CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of study

Nigeria is one of the African countries with huge population size, high population density, and great

social diversity. The number of youths in Nigeria is higher than the population of some African

countries. Over the years, youths have enormously contributed towards the development of Nigeria

through various facets such as democracy, governance, politics, economy, security, and community

development (Yusuf, 2019). Also, youths have been deeply involved in self-help projects in Nigeria. As

a progressive force for development, youths’ social and psychological disposition and level of

productivity are feasible when provided with the knowledge and opportunities they need to prosper.

This depends on the societal willingness to empower the youths in social , economic ,political and legal

terms as some of the youths’ challenges. Omoju and Abraham ,(2014) further identified youth

challenges in Nigerian from the problem of youth’s unemployment and underemployment, limited

access to education and lack of economic opportunities, lack of access to basic education, high HIV

prevalence rate to high poverty rate among others. To promote youth leadership and more inclusive

politics, more than 100 Youth organizations known by its hashtag #Not-Too-Young-To-Run in Nigeria

mobilized for a constitutional reform to lower the eligibility age to run for political office in 2016. It is

aimed to reduce the age limit to stand as political candidates to promote good governance and youth

political participation (Krook and Nugent, 2018).

The youth movement in Nigeria started long ago but the organized one was created in 1934 with

titled Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM)and it was based in Lagos. Its primary objectives were the

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development of a united Nigeria out of the conglomeration of people who inhabited Nigeria, and the

promotion of complete understanding along with a sense of common nationalism among different

elements in the country. Politically however it sought to increase the native Nigerian participation in

civil service and government with the ultimate goal of self-government. Furthermore, the movement

established branches in urban areas throughout the country in an attempt to promote inter-tribal

cooperation (Gann,2011).

Youth movements could be positive or negative, but as far as the government concerns, any kind of

youth movement either positive or negative would affect the government of the day’s interest. Because it

reminds the government that some policies were not properly implemented or executed, asking to

change the entire policy like EndSARS youth movement. EndSARS protesters are a group of Nigerian

youths under the umbrella of the New Nigerian Youth Movement (NNYM) that demand the

disbandment of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) unit, as well as, other reforms in the Nigerian

Police Force (NPF). At the beginning of the EndSARS, heir demands were very clear and

straightforward urging the government to abolish SARS, offer justice to victims of police brutality and

reform the police. The genesis of the protest was a video clip of police officers thought to be members of

the SARS unit, allegedly killing an unarmed young man (Ukpe, 2020). What started as a peaceful

demonstration by thousands of youths in some of the states in Nigeria, degenerated into chaos after the

protests were hijacked by hoodlums. Unpatriotic set of youths took over the protest to achieve self-

centered interest contrary to law and changed the narrative of the movement. Citizens’ rights were

interfered with, loss of lives, property worth billions of naira were stolen and destroyed among others.

Other reasons for EndSARS protest are the political and economic structures in Nigeria which did not

properly integrate youths’ needs. This is what led Kamorudeen stated that:

“the manipulation of the political and economic structure by political elites have endangered high rate of

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youth unemployment and underemployment, poverty, poor access to quality education, and poor access

to political opportunities, thereby influencing Nigerian youths to indulge in series of agitations and

violent act reflected in political thuggery, armed robbery, ethno-religious crises, kidnapping

etc.”(Kamarudeen,2011;171).

Consequently, the occurrence of youth’s violence in present Nigeria is on the proliferation and it has

generated public worries as the violence is seen as anti-thesis to individual’s and national development.

Nigeria has become a violence-prone nation with the youths at the centre of most of it. No part of

Nigeria is immune from one form of violence or the other, ranging from Boko Haram insurgency,

herdsmen-farmer’s crisis, ethno-religious crises, kidnapping, armed robbery, terrorism, and EndSARS

protest among others. Against this background, this paper, therefore examines the youth’s movement,

EndSARS protest in particular and challenges confronting youth in the country. Consequently, the paper

is divided into seven sections. Section one provides an introduction while section two deals with the

conceptual framework. Section three deals with the empirical review, while section four examines

youths and Nigerian police on EndSARS protest. This explains the deteriorated relationship between

Nigerian youths and NPF. Section five explains the challenges confronting Nigerian youths while

section six offers recommendations and section seven provided for the conclusion.

1.2 Statement of problem

Police brutality has become a polarizing topic; in the Nigeria, the debate has been ongoing. Critics argue

that police brutality leads to abuse of authority and a subtle shift towards a ―police state. The debate

surrounding the topic of police brutality has primarily focused on the issue of use of violence and

excessive force. Selective use of violent crime statistics by both supporters and critics of police brutality

have added to the confusion surrounding the issue. It has been debated that military equipment obtained

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under the guise of violence has promoted the adoption of military tactics which endanger civil liberties.

Critics argue that the most significant effect of brutality has been on police culture. They claim that

brutality has promoted an overly aggressive form of policing that embraces force as the primary means

to solve social problems, encourages the use of unnecessary and excessive force, and teaches officers to

treat citizens as enemies.

On the other hand, proponents believe that some degree of police brutality is necessary for law

enforcement to combat emerging threats from terrorism, homegrown violent extremism, and attacks by

heavily armed violent criminals. This argument proposes that police have been forced to use military-

style weapons and protective equipment to keep pace with an ever-changing adversary.

The potential ramifications of the police brutality debate are substantial. At one end of the spectrum,

policies addressing brutality could render the police ineffective at protecting the public or themselves

from numerous emerging threats. At the other end of the spectrum, unfettered militarized police activity

could severely erode civil liberties and result in a significant loss of public support.

The effectiveness of the police is largely dependent upon public support and that support is contingent

upon the public‘s view that the police are exercising their authority in a legitimate manner. It‘s thus

important to give critical and constant scrutiny to these structures as police are given extraordinary

amount of discretional authority. The issue of police brutality must be properly analyzed to ensure law

enforcement retains its legitimacy while maintaining public support. This study will focus on the

perception of youths towards police brutality, injustice and the endsars protest in Nigeria.

