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Competitive and Professional Gaming: Discussing Potential

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DOI: 10.4018/ijcbpl.2013010106

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 International Journal of Cyber Behavior, Psychology and Learning, 3(1), 67-77, January-March 2013 67

Competitive and
Professional Gaming:
Discussing Potential Benefits
of Scientific Study
Kyle A. Faust, Chicago School of Professional Psychology, Los Angeles, CA, USA
Joseph F. Meyer, University of Rhode Island, Kingston, RI, USA
Mark D. Griffiths, International Gaming Research Unit, Nottingham Trent University,
Nottingham, UK

ABSTRACT
Competitive and professional gaming, in which video game players participate in tournaments, offers numerous
opportunities for much-needed research and enhanced knowledge about digital technology. To date, competitive
gaming has received scant scientific attention, even though it may foster the development of adaptive skills or,
in other instances, carry adverse consequences. Examining the lifestyles and successes of competitive gamers
can increase our knowledge of gaming and yield useful information about extreme or excessive involvement
in digital technology. Studying the most successful competitive gamers, who appear to develop exceptional
skills, could be highly beneficial. Suggestions for research are provided.

Keywords: Competitive, Digital Technology, Expertise, Online Gaming, Starcraft

INTRODUCTION mates; and achieve a high level of financial suc-

Professional and competitive gamers might
share much in common with top professional
chess players. They might be characterized as
those who show dedication to mastering a dif-
ficult set of skills and freely teaching these skills
to others; demonstrate persistence, discipline,
and intelligence; perform with extraordinary
competence under intense pressure and scrutiny;
work cooperatively with fellow workers or team
DOI: 10.4018/ijcbpl.2013010106
cess (Reeves, Brown, & Laurier, 2009). These
positive qualities often characterize successful
professional competitive gamers.
In contrast to the extensive literature on
professional chess players, however, competi-
tive gaming has not been widely researched or
recognized in the scientific and professional
literature on video games. Thus, this paper will
argue that the area could prove to be a fruitful
area of future study. Although a paper such as
this would prefer to anchor descriptions and
hypotheses with established scientific evidence,

Copyright © 2013, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.
68 International Journal of Cyber Behavior, Psychology and Learning, 3(1), 67-77, January-March 2013
scientific research is often lacking, and in large
part motivates the current call for research in
this paper. Consequently, much of this paper
is opinion-based as there is little research.
Currently, the gaming studies field primarily
depends on scientific studies in closely related
or allied areas while also drawing to an extent
(with considerable caution) from less rigor-
ous sources than peer-reviewed articles (e.g.,
statistics available from websites, and the per-
sonal observations of one of the authors with
first-hand experience in this area). Although the
nature and combination of these sources often
call for tentative conclusions and positions, it
will be argued that they provide a strong basis
for arguing the merits of initiating research in
this area.
As the name suggests, competitive gaming
comprises players who regularly compete in
tournaments organized and run by the gaming
community, often for large monetary gains.
Secondary benefits include the recognition
and admiration of other gaming community
members. Such tournaments are now often
run by companies that host the events at large
convention centers in major cities (e.g., New
York City, Los Angeles, Seoul, etc.). According
to Electronic Games Magazine (1982), tourna-
ments have been organized since the 1980s,
beginning as far back as games played on the
Atari console (the first home gaming system),
which ran competitive tournaments as soon as
the games were released in the United States.
Despite three decades of worldwide growth
in competitive gaming, little investigation has
catalogued these activities. One recent study ex-
plored a computer game called Counter-Strike,
noting that it had over three million players and
an annual prize of $150,000 (U.S.) (Reeves
et al., 2009). However, these numbers likely
pale in comparison to games such as Starcraft
or Starcraft 2. Similarly, although studies are
lacking, studies have noted that competitive
games now use Internet radio coverage with
play-by-play commentaries, large-screen tele-
vised projections of game footage, sizeable
live audiences, and cash prizes in the hundreds
Copyright © 2013, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.
of thousands of dollars (e.g., Hutchins, 2008).
For elite competitive gamers (i.e., professional
gamers), the activity is a full-time job.
Competitive tournaments feature a wide
variety of games. According to Jake Kulinsky
(personal communication, 2012), an MLG
(Major League Gaming) Tournament Official,
games typically attracting the largest audiences
and prize money are real-time strategy games,
such as Starcraft 2 and League of Legends.
Many games played competitively appear
to demonstrate high levels of sophistication
in strategizing, planning, multi-tasking, and
timing to master, as has been indicated by
studies on games like Counter-Strike (Reeves
et al., 2009). As with other competitive games,
professional gamers must develop a wide set
of skills (e.g., rapid reflexes, refined hand-eye
coordination, and fluid game control) to excel
in professional circles.
Starcraft and Starcraft 2, which emphasize
strategy and are among the most popular com-
petitive games in the Major League Gaming
circuit, have certain parallels to a blitz (i.e.,
very fast) game of chess. The games involve
building an army to defeat an opponent’s army
by gathering resources with “harvester” units.
Each offensive unit has various strengths and
weaknesses, and a player must attempt to predict
which units their opponent is building in order
to defeat them. A player also must decide among
various courses of action contingent on their
resources and in response to their opponent’s
behavior. Emphasis is placed on rapid decision-
making; spending even a second without issuing
a command or building a unit could mean a loss
to a skilled opponent. Furthermore, the game
can be played simultaneously with multiple
players, allowing for cooperative team play.
Having briefly overviewed some of the key
themes and skills involved in competitive gam-
ing, those in and outside of the gaming studies
field may wonder how scientific research on
the profession can contribute to our knowledge
of the positive and negative effects of digital
technology. This paper therefore elaborates five
key reasons why competitive gaming merits
 International Journal of Cyber Behavior, Psychology and Learning, 3(1), 67-77, January-March 2013 69

