their situation gets

worse. This has caused frustration and, as psychologists have noted, conflicts are a response to

the frustration which occurs as a result of obstacles against the actualisation of set goals (Anikpo

1998). The frustration aggression theory of conflict also supports this perspective. Certainly, this

theory captures the Niger Delta condition where frustration has led to youth militancy and

violence. Alienation caused by the environmental consequence of the oil industry has been

exacerbated by ethnic based political domination and the failures of accountability and

transparency in government. Naanen (1995), Okoko and Nna (1997), Joab-Peterside (2005) and

Orobator et al (2005) see the ethnicised Nigerian State and its disabled federal system as

fundamental causes of the development impotence in the Niger Delta. Because the State is

10
ethnicised, power is used to promote sectional interests as against the common interests. The

State in Nigeria is controlled by members of the dominant ethnic groups, who direct oil resources

produced in the ethnic minority homelands of the Niger Delta to their benefit. This is evidenced

by the manipulations of the revenue allocation mechanism to satisfy their interests.

2.1.4 Possible Factors Responsible for the Emergence of Ethnic Militias and Insurgency

in Nigeria

Just like any other country which is faced with this challenge, the fundamental underpinning

factors which are frequently cited as contributing to the phenomenon of this groups may include

inter alia repressive and exploitative regime, phenomenon of failed states, political and religious

intolerance and extremism, corruption and poor governance, political alienation, human miseries

and injustice across the Nation. For the sake of this paper we will hinge on the following factors

though not exhaustive.

i. Unemployment- The increasing level of unemployment in Nigeria is one issue

that has been responsible for the resurgence of militia groups and insurgents in the

country. The introduction of privatization liberalization and deregulation of the

economy by Obasanjo and Yar-Aduas administration deepened social crises of

unemployment, and illiteracy. Consequently, the rank of the unemployed and idle

youths increased the number and people who had recourse to ethnic formations to

gain livelihood, define their identity and promote ethnic nationalism.

ii. Poverty-Poverty is one of the factors responsible for the emergence of ethnic

militias and insurgents. It has become a major problem widely acclaimed

nationally and internationally as deserving urgent attention especially in Sub-

Saharan African countries, Nigeria inclusive (Jega, 2007). In these countries, the

11
 poor living conditions of the people has reached phobic dimensions and has

defied all solutions offered due to the institutional fragility of these states. It is

apposite that poverty can be easily cited in Nigeria just like an Elephant in a river.

It is another form of modern slavery. Majority of these poor people live in rural

areas that are neglected and almost forgotten in this country especially in the

Northern states. The effects of poverty are pervasive. A poor man is a problem to

the society and even unto himself. He is always angry, never productive and seeks

succour in religion.According to Pwul (2004) poverty is a vicious circle and it is

the root cause of militias, corruption, fraud and embezzlement in the society.

iii. Bad Governance- Bad governance is the exact opposite of good governance. It is

exercised through bad leadership. It is complete absence of good leadership and

good governance. It means lack of respect for the fundamental human rights of

citizens, lack of judicious use of natural resources, fraud and other corrupt

practices; in short, it has no respect for principles of accountability and

transparency. Just as good governance promotes the accumulation of financial,

physical, social and political capital, bad governance inhibits or drains away that

accumulation. For development to take place in any society there must be serious

transformation in the quality of governance. Babawale, (2001). For every

governed country, corruption must be present throughout the system of

government. Public infrastructure decay or are never built the resource at the state

disposal are diverted to private ends. In the context of bad governance, individuals

seek governmental positions in order to collect rent and accumulate personal

wealth through the conversion of public resources into private goods. There is no

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commitment to the public goods and no confidence in the future. There is no

respect for law and no rule of law. This is the hopeless situation we found

ourselves in due to bad leadership exercised through bad governance. The only

way to generate truly sustainable development, according to Diamond (2004), is

to bring about fundamental transformation in the nature and quality of

governance. To him, governance permeate the entire environment of

development, merging with attitudes, value to the expectation to the point where it

is hard to know culture ends and institutions begin The leaders that came to power

after independents did not come with any ideology of their own. The colonial

master too did not leave them with any. They come to power without any agenda

of development for the people. They where only handle political independence

without economic independence. This political independence they saw it as do or

die affair. For one to control the power. This power, they use arbitraritry for their

own selfish ends to the detriment of people they are suppose to be serving,. There

is absence of political will, the people are empowered and there is complete

breakdown of trust between the leaders and the people. The leaders have complete

abandoned the people It is not easy to eradicate poverty in any society no matter

the amount of resources available in the country but as Marshall (2013) observed

there is no moral justification for extreme poverty side by side with great wealth”.