1.3 Objectives of study

The overall objective study is to assess the perception of youths on police brutality, injustice and the

endsars protest in Oyo sate, Nigeria.

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1. To examine the level of police brutality in Oyo state.

2. To examine the causes of injustice among Nigerian police officers in Oyo state.

3. To examine the effect of the endsars protest on police brutality.

1.4 Research Questions

1. What is the level of police brutality in Oyo state?

2. What are the causes of injustice among Nigerian police officers in Oyo state?

3. What are the effect of the endsars protest on police brutality?

1.5 Hypothesis of study

H01: There is no significant difference in the perceptions of the youths in Oyo state on police brutality

and injustice.

H02: There is no significant effect of the endsars protest on police brutality.

1.6 Significance of study

The Nigerian police force is the primary provider of security in Nigeria, the force is saddled with the

responsibility of protecting human lives and properties, however, over the years, the police system has

been seen to deviate from its core responsibilities and duties. This research work will provide a

documentation of the actions of the police force leading to police brutality, injustice and the endsars

protest.

This will provide information to policy makers to make changes in the police system in order to arrest

the current injustice and brutality meted by the police force to citizens.
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This research will serve academic purposes on the subject of police brutality and add context to the

argument around the endsars protest.

1.7 Scope of The Study

The study will cover on police brutality, police injustice and the endsars protest in Oyo state in 2020.

The research will be limited to the Youths of Oyo state.

1.8 Definition Of Terms

YOUTH: Youth is the time of life when one is young, and often means the time between childhood and

adulthood.

POLICE: The full form of POLICE is Public Officer for Legal Investigations and Criminal

Emergencies. They are uniformed individuals who are responsible for keeping law and order intact.

They are a group of personnel who are there to enforce laws, to prevent any kind of civil disorder, save

lives and punish criminals.

POLICE BRUTALITY: The term “police brutality” is sometimes used to refer to various human

rights violations by police. This might include beatings, racial abuse, unlawful killings, torture, or

indiscriminate use of riot control agents at protests.

INJUSTICE: This refers to a situation in which the rights of a person or a group of people are

ignored

ENDSARS : This refers to a decentralised social movement, and series of mass protests against police

brutality in Nigeria. The slogan calls for the disbanding of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), a

notorious unit of the Nigerian Police with a long record of abuses.

PROTEST: A protest is a public expression of objection, disapproval or dissent towards an idea or

action, typically a political one.

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 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

Some articles had been written about EndSARS because it is a new phenomenon with an old subject

matter. The agitation for the disbandment of SARS was not recent but long ago. Therefore, an attempt

has been made in this part of the paper to elucidate concepts that are used by other authors. This is

because these concepts may have a different meaning in other discussions.

2.2 Youth Movement in Nigeria

Youths in Nigeria formed a movement seeking for the attainment of self-government, social unity,

economic, environment etc. Ginn,(2011) stated that Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM) was Nigeria's

the first genuine nationalist organization, founded in Lagos in1934 with Professor Eyo Ita as the

founding father and many others compatriot Nigerians. The 1934 youth’s movement has the following

objectives to:

 work towards the unity of Nigeria;

 work towards the attainment of self-rule and

 unite all ethnic groups in Nigeria for the fight against colonial rule.

The recent youth’s movement was Nigerian’s youths protest, founded in Lagos in 2020 popularly known

as #EndSARS. The protesters, a group of Nigerian youths under the umbrella of New Nigerian Youth

Movement (NNYM) has drawn up an action plan to reposition the future, as well as demand to disband

the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) and reform the Nigerian Police Force. The youths are calling

for law enforcement agencies to respect the rule of law, respect for human rights and deepening

democracy, there vital of the educational and health systems and stronger efforts toward job creation
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(Oluola2020).

There is no visible leadership for the EndSARS protest. As a result, Kabir (2020) observed that

unarguably, the absence of a formal leadership structure made the protests last for more than the period

anyone could have thought. The 2020 youth’s movement has the following demands:

 Immediate release of all arrested protesters;

 Justice for all deceased victims of police brutality and appropriate compensations for their

families;

 Setting up an independent body to oversee the investigation and prosecution of all reported police

misconduct within10days;

 Carrying out psychological evaluation and retraining of all disbanded SARS operatives before

redeploying (this should be verified by an independent body); and

 The government should increase police salary and be adequately compensated for protecting the

lives and property of the citizens (Ukpe, 2020).

2.3 The Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS)

The Special Anti-Robbery Squad was created in 1992 as a response to violent crime, particularly armed

robbery (Uwazuruike 2020).One of the basic responsibilities of the government in all societies is to

ensure the safety of life and property of its citizens. Section14(2)(b) of the 1999 Constitution of the

Federal Republic of Nigeria (Constitution), states that “the security and welfare of the people shall be

the primary purpose of government. Therefore, it is by establishing and maintaining an efficient police

force that the government provides a feeling of security to its citizens. As a result, the Nigeria Police

Force (NPF) is an agency established by law to ensure the preservation of public order and law

enforcement as well as prevention and detection of crime (section 214(3) and 4 of the 1999 Constitution
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of Nigeria). The police play a vital role in the administration of justice in any society and present the

entry point into the criminal justice system either through reports from the public or its investigation and

surveillance (Benjamin, 2007). Special Anti-Robbery Squad popularly known as SARS was a segment

of NPF saddled with responsibilities of curtailing armed robbery and other related crimes in Nigeria.

However, the police unit has come to be known for its high-handed tactics and gross violations of

human rights. SARS evolved from a special outfit created by different state Commands to address

specific violent crimes such as armed robbery, kidnapping, communal violence and religious violence.

In each state, SARS is under the Criminal Investigation Department of the Police Command. However,

the group (SARS) quickly became controversial for its links to extra-judicial killings, torture and illegal

activities (Samuel, 2020;135).

