Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Psychology For The Third World - Tod S. Sloan
Psychology For The Third World - Tod S. Sloan
1-20
Most citizens in the industrialized nations know the Third World only through
secondhand and distorting images conveyed by the mass media. While these
images and related processes of globalization are increasing awareness of pov-
erty, civil strife, and human rights abuses in the Third World, few people in the
First World seem to care about changing these painful realities. Ignorance,
neglect, and a form of defensive dehumanization allow the "developed world" to
proceed as if there were no serious problems in the "developing world." Yet
even the most basic statistics on conditions in the poorest nations point to
massive and systematic suffering. Western behavioral scientists, who clearly
have much to contribute, have yet to manifest the sustained concern necessary to
develop fruitful interventions. This is due in part to ideological constraints on
psychology and related disciplines. Nevertheless, numerous researchers working
in the Third World have been pioneering models and methods that may challenge
others to rethink disciplinary assumptions, and begin to confront Third World
problems effectively. This article surveys the development of these activities and
issues a call for increased involvement.
The Third World. Fbr those of us who live in the industrialized societies, it is
seen as another world, not our own. It is nevertheless a world whose surfaces and
textures we know fairly intimately. Through television and magazine images,
and perhaps through travel, we are familiar with the dust and the mud, the deserts
and jungles, the temples and tourist sights, the slums surrounding the mega-
lopolises, the children and the beggars, the crowds, the lively markets, the garbage
and pollution, catchy rhythms and bright patterns, colorful festivals, military
The author thanks Stuart Oskamp and several anonymous reviewers for their comments on an
earlier draft of this article. The editors thank the University of TUlsa Office of Research and Depart-
ment of Psychology for material and clerical support in the preparation of this issue.
Correspondence regarding this article should be addressed to Tod S, Sloan, Department of
Psychology, University of Tblsa, Tlilsa, OK 74104,
1
0022-*537/90/0900.0001$06,00/l © 1990 The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues
2 Sloan
dictators, brilliant sunsets, the fly-filled eyes of famine victims, the destruction
left by civil wars and car bombs, mobs of angry youth, veiled and silent women.
Very few who are able to read this page, however, have more than a few
fragments of understanding that penetrate these plentiful but superficial and
distorting images. The Third World exists for us on a day-to-day basis mainly as
a jumble of striking images broadcast from the world's hotspots into comfortable
living rooms. The reports we receive are filtered through a variety of lenses that
often tell more about the processors of the news than about what is actually
happening (Dorman, 1986). Partly as a consequence of fragmentation and ideo-
logical distortion, the events that prompt Third World news reports line up in our
memories like a chain of explosive situations to which we feel unconnected: El
Salvador, Ethiopia, South Korea, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Chile, Mozam-
bique . . .
Yet that other world, as alien as it may seem to the eyes of the industrialized
world's citizens, is obviously part of this world. It is made up of the three or four
billion fellow human beings who will live and die in conditions that few "mod-
em" persons would tolerate for more than a few days or weeks. Perhaps it is this
unthinkable difference that inclines us to construe their existence as something
separate, untouchable, even irrelevant. Or perhaps we have learned that to begin
to empathize with their situations is to begin to feel connected to them, to sense
our common humanity, and to feel responsible, so we defensively deny the
connection and dehumanize them (Kelman & Hamilton, 1989). This oft-repeated
move plays its part in perpetuating their inhuman conditions. A century or two
ago, that other world and all those people were conveniently far away, just
colonial territories, exotic places, or tropical paradises. We could afford to ignore
them (and exploit them). But now they are in our living rooms nightly, and their
governments and economies are interwoven with ours. Furthermore, we who live
in the industrialized world (and in its outposts in Third World capitals) see them
streaming in to live among us. Even when we see them here, close up, we find it
difficult to recognize them as fellow humans. Empathy is difficult to generate
because our direct interests are not involved, we are unable to care (Bat-
son, 1990), and we go about our business.
I apologize to those readers who will not be able to empathize with this
language of "we" and "they," of "here" and "there." Professor Montero and I
planned this issue of the Journal of Social Issues, in part, as a move toward
overcoming this linguistic residue of colonial times. The sad fact is that, in a
manner that mirrors the industrialized world's persistent dehumanization and/or
exclusion of what Harrington (1969) calls the "vast majority," Western psychol-
ogists operating within this language have ignored the societies of the Third
World, viewing them as the proper subject matter for other disciplines, such as
economics or anthropology. Many critical tasks, some of which we hope to
examine here and in the following articles, have thus not been confronted.
Psychology for the Third World? 3
attention to all of these topics. We turn now to describe some aspects of the
reality we hope psychologists will begin to address more systematically.
