1.

0 Introduction

Socio-cultural norms and values embedded in traditional institutions

have remained an integral part of every organised society in Africa. Apart

from being a powerful human tool for survival, the defined cultural norms

and values also form the bases of existence of every civilised society, as

described by Thomas Hobbes, they bring order which in turn makes the

society devoid of any state of lawlessness (Afigbo, 1972).

In pre-colonial Niger, these norms and values formed the basis upon

which traditional rulers exercised governance, power and authority or

influence over their subjects. Furthermore, these institutions of traditional

rulers were virtually the only institutions of governance that played critical

roles such as custodians of customary law and communal assets, especially

land and resources; guardians and symbols of cultural values and religious

practices; dispensing justice, enforcing contracts and also resolving conflicts

(Aidelokhai, 2008).

The art of resolving conflict is borne out of a belief that conflict

which is inevitable could and should not be left alone, it, therefore, needs to

be put under control by interacting with relevant parties to develop common

generalisation or principles and practices that would return cordial

relationship against violence. During conflicts, traditional rulers therefore

undoubtedly played significant roles in managing these conflicts informally

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and arranging peace-making meetings when matters get out of hand

(Abdullahi, 2007). These governance institutions and structures were

controlled by certain unwritten laws which formed part of the general social

structure and its machinery of enforcing governance was well-organised to

manage affairs, administered justice and resolve tension in the society.

However, during the colonial era, there was a role change as the roles and

offices of traditional rulers were either usurped by the colonialist or their

subjects.

Niger, like many African states created by European colonialism, has

had several periods - four -of military rule since its independence in 1960.

But since 2011, it has held three democratic elections, it saw former

President Mahamadou Issoufou respect the constitution’s term limits, and it

has generally been on a democratizing path. That has been no small

accomplishment for a country surrounded by neighbors that are facing

insurgencies, extremism and armed coups.

Niger as a country Niger, which is located in the heart of the Sahel, has a

poorly diversified economy, with agriculture accounting for 40% of its

GDP. More than 10 million persons (41.8% of the population) were living

in extreme poverty in 2021. Niger is grappling with an influx of refugees

fleeing conflicts in Nigeria and Mali. As of August 31, 2022, the United

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Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) had identified 294,467

refugees and almost 350,000 displaced persons in the country. Political

Context Mohamed Bazoum, the candidate of the party in power, was elected

president in elections held in December 2020 and February 2021, marking

the first democratic transfer of power in the country’s history. Niger is

facing a security crisis in the areas bordering Nigeria, Burkina Faso, and

Mali, where armed groups carry out repeated attacks against the security

forces and civilians. A state of emergency was declared in the Diffa,

Tahoua, and Tillaberi regions.

2. Aim

The aim of this paper is to analyse the coup de ‘ eter in Niger

Republic, its challenges and the way forward.

3. Challenges

The coup poses uncertainty for the country’s 25 million inhabitants

and also deeply undermines strategic investments made by different

stakeholders in their quest to silence the guns in the continent, especially in

the Sahel. Niger, known for its production of uranium, is a hub for military

and humanitarian activities; a strategic partner in the fight against

insurgency and terrorism in the Sahel. Niger’s importance in the fight

against terrorism has earned significant support from various development

partners, such as the United States, which has praised Niger as a model of

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democracy. There are no doubts that the rise in insecurity and declining

economic prospects contributed to fragility in the country (ECOWAS,

2023). Other challenges include the following:

1. Poverty: Niger is one of the poorest countries in the world, with a

significant portion of its population living below the poverty line.

Limited access to education, healthcare, and basic infrastructure

contributes to the persistence of poverty.

2. Food Security and Famine: Niger experiences recurring food crises

due to factors such as unpredictable rainfall, droughts, and poor

agricultural practices. These factors contribute to low agricultural

productivity and food shortages, which can lead to malnutrition and

even famine in severe cases.

3. Low Literacy Rates: Education is a major challenge in Niger. The

country has one of the lowest literacy rates globally, particularly

among women and girls. Limited access to quality education,

especially in rural areas, hampers human capital development and

socioeconomic progress.