It is the opinion of any people that the problem with Nigeria is in the area of

instability, policy implementation and corruption. All these can be solved through

good purposive leadership excised through good governance which Nigeria is in

dare need for all round development to take place.

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iv. Fear of Domination/marginalization- One of the factors that gave rise to militia

activities and insurgence in Nigeria is fear of domination, marginalization and

social deprivation expressed by some sections of the Nigerian State. The

complaint against official negligence, environment degradation and denial of

access to resources by the South-south, the cries of marginalization, alienation

and discrimination by the South-East, and the North since the demise of Yar

Adua, the lamentation of injustice, political harassment and domination by the

South-West are issues responsible for the emergence ethnic militias and

insurgence in Nigeria. Driven to frustrated heights as a result of the use of official

violence against their protests and demands, these ethnic militia groups and

insurgents such as Niger Delta militants, Ombatse Cult, kidnappers, and Boko

Haram sect resorted to armed reaction ostensibly for self-defense and counter

measure against the state leaving the Nation in the state of comma.

v. Insecurity- Insecurity of life and property of Nigerians is another factor

responsible for the increasing cases of militia activities and insurgence. The

hostility, non-chalant and growing ineptitude of the security agencies towards the

welfare and proper protection of the ordinary citizens of our country made some

ethnic groups to seek alternative means for the security of its people and their

property. This is evident in the formation of vigilante groups by different ethnic

groups.

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2.1.5 The Effect of Ethnic Militias & Insurgency in Nigeria; A Threat to National

Development

It is trite to state here that, the activities of ethnic militias and insurgents in Nigeria has no

positive effect rather it possed a lot of negative effect on our development. some of these

negative impact are shown bellow.

i. Volatile investment climate; this is one of the negative effect of ethnic militias and

insurgency in Nigeria. In Nigeria, threat to life, lost of life and act of aggression especially from

militias like the Niger Delta, the Ombatse, and insurgents like the Boko Haram, sect has already

scared some foreign investors coming in the country and it is very bad for a nation that is

thriving to meet the vision 2020.

(ii) Instability-Another negative impact of ethnic militias and insurgents activities on

Nigerian development is that renegades among them have been engaged in subversive activities

against the State which is capable of destabilizing the political process. For instance some

renegades have been used by politicians as thugs, assassins and kidnappers to deal with their

political opponents.

iii. Destructions of life’s and Property-Another negative effect of ethnic militia groups and

insurgents activities is the deliberate vandalization and destruction of public utilities such as oil

pipe lines, electrical installation, telecommunication equipment etc. for example, in May 2013,

militia group in Nasarawa State destroyed a police station and killed a number of police officers.

The destruction of these public utilities, especially the disruption of electricity and

telecommunication negatively impacts on the development process in the affected areas.

iv. Drift towards Disintegration-Equally, the violent activities of militia groups and

insurgents which instill fear and insecurity among the citizenry discourage the people from

15
active participation in political activities such as rallies and campaigns for fear of being attacked,

kidnapped or killed. The violent activities of militia groups and insurgents often negate the

fundamental tenets of democracy, which among others include; freedom of association and

unhindered participation in the electoral process.

2.2 Theoretical Framework

The theoretical explanations and analyses of issues in this paper are based on two broad, but

mutually complementary theories, namely the state fragility perspective and frustration

aggression approach.

2.2.1 Fragile States Theory

Over the past 5 years, so-called ‘fragile states’ and how best to engage with them have emerged

as a key priority in the international development community. This concern has surfaced from

the confluence of several factors, including

(i) An emphasis on human security and peace building;

(ii) A concern with the relationship between state effectiveness and development;

(iii) A belief that underdevelopment and insecurity (individual and international) are

related. One billion people, including about 340m of the world’s extreme poor, are

estimated to live in this group of between 30-50 ‘fragile’ countries, located mainly in

Africa, that are ‘falling behind and falling apart’ (Collier, 2007). There is now

consensus that without a strengthened model of international engagement, these

countries will continue to fall behind. It is recognised that delivering aid in these

contexts cannot be ‘business as usual’, and that fragile situations require a co-

ordinated, cross-sectoral approach that combines support to state building and peace

building and uses whole-of-government approaches. But fragile states are 'under-

16
 aided', even against allocation models that take their performance into account. Aid

flows are excessively volatile, poorly coordinated, and often reactive rather than

preventive. The fragile states agenda is surrounded by a great deal of critical debate.