Indicators of Suffering
Low-income economies
Ethiopia 120 0.0 46
Bangladesh 160 0.4 50
Uganda 230 -2.6 48
Haiti 330 0.6 54
Middle-income economies
Nicaragua 790 -2.3 61
Venezuela 2920 0.4 70
Industrial market economies
United Kingdom 8870 1.7 75
Japan 12,840 4.3 78
United States 17,480 1.6 77
Tahle 2. Nutrition, Education, and Child Survival Data for Selected Nations
thus widens, and even using wildly optimistic projections, it can be established
that existing economic and political structures wiil never permit poor nations to
catch up (Donaldson, 1986). For the moment, we will leave aside the questions
of whether those societies should want to emulate the material standard of living
of the industrialized countries and whether there are ways of improving material
conditions without severe social disruption.
To render this picture of Third World conditions more concrete, one can
translate the above figures from the low-income economies into the image of a
single person's existence: a life of hunger, malnutrition, backbreaking work,
stagnation, disease, wrenching losses of loved ones, and early death. The impos-
sible psychological task for concerned individuals is to multiply that stark image
by several billion and to sense the magnitude of suffering experienced by at least
a third of the world's inhabitants. One may be tempted to argue that they have
always lived that way and may not want to live differently. It is true that the
meanings and qualities of Third World suffering are determined by cultural
processes and historical contexts, but it is safe to say that things have not always
been as they are. Conditions of Third World life, for those in poverty, have
declined as a systematic effect of urbanization, industrialization, and related
population growth, all of which are the direct effects of historical linkages to the
industrial powers (Clark, 1986; Frobel, Heinrichs, & Kreye, 1985; Harris,
1986).
Is Psychology Relevant?
Until recently, psychologists could have shrugged oflf this reality, arguing
that Third World development is an economic or political problem about which
psychologists know very little. It would just be a matter of time, they could say.
6 Sloan
before these suffering societies would share in the benefits of industrial civiliza-
tion. But for most countries, despite intensive international efforts, development
has not occurred as planned. This is partly due to world recession in the 1980s
(UNICEF, 1989) and partly to what has come to be known as "underdevelop-
ment"—the systematic destruction of "peripheral" economies through unequal
and distorted exchange with the "core" nations (Clark, 1986). There is much
debate about the extent to which "underdevelopment" accounts for Third World
economic problems, and even more controversy about the cultural and ideologi-
cal ramifications of North-South economic relations (cf. Montero, this issue;
Walker, 1984). These may be pseudoissues, because even in the few successful
newly industrializing countries such as Taiwan, South Korea, and occasionally
Brazil or Mexico, in which economic growth has begun to improve material
conditions for some sectors of society, there is a neglected reality that many
observers prefer not to see. It is, however, exactly the sort of reality about which
psychologists need to be concerned. Improvement of material conditions does
not necessarily depend on or lead to the development of just and equitable labor
practices or social institutions. For example, Harris (1986) writes that the human
costs of rapid economic growth have been extensive, creating inherently unstable
societies. Income gaps have not decreased but widened, and the price of austerity
measures necessary for growth is paid by the poor:
In reality, the dazzling high rates of growth of output, year in and out, were not achieved
by magic, nor by governments, nor by management; they required the musck, biain and
discipline and the unremitting toil of millions of collaborating workers. . . . One of the
most massive and continuing sources of subsidy to the growth of capital derives from a
failure to pay the full costs of the process, as seen in the workers' conditions of housing
and nutrition, water and drainage, in pollution, in the exhaustion of labour, in all the
casual savageries of police regimes. (Harris, 1986, p. 194)
Perhaps some psychologists have assumed that when the basic needs of
Third World citizens have been met, psychology will become more relevant since
it is equipped to deal with emotional needs that are somewhat secondary to
physical survival needs. This would be a logical assumption since the adjustment
and fine-tuning of the individual for education, work, and self-actualization has
been the primary role of psychology in the developed world. But by now it must
be dawning on us that emotional needs aie equally primary, that physical needs
are not likely to be met very soon in most countries, and that psychological
factors are intricately bound up with the capacity for survival of the world's poor.
Psychoideological factors also certainly play a role among the elites in the First
and Third Worlds as they justify their own positions of luxury in social systems
that have done little to relieve the suffering of the world's poor.