further scientific attention, including skills that video game players who played an online
development, career choice, prosocial behavior, protein-folding game titled Foldit facilitated
excessive use, and negative stereotypes. solving an intricate biochemical puzzle that
had previously eluded scientific researchers.
More specifically, they discovered the correct
COMPETITIVE GAMING AND molecular structure essential for designing
SKILLS DEVELOPMENT antiretroviral drugs whereas other attempts
to model the structure had failed (Khatib &
Studies show that certain video games can
DiMaio, 2011).
promote prosocial behaviors. A series of stud-
Further studies support the differences
ies by Greitemeyer and Osswald (2010) found
between novice and advanced levels of play in
that participants who engaged in playing video
video games. For instance, research has demon-
games promoting prosocial behaviors were
strated measurable differences between novice
more likely to engage in helping behaviors in
and expert game players, the latter group often
real-life events. Therefore, it can be hypoth-
demonstrating enhanced short-term memory,
esized that certain competitive games, if used
executive control/self-monitoring, pattern rec-
properly, can also promote prosocial behavior
ognition, visual-spatial abilities (e.g., object
and skill development. As further discussed in a
rotation), and task-switching efficiency, along
later section, professional success in competitive
with more efficient problem-solving skills (An-
gaming seemingly requires persistent practice
drews & Murphy, 2006; Boot, Kramer, Simons,
and sophisticated skill sets. It is likely that these
Fabiani, & Gratton, 2008; Hong & Liu, 2003;
positive effects are more substantial than the
Van Deventer, & White, 2002). In Hong and
effects of games played on a casual level. For
Liu’s (2003) study of problem-solving abilities,
instance, it can be argued that a competitive
76 Taiwanese elementary school students were
Starcraft player operates on a very different
recruited to play the video game Klotski with
level than a beginning player. More specifically
player status (i.e., novice or expert) determined
(and again using the chess analogy), novices
on the basis of operating time and number of
and intermediate players are not using the same
steps taken to solve block puzzles. Results from
level of planning or strategy as more advanced
five expert players and five novice players who
players. Novice Starcraft players typically em-
played the game while participating in a video
ploy simple strategies and act slowly, whereas
recorded think-aloud protocol (i.e., verbaliza-
advanced players are thinking multiple steps
tion of working memory content) indicated: (a)
ahead and are much faster and time efficient
a weaker relationship between operating time
in their decisions.
and number of steps for the novice group (r =
Numerous studies have demonstrated the
–0.03) relative to the expert group (r = 0.54),
benefits of gaming more generally in lieu of
and (b) significant divergence in thinking types
the positive effects of competitive gaming,
as a function of player status (i.e., expert gamers
particularly in relation to improved spatial
evidenced more analogical reasoning, whereas
cognitive benefits (e.g., Green & Bavilier,
novice gamers engaged in more trial-and-error
2007; Spence & Feng, 2010). Other studies
thinking). Thus, expert gamers utilized more
(e.g., Basak, Boot, Voss, & Kramer, 2008)
efficient problem-solving strategies.
have evaluated the potential beneficial impact
Considering such exemplars from the broad
of video game playing on executive functions
literature on skill development in playing video
in elderly populations. Additionally, studies
games, it seems reasonable to hypothesize that
have suggested that video games can provide
games played by professional gamers on a com-
an enriched medium for strategic problem
petitive level may produce even greater gains
solving (Hong & Liu, 2003; Shaffer, 2006). A
in proficiency than those commonly observed
groundbreaking recent study in this area found