4. Healthcare: Access to healthcare services is inadequate, particularly

in rural areas. High maternal and child mortality rates are major

concerns, often attributed to inadequate healthcare infrastructure,

limited skilled medical personnel, and poor healthcare practices.

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5. Political Instability: Niger has experienced periods of political

instability and coup attempts throughout its history. The country has

faced challenges related to governance, corruption, and the

establishment of a stable democratic system.

6. Terrorism and Security: Niger shares borders with countries

affected by terrorist groups such as Boko Haram and various factions

of Al-Qaeda. This has led to security concerns and instability in some

regions, particularly near the border with Mali and Nigeria.

7. Climate Change and Environmental Degradation: The effects of

climate change, including desertification, land degradation, and

irregular rainfall patterns, have a significant impact on Niger's

agriculture-dependent economy. These challenges further exacerbate

food security issues.

8. Infrastructure: Inadequate infrastructure, including roads,

electricity, and telecommunications, poses challenges to economic

development and the provision of basic services to the population.

9. Economic Diversification: Niger's economy heavily relies on

agriculture and extractive industries. Diversifying the economy to

reduce dependency on a few sectors is a challenge that the country

faces.

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 It's important to note that the situation in Niger is complex and multi-

faceted. Efforts by the government, international organizations, and NGOs

are ongoing to address these challenges and improve the well-being of the

population.

3. Causes of the Conflict

There are no doubts that the rise in insecurity and declining economic

prospects contributed to fragility in the country. Despite the increase in

foreign forces, especially from the US and France, and military bases in

Niger, the leadership has been unable to stop insurgent attacks. There are

several insurgent groups, such as Al-Qaeda and Islamic State affiliates, as

well as Boko Haram operating in the country (Punch, 2023). These attacks

have resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements in the last decade.

Hundreds of youths in the capital, Niamey, gathered to celebrate the July

coup, waving Russian flags and chanting “Wagner”. This suggests that

some people in Niger believe the military, supported by Russia and the

private military contractor, Wagner group, would do a better job of fighting

insurgents (Punch, 2023). In addition to insecurity and economic stagnation,

the ethnicity and legitimacy of Bazoum were an issue during the last

election campaign. Bazoum is from Niger’s ethnic Arab minority and has

always been labeled as having foreign origins. This did not sit well within

the military circle, which is predominantly composed of the larger ethnic

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groups-even though Bazoum got about 56% of the vote and is from the

same party as former president Mahamadou Issoufou. There is a lot of

emphasis on ethnic military composition in the country; understanding this

helped Issoufou complete two terms as president. Appointments in the

military are made along ethnic lines.

Also, the large number of foreign military troops and bases in the

country has not been well received by the military. They believe this

undermines them. Niger is a key ally of Western countries in the fight

against insurgency in the region. France’s huge investments in Niger’s

mining sector are another reason for its interest in security (The Cable,

2023).

In 2019, the US opened a drone base in Niger despite protests. the

drone base could make Niger a target for terrorists and increase instability.

In 2022, France and other European allies withdrew their forces from

neighbouring Mali. Bazoum was quick to invite them to Niger. The

Nigerian military leadership and some influential individuals in the country

denounced the increase in foreign forces (Cable, 2023). In the last four

years, there have been seven coup d’etats in the region. Three were

successful. Leaders of ECOWAS and the African Union have threatened

sanctions on these three countries, but nothing much has been done to deter.

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5. Prospect

i. The National Council for the Safeguarding of the Country for

serenity, calm, vigilance and patriotism for together in unison can

overcome the security, economic, and social challenges mentioned

before. To the international community, the National Council for the

Safeguarding of the Country reaffirms its willingness to respect all

international engagements to which the Republic of Niger subscribes,

including to human rights.

ii. The international community has responded with widespread

condemnation, with ECOWAS, the African Union, and the United

Nations all denouncing the military’s actions. These organizations

have called for the immediate and unconditional release of the

democratically-elected President and have warned that those involved

in the coup will be held responsible for the safety of the President,

government officials, and the public.

iii. The coup in Niger represents a new chapter in the unfolding tragedies

in West Africa democracy, posing serious questions on the fate of

democracy in the Sahel as neighboring countries like Mali, Burkina

Faso, and Chad have experienced military takeovers in recent times.