The term itself is highly contested – some argue it implicitly contains normative

assumptions of how states should perform and a misguided notion that all states will

eventually converge around a Western model of statehood. But in spite of the many

criticisms of how fragile states have been conceptualised, few would dispute the

severe impacts this group of states impose on the security and well being of their

populations, or that without progress in them, the MDGs are unlikely to be met.

Andersen, L., 2008 argues that the fragile states debate is essentially about politics. Focusing

on the security-development nexus and on state building, it suggests the debate concerns

principles that are fundamental to the way we perceive the present world order. This creates a

tension between idealism and realism. There is a need to prioritize and make choices between

different values. Zoellick, R, 2008 in his article argues that in order to address fragile situations

effectively, a new framework is required that goes beyond the development model. This new

framework involves building security, legitimacy, governance and economy. It is about securing

development bringing security and development together to smooth the transition from conflict

to peace and to embed stability so that development can take hold.

2.2.2 The Frustration Aggression Theory

Dollard et al.'s (1939) definition of aggression is fairly straightforward: The term referred to any

"sequence of behavior, the goal-response to which is the injury of the person toward whom it is

directed.

17
Frustration–aggression theory, commonly known as the frustration aggression hypothesis, ranks

among the most seminal and prolific theories in research on aggression. From its beginnings in

the late 1930s until today, it has been applied and studied in a variety of areas, including clinical

and social psychology, ethnology, sociology, criminology, and medical research. While

frustration–aggression theory has also been used to explain the behavior of animals (see, e.g.,

Berkowitz, 1983; Scott, 1948), the present chapter will focus exclusively on applications in the

study of human behavior. Given the scope and targeted readership of this study and the origin of

the theory, the focus will be on the social sciences, specifically criminology. Within the

discipline of criminology, frustration–aggression theory has been used in a variety of domains,

ranging from self-regulation (Harrison, Genders, Davies, Treasure, & Tchanturia, 2011) and

imitation of criminal behaviors (Hanratty, et al, 1972) to developmental (Jegard & Walters,

1960; Nelson, et al 1969), organizational (Fox 1999; Spector, 1978), and media psychology

(Breuer, et al2015; Wingrove & Bond, 1998). There is, overall, ample empirical evidence for the

link between frustration and aggression. However, the original theoretical explanation for this

relationship has developed and become more refined over the decades, and competing theoretical

considerations have emerged. Dollard et al., 1939 frustration is defined as an event instead of an

affective state. The arguable benefit of characterizing frustration through observable qualities of

events or environmental characteristics is that it allows description and testing of its causal

effects, such as those on aggression, objectively instead of relying on subjective self-reported

introspection. This basic yet somewhat counterintuitive ascertainment is important as it is also

implied in later modifications and reformulations of the frustration

Aggressive responses to frustration are not necessarily detrimental to the attainment of goals.

Another variable that affects the intensity of an aggressive reaction following a frustration is its

18
instrumental value—that is, the degree to which the aggression contributes to overcoming the

frustration (Thompson et al 1974). The fact that aggression can be functional is something that

also has implications for its association with frustration (da Gloria, 1984). In consideration of

this, Ichheiser (1950) suggested in a response to the work by Dollard et al. that some acts of

aggression in response to a frustration are better understood as defense.