On the other hand, SARS was a special police unit set up decades ago as Nigeria, the most populous

African country, battled with rising levels of crime and kidnappings. Initially, it was successful in

reducing cases of violent crime but more recently the unit had been “turned into banditry”, according to

Fulani Kwajafa, the man who set up SARS. In June 2020, Amnesty International released a report that

documented at least 82 cases of torture, ill-treatment and extrajudicial execution by SARS between

January 2017 and May2020.

Torture, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment and other forms of cruelty by SARS officials

against Nigerian youths are prohibited in all circumstances under the Nigerian law (Sections 4, 8, 10 and

11 of Anti-Torture Law 2017). No exceptional circumstances whatsoever, whether in a state of war or,

internal political instability or any other public emergency, may be invoked as a justification of torture.

It is not enough for states to simply prohibit and criminalise torture under national law; it is suggested

that there is no range of further measures to protect the youths and prevent these forms of violation

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hence the agitation by protest. International and national human rights law safeguards, not properly

implemented, resulting in abuses of human rights. Despite the human rights and constitutional

provisions, however, ill-treatment remains routine practices by SARS officials. It is also believed that

corruption in the Nigeria Police has been exacerbated by poor working conditions, inadequate logistic

and working facilities. These have greatly undermined the operational efficiency of the police to prevent

and control crime in Nigeria. These and other reasons prompted the EndSARS protest in Nigeria.

2.4 Defining Police Brutality

Police brutality and arming of domestic security agent in Africa, dates back to the scramble for the

continent and subsequent colonization. The process and its execution have had critical and significant

implication on the society and the larger criminal justice system as a whole. This has had a causal effect

on the relationship between the citizens and police who over the years have drawn further and further

away from the very people they are supposed to ―protect and serve‖. This has been seen through ways of

administering their mandate that does not ideally build the confidence or relationship with the citizenry,

be at and patrol in cars, excessive reports of police corruption, poor or lack of training on public order

management resulting in excessive use of force and increased cases of extra judicial executions to name

a few. This trend in alienation between the service provider and recipient can only be exacerbated by the

continued use of force and the trend in brutality.

It‘s important to understand the concepts in which this study is centered on militarism, brutality and

paramilitary policing.

“Militarism, in its most basic sense, is an ideology focused on the best means to solve problems. It is a

set of beliefs, values, and assumptions that stress the use of force and threat of violence as the most

appropriate and efficacious means to solve problems. It emphasizes the exercise of military power,
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hardware, organization, operations, and technology as its primary problem-solving tools. Brutality on

the other hand is the implementation of the ideology, militarism‖.

Brutality is a process of through which law enforcement and other personnel are organized, engendered

into a culture through training and policies. Police brutality therefore is simply the process where by

civilian police increasingly draw from, and pattern themselves around‖; in this case the adoption of

military-style equipment, tactics, and/or policies that leverage force, or the threat of force, as the primary

means to achieve a law enforcement agency‘s goals.

Since their inception, the police to some extent have been militarized, After all, the foundation of

military and police power is the same the state sanctioned capacity to use physical force to accomplish

the irrespective objectives (external and internal security).

Paramilitary policing means armed forces of the state that have both military capabilities and police

powers

Paramilitary policing is the most obvious manifestation of the adoption of a militarized ideology of

policing, or the brutality of the police militarized police or paramilitary police tend to: deploy as units

rather than as individuals, seek training from military personnel in the use of sophisticated weaponry,

special apparel, and equipment; and three adopt a system of rank that replicates the structure of the

military.

Stephen and Kraska argue that a new trend is also eminent that could also be defined as paramilitary

policing, the military has been politicized. This is the use of military to perform policing functions.

According to Kraska, police have always been militarized and what had varied over time is the degree.

There al concern when discerning police brutality is one of degree or put differently, the extent to which

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a civilian police body is militarized.

This can be seen through their structure; command and control, training and separation of the units from

the public which will be further highlighted under causes of brutality. Any assertion that the police are

not militarized is simply misguided. This is easily overlooked by police analysts who react defensively

to using these organizing concepts.

The brutality process has a long, rich history. Just as important, it has crucial implications upon society

and the criminal justice system. Surprisingly limited research has been done on this subject in Africa and

Nigeria. Brutality of the police no doubt has effect on the interactions between communities and police.

2.4.1 THE 2020 ENDSARS PROTEST IN NIGERIA

Nigeria has witnessed numerous protests in the past. However, the EndSARS protests attracted massive

national and global attention with numerous political, business, entertainment, and religious leaders and

organizations across the globe supporting the campaign. EndSARS is a protest mounted by Nigerian

youths agitating for the immediate disbandment of SARS, as a result of brutality against the public and

youths in particular. Samuel, (2020) stated that the mass civil protest against SARS was an outcome of

prolonged and continuous polices’ acts of torture, intimidation and extrajudicial killings of Nigerians

and more especially the youths. According to Mayowa, (2020), EndSARS protest was triggered by the

public lack of confidence in the SARS of ending robbery activities in Nigerian society. He further stated

that the remote and immediate cause of the protest was as a result of prolonged acts of coercion and

intimidation by members of SARS towards Nigerian citizens.

Furthermore, the immediate trigger was a video that showed a SARS officer shooting a young motorist

in Ughelli, in Delta state, pushing the body out of the car and drove the deceased’s Lexus SUV. Within

days, crowds of young people gathered in Nigerian cities to demand the abolition of SARS (Samuel,
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2020). Nevertheless, the youth movement took to the streets and vowed not to back down before

substantial change was made. The protests spread into many states across Nigeria and are centred in the

largest city, Lagos. The protest of EndSARS started peacefully in the process and it turned to violence

where many innocent’s youths died and properties worth millions of naira were stolen and destroyed

(Kabir, 2020).

The protests created a powerful movement that appeared to shake those in power (Aliyu T). But those

currently in power at first misunderstood what was going on this time (Gimba.K). It gave young

Nigerians a voice that has shattered the country's culture of

difference. As the protest went viral, so did defiance of the elite in Nigeria. The trashing of the palace of

the highly respected oba, or traditional ruler, of Lagos, was symbolic of this mood. The protest has

become a conduit to vent anger with the elites in charge of Nigeria for decades and demand change.