The coup also imposes a fresh burden on the prospect of peace and

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 stability in the Sahel as the country has served as a buffer zone in the

fight against insurgency and terrorism.

iv. The coup in Niger could lead to anti-western alliances, potentially

causing Western allies and development partners to withdraw

support, potentially complicating peace, welfare, and citizen stability.

v. This coup serves as a wake-up call for African leaders to prioritize

early warning signals in conflict resolution and reconsider the

necessity of a unified force to combat local terrorism and emerging

threats to democracy. It also calls for more creativity in handling

challenges associated with the military takeover, as sanctions alone

have not helped in resolving political crises of this dimension.

vi. The Nigerian President, Bola Tinubu, is facing a significant challenge

from the new leadership of ECOWAS, particularly in addressing the

Niger crisis. The resolution and restoration of democratic order will

depend on the political leanings of ECOWAS and AU members and

the cooperation of new leaders.

vii. Niger's political stability and constitutional order should be

prioritized by all stakeholders, as the country is vital in the Sahel

region's fight against insurgency and terrorism. A coup could disrupt

peace initiatives and allow terrorist groups to regroup, as past coups

have shown.

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viii. To avert further crises, ECOWAS, AU, and other multilateral

organizations must employ all diplomatic channels to ensure the swift

restoration of democratic order in Niger. Failing to do so could

normalize military takeovers in West Africa and erode the importance

of the will of the people in shaping the region’s leadership.

6. Nature of the Conflict

Disruption within Niger following the coup has continued, with

demonstrations, censorship of broadcasts and interruptions to power

supplies, as well as evacuations of foreign nationals. The situation

eventually escalated into a serious international crisis that led to threats of

military intervention by ECOWAS and heightened tensions and military

mobilization in Niger.

On 10 August, the junta declared a new government, naming 21

ministers led by Prime Minister Ali Lamine Zeine in an announcement on

Télé Sahel by "secretary-general of the government" Mahamane Roufai

Laouali. Three generals who were members of the CNSP were named to

head the interior, defense and sports ministries. The heavy pressure from the

international community and ECOWAS to hand over power has prompted

the junta to seek support from like-minded regimes in the region. On 2

August, a junta delegation headed by General Salifou Mody traveled to

Bamako, Mali and then to Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. On 12 August, a

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delegation from the putschists, led by General Moussa Salaou Barmou,

visited Conakry to ask Guinea for support and was received by the head of

the Guinean junta, Mamadi Doumbouya. On 13 August, the junta

announced that it would prosecute Bazoum for "high treason" and

"undermining the country's security.

In the same vein, the ECOWAS had ordered its standby force to

restore constitutional order in the Niger Republic. The President of the

ECOWAS Commission, Omar Alieu Touray, made the declaration while

reading the resolutions of the meeting. He also called on the African Union,

partner countries and institutions, to support the resolution taken by the sub-

regional body. ECOWAS said that all efforts made to dialogue with the

military junta in the Niger Republic have been defiantly rejected by the

coup leaders, as it condemned the continuous detention of President

Mohamed Bazoum and his family members. It then directed the Committee

of the Chiefs of Defence Staff to immediately activate the ECOWAS

standby force, with all its elements, towards restoring constitutional order in

the Republic of Niger. The path taken is that of escalation.

Niger Republic has already been hit by the most severe regime of

sanctions in the history of the region. Financial transactions have been

blocked, and the country is very dependent on food imports, especially from

Nigeria, and that too has been blocked, as is the case with drugs. The cut of

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electricity supply from Nigeria, breaking a treaty obligation, has had a

devastating effect and hospitals can no longer carry out operations as

patients are dying. The long history of fraternal relations between Nigeria

and Niger is unraveling fast, and much has happened in this regard within

one week (Punch, 2023).