2.2.3 APPLICATION OF THEORIES

Our choice of these theories is predicated on the desire to understand how the inability of the

state to cater for her citizens has triggered ethnic militias and insurgence in the country thereby

inhibiting the level of development. The fragile state as articulated by Sara (2008) is the term

used for countries facing severe developmental challenges such as weak institutional capacity,

poor governance, political instability, unemployment, poverty and low level of economic

development. It is a theory that describes how extreme poverty is concentrated in a given state,

how low level of human and social development are linked to weak institutional capacity,

governance and to internal conflict, all of which undermine the capacity of the state to deliver

basic social and infrastructural services and offer security to citizens. More fundamentally, a

fragile state is the one that is trapped in a vicious circle of violent conflict and poverty or suffer

from a natural resource curse; others face a legacy of not providing the most basic services to

their citizens. Such basic services include among other things, good health facilities, good roads,

quality education, electricity, good water supply etc. Slater (2012), a leading proponent of this

theory has observed that a fragile state is significantly susceptible to crisis in one or more of its

subsystems. According to him, a fragile state is a state that is particularly vulnerable to internal

shocks as well as domestic conflicts. This implies that in a fragile state, institutional arrangement

embodies and perhaps preserves the conditions of crisis both in economic and social terms. In

19
economic terms, this could be institutions, importantly property rights that reinforce stagnation

or low growth rates, or embody extreme inequality in wealth, in access to land or access to the

means to make a living. In social terms, institutions may embody extreme inequality or lack of

access altogether to health or education. In fragile states, statutory institutional arrangements are

vulnerable to challenges by rival institutional systems be they derived from traditional authorities

or devised by communities under conditions of stress that see little of the state (in terms of

security, development, or welfare). The frustration aggression hypothesis formulated by Dollard

et al (1939) has the central premise that aggression is always the result of frustration. According

to them, frustration produces instigations to a number of different types of responses, one of

which is an instigation to some of aggression. Expantiating on the above postulation, Anifowose

(2003) submits that, ‘given the requisite conditions, individuals or groups who feel frustrated in

the attainment of their desires and demands often react by direction aggressive behavior at what

is perceived as being responsible for depriving or thwarting those desires, as a substitute. He

further submits that, it is not utter lack but unfulfilled hopes and expectations that engender

violent conflict’. It could be argued from the above vantage points that, the emergence of the

ethnic militias and insurgence in the country could have resulted in part from the inability of the

Nigerian state to meet the yearnings and aspirations of its citizens. The truth remains that there is

poverty, unemployment and lack of basic infrastructure in the country. In view of this, the

provision of basic services, poverty eradication, employment opportunities and so on, can help

reduce the scale of violent insurgency that has gripped the country in recent years. This is

because as Anifowose (1982) posits; When groups feel alienated and there is further feeling that

such alienation is entrenched, it could degenerate into violence as the groups increasingly resort

to desperate measures to break the Yolk. This state of deprivation and social injustice may have

20
driven this group to take up arms against the state to break the yolk as a counter measure to

address their grievances.

21
 CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 INTRODUCTION

In this chapter, we would describe how the study was carried out.

3.2 RESEARCH DESIGN

This study is a survey which utilized quantitative approaches. It examined in detail ethnic militia

and how it stands as a threat to democracy and security in Nigeria using okrika Local

Government of Rivers state as our case study.

The surveys research method was used for this study. This was considered appropriate because

survey design generally can be used to effectively investigate problems in realistic settings. The

survey technique will also allow the researcher to examine several variables.

Descriptive studies of the survey nature are used not only for the purpose of description but also

for the determination of relationships between variables at the time of study (Babbie, 1973). The

survey design was chosen in this case because it enabled the study to cover a larger area thus the

findings are applicable to a large area.

3.3 STUDY AREA

This study was carried out among residents in Okrika rivers state, Nigeria.

Okrika is a port town in Rivers State, Nigeria, the Local Government Area  is situated on a small

island south of Port Harcourt, making it a suburb of the much larger city.

22
The Okrika kingdom is faced with a serious threat of air pollution that is caused by the flaring of

gas in the oil and gas refinery which could cause large quantity in greenhouse gases that could

lead to acidic rain and ozone layer depletion, furthermore men production capabilities are

weakened by this activity. Also the Okrika kingdom aquatic life suffers greater threat of species

extinction due to the continuous spill of oil mostly caused by bunkery and pipeline vandalism in

the region and this results to poor economic sustainability as a large number of residents and

indigenes are Fishermen The aquatic life suffers firstly from the emanation of oil waste product

that comes from the refinery. It has been on a continuous spill that goes straight into the river and

it has been spilling long before there were any bunkery or oil vandalism.