Kakanda added that it brought awareness on the part of the authorities that poverty and hardship are

national security threats. In the end, it is now realized that the Nigerian Government can no longer take

such outrage for granted as it has done before and it is believed that the #EndSARS movement can

achieve something.

2.5 REVIEW OF SOME RELATED WORKS

Related studies are reviewed in this section. The focus is to look at the concern, methodology, findings,

and recommendations; this will enable this study to avoid repeating what other kinds of literature have

done and also improve on the study.

The first study reviewed is titled: The Political Economy of the #EndSARS Protest in Nigeria: Opening

the “Black Box” of Police Brute-Force and Extrajudicial Executions, by Samuel (2020).

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The focus of the study is on the analysis of the remote causes of the #EndSARS in contemporary

Nigeria. It tries to critically examine and analyze the police act of brutality and extrajudicial killings of

the Nigerian citizenry with a particular focus on the Special Anti-Robbery Squad SARS.

The study attached on both qualitative and quantitative data from the reports of researches carried out by

scholars, local and international NGOs and human right organizations. He concluded that the

#EndSARS protests were as a result of prolonged acts of coercion and intimidation of members of

SARS towards the Nigerian citizenry. The study adopted the political economy theoretical perspective,

to articulate the emergence/establishment of the Nigeria Police Force as a coercive state apparatus

established by the then British colonialists, despite political independence of the 1960s, and the Police

Force still retained its coercive and retributive attributes of torture, use of brute-force and extrajudicial

executions.

The study, therefore, recommended that the Nigerian state should embark on a holistic reformation of

the police institution. The study also recommended the creation of a civil police system to avoid the

occurrence of such uprising rebellion by members of the Nigerian public.

The study critically looked at the remote causes of #EndSARS protest and the brutality meted on the

public by Nigerian police especially SARS. The major gap in this study is its reliance on SARS

operation only. The study failed to see Nigerian’s youth who are the vulnerable and victims of police

brutality and extrajudicial killing.

The second study, titled; Attitude of Nigerians Toward the Nigerian Police in South West, Nigeria, by

Mayowa, (2020), focused so much on the protest which was triggered by the Public lack of confidence

in the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) to end robbery in the Nigerian society. The objectives of the

study looked at how the attitude of Nigerians toward the Police has affected the performance of the

14
Nigerian Police vis-à-vis crime control and the maintenance of law and order, to determine how police

public image can be enhanced, to gain public trust and confidence. The study was a survey that used a

questionnaire to obtained information from respondents.

Thirdly the Police and the Public in Nigeria’ by Okonkwo (1966), raised invaluable issues of the role of

police in the prevention, detection and enforcement of crime (1966). Though he addressed the Nigerian

issue in his book, there are certain grey areas he failed to enunciate and examine, such as the role of the

police as it relates to society in the promotion and protection of human rights in Nigeria

The study revealed that the public has lost confidence in the Nigerian Police to perform its statutory

function of maintaining law and order. It also pointed out that criminals bribed Police to secure freedom

and at times, Police often collude with the criminals to perpetrate crime. The study also revealed that the

Police had turned checkpoints to Automated Teller Machine (ATM) centres where illegal money is

collected from travelers. People perceived Police as lazy, corrupt, inefficient and trigger-happy. The

study revealed a high level of corruption within the rank and file of the Nigerian Police. The study

recommended to curtail corruption in the Nigerian police, the government should improve welfare

packages to the officers and men of the force.

Like other studies, this study did not focus on the challenges facing the Nigerian’s youth. It is unlike this

study; it was an empirical study.

2.6 THE YOUTHS, NIGERIAN POLICE AND THE 2020 ENDSARS PROTEST

In modern times and some years back, the attitude of Nigerian youths towards the NPF has been bad and

on the egged of deterioration. This may not be unconnected with Aina, (2020) described that the NPF,

which is saddled with the responsibility of ensuring law and order, is now seen by many as being unable

to deliver on its mandate. The duty of the police is perceived as a gatekeeper of the criminal justice
15
system, saddled with the enforcement of the law in the society, to protect lives, and property and

maintain civil order in the country.

The core mission of the police is to control crime. Indeed, professional crime-fighting ought to enjoy the

support of the society specifically the youths as the basic strategy of policing and to embody a deep

commitment to this objective (MarkH.Moore,Robert C. T, and George L. Kellin, 1988). In contrast, the

police unprofessionally are in problems with the youths in the society which to blur this focus. If these

unprofessional acts of the police leave the community more vulnerable to victimization, it would be

undesirable alternatives. As a result, the youths are no longer having confidence and trust the Nigerian

police in handling the responsibilities vested on the force by law. This resulted in the EndSARS protest.

Mayowa, (2020) Stated that the protest was triggered by the youth's lack of confidence in the SARS to

end robbery in Nigerian society. However, lack of confidence is not only limited to SARS alone but the

generality of the Nigerian Police. The Nigerian Police is bed evil led by social vices like corruption,

extra-judicial killings, aiding and abetting criminals, etc. He further stated that:

Despite the slogan that Police are your friend, bail is free, etc., many Nigerians still do not trust these

assertions by the Nigerian Police simply because the institution has lost its credibility and respect among

the citizens. The public believes that the Nigerian Police which is expected to be responsible for the

maintenance of law and order in the society has greatly deviated from this primary assignment

(Mayowa, 2020;3).