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70 International Journal of Cyber Behavior, Psychology and Learning, 3(1), 67-77, January-March 2013
in other domains and circumstances. Potential
differential benefits may apply to both spatial
cognition and executive functions. For example,
a competitive gamer playing a shooting game
(e.g., Counter-Strike) almost certainly faces
considerably greater perceptual and/or cogni-
tive demands in these areas than novices or
intermediate-level players. Reeves et al. (2009)
provided evidence that even non-professional
Counter-Strike players demonstrate high levels
of manual dexterity (e.g., skillfully synchroniz-
ing avatar movements and actions), a keen an-
ticipatory sense of other players’movements and
strategies, and rapid (albeit calculated) reactions
to opponents’ tactics. It could therefore be specu-
lated that professional Counter-Strike players
would have even greater skills in these areas
than non-professional players. More broadly,
studying the development of advanced gaming
proficiencies may provide insight into designing
games and educational programs that foster skill
acquisition across various important domains.
The value of examining skill development and
transfer seems to be supported by published
research (e.g., Day, Arthur & Gettman, 2001).
COMPETITIVE GAMING
AS A CAREER CHOICE
Competitive gaming has the potential to change
the dynamics and motivations of gaming. For
instance, if a player can make a financial liv-
ing and career from playing a video game, it
becomes an occupation rather than a hobby.
This raises interesting questions about the role
of context in excessive gaming and potential
addiction. Although there is ongoing scientific
debate on the nature and extent of adverse
consequences associated with excessive digital
technology use, experts have noted that long
hours of video game use alone do not indicate
video game addiction (i.e., heavy use is a neces-
sary but not sufficient criterion for addiction;
Griffiths, 2010). Therefore, in order to evaluate
problematic video game use, researchers must
consider possible negative consequences play-
ers are experiencing in their lives (Griffiths,
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2010). When video game players are capable
of financially supporting themselves from their
play, this matter becomes more complex. For
example, how would one categorize a profes-
sional video game player who was making over
$100,000 (U.S.) per year playing video games,
but was also experiencing social difficulties
as a result of excessive video game use? This
point is not meant to imply that a successful
professional gamer is incapable of suffering
pathological effects from game use, but rather
to raise the distinct possibility that professional
gamers will view their use as non-problematic
due to the success they experience.
When it comes to competitive gaming,
many players will play excessively and spend
hours and hours every single day either prac-
ticing or competing. For many competitive
gamers, their whole life is dominated by the
activity and may impact on their relationships
and family life. However, this does not neces-
sarily mean they are addicted to playing the
games because the excessive game playing is
clearly a by-product of the activity being their
job. However, it could perhaps be argued that
they are addicted to their work (and in this case,
their work comprises video game playing).
Workaholics have been conceptualized in
different ways. For instance, a recent review
by Griffiths (2011) noted that workaholics are
typically viewed as one (or a combination) of
the following. They (i) are viewed as hyper-
performers, (ii) work as a way of stopping
themselves from thinking about their emo-
tional and personal lives, and (iii) are overly
concerned with their work and neglect other
areas of their lives. Some of these may indeed
be applied to competitive gamers (particularly
the reference to ‘hyper-performers’ and the fact
that other areas of their lives may be neglected
in pursuit of their ultimate goal). Some authors
note that there is a behavioural component and
a psychological component to workaholism.
The behavioural component comprises working
excessively hard (i.e., a high number of hours
per day and/or week), whereas the psychologi-
cal (dispositional) component comprises being
 International Journal of Cyber Behavior, Psychology and Learning, 3(1), 67-77, January-March 2013 71