There is no surprise that a significant part of the public opinion in

Niger Republic is upset with Nigeria over the threat of an armed restoration

of the democratic order in the country, with the utilisation of the ECOWAS

Standby Force for this. The Nigeriens are screaming at the top of their

voices that this historical juncture is for the dismantling of French neo-

colonialism in their country, and not democracy. There is a rising campaign,

significantly facilitated by the Russian Wagner Group, that opposition to

military rule is tantamount to supporting French and American imperialism.

The narrative is presenting ECOWAS and Nigeria as the new lap dogs of

French and American imperialism. Nigeria has not changed its position of

support for the protection of democracy on the basis of the ECOWAS

Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance (Punch,

2023).

7. Dimensions of the Conflict

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 Niger Republic, like many countries, has experienced various

dimensions of conflict throughout its history. Some of the significant

dimensions of conflict in Niger include:

i. Ethnic and Tribal Tensions: Niger is home to a diverse range of

ethnic groups, with the Hausa, Zarma, Tuareg, and Fulani being

some of the prominent ones. Tensions and conflicts have arisen

between these groups, often related to competition over resources,

land, and political power.

ii. Terrorism and Insurgency: The region surrounding Niger,

including neighboring countries like Mali, has been affected by the

presence of extremist groups like Al-Qaeda in the Islamic

Maghreb (AQIM) and its affiliates. These groups have carried out

attacks and engaged in kidnappings, contributing to instability in

the region.

iii. Tuareg Separatism: The Tuareg people, who inhabit parts of

Niger and other Sahelian countries, have at times sought greater

autonomy or independence. Tuareg separatist movements have led

to clashes with the government and periods of instability, with

grievances stemming from issues like resource allocation and

cultural representation.

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 iv. Resource Scarcity and Competition: Niger faces challenges

related to resource scarcity, including water and arable land.

Competition over these limited resources has resulted in conflicts

between communities, especially in rural areas.

v. Border Disputes: Niger shares borders with several countries, and

border disputes have occasionally led to conflicts, particularly

over land and resources in border regions.

vi. Economic Struggles: High levels of poverty and economic

inequality in Niger have contributed to social unrest and conflicts.

Discontent over access to basic services, job opportunities, and

social welfare can manifest in protests and demonstrations.

vii. Humanitarian Crises: Niger is situated in the Sahel region,

which is prone to droughts, food insecurity, and other

humanitarian challenges. These crises can exacerbate existing

tensions and create new sources of conflict as communities

compete for scarce resources.

Addressing these dimensions of conflict in Niger requires a

comprehensive approach that involves efforts to promote social cohesion,

economic development, political stability, and security. International

organizations, regional partnerships, and local initiatives can all play a role

in supporting peacebuilding and conflict resolution in the country.

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8. Impact of Conflict

Citizens living in the border towns and villages between the Niger

Republic and Nigeria have started feeling the impact of the border closure.

An investigation by the Northern Bureau Chief, Muhammad Sabiu, reveals

that tension is gradually brewing in these border towns as hundreds of

trucks are trapped, while thousands of petty traders at the borders might lose

their businesses soon.

Thus, with the current happenings in the West African region, the

clouds of war may be gathering, the Economic Community of West African

States (ECOWAS), under the leadership of President Bola Tinubu, of

Nigeria had issued a one-week ultimatum to the military junta in the Niger

Republic to restore the ousted President Bazoum back to power or the junta

will be forced out. Though the one-week ultimatum had elapsed, since, the

leaders of the military junta remained adamant and vowed that any attempt

to use force against them will be resisted with the same force.

As part of its intervention, the ECOWAS Heads of state and

governments, after an emergency meeting in Abuja, took certain actions that

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might force the coupists to restore back democracy in the country. One such

action was the closure of all borders between ECOWAS states and Niger. A

consequence of this development, findings by the Nigerian Tribune

revealed, is that tonnes of Nigeria-bound goods have been trapped at

different borders with Niger. It was learnt that many trucks were trapped at

Kamba, Ilela, Jibia, Maigatari, Malam Fatori, Babanmutum borders.

Buttressing this in an interview, president of Trans-Border Traders

Association, Nasiru Salami, remarked that goods worth N300 million were

rotting away at these borders.