Conversely, on the highways policemen are worse; there are some instances where a police officer may

conspire with criminals by giving out gun and ammunitions. It is believed that the NPF is mostly

promoting corruption, accepting gratification, corrupt demand etc contrary to the law (Section 33 and 34

of the Nigerian Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (Establishment) Act 2004,Cap,E1Laws of

the Federation of Nigeria). These and other attitudes painted the images of the NPF in the eyes of the
16
Nigerian public in particular youth, as most victims of police brutality. To rebuild the loss of trust Aina

(2020) suggested that the police must be properly funded, adequately equipped and trained to ensure

greater professionalism, efficiency and effectiveness. These if adequately addressed as a matter of

urgency, would go a long way towards rebuilding trust in the NPF. Also, lack of education and

enlightenment contributed to the youths violating and responding to abuses contrary to the law. To bring

to an end of this dilemma between Nigerian police and the youths, government as matter of urgency

should reopen the tertiary institutions in the country subject to the pandemic protocols. Jobs should also

be provided to the teeming youth, establish small and medium entrepreneurship and offers loan, reform

the police with professional pieces of training on the significance of the police-community relationship.

It is further believed that it is necessary to amend some legal provisions on the operation and function of

police which have negatively affected the operational capacity of the police. It is suggested that

corruption in the Nigeria Police has been exacerbated by poor working conditions, inadequate logistic

and working facilities. These have greatly undermined the operational efficiency of the police to prevent

and control crime in Nigeria. Similarly, the police must be properly trained, and adequately equipped

and well remunerated. The police must also collaborate with the youths in sharing intelligence to

facilitate crime prevention and detection in Nigeria

The recent upsurge in violent crimes in Nigeria has created enormous uncertainty in the security of lives

and property of individuals and social stability in general. The incidents of traditional crimes such as

armed robbery, arson, drug trafficking and abuse, murder, kidnapping, rape, hired assassinations and

ritual killings are examples of the most serious and violent crimes which have been on the increase in

the recent past. The failed trust between the police and the youths resulted in that criminals are getting

more organized, sophisticated and brutal in operation and dastardly acts. The nation is witnessing the

emergences of dangerous trends in the social and economic well-being.

17
It appears that the primary functions of the police are detection and prevention of crime as well as the

preservation of law and order is not enforced as required. The police’s constitutional powers of ensuring

the prevalence of law and order and the preservation of public peace now resulted in rancour with the

youths. The powers and duties of the police force conferred by the constitution for effective oversight

and accountability are virtually abused. Most activities were done contrary to the provisions of the

Police Act (Section 4 of the Police Act Cap 359 LFN, 2020) which charge the force with the general

duties of protection of lives and property, detection and prevention of crime; apprehension of offenders

(Section 214(2)(b) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria withAmendments2011)

etc.

In the end, it is believed that the rights of the youth must not be subjected to abuse by the NPF since the

rights are mostly the right to life, the dignity of the human person, liberty, fair hearing, privacy and

family life. The challenges or some of the factors responsible for the ineffective performance of the

police or brutality against the youths are discussed.

2.7 CHALLENGES FACING THE NIGERIAN YOUTHS

Nigerian, in general, are confronting numerous challenges, these include unemployment and

underemployment, erratic power supply, infrastructural gaps, insufficient social amenities, poor

healthcare services, the lack of access to quality education and the threat posed by violent extreme is

mall in the past decades (Omoju&Abraham,2014). Those who occupy the proportional number among

the youths are youth, those below the age of forty years. Several studies pointed out that Nigerian youth

are facing challenges, despite the high population size and potentiality they possess. However, the

majority of those working aged on to have formal employment and there are few opportunities to get

standard education. Earlier this year, government statistics showed that 40% of Nigerians lived in

18
poverty as found by the National Bureau of Statistic, (NBS, 2020). This portrays that the major

challenges facing Nigerian youths are unemployment or underemployment, poverty, poor or lack of

quality education, coupled with police brutality, intimidation, harassment, extrajudicial killing and

extortion.

The poverty rate among the youths has remained very high due to underemployment. The Nigerian

government in 2008 stated that 80% of Nigerian youths were unemployed while 10% were

underemployed (Daily Trust, 2008). NBS (2020) revealed that Nigerian unemployment rate as in the

second quarter of 2020 projected is 27.1% indicating that about 21.7 million Nigerians remained

unemployed. However, unemployment and underemployment in Nigeria are combined at 55.7%. This

means that the total number of Nigerians who are unemployed and under employed asof2020.The most

pathetic situation, the worst-hit are Nigerian youth with over 13.9 million currently unemployed. Youth

between the ages of 15-24 have about 6.8 million Nigerian out of job and another 7.1million

unemployed. Consequently, NBC, (2020) further revealed that Nigerian’s youth population eligible to

work is about 40million out of which 14.7 million are fully employed and another 11.2 are unemployed.

To put things into context, the Nigerian youths unemployed are more than the population of Rwanda and

several other African countries. Additionally, NBS (2020) stated that the youth Population is also about

64% of total unemployed Nigerians suggesting that the most agile working-class population in the

country remains unemployed. Consequently, this assertion may not be unconnected with various

agitation, antisocial vices and criminal act engaged by youth in Nigeria. The movement of Boko Haram

was established by youth; the movement of herdsmen-farmers was perpetrated by the youth; the

kidnapping groups and the majority of the members are also youth. In the positive part, organizers and

members of Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) are youth; the EndSARS movement and protesters are

youth, but it was hijacked by another set of youth who have a different mission. Therefore, if youths

19
were given the necessary care and support they would contribute positively to the development and

growth of the country. However, contrary to it, there is the tendency of youths engaging in various social

problems such as insurgency, kidnapping, herdsmen-farmers conflict, protesting and terrorism among

others.

Poverty is another problem confronting Nigerian youth because there is a proportionate number of

youths roaming around the street in cities, towns and villages that couldn’t afford three square meals in a

day.

Youths are the backbone of development of any given society. No rational community will afford to

neglect the contribution of its teeming youths because they are the vital resources of development. They

neglect this group of human resources is no doubt the most pernicious of wastes, which can militate

against the development of efforts of the nation (Oday & Okoye 2014). Conceptually, there are three

views of poverty and each one applies to Nigerian youths; first, poverty as severe deprivation of human

needs at the individual or household level. second failure to achieve basic capabilities such as being

adequately nourished, living a healthy life, possession of skills to participate in economic and social life,

permission to take part in community activities etc. third subjective poverty assessments. The core of

this view of poverty is that poverty must be defined by the poor themselves or by the communities that

poor people live in Oday & Okoye (2014). Looking at the three views of poverty, the first view

considered poverty as material deprivation, while these conditions regarded it as multi-dimension all

phenomena, and the third said poverty has both physical and psychological dimensions. However, the

majority of the youth segment of the Nigerian population lives below the poverty line, due to

unemployment.