obsessed with work (i.e., working compul- Warcraft). With the emergence of virtual mar-
sively and being unable to detach from work). kets and increased economic interplay within
Again, these behavioural and psychological and between digital and real-life settings as
components could potentially be applied to humans spend increasing amounts of time in
competitive gamers. computer-generated environments (Castronova,
Griffiths (2011) also notes that there are 2003; 2005; Castronova et al., 2009; Kurzweil,
those who differentiate between positive and 1999), both competitive and non-competitive
negative forms of workaholism. For instance, professional gamers may encounter cutting-
some view workaholism as both a negative edge, revenue-generating opportunities.
and complex process that eventually affects
the person’s ability to function properly. In
contrast, others highlight the workaholics who COMPETITIVE GAMING AS
are totally achievement oriented and have per- A PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR
fectionistic and compulsive-dependent traits.
Two of the most frequently discussed nega-
Here, competitive gaming might be viewed as
tive consequences of playing video games are
a more positive form of workaholism. Research
increased aggressive behavior (e.g., Anderson
appears to indicate there are a number of central
et al, 2008) and increased social isolation, that
characteristics of workaholics. In short, they
may result from heavy video game playing at the
typically: (i) spend a great deal of time in work
expense of spending leisure time with friends
activities, (ii) are preoccupied with work even
and family (Jansz & Martens, 2005). Although
when they are not working, (iii) work beyond
some video games can be played alone, the
what is reasonably expected from them to meet
same cannot be said for most competitive video
their job requirements, and (iv) spend more time
games. As the majority of tournaments take
working because of an inner compulsion, rather
place at an external venue (versus at home),
than because of any external factors. Again,
competitive gamers frequently interact with
some or all of these characteristics could be
other players in real-life, face-to-face situa-
applied to competitive gamers.
tions (as opposed to online virtual spaces). The
Furthermore, competitive gaming is not
community aspect of competitive gaming may
the sole means by which proficient gamers can
do more to foster social skill development than
financially support themselves. Researchers
impede it. The competitive gaming community
studying the economics of synthetic worlds
rewards social competence and encourages
(e.g., digital gaming environments) have ob-
gamers to spend time with others who have
served that gamers also procure income by
similar interests and aspirations. Players may
marketing virtual objects in Massively Multi-
often perform far better in tournaments if they
player Online Role-Playing Games (MMOR-
are well liked, respected, and admired by the
PGs) (Castronova, 2005; Lee & Lin, 2011).
best players. If players befriend a professional
These digital objects often include avatars, or
gamer, the professional gamer may be willing
characters controlled by players that interact
to help less experienced gamers improve their
with gaming environments and other players.
skills.
Each avatar has unique physical attributes and
Many large competitive gaming tourna-
skills that a player may select, purchase, and/
ments also include cooperative team events.
or develop over many hours of game play (e.g.,
This collaborative element is particularly worth
the gradual enhancement of strength, speed,
highlighting in light of Sheese and Graziano’s
weapon-wielding abilities, etc.). Consequently,
(2005) findings that cooperation in video games
avatars may be viewed as “bundles of attributes”
may encourage prosocial behaviors. Com-
(Castronova, 2003, p. 2) with monetary value,
petitive tournaments, despite being adversarial,
and many play a crucial role in certain com-
may similarly encourage prosocial behaviors,
petitive games (e.g., EverQuest and World of