The importance of the psychological realm is also borne out by the fact that,
over the last decade, a key topic of debate among development experts has been
the role of "culture" in economic development (cf. Laszlo, 1985; and whole
Psychology for the Third World? 7
issues of the journal Deve/opwenr, 1981, No. 3/4; 1987, No. 1). Included under
this concept of culture are attitudes, motivational states, values, and knowledge,
all of which were previously seen as secondary effects of gross economic pro-
cesses. The concept is often used in a problematic way, in a sort of mass
"blaming the victim" analysis, attributing a nation's failure to thrive to the
negative traits of cultural/emotional character of its citizens. (As an example of
this, see L. E. Harrison, Underdevelopment Is a State of Mind: The Latin
American Case, 1985). The entry of behavioral scientists into the culture-and-
development debate might correct some of these analytic problems.
Notable Absences
issues that arose in the budding field of cross-cultural psychology (cf. Triandis et
al., 1980, for a comprehensive summary of this work). The psychological liter-
ature of the 1970s is thus strikingly silent about ongoing research in connection
with development projects or Third World problems, ftychological variables
played a role in the work of Inkeles (1983) on modernization, and McCkUaud
(1977) continued exploring applications of his need-for-achievement model to
societal development. Yet it seems that most of the research and action energies
of Western behavioral scientists who might have contributed directly to Third
World problem solving flowed into the cross-cultural paradigm, or perhaps into
nonpsychological administrative or investigative roles in development-related
work.
Later, in the 1980s, we begin to see the fruits of the British and Indian work
(Blackler, 1983; Sinha & Holtzman, 1984; Sinha, 1986) as well as a North
American recognition that a major task had been ignored (Rosenzweig, 1984;
Kennedy, Scheirer, & Rogers, 1984; Cole, 1984; Wagner, 1986; Bond, 1988).
We also see the emergence of Latin American perspectives on possible roles for
psychology (Ardila, 1982; Salazar, 1984; Diaz-Guerrero, 1984; Montero, 1987;
Sanchez & Wiesenfeld, 1987). Many of these authors question the appropri-
ateness of Western-style behavioral science for Third World settings, while oth-
ers envision fairly direct importation of models and methods.
It is striking to note that the majority of these articles discuss the potential
contributions of psychology. For instance, Sinha (1986)., in his review of psycho-
logical work in India, concluded with frustration that, for all their activity,
psychologists had done little to solve "real-world" problems there. As reasons
for this, he cited the following: (1) overdependence on the Euro-American
worldview; (2) a distorted sense of scientific priorities; (3) irrelevance of models
and findings of the "modem" world in the "traditional" world; (4) lack of
petspective on larger soc\a\ structures and processes', (5) lack of interdiscipli-
narity; (6) absence of a problem-focused approach; (7) constraints of natural-
scientific, mathematical, and hypothetical-deductive research methods; (8) lack
of appropriate instruments for use with an uneducated and illiterate population;
and (9) fragmented research programs. One may hope that interdisciplinary,
problem-focused, methodologically flexible projects will lead to more successful
interventions. But there is a major obstacle to overcome first: at the heart of the
psychological enterprise (particularly in the United States), few seem to care.
The reader may have noted that many of the key articles cited above were
published in recent editions of the International Journal of Psychology (e.g.,
Sinha & Holtzman, 1984) and the American Psychologist. They should be com-
mended for bringing articles about the global challenge to our attention. Their
efforts, however, have had little impact in the United States, where the psycholo-
gy industry is the largest in the world. As evidence of this, consider what
happened when one of two special themes of the 1988 convention of the Ameri-
Psychology for the Third World? 9
compass the Third World will probably entail further critiques of Western indi-
vidualism of the sort that have become increasingly urgent in recent years (e.g.,
Sampson, 1989).
Given that behavioral scientists have generally ignored the crucial task of
understanding and aiding the Third World, it will be useful to consider why those
who are already engaged in aspects of that task have become so. The following
considerations seem to be relevant:
First, we must consider the grov/ing psychological concem for Th\td WOTW
development as part of the general movement toward global awareness produced
by the development of international communication and transportation systems.
Solutions for First World problems are increasingly understood as the cause of
new problems in the Third World. To consider just one current example, the
North American appetite for hamburger beef can be linked to the deforestation of
the Amazon basin to create grazing ^and. This not only interrupts the natural
cycles of atmospheric self-regulation but also has a more direct human cost in the
displacement of indigenous peoples from their natural habitats. The list of such
social, ecological, and political interconnections grows longer each day, as social
and natural scientists adopt holistic worldviews. This wave of new science has
revolutionary political implications, most of which were hotly debated first in
environmentalist circles, and now in the broad "Green Movement" which began
in Europe and is already becoming an important political factor in the Americas
(Bahro, 1986; Porritt, 1984; Spretnak & Capra, 1986). The Green Movement can
be understood sociohistorically as an umbrella movement for many groups
whose interests are not being met by the economies, security systems, and
political institutions of the Western social formation—especially women, chil-
dren, the Third World poor, and nature (Galtung, 1986).