Consequently, with Nigeria labeled the "poverty capital of the world," many citizens are frustrated and

would do anything to change their situation. These served as the fodder that added to the ranks of the
20
EndSARS protesters. Unemployed, street youth soon joined their educated colleagues and these massive

crowds soon attracted local and foreign media outlets. Protesters with no food at home we referred at the

barricades (Agbalajobi,2020).

Despite the numerous challenges facing the Nigerian youths, the Nigerian Police were not helping

matter in this situation. They become known for their violent harassment of innocent young Nigerians

and forced the Nigerian youths to withdraw money from ATMs and make a transfer under duress by the

Nigerian police. Furthermore, there are various examples of people who have been raped, harassed,

flogged, extorted, injured or killed by the unit of SARS (Amnesty International, 2020).They further,

reported that SARS has been responsible for "at least 82 cases of torture, ill-treatment, and extra-judicial

execution" in a stretch of a just over three years, primarily targeting young, poor men.

These cumulative challenges that put Nigeria youths to form many movements to removed themselves

out of nefarious exploitation, harassment, extortion, extrajudicial killings, rapes and other ill-treatment

perpetrated by Nigerian police against young Nigerians. Historically, it is the user of these nefarious

forces, the Nigerian police meted to the members of Boko Haram that led to the escalation of Boko

Haram insurgency for more than a decade. Apart from the police brutality young Nigerians are,

therefore, most affected by government policies that have led to a lack of jobs and meaningful sources

for livelihood. Other triggers include the lavish lifestyle of political leaders. The government budgets

more money for the members of the National Assembly than for health and education.

These are some of the challenges confronting and affecting the Nigerian youth and they used the End

SARS protest to express their anger and dismay.

21
 CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Research Design

The study used descriptive research design. A descriptive study involves collecting data that test the

validity of the hypotheses regarding the present status of the subjects of the study. In this study, the

design was used to determine the youth's perceptions on police brutality, injustice and endsars protest in

Oyo state.

3.2 Population and Sampling Design

3.2.1 Population

The target population for a survey is the entire set of units for which the survey data are to be used to

make inferences (Cooper and Schindler, 2001). Thus, the target population defines those units for which

the findings of the survey are meant to generalize. Establishing study objectives is the first step in

designing a survey. Defining the target population should be the second step. Target populations must be

specifically defined, as the definition determines whether sampled cases are eligible or ineligible for the

survey. The geographic and temporal characteristics of the target population need to be delineated, as

well (Cox, 2008). Cox and West (1986) describe a population as a well-defined group of people or

objects that share common characteristics.

A population in a research study is a group about which some information is sought. Most researchers

cannot include all members of the population in their studies and must resort to limiting the number of

subjects to only a sample from the population. The target population in this case were youths in Oyo
22
state, Nigeria. The target population in this study was 205 in number.

3.2.2 Sampling Design

3.2.2.1 Sampling Frame

According to Currivan (2004) a sampling frame is a list of elements from which the sample is actually

drawn and is closely related to the population. In the ideal case, the sampling frame should coincide with

the population of interest.

3.2.2.2 Sample Size

A sample size allows the researcher to make generalizations about the population. A sample is a subset

of a population, but that subset is only useful if it accurately represents the larger population (Cox,

2008). To ensure that the sample accurately represents the population, the researcher clearly defined the

characteristics of the population, determined the required sample size and chose the best method

members of the sample from the larger population.

The sample used was 10% of the target population which was 205 since the target population of 205 was

large. According to Mugenda and Mugenda (1999) a sample size of between 10% and 30% is

statistically considered appropriate to determine a sample size of a given population. The sample size for

the study was therefore 110 which according to Mugenda and Mugenda (1999) it is above the required.

23
3.3 Data Collection Methods

The study relied greatly on both primary and secondary data. Secondary data was collected from

previous researches and works done by authors on the same subject matter. This secondary information

was sourced from electronically stored information, books and journals found in the library. Internet

sources included journals, books, reports, and case studies done on police brutality. The secondary data

was used to guide the researcher on the background of the study and give the literature review of the

study. The primary data was collected from the study population through the use of questionnaires to

meet the study objectives. Questions were closed ended in order to avoid biasness. The questions were

structured in such a way that the feedback expected was as per the researchers‟ requirements and the

perception of the respondents as well.

3.4 Research Procedures

The researcher developed a questionnaire based on the research objectives the questionnaire was pilot

tested by being administered randomly to a selected sample of ten respondents from the target

population to refine it and test the reliability of the instrument and also ensure that the questions therein

would be able to meet the objectives of the study.

Questionnaires were administered on a“ drop and pick” method to the selected respondents. At the point

of dropping of the questionnaires, the researcher ensured that the document was intact and explained to

the respondents what was expected of them. The questionnaires were filled and data collected coded,

collated and edited for ease of credibility and analysis (Kothari, 2004). The respondents were given a

week to fill in the questionnaires. The researcher ensured that contacts for the participants were received

from the respondents. Follow-up phone calls were made to the respondents so as to ensure that a high

response rate was achieved for the study.

24
3.5 Data Analysis Methods

Data analysis entails editing, coding and tabulation of data collected into manage able summaries that is

easy to interpret (Cox, 2008). This study used quantitative method of data analysis. To guarantee easy

scrutiny the questionnaire was coded in accordance with each of the research questions to ensure

precision during the study process. The data collected was classified into meaningful categories (coded),

edited and tabulation of the same was done. The MS Excel spreadsheets were used for the initial

tabulation, analysis and drawing of charts based on the respondent’s responses while Statistical Package

for Social Science (SPSS) Student Version 16.0 which is a unified and comprehensive package was used

to analyze the collected data thoroughly and conveniently.