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72 International Journal of Cyber Behavior, Psychology and Learning, 3(1), 67-77, January-March 2013
particularly during team events. Competitive
gamers are likely to experience better tourna-
ment performance if they show consideration
toward their team mates and learn to anticipate
how their partners think. Video game players
who lack the ability to understand their team
mates or develop friendships will be less likely
to find good gamers willing to team with them.
Reeves, Brown, and Laurier’s (2009) work
also supports the importance of Counter-Strike
players anticipating the actions of their team
mates. This anticipation likely applies to most
professional or competitive gamers as there is
far less margin for error among top players.
COMPETITIVE GAMING
AND EXCESSIVE USE
As noted in a previous section above, com-
petitive gamers are likely to play for extended
periods of time and sacrifice other areas of their
lives if they have the potential to make a living
from gaming. This single-minded dedication
may become a problem for some players because
the goal of becoming a professional gamer is
often unrealistic. There are currently no precise
figures relating to the number of competitive
game players, but anecdotal evidence suggests
that few professional gamers generate sufficient
income to support themselves financially. Al-
though viability may change in the future, at
present, the great majority of competitive gam-
ers have little chance of becoming successful
and financially independent professionals. For
this reason (i.e., the motivation to become a
professional), competitive gamers may be more
susceptible to excessive use than the average
video game player. Additionally, even success-
ful professional gamers are likely to play for
extended periods of time, as playing less than
eight hours each day could mean that they are
not practicing enough compared to other pro-
fessional players. Those who work with (and
treat) problematic video game players should
keep this factor in mind (King, Delfabbro,
Griffiths, 2012; King, Delfabbro, Griffiths &
Gradisar, 2011), especially given that excessive
Copyright © 2013, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.
video game use may increase as competitive
gaming receives more bona fide recognition as
a possible career choice.
COMPETITIVE GAMING AND
NEGATIVE STEREOTYPES
Competitive gaming has arguably assisted in
reducing some of the negative stigma associ-
ated with gaming. For years, gamers in many
countries have experienced an exceptionally
negative perception (Griffiths & Hunt, 1998;
Kowert, Griffiths & Oldmeadow, 2012). It
seems that many individuals label gaming as
a waste of time, played most frequently by
individuals who are socially inept, childish,
unpopular, and/or unsuccessful. Examples
of common stereotypical images associated
with video game playing include the isolated
adolescent “nerd” who plays video games for
countless hours at the expense of social and
familial relationships (Griffiths & Hunt, 1998;
Roberts, Foehr, Rideout, & Brodie, 1999) and
the isolated, physically unhealthy, teenage male
“couch potato” (Williams, 2008; Kowert et al.,
2012). These stereotypes have led many gamers
to feel embarrassed of their game play and to
resist participation in research studies (King,
Delfabbro, & Griffiths, 2009).
Harmful stereotypes may be exacerbated
by specific research findings interpreted out of
context. These include associations of game play
with negative outcomes, such as poor attention
(Swing, Gentile, Anderson, & Walsh, 2010),
low school performance (Sharif & Sargent,
2006), and increased risk of physical aggres-
sion (Anderson et al., 2008). Although some
studies reveal that certain negative stereotypical
features (e.g., low social competence) may be
risk factors for pathological levels of gaming
(Gentile et al., 2011), recent studies have not
found consistent or strong associations between
hours of game play and poor functioning (Fer-
guson & Meehan, 2010; Valadez & Ferguson,
2012), and the link between violent video games
and hostility is being called into question (Fer-
guson & Rueda, 2010; Ferguson, San Miguel,
 International Journal of Cyber Behavior, Psychology and Learning, 3(1), 67-77, January-March 2013 73
Garza, & Jerabeck, 2012). Unfortunately, these
nuances become clouded in media headlines
and lay psychology publications, where video
games are often portrayed as a slippery slope
to psychopathology (Sojourner, 2011) and even
outright antisocial and criminal behavior (Gye,
Keneally, & Bates, 2012). Competitive gaming
has the capacity to challenge and overcome some
of the aforementioned negative stereotypes and
overgeneralizations, as well as stimulate further
research on positive outcomes associated with
disciplined and professional game play.
As previously mentioned, competitive
gamers are rewarded for strong social skills and
success. For instance, a socially immature or
overly anxious competitive gamer will probably
not make many friends and will likely develop a
negative reputation among peers. This negative
reputation will make it far more difficult to find
opponents with whom to practice. It will also
make it more difficult for them to collaborate
with skilled team mates. In contrast, a likable,
friendly, and socially skilled competitive gamer
will more likely befriend other gamers, thus
allowing more opportunities to find skilled
team mates and practice partners. Additionally,
if and when gaming becomes more culturally
accepted, fewer gamers will feel the need to
underreport the amount of time they spend
playing video games. It is the authors’ opinion
that, out of embarrassment or denial, frequent
gamers may underreport their video game use.
IMPLICATIONS FOR
COMPETITIVE GAMING
AND FUTURE RESEARCH
The field of digital technology and gaming is
constantly evolving. As such, certain areas,
such as competitive gaming, may prove fruit-
ful for further scientific investigation. As the
study of video games and other forms of digital
technology expands, researchers would benefit
from consensus on criteria for identifying both
problematic and beneficial game use. There is
also a need for more studies assessing treat-
ment interventions for individuals who have