Second, current psychological interest in the Third World is also part of a
search for postcolonial and postimperial relations between the core and pe-
ripheral states (Clark, 1986). Memmi (1965) and Fanon (1968) alerted European
and African intelligentsia about the psychological damage caused by colonial
relations. Their viev/s, in fact, have provided foundations for alternative psychol-
ogies that promise greater relevance to Third World societies (Bulhan, 1985).
Third, psychology's budding interest in the Third World reflects the interna-
tionalization ofthe social sciences in general (Tiryakian, 1986), and is an echo of
developments in theoretical (Taussig, 1980) and applied (Bastide, 1971) an-
thropology, which themselves were triggered by geopolitical developments.
Western concem for the development of the Third World first arose in the
vacuum created as colonialism collapsed with World War II (Alavi & Shanin,
1982). The movement of "developmentalism" aimed to reduce the gap between
Psychology for the Third World? H
the human sciences (Bernstein, 1983; Fay, 1987; Gergen, 1982; Giddens, 1987;
Mendel, 1980; Parker, 1989; Polkinghome, 1983; Riegel, 1976; Rosenwald,
1988; Wexler, 1983).
Eighth, interest in Third World populations and related topics has increased
recently because new forms of cultural and ethnic diversity (due to immigration,
refugees, migrant workers, and so on) in industrialized societies have created
thorny problems in schools, workplaces, and communities. Interethnic violence
has not subsided, and racist attitudes seem to be on the rise.
Last but certainly not least, there have been important influences, through
collaboration and academic exchange, of Third World social scientists on the
interests and concerns of First World psychologists. For instance, D. Sinha has
worked tirelessly to bridge between the two worlds (D. Sinha, 1984, 1986; D.
Sinha & Kao, 1988). Similar roles have been played by J. Sinha (1984), Salazar
(1988), and Pareek, who reviews his work in this journal issue. Perhaps the most
prominent new voice of this sort, arguing with increased urgency and in-
cisiveness for an appropriate Third World psychology, is that of Moghaddam
(1987; Moghaddam & Taylor, 1985, 1986). His most recent formulation of the
issues follows this introduction.
Confronting all these reasons for increased psychological interest in the
Third World is the fact that adoption of a global perspective can throw one off
balance. It requires a new view of personhood (Sampson, 1989). Familiar analyt-
ic frameworks can begin to feel irrelevant. Fbr example, if one is accustomed to
understanding behavior as a function of person and environment, what happens
to that framework when the person is no longer one's vague image of a middle-
class "rational actor" and the environment is not the usual small group, family,
or classroom? What if we consider the "person" as the 40,000 children who die
daily of curable illnesses such as diarrhea (UNICEF, 1989)? How do we under-
stand the "environment" or "situation" when it includes the complex web of
international economic decisions, migrations, and local political structures that
set up the immediate conditions experienced by those children? And what is the
relevant "behavior" in this example? The example would feel even more absurd
if we tried to apply other favorite psychological concepts and topics: heredity vs.
environment, gender differences, factors in attractiveness and liking, categories
of psychopathology, cross-national personality comparisons, and so on. Count-
less behavioral science concepts and issues are simply irrelevant when we con-
front them with social realities that do not mesh with the ideologically condi-
tioned concerns of behavioral scientists in industrial societies. Certain of our
established concepts will undoubtedly be useful, but perhaps only as temporary
tools, and certainly not as the career-making "entities" they have become in
mainstream social science. It seems likely that entirely new visions of what it
means to be a psychologist or a social scientist, perhaps merging political ac-
tivism with consultation and networking, will have to be hammered out (Hamnett
& Porter, 1983; Parker, 1989; Petras, 1978).
Psychology for the Third World? 13
derland, the task is to do something effective about Third World realities. In this
effort, the focus of development planners has been shifting away from broad
national development projects toward smaller scale, community-centered pro-
grams. Westem calls for "participatory research" in "community development"
projects have been more and more frequent recently (e.g.. Gran, 1983;
Hirschman, 1984; Brown, 1985; Rosenwaid, 1988; Sullivan, 1990), and Third
World social scientists from Puerto Rico to Brazil have extensively analyzed and
documented successful projects of this sort (Barreiro, 1974; Fals Borda, 1981,
1988).
