PAD270 ARTICLE SUMMARY

In certain nations, ethnic violence has erupted as a result of a rise in intolerance, which may
be due to a reluctance to share the economic pie, political influence, educational, language, and
religious freedom with other ethnic groups. The ensuing ethnic conflict will not only stifle economic
growth and jeopardize social harmony, but it will also make the formation of a national identity and
national solidarity more difficult, especially in a multi-ethnic region. Regardless of the fact that each
ethnic group lives in the same neighbourhood, connections between them are small and limited,
such as at market places. International agreement has been reached on the challenges and problems
of containing ethnic conflict, particularly in a multiracial country.

Consociational politics is an approach through which it promotes power sharing. It has been
put forward by Lijphart (1977) and could facilitate cooperation among ethnic groups. The focus is to
get the elite groups that represent their respective ethnic groups to work with their elite
counterparts, such as in Cyprus. This can be seen in the failure of peace attempts after the collapse
of the political system in 1960 because veto power was a hindrance to cooperation between the
Greek and Turkish Cypriots. It could upset the cooperation since the minorities have the power that
is bigger than the power of the coalition itself. It is a reset button that could be used by any groups,
especially the minority groups, should they feel threaten or be at the disadvantage position due to
any decision made. With this provision all the decisions should be based on broad consensus and
should be made on a broad consensus. The study has applied the 13th May 1969 conflict to relate to
the consociational approach to ethnic resolution in Malaysia, and for Lebanon the
consociationational approach analysis is based on the issue of 1975-1990 civil war. The historical
comparative approach and textual analysis are specifically useful in conducting the analysis.

The effectiveness of this approach has been subjected to critics based on two issues. The
most capable individuals which are important for an efficient administration may be side-lined. The
threat of mutual veto could not only delay the decision making process, it also may halt the agreed
decision to be implemented should a group reverses their decision. Since the concept takes full
recognition of the role of each ethnic community, it may indirectly enhance the ethnic sentiment
and this is supplemented by the implementation of several activities or programs under the
segmental autonomy. Certain ethnic group may seek help from their fellow ethnic from other
countries and this could indirectly enhance ethnic sentiment.

The problem of segmental autonomy was also highlighted by Cornell (2002) that it could be
misused and open the opportunity for the outsiders to interfere the internal affair of the country. In
Cyprus, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots are more loyal to their patron states which are Greece
and Turkey respectively than to their own country. According to Lijphart (2004; 1977; 1985), even
though this concept may not be able to bridge the ethnic schism, however it could create a relatively
stable multi-ethnic democratic country. It should be noted that segments of roughly equal size are
more likely to cooperate during negotiations for the establishment and maintenance of
consociational democracy. The uneven size of ethno-linguistic groups in Africa produces hurdles for
the existence of consociationsationalism, making the favourable requirements for
consociationationalism to be missing. The African societies are unevenly divided among various
ethna-lingouistic groups, having dominant communities on one hand and a small minority of other.

Malaysia is a multi-ethnic country with three main ethnics namely the Malays, Chinese and
Indians. Consociational politics is the only option available with the emphasis based on consensus in
reaching consensus. This ethno-centric phenomenon is not only due to the inherent cultural
attachment, it was reinforced by the colonial policy of ‘divide and rule' the consequences of this
ethnic consciousness resulted in the formation of ethnic based political parties and organizations.
The 'vote pooling' refers to the exchange of vote across ethnic lines, normally as a result of
agreements between parties for exchange of electoral support. It is also seen as the heart of
intergroup compromise as a set of alternative recommendations to consociationalism. The author
believes that the need to remind people of the importance of solidarity and unity through power
sharing is an important factor in strengthening the country solidarity and united against terrorism
and extremism. The views of this author are those of the author and are not necessarily those of
Malaysian politics or of the Malaysian political system or the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) the
author is an advocate of a non-discriminatory approach to politics and the use of multiculturalism in
the country's politics.