25
 CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF RESULTS

4.1 Demographic Data of respondents

TABLE 4.1: CLASSIFICATION BY SEX

SEX NO OF RESPONDENTS PERCENTAGE %

Male 75 68.18

Female 35 31.81

Total 110 100%

Source field work, 2021

Both male and female youths in Oyo state were served with questionnaire, the breakdown and

percentages are given in the above table. A greater percentage of respondents are males while the

remaining were females.

26
TABLE 4.1.1: CLASSIFICATIONS BY EDUCATIONAL LEVEL

QUALIFICATION NO OF RESPONDENTS PERCENTAGE %

Primary sch. Cert 8 7.3

Secondary School certificate 20 18.2

B.Sc/HND 30 27.3

HSC/OND/NCE 25 22.7

Professional qualification 22 20.0

Post graduate diploma 5 4.5

Total 110 100%

From the above table as we observed the 27.3% of 110 respondents attained B.Sc./HND level in their

educational background, while 22.7% obtained HSC/NCE/OND certificate. Also 20.0% of the

respondents possess professional qualifications while 4.5% have post graduate degree. 28 respondents

were primary and secondary school certificate holders.

27
4.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

TABLE 4.3What is the level of police brutality in Oyo state?

Responses No of respondent Percentage %

High level 52 47.27

Moderate 33 30

Low level 25 22.7

Total 110 100%

Source: Fieldwork, 2021

From the table above, majority of the respondents indicated that there is a high level of police brutality

in Oyo state (47.27%), while 30% indicated that the level of police brutality in Oyo state is moderate,

22.7% indicated that there is a low level of police brutality in Oyo state.

This shows that the level of police brutality in Oyo state is high, as indicated by majority of the

respondents.

TABLE 4.4 What are the causes of injustice among Nigerian police officers in Oyo state?

Responses No of Respondents Percentage %

Low salary 58 52.8

Poor working condition 12 10.9

Lack of training 28 25.45

Incompetence 20 18.2

28
Source fieldwork, 2021

1. From the table above, majority of the respondents indicated that low salary is the cause of injustice

among Nigerian police officers in Oyo state, 25% of the respondent indicated that lack of training of the

officers is the cause of injustice among Nigerian police officers in Oyo state, 18.2% of the respondents

indicated that incompetence is the cause of injustice among Nigerian police officers in Oyo state, while

10.9% of the respondent indicated that poor working condition is the cause of injustice among Nigerian

police officers in Oyo state.

The findings show that low salary of police officers is the major cause of injustice among Nigerian

police officers in Oyo state.

TABLE 4.5 What are the effect of the endsars protest on police brutality?

Responses F Percentage %

Created awareness on police brutality 48 43.7

Reduced police harassment 29 26.4

Bolden the duties of the police force 26 23.7

Total 110 100%

Source: fieldwork, 2021

The table above shows that 43.7% of the respondents indicated that the endsars protest affected police

brutality by creating awareness to the youths on police brutality, 26.4% observed that the endsars protest

reduced police harassment in Oyo state, 23.7% indicated that the endsars protest has brought to the light

the core duties of the police force thereby reducing police brutality in Oyo state.

29
4.3 TEST OF HYPOTHESIS

I. Statement of Hypothesis

Ho1: H01: There is a significant difference in the perceptions of the youths in Oyo state on police

brutality and injustice.

H02: There is no significant effect of the endsars protest on police brutality.

The statistical tools used.

chi-square used in this study is as follows

X2 = (O-E)2

Where

X2 = is the computed chi-square.

O = The observed frequency

E = The expected frequency

 = The summation sign

The table 4.2.10 was used for this analysis

iii. Testing the hypothesis

Table 4.3.1: Calculation of chi-square for hypothesis one (Ho1)

30
 2
2 O-E
Responses O E O-E O-E

Yes i46 77 69 4761 61.83

No 43 23 20 400 17.39

Total 189 100 79.22

Source: Computed from field survey

Computed chi-square (X2) = 79.22.

Table value =

df = (m-i) (n-i)

df = 2-i) (2-i)

df = 1x1=1,=3.84.

iv. The Decision Rule

A decision rule is the statistical objective procedure, which guides the researcher as to whether a

particular hypothesis is accepted or rejected from a set of data.

In testing the above hypothesis, the decision rule states that at 0.5 level of significance with 1 degree of

freedom of the calculated value of chi-square X2>X20, reject Ho and accept Hi, where X20 is the table

value of 3.84.

v. Take the decision

The chi-square shows that the calculated value of 79.22 is greater than the table value of 3.84 at 1 degree
31
of freedom and at a probability level of 0.5. SO the (Hi) alternative hypothesis is rejected and the null

hypothesis (H0) upheld, that there is no significant difference in the perceptions of the youths in Oyo

state on police brutality and injustice.

4.3.2 Test of Hypothesis(H02)

Ho2. There is no significant effect of the endsars protest on police brutality.

ii. The statistical tools used

Chi-square was used as the statistical tool to test the hypothesis. The formula for-chi square for this

study is as follows.

X2 =  (O-E)2

Where X2 = is the computed chi-square.

O = Observed frequency

E = Expected frequency

 = Summation sign

iii. Testing the hypothesis

Table 4.3.2: Calculation of chi-square for hypothesis two (Ho2)

2
2 O-E
Responses O E O-E O-E
32
 E

Strongly agreed 77 41 36 1296 31.61

Agreed 52 28 24 576 20.56

Undecided 9 5 4 16 3.2

Disagreed 32 16 16 256 16

Strongly disagreed 19 10 9 81 8.1

Total 189 100 79.47

Source: Computed from field survey

Computed Table chi-square value

79.47(X20)
(X2)

df = (n-1)

(m-1)

df = (5-1) (2-1)

 = 4x1=49.488

iv. The decision rule

The decision rule stats that a 0.5 level of significance, with 4 degree of freedom, if the computed chi-

square value X2> X20, reject null hypothesis (Ho2) and upheld alternative hypothesis (H2), where X2o

is the table value of 9.488 or 9.49.

v. Take decision

33
The chi-square shows that the calculated value of 79.47 is greater than the table value of 9.488 at 4

degree of freedom and at a probability level of 0.5. This result shows that the alternate hypothesis (H2)

that represents the positive response tested Significant and it was upheld that there is no significant

effect of the endsars protest on police brutality.