However, as one begins to work with individuals and local communities on
practical problems of the Third World poor, serious obstacles can arise. One may
encounter the opposition of those who benefit from the continued exploitation of
the masses in developing societies, and who therefore resent and fear efforts to
organize them. Local achievements are thus often erased by bureaucratic tangles
or deliberate foot-dragging by administrators (Derman & Whitford, 1985). For
example, the impact of the community development work for self-improvement
of housing reported by Briceno-Leon, Gonzales, and Pheian (this issue) was
partially undermined by subsequent gifts of housing by the state to individuals
who had not participated in the housing improvement program.
In worse cases, change agents themselves can become targets of established
power, as was the case for one of our authors, Ignacio Martin-Bar6, to whom this
volume is dedicated. Martin-Baro was a Jesuit priest, social psychologist, and
university administrator who, among many other activities, ran an independent
public opinion polling institute in war-tom El Salvador. Martin-Bar6 linked his
calls for social justice, peace, and respect for human rights to objective public
opinion data, speaking truths that the govemment wished to hide. His life had
been threatened on many occasions, so it was with little surprise, although with
great horror, that we leamed of his mutilation and execution, along with five
similarly dedicated fellow priest-scholars, and their housekeeper and her
daughter, in November 1989. Subsequent investigations proved that the atrocity
was carried out by an elite U.S.-trained squad of the Salvadoran military. Which
higher authorities may have been involved is still being determined.
The example of Martin-Baro's murder raises the general question of neo-
colonial complicity with political repression and social injustice (Burbach,
1986), and in particular, of the very questionable roles played by academics and
universities in these activities (Feldman, 1989). We need to find ways for psy-
chologists, in coordination with others, to contribute effectively to confronta-
tions with the authoritarian, antidemocratic state. Some valuable lessons can be
leamed from the expanding networks of "human rights and mental health"
advocates such as those described by Lykes and Liem (this issue).
If we could have published 40 rather than 10 articles in this issue, we would
have wanted to include work representing several more of the distinct regions of
15 Sloan
the Third World, for example, sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, central Asia
(undeveloped regions of China and the Soviet Union), and so forth. We also wish
we could have included more work on a long list of topics, for example, the
specific problems of Third World children (Ennew & Milne, 1990; MacPherson,
1987), women (ISIS, 1983; Obbo, 1985), refugees, workers (Fuentes &
Ehrenreich, 1983; Johnson & Bemstein, 1982), the mentally ill (Sonntag et al.,
1977), indigenous peoples (cf. any issue of Cultural Survival Quarterly), and the
elderly; and on psychocultural aspects of poverty (Leacock, 1971), the global
economic crisis (ftobel et al., 1985), primary health care with the poor, popula-
tion control, war trauma (Martin-Bar6, 1990), comiflunity participation (Bam-
betger, \9%%), envitonmetvlaV ptoiecl\OT\ ^Dwmmg, \9%9\ wrtjaii ttowAi-ng
(Roberts, 1978), tourism (Buck-Morss, 1987; de Kadt, 1979), foreign policy
(Shapiro, 1988), literacy (fteire, 1985), and many other pressing topics.
Overwhelmed? A useful place to start is the handy resource guide for
"linking citizens of the First and Third Worlds" prepared by Benjamin and
Freedman (1989).
My personal conclusion about all this is that the First move toward Third
World involvement by Westem-trained behavioral scientists must be a self-
purging of individualistic and scientistic thinking (Habermas, 1971). This
would entail a shift from "pure" research focusing on individual behavior to
applied research/intervention of the sort normally associated with primary pre-
vention programs, public health education, family systems approaches, com-
munity mobilization strategies, program evaluation, and even world systems
analysis. These approaches adopt nonindividualistic perspectives, but they
nevertheless hold quality in individual human lives as an ultimate value. Most
psychologists hold this value at least implicitly, but are prevented by current
ideological and practical limitations of their discipline and profession from
being as effective as the^ might be ^IA tealvxmg It. Mtw tU\% pVv'j&e, o? cntk'zA
self-refiection, very careful thought must be given to the most effective ways of
getting involved in the solution of practical problems in the developing world.
For some, this will mean building on existing technical or language skills, and
redirecting them; others will have to start from scratch, retool, retrain, and
reconnect. I cannot imagine a greater challenge for a contemporary social sci-
entist. Nor is there an area m which sustained engagement could potentially
affect so many lives.
The articles in this issue struggle toward new approaches, both at the the-
oretical level and in the practical realm. Aware that the issues raised above and
throughout this volume are exceedingly complex, the authors do not pretend to
have resolved them. Their work, however, gives clear evidence that many ave-
nues are open to those who wish to reflect on and modify their own scientific
activities in light of the global perspective that now forces itself upon us all, and
calls for us to work toward meeting the basic needs of all humanity.
Psychology for the Third World? 17
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