Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Shadab Bano
A.M.U.
AM- 17094
The Islamic harems been obscured from the public-eye, there was hardly
ways to know about it except from the hear-say, which the European travelers, to these
lands, imaginatively built up into exaggerated narratives about the personal lives of the
deprivation and sexual licentiousness lived side by side’, had served as model for
knowing harems in all other Islamic parts. Unfortunately, in face of the reluctance of
contemporary writers about the ruler’s private domain, considered beyond