34
 CHAPTER FIVE

RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION

5.1 Recommendation

The involvement in violent acts may not be unconnected with lukewarm attitude demonstrated by

political leadership, extravagance behaviours exhibited by the politicians and socio-economic inequality

permeating the nation. The widespread of employment and under employment, poverty, poor sharing of

resource and police brutality, extortion, exploitation, extrajudicial killings, have created a series of

emotion and frustrations, thereby influencing the angry youths to agitated for changes or indulge in

violent acts. The EndSARS protest has affected government, economic of the country, individual, group

and many youths sustained different degree of injuries and some loss their lives.

Considering the implication, the negligent attitudes by the government against the Nigerian youth and

what the youths can do, the paper, therefore, recommends the following:

i. Government as a matter of urgency should reform the entire Nigerian police force and fetch out the

bad eggs among them. So that the institution will regain its confidence from the public in general and

Nigerians youths in particular. So that to avoid the future occurrences of EndSARS or any youth unrest

in the country.

ii. The police organization should establish a strong committee that will look into any complaint of

misconduct presented against SARS or any policeman. However, the perpetrators should have brought

to book. That will be a deterrence to other rank and file in the police organization.

iii. The youths on their part should engage in schooling, petty business, small and medium business to

35
avoid idleness. In other words, you should invest their energies in productive activities capable of

brightening their future life chances so that they can contribute implicitly to nation improvement.

iv. Also, the youths in the country should be allowed to express themselves and integrate them into

governance, economic and any decision for the development of the country.

v. The parent should take up their role seriously in terms of training, guarding and guiding their

children. To keep their eyes on which friends are they moving with, where they are going. This will

contribute immensely in preventing and protecting the children not to found themselves into moving

with bad eggs youth, taking drugs, anti-social vices, violent acts etc.

It is important to recognize that the judicial commissions of inquiry have started sitting in various states

of the country. However, what will unfold next round of #EndSARS largely depends on the willingness

of the Federal Government to investigate the Lekki Toll gate shootings of the #EndSARS protesters

openly and transparently, and in good faith. Concerted efforts by the Federal Government to address the

concerns in the 7-point agenda submitted to President Buhari would also boost the trust of the

#EndSARS protesters and the supportive Nigerians in the diaspora.

5.2 Conclusion

The paper examined the issue of the youth’s movement concerning EndSARS protest to the challenges

confronting or facing the Nigerian youths. Therefore, the public confidence should be resuscitated

towards the Nigerian Police Force (NPF), this will protect the future reoccurrences. The relationship

between Nigerian police and Nigerian youths are on the verge of deterioration. The poor attitude of the

government of Nigeria and the Nigerian police brutality against the citizenry are the factors responsible

for the EndSARS protest. This makes youths to create violent means to express their anger and

36
grievances inform of violent acts.

There is a great need for improvement of surveillance equipment, protective equipment and

sophisticated weapon as indicated from the findings for proper performance and strengthening of the

police work force. Other than that paramilitary training, civilian intelligence ,use of civilian confidential

information has been seen as being crucial in the performance of the police force in their operations.

Most of the police officers have confidential informants and most see the information from the

confidential informants being very effective in their execution of their duties. The confidential

informants are used in getting of viable information which is to be used in their work especially in

crimes to do with gangs and groups.

The powers and authority given to the police are very important in executing their duties especially in

the curbing of the alarming increase in the insecurity in the country. There is high need to strengthen

power to detain and jail any suspect of crime by the police officers. The major challenge facing the

police officers is poor housing and long chain of commands the least challenge was that of delay of

information and unfair treatment of female officers. The best solution to the challenges facing police

officers is building of standard houses and also better payment of the officers while the least solution

being increase in police training and proper training.

37
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Publishers ,Ado-Ekiti, 2008, p.28.

Agbalajobi, D., (2020). Why #EndSARS Protest Are Different, and What Lesson They Hold for

Nigeria, Https://theconversation.com/

Aina,F.(2020).Young People and Police Brutality: Generational Leadership in Nigeria.

Amnesty International (2020). Urgent Action, EndSARS: Investigate Killing of

protestershttps://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/AFR4432542020ENGLISH.pdf.

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Zaria in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Award of Master of Laws Degree

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https://www.blackpast.org/global-africa-history/nigeria-youth-movement-1934-1951/

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40
 QUESTIONNAIRE

Dear Respondent,

I am an undergraduate student in the department of Criminology & Security Studies, National Open

University. I am conducting a research on youth's perceptions on police brutality, injustice and endsars

protest among Nigerians. a study of youths in selected local government areas in Oyo state

This is in fulfillment of a partial requirement for the award of B.Sc. Criminology & Security Studies.

In view of this, I am soliciting your cooperation in answering the questions as best as you can. I wish to

assure you that all information given will be properly and would be treated with utmost confidentiality

and anonymity.

Yours faithfully,

AWAWA BUHARI SUCCESS

08065740099

……………………………………………….

41
Please tick appropriately

1. Gender

Male

Female

2. Level of education

Primary school leaving certificate

Secondary school

BSC

OND/HND

Professional certificate

Post graduate degree

3. What is the level of police brutality in Oyo state?

High level

Moderate

Low level

4. What are the causes of injustice among Nigerian police officers in Oyo state?

Low salary

42
Poor working condition

Lack of training

Incompetence

5. What are the effect of the endsars protest on police brutality?

Created awareness on police brutality

Reduced police harassment

Bolden the duties of the police force

43