The Malay riot of 13 May 1969 took place in Malaysia. The riot was sparked by the gaining of
independence from Malaysia in 1957. The Malay leaders had been galvanizing for inter-ethnic
cooperation for the country's unity. The non-Malays were recognized as the sons of the soil by the
Malays. The high level of tolerance displayed by the Malay leaders had caused anger among the
Malays and as a result, the riot. The violence was caused by the hegemony under the leadership of
Tun Razak Hussein. After the riot that caused 196 deaths the concept of consociational politics was
under spotlight of its effectiveness. It shows the failure of the elite groups to convince their
respective ethnic groups to be united under MCA leadership. The Chinese community was more
inclined to support other chinese dominated parties which were outside the grand coalition such as
Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (Gerakan) Both parties were accused of
fanning the racial sentiment. Sedition Act 1948 was enacted to prevent any parties from questioning
several sensitive issues. The policies, rules and regulations enacted so far manage to ward off any
untoward incidents of ethnic strife. Until know the segment autonomy remains, if fact it is better
managed than certain countries such as Sri Lanka, Northern Ireland, Yugoslavia and Africa. The
acceptance of the above principles has resulted in many political parties forming broad based
coalitions. There are now 12 political parties comprising parties from peninsula, Sabah and Sarawak,
and Sabah. The coalition was renamed as National front (Pritti 2012) this coalition won the
subsequent election and the policies and rules of action were enacted to ward off any untowards
incidents of racial strife. It secured 53 seats out of 55 seats contested.

After 13 May 1969 riot many people doubted whether this grand coalition will remain as it is
or it will evolve to become a more dynamic coalition. Several internal power squabbling within
UMNO caused the splits and breakaway parties such as Negara, Semangat 46, Parti Keadilan Rakyat
(PKR) and Bersatu to form a new coalition. However, this new coalition suffered ideological
differences especially between Islamist PAS and Chinese led liberal DAP which as a result the
coalition collapsed. The special previllege of the Malays as the original inhibitant of the land, the
recognition Islam as the official religion of the state and the Malay language as the sole national
language. Other ethnics can freely practise their religions and their native languages.

Lebanon was granted Independent from France in 1943 and even though majority are Arab,
the country is multi religious society. Muslims comprise Sunni, Shiite and Druze constitutes 59%,
Christian 39% and the rest are Jews and Kurdish. In order to avoid religious and sectarian conflict, a
grand coalition comprising all the sectarians was formed. The agreement also requested for the ban
of outside interference of Lebanon internal affair. Another strong element in this consociational
politics is the segmental autonomy which was implemented from 1943 to 1975 which created a
stable peace in the country. However, it was shattered by another civil war between Muslim and
Christian that resulted about 150000 deaths and this had prompted the scholars to question the
potency of consociationational politics in preserving peace (Richard 1978; Salvador 2018).

Main elements of grand coalition remain intact including proportionality on the ratio of
parliamentary seats, even though the Muslims expressed their dissatisfaction. The domination of
sectarian Maronotes in the grand coalition continues after the Ta’if (1989) agreement. The Lebanese
democracy system still retains key elements in consociational approach such as grand coalition,
proportionality, and segmental autonomy as per the Ta'if Agreement (1989) which was signed after
the end of the Civil War. Since 1920 most of the schools are either private entities or secterian based
on religious organizations. Only 5 to 10% of the population go to the government school. Even
though the government has made an effort to control the education system, it proves to be furtile.
The education system unable to be used as a tool to improve people mutual understanding. It could
be a breeding ground for the country to be in perpetual sectarian in nature Baytiyeh (2016) this
article has been amended since it was first published.

According to the findings of the preceding studies, consociational politics is the most viable
path for a multi-ethnic or multi-sectarian democratic country. In Malaysia, consociational politics is
only based on grand coalitions and partial segmental autonomy, which might give policymakers or
leaders more leeway to enact more fluid policies, especially in bridging fragmented populations.
Furthermore, the grand coalition is not set in stone, since members can depart at any time and new
members can enter at any time. Furthermore, with the exception of the King's position, the nation
does not follow the principle of proportionality.