3.3.1 POPULATION OF THE STUDY

In this study the population constitutes of 200 residents of Okrika Town, Nigeria comprising

both male and female adults while . A study population is a group of elements or individuals as

the case may be, who share similar characteristics. These similar features can include location,

gender, age, sex or specific interest. The emphasis on study population is that it constitute of

individuals or elements that are homogeneous in description (Prince Udoyen: 2019).

3.4 SAMPLING AND SAMPLING SIZE

The researcher used the TARO YAMANE FORMULA to determine the sample size where 133

questionanaire was distributed randomly to the people. A study sample is simply a systematic

selected part of a population that infers its result on the population. In essence, it is that part of a

whole that represents the whole and its members share characteristics in like similitude (Prince

Udoyen: 2019).

23
3.4.1 Sample size technique

Yamane (1967:886) provides a simplified formula to calculate sample sizes.

ASSUMPTION:

95% confidence level

P = .5

n= 200/1+200(0.05)2

n= 200/1+200(0.0025)

n= 200/1+0.5

n=133

3.5 Data Collection Instrument

The data for this study was obtained through the use of questionnaires administered to the study

participants. Observation was another method through which data was also collected as well as

interview. Oral questioning and clarification was made.

24
3.5.1 Sources of Data

The data for this study were generated from two main sources; Primary sources and secondary

sources. The primary sources include questionnaire, interviews and observation. The secondary

sources include journals, bulletins, textbooks and the internet.

3.5.2 Instrumentation

This is a tool or method used in getting data from respondents. In this study, questionnaires and

interview are research instruments used. Questionnaire is the main research instrument used for

the study to gather necessary data from the sample respondents. The questionnaire is structured

type and provides answers to the research questions and hypotheses therein.

This instrument is divided and limited into two sections; Section A and B. Section A deals with

the personal data of the respondents while Section B contains research statement postulated in

line with the research question and hypothesis in chapter one. Options or alternatives are

provided for each respondent to pick or tick one of the options.

3.5.3 Reliability

The researcher initially used peers to check for consistence of results. The researcher also

approached senior researchers in the field. The research supervisor played a pivotal role in

ensuring that consistency of the results was enhanced. The instrument was also pilot tested.

3.5.4 Validity

Validity here refers to the degree of measurement to which an adopted research instrument or

method represents in a reasonable and logical manner the reality of the study (Prince Udoyen:

2019). Questionnaire items were developed from the reviewed literature. The researcher

25
designed a questionnaire with items that were clear and used the language that was understood

by all the participants. The questionnaires were given to the supervisor to check for errors and

vagueness.

3.6 Method of Data Analysis

The study employed the simple percentage model in analyzing and interpreting the responses

from the study participants while the hypothesis was tested using chi square.

3.7 Limitation of Methodology

Process of acquiring Informed consent all study participants before they were enrolled in the

study was tasking and. Permission was sought from the relevant authorities to carry out the

study. Date to visit the place of study for questionnaire distribution was put in place in advance.

26
 CHAPTER FOUR

PRESENTATION ANALYSIS INTERPRETATION OF DATA

4.1 Introduction

Efforts will be made at this stage to present, analyze and interpret the data collected during the

field survey. This presentation will be based on the responses from the completed questionnaires.

The result of this exercise will be summarized in tabular forms for easy references and analysis.

It will also show answers to questions relating to the research questions for this research study.

The researcher employed simple percentage in the analysis.

4.2 DATA ANALYSIS

The data collected from the respondents were analyzed in tabular form with simple percentage

for easy understanding.

A total of 133 (one hundred and thirty three) questionnaires were distributed and 133

questionnaires were returned.

27
Question 1

Gender distribution of the respondents.

TABLE I

Gender distribution of the respondents

Response Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative Percent

Male 77 57.9 57.9 57.9

Valid Female 56 42.1 42.1 100.0

Total 133 100.0 100.0

From the above table it shows that 57.9% of the respondents were male while 42.1% of the

respondents were female.

4.3 TEST OF HYPOTHESES

Hypothesis One

H0: Ethnic militia does not affect Nigeria’s democracy

H1: Ethnic militia affects Nigeria’s democracy

Ethnic militia does not affect Nigeria’s democracy

Response Observed N Expected N Residual

Agreed 40 33.3 6.8

strongly agreed 50 33.3 16.8
Disagreed 26 33.3 -7.3
strongly disagreed 17 33.3 -16.3

28
Test Statistics

Ethnic militia does not affect Nigeria’s democracy

Chi-Square 19.331a
Df 3
Asymp. Sig. .000

a. 0 cells (0.0%) have expected frequencies less than 5. The minimum expected cell frequency is
33.3.
Total 133

Table II

Decision rule:

The researcher therefore rejects the null hypotheses which states that, Ethnic militia does not

affect Nigeria’s democracy as the calculated value of 19.331 is greater than the critical value of

7.82 Therefore the alternate hypotheses is accepted that Ethnic militia affects Nigeria’s

democracy.

HYPOTHESIS TWO

H0: There is no relationship between ethnic militia and insecurity in Nigeria

H1: There is a relationship between ethnic militia and insecurity in Nigeria

29
Table III

There is no relationship between ethnic militia and insecurity in Nigeria

Response Observed N Expected N Residual

Yes 73 44.3 28.7

No 33 44.3 -11.3
Undecided 27 44.3 -17.3
Total 133

Test Statistics

There is no relationship between ethnic militia and

insecurity in Nigeria

Chi-Square 28.211a
Df 2
Asymp. Sig. .000

a. 0 cells (0.0%) have expected frequencies less than 5. The minimum expected cell frequency is
44.3.
Decision rule:

The researcher therefore rejects the null hypotheses which states that, there is no relationship

between ethnic militia and insecurity in Nigeria as the calculated value of 19.331 is greater than

the critical value of 7.82 Therefore the alternate hypotheses is accepted that there is a

relationship between ethnic militia and insecurity in Nigeria.

30
 CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

5.1 INTRODUCTION

This chapter presents the summary of the study, conclusion and recommendations based on the

findings from the study.

5.2 SUMMARY

This study aimed at having an overview of Ethnic militia in Nigeria and how it is a threat to the

democracy and security of the nation. The study opened with chapter one where the statement of

the problem was clearly defined. The study objectives and research hypotheses were defined and

formulated respectively. The study reviewed related and relevant literature. The chapter two gave

the conceptual framework, empirical and theoretical studies. The third chapter described the

methodology employed by the researcher in collecting both the primary and the secondary data.

The research method employed here is the descriptive survey method. The study analyzed and

presented the data collected in tables and the hypotheses were tested using the Chi square while

the fifth chapter gives the study summary and conclusion.

5.3 CONCLUSIONS

In this study we found out that Ethnic militia affects Nigeria’s democracy and that there is a

relationship between ethnic militia and insecurity in Nigeria.

The dangers posed by ethnic militia forces are real, but the dangers in removing them might

create even greater difficulties for the government. The bottom line is militias exist because a

void, real

31
or perceived, exists in the capacity of the government to protect local populations. Any desires to

remove militias should be tempered with a close look at the government-like roles they play and

whether the government has the capacity to assume those duties. Many experts believe that it is

unconscionable to even consider using militias in nation-building efforts. Many believe any

options that include using militia forces do so in direct contradiction of state efforts and will

ultimately lead to armed groups outside the control of the government being granted too

much power.

5.4 RECOMMENDATONS

For Nigeria, a country with immense human and material resources, the future will be assured

and nation building achieved only when its leaders and elite decide that it is now time to build a

nation based on justice for all. Finding a permanent solution to the problem of ethnic militias

requires coordinated action by all the tiers of government and civil society groups. With the kind

of pressure emanating from the civil populace such as the activities of ethnic militias, this

decision must either be made now by the political elite and their representatives or others will

make it on their behalf.

32
 REFERENCES

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States Institute of Peace.

Asuni, J. B. 2009, Understanding the Armed Groups of the Niger Delta New York: CFR.

Babawale, T. 2001. The Rise of Ethnic Militias, De-legitimization of the State and the

threat to Nigerian Federalism, Ibadan West African Review.

 Babawale, T. 2003. Ed. Urban Violence, Ethnic Militias and the Challenge

of DemocraticConsolidation in Nigeria. Lagos: Malthouse Press Ltd.Badmus,

A.2006. Ethnic Militia Movements and the Crisis of Political Order in

Post-Military Nigeria. Journal of Social Science, Vol.13, No.3.

Ebiri, K. 2007. Rivers: A Long List of Kidnappings. The Guardian, 23 September.

Elaigwu, J.I and Mazrui, I. 1993. Nation Building and Chamging Political Structures in

A. Mazrui. Ed. UNESCO General History of Africa: Africa since 1935. Vol.8.

California: Heinemann Educational.

Gambari, A.I. 2008. The Challenges of Nation Building: The Case of Nigeria, Being a

Paper Presented at the First Year Anniversary Lecture, Mustapha Akanbi

Foundation, Sheraton Hotel Abuja, Nigeria.

Gbemudu, E. 2007. Bayelsa Diary of Hostage-Taking in 2006. Daily Independent

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Gilbert, L.D. 2010. Ethnic Militias and Conflict in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria:

The International Dimensions (1999-2009). PhD Thesis, University of

KwaZulu-Natal Howard College Campus, South Africa.

Gilbert, L.D. 2013. Ethnic Militancy in Nigeria: A Comparative Re-Appraisal of

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Ikelegbe, A.2005. The Economy of Conflict in Oil Rich Niger Delta Region

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Joab-Peterside, S.2007. On the Militarization of Nigeria’s Niger Delta: The Genesis of

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Obianyo, N.E.2007. Citizenship and Ethnic Militia Politics in Nigeria-Marginalization

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Toland, T.Y. 1993. The Concept of Ethnicity. New Haven: Yabe University Freer.Watts,

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36
 Appendix

Dear Sir/ma

My Name is OLANISEBE OLAYEMI EMMANUEL, I am a final year Student of National

Open University of Nigeria Ibadan study centre. I am currently conducting a research on ‘Ethnic

Militia; A Threat To Democracy And Security In Nigeria (A Case Study Of The Niger Delta

Militants’ in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the award of Bachelor of Science (B.Sc.)

Degree in Criminology and security studies, This questionnaire is therefore designed to solicit

your opinion concerning the research. The information obtained will be used solely for academic

purpose and treated with strict confidentiality.

Thanks in anticipation

OLANISEBE OLAYEMI EMMANUEL

37
 QUESTIONNAIRE

INSTRUCTION

Please tick or fill in where necessary as the case may be.

Section A

(1) Gender of respondent

A male { }

B female { }

(2) Age distribution of respondents

a) 15-20 { }

b) 21- 30 { }

c) 31- 40 { }

d) 41- 50 { }

e) 51 and above { }

(3) Employment status of respondents?

(a) Government worker[ ]

(b) Private company worker [ ]

(c) Self employed [ ]

38
(4) Marital status

(a) Single { }

(b) Married { }

(5) Present Qualification of the respondent

(a) SSCE { }

(b) DIPLOMA { }

(c) DEGREE { }

(6) How long have you been in Okrika?

(a) 0-2 years { }

(b) 3-5 years { }

(c) 6-10 years { }

(d) 11 years and above { }

SECTION B

(7) Ethnic militia does not affect Nigeria’s democracy.

(a) Agrees { }

(b) Strongly agreed { }

(c) Disagreed { }

39
(d) Strongly disagreed { }

(8) Ethnic militia does affect Nigeria’s democracy.

(a) Agrees { }

(b) Strongly agreed { }

(c) Disagreed { }

(d) Strongly disagreed { }

(9) There is a relationship between ethnic militia and insecurity in Nigeria.

(a) Agreed { }

(b) Strongly agreed { }

(c) Disagreed { }

(d) Strongly disagreed { }

(10) There is no relationship between ethnic militia and insecurity in Nigeria.

(a) Agreed { }

(b) Strongly agreed { }

(c) Disagreed { }

(d) Strongly disagreed { }

(11) Ethic militia is part of the major factors contributing to insecurity in Nigeria.

40
 (a) Agreed { }

(b) Strongly agreed { }

(c) Disagreed { }

(d) Strongly disagreed { }

(12) Ethic militia is not part of the major factors contributing to insecurity in Nigeria.

(a) Agreed { }

(b) Strongly agreed { }

(c) Disagreed { }

(d) Strongly disagreed { }

(13) There is a positive relationship between ethnic militia and insecurity in Nigeria.

(a) Agreed { }

(b) Strongly agreed { }

(c) Disagreed { }

(d) Strongly disagreed { }

(14) There is a negative relationship between ethnic militia and insecurity in Nigeria.

(a) Agreed { }

(b) Strongly agreed { }

41
(c) Disagreed { }

(d) Strongly disagreed { }

42