Accordingly, over 1,000 trucks conveying agricultural products like

onions and other perishable food items heading to Nigeria and other West

African countries are currently trapped at these borders. He disclosed that,

“Three days after the coup took place, over 100 trucks carrying onions and

other agricultural products were trapped. Currently, the trucks trapped there

are running into thousands. A truck of onions containing about 300 bags is

worth around N3.5 million.

Similarly, hundreds of Nigerian tanker drivers returning to Nigeria

and those from Niger in Nigeria have appealed to President Tinubu to lift

the ban on the border closure in order to allow them entry into their

respective countries and reunite with their family members. Many of the

drivers interviewed by the Nigerian Tribune disclosed that they have spent

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over one week at the border since the closure. For instance, Abubakar

Usman, a tanker driver, revealed that since he drove his truck to Niamey,

the capital of the Niger Republic on July 20, he could not cross the border.

He said, “Many of us are here in Illela border in Sokoto trapped as a result

of the border closure.” (Tribune, 2023).

The authorities in Niger have announced the suspension of the

Kandadji Dam Project and the dismissal of workers. This is a result of the

political situation in the country and the worsening security situation

becoming increasingly worrisome. Recall that ECOWAS is not alone in

imposing sanctions on Niger. The European Union and the World Bank

have all imposed financial sanctions on the country, making it impossible

for the company in charge to settle expenses involved in the project. The

company in charge called China Gezhouba Group Company said it is facing

a force majeure. “We find ourselves forced to stop all construction activities

for a week and proceed to phased termination of local workers’ contracts,

among others.

Furthermore, apart from cutting off electricity supply to some towns

like Maradi, Damagaram and the northern part of Niger Republic, the

ECOWAS leadership has ordered fresh sanctions through the Central Bank

of Nigeria on entities and individuals related to and involved with the

military junta in Niger Republic. Special Adviser to the President, on

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Media, and Public Affairs, Ajuri Ngelale, disclosed this during a press

conference on Tuesday, noting that these sanctions are based on the

financial sanctions meted out on the military junta by ECOWAS heads of

state (Tribune, 2023).

9. Role of Various Bodies NGO

On 26 July 2023, the Presidential Guard in Niger launched a coup and

detained President Mohamed Bazoum and his family. Senior officers from

various branches of the defense and security forces (FDS) formed a junta,

named the National Council for the Safeguarding of the Homeland (CNSP),

and announced the seizure of power on a televised broadcast. Public

response varied, with initial demonstrations in support of Bazoum being

dispersed by mutinous soldiers, followed by subsequent demonstrations in

support of the CNSP. By 27 July, the Nigerien Armed Forces joined the

CNSP, citing their intent to avoid lethal confrontation and to safeguard the

president and his family (Punch News, 2023).

The coup has largely been condemned internationally, including by

key stakeholders like the United States, France, the European Union, and

ECOWAS. During a summit in Nigeria’s capital Abuja, ECOWAS

18
considered military intervention and threatened sanctions to pressure the

junta to reinstate Bazoum by giving a one-week ultimatum. The West

African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA) imposed immediate

sanctions and froze Nigerien state assets. Burkina Faso, Guinea, and Mali

have declared their support for the Nigerien junta and expressed their refusal

to apply any sanctions imposed on Niger. Burkina Faso and Mali further

warned in a joint statement that any military intervention in Niger was a

declaration of war against the two countries. The reactions in support of

Niger from the junta-led states have set the stage for a deeper divide and

potential break-up of the West African bloc.

The coup’s aftermath brings a high potential for domestic unrest and

regional conflict, a surge in militant activities, democratic backsliding and

restriction of civil liberties, and severe socio-economic consequences due to

sanctions. Furthermore, the military junta has not consolidated its power

grab and faces strong opposition from many international stakeholders.

Bazoum not only enjoys support from the international community but also

from a large segment of the population Niger, with signs of supporters’

counter-mobilizing for mass demonstrations against the junta.