Copyright © 2013, IGI Global. Copying or distributing in print or electronic forms without written permission of IGI Global is prohibited.
been negatively impacted by gaming (King,
Delfabbro, & Griffiths, 2012; King, Delfab-
bro, Griffiths, & Gradisar, 2011). The gaming
studies field also stands to gain from further
research on how video games may be used to
promote the development of specific skills that
can benefit individuals and society.
Competitive gaming, as with video game
playing more generally, has psychosocial advan-
tages and disadvantages and is thus an important
area to consider when evaluating gaming as a
whole. It may be critical to include questions
about competitive gaming (and context more
generally) in measures evaluating the degree,
extent, and “addictive” potential of video game
use (Griffiths, 2010). Furthermore, it would ap-
pear essential for psychologists to inquire about
competitive gaming in a clinical interview dur-
ing which a client reports playing video games.
If clients turn out to be competitive gamers,
this will likely distinguish them in many ways
from a person who simply plays video games
excessively for fun and/or escape.
Various approaches and strategies could
be used to stimulate research into competitive
gaming. For example, studies could compare
the abilities of professional or high-level
competitive gamers with everyday or far less
experienced gamers to better understand (a)
similarities and contrasts in capacities, and (b)
whether skills transfer to other domains. The
aforementioned study examining transfer of
skills to scientific problem solving (i.e., Khatib
& DiMaio, 2011) parallels these research aims
and also raises the intriguing possibility that
high-level gamers’ exceptional capacities and
skill development may be applicable to impor-
tant problems in multiple areas.
Another possibility is to utilize case stud-
ies of highly successful professional gamers.
Such in-depth studies can generate descrip-
tive information that can help in formulating
hypotheses about potential differences between
these individuals and non-competitive gamers
and lead to better informed and more rigorous
scientific investigations. How and why are some
competitive gamers able to succeed while so
74 International Journal of Cyber Behavior, Psychology and Learning, 3(1), 67-77, January-March 2013
many other players try and fail? Are some of
these characteristics and skills (e.g., persistence
and speed of mental processing) similar to those
seen in professional athletes or others who are
extremely successful in their occupations?
Other research studies could examine the
social abilities of competitive gamers to appraise
the degree to which greater social awareness
is related to overall tournament performance.
Researchers may also wish to evaluate whether
competitive video game players are more vul-
nerable to certain negative effects compared
to non-competitive players given such factors
as exceptionally high levels of time devoted to
play and neglect of other important activities,
such as school work.
This paper has attempted to convey the
importance of further studying competitive and
professional video game playing. Incorporating
this competitive aspect would be likely to benefit
research examining both the positive and nega-
tive effects of digital technology. Competitive
gaming may offer numerous benefits that could
be more pronounced than the positive effects
found when games are played casually. It may
also be problematic, as competitive gamers
might be more likely to sacrifice other areas
of their lives if they believe they can become
professional players. Most importantly, those
researchers in the gaming studies field might
keep in mind that competitive and professional
gamers are a distinct population and may dif-
fer considerably (both psychologically and/or
behaviorally) from casual gamers.
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Kyle Faust is currently a third-year doctoral student at The Chicago School of Professional
Psychology. He holds a masters degree in psychology. He has participated in an APA symposium
on a balanced perspective of video games, and personally presented on competitive gaming,
as well as an analysis of current video game assessment tools. He is currently involved in ad-
ditional publications on developing a random and careless response tool for digital technology
assessments. He has participated in many video game tournaments for numerous games, but
had to quit playing competitively after college. His research and clinical interests also include
various areas of addiction, neuropsychology, depression, and psychometrics.

Joseph Meyer is currently a third-year doctoral student in the clinical psychology program
at the University of Rhode Island under the mentorship of Dr. David Faust. He holds Masters
degrees in psychology from Columbia University and The College of William and Mary. His
current research interests include distinctions between science and pseudoscience in clinical
psychology, the psychology of beliefs and ideology, and psychometrics.

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 International Journal of Cyber Behavior, Psychology and Learning, 3(1), 67-77, January-March 2013 77

Mark Griffiths is a Chartered Psychologist and Professor of Gambling Studies at the Notting-
ham Trent University, and Director of the International Gaming Research Unit. He has spent
over 25 years in the field is internationally known for his work into gaming and gambling. He
has published over 350 refereed research papers, three books, 70 book chapters and over 1000
other articles. He has served on numerous national and international committees and gambling
charities (e.g., National Chair of GamCare, Society for the Study of Gambling, Gamblers Anony-
mous General Services Board, National Council on Gambling etc.). He has won ten national
and international awards for his work including the John Rosecrance Prize (1994), CELEJ
Prize (1998), Joseph Lister Prize (2004) and the US National Council on Problem Gambling
Research Award (2009). He also does a lot of freelance journalism and has appeared on over
2000 radio and television programmes.

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