10. Overview of Conflict

Niger had previously undergone four military coups since

independence from France in 1960, with the most recent having occurred in

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2010. In between, there were also several coup attempts, the most recent of

which was in 2021 when military dissidents tried to seize the presidential

palace two days before the inauguration of President-elect Mohamed

Bazoum. He was the country's first democratically elected president to

assume office from a similarly elected predecessor. The coup also came in

the wake of recent coups in nearby countries, such as in Guinea, Mali, and

Sudan in 2021, and two in Burkina Faso in January and September 2022,

which has led to the region being called a "coup belt".

Niger is a member of ECOWAS, which has already suspended

Guinea, Mali and Burkina Faso from membership due to successful coups in

recent years. Bola Tinubu, President of Nigeria, was appointed Chairman of

ECOWAS on 9 July 2023 and warned that they will not allow another coup

in the region and would take up these issues with the African Union and

Western countries.

The country frequently ranks at the bottom of the UN's Human

Development Index and has also suffered from Islamist insurgencies led by

Al-Qaeda, Islamic State, and Boko Haram, despite its military receiving

training and logistical support from the United States, France and Turkey,

which have bases in the country. It was also stated that disputes with the

army over attitudes with ECOWAS' position on military juntas in the region

may have also played a part; Salifou Modi, chief of staff of Niger's military

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until 31 March 2023, visited Bamako in March to agree with Mali that it

could pursue jihadists on Malian territory, but Bazoum was supportive of

ECOWAS in its anti-junta stance; Modi was replaced weeks later. Coup

leader Abdourahamane Tchiani stated that the Nigerien military overthrew

Bazoum due to rising insecurity in regard to jihadism, but jihadist violence

was decreasing at the time of the coup.

Bazoum's Detention

Mohamed Bazoum was President of Niger from 2021 until the 2023

coup. On 26 July 2023, the Nigerian presidency's Twitter account

announced that presidential guards, commanded by General

Abdourahamane Tchiani engaged in an "anti-Republican demonstration"

and tried "in vain" to obtain the support of the other security forces. It also

said that President Mohamed Bazoum and his family were well after reports

emerged that he was being held in the Presidential Palace in the capital,

Niamey. Interior Minister Hamadou Souley was also arrested and held in

the palace, while roughly twenty members of the Presidential Guard were

spotted outside later in the day. The coup was reportedly led by Tchiani,

whom analysts said Bazoum had planned to relieve from his position.

Bazoum said that he had decided on Tchiani's dismissal at a cabinet meeting

on 24 July as their relations had reportedly become strained.

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 Bazoum's wife, Hadiza, and son, Salem, were detained with him at

the presidential palace, while his daughters were in Paris at the time of the

coup. Bazoum and his family were still in detention in mid-August 2023,

reportedly with little food, water, or electricity.

Military mobilization

Similarly on 26 July 2023, the palace and adjacent ministries were

blocked off by military vehicles, and palace staff were prevented from

accessing their offices. Up to 400 civilian supporters of Bazoum tried to

approach the palace but were dispersed by the Presidential Guard with

gunfire, leaving one injured. Elsewhere in Niamey, the situation was

described as calm. The Presidency also claimed that protests in support of

Bazoum had occurred around the country's overseas diplomatic missions.

In response to these events, Niger's armed forces surrounded the

presidential palace in support of Bazoum. The army also issued a statement

saying they had secured "major strategic points" in the country. The

Presidency stated that the army and the National Guard were ready to attack

the presidential guard. The BBC also reported that loyalist forces had

surrounded the state broadcaster ORTN. The US embassy warned against

22
travel along Niamey's Boulevard de la Republique, where the Presidential

Palace was located.

Announcement of Bazoum's overthrow

Air Force Colonel-Major Amadou Abdramane went on state

television channel Télé Sahel to claim that Bazoum had been removed from

power and announced the formation of a National Council for the Safeguard

of the Homeland. Seated and flanked by nine other officers wearing

uniforms representing all the different branches of the security forces,

Abdramane said the defence and security forces had decided to topple the

regime "due to the deteriorating security situation and bad governance." He

also announced the dissolution of the country's constitution, the suspension

of state institutions, the closure of the country's borders and a nationwide

curfew from 22:00 until 05:00 local time, while warning against any foreign

intervention. The curfew was later lifted on 4 August.

Military Recognition of the Junta

The leadership of the Nigerien armed forces issued a statement signed

by the army chief of staff General Abdou Sidikou Issa declaring its support

for the coup, citing the need to "preserve the physical integrity" of the

president and his family and avoid "a deadly confrontation that could create

a bloodbath and affect the security of the population."

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 In a television statement shortly after, Abdramane announced the

suspension of all activities by political parties in the country until further

notice. He also announced that the junta had issued a reprimand to France

for violating the airspace closure after a military plane landed at an air base.

Throughout the day, Télé Sahel continually broadcast the announcement of

the junta's establishment with a few breaks in programming. The junta

revoked military cooperation agreements with France, which has between

1,000 and 1,500 troops in the country.

A pro-coup demonstration took place with about 1,000 supporters of

the junta flying Russian flags, voicing support for the Wagner Group, and

throwing rocks at a passing politician's vehicle. The demonstrators also

denounced the French presence and that of other foreign bases. Other

demonstrators gathered outside the headquarters of Bazoum's PNDS-

Tarayya party, with footage showing them stoning and setting fire to

vehicles. They then subsequently ransacked and burned the premises,

leading police to disperse them with tear gas. Demonstrations also occurred

in front of the National Assembly. This prompted the Interior Ministry in

the evening to ban on all demonstrations with immediate effect. Civil

servants were also told to stay home.

General Abdourahamane Tchiani proclaimed himself as the president

of the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland in an address on

24
Télé Sahel. He said the coup was undertaken to avoid "the gradual and

inevitable demise" of the country, and said that Bazoum had tried to hide

"the harsh reality" of the country, which he called "a pile of dead, displaced,

humiliation and frustration". He also criticized the government's security

strategy for its purported ineffectiveness and lack of collaboration with Mali

and Burkina Faso but did not give a timeline for a return to civilian rule. His

position as de facto concurrent head of state was later confirmed by Colonel

Abdramane, who accused officials of Bazoum's government of plotting

against the new regime while sheltering in foreign embassies and warned of

bloodshed if they pushed through.

9. Recommendation

i. The Niger conflict is linked to various factors including poverty,

weak governance, political instability, ethnic tensions, and the

presence of extremist groups. To effectively address the conflict, it's

important to understand the underlying causes and historical context.

ii. The Niger conflict is not limited to Niger alone; it involves multiple

countries in the Sahel region. International cooperation involving

neighboring countries, regional organizations (such as the African

Union and the Economic Community of West African States), and

global partners (like the United Nations) is crucial for a

comprehensive and coordinated approach.

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iii. Addressing the presence of extremist groups requires a combination

of military efforts and efforts to address the social and economic

conditions that these groups exploit. Counterterrorism strategies

should be balanced with community engagement, deradicalization

programs, and efforts to win the hearts and minds of the local

population.

iv. Strengthening governance structures, improving access to education,

healthcare, and economic opportunities, and addressing corruption are

all important steps to address the root causes of the conflict.

v. Diplomatic efforts should be encouraged to mediate between different

ethnic and political groups. Sustainable solutions can only be

achieved through negotiations and dialogue.

vi. Support local civil society organizations that work towards

peacebuilding, human rights, and conflict resolution. These

organizations often have a deep understanding of the local context

and can play a vital role in facilitating peace.

vii. Resolving conflicts takes time. Sustainable peace requires a long-

term commitment from all stakeholders, including governments,

international organizations, and local communities, among others.

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 REFERENCES

Afigbo, A. E (1972), “The Warrant Chiefs: Indirect Rule In Southeastern

Nigeria 1191-1979”, London, Longman. Aidelokhai, D.I (2008), “An

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Niger coup: Defending democracy or combating French neo-

colonialism, By Jibrin Ibrahim

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As they combat the French, the Francophone African countries should

realise that we their ECOWAS neighbours are their friends who want

them to enjoy freedom from France and also democratic rights in the

conduct of their affairs.

ByJibrin Ibrahim August 11, 2023 Reading Time: 5 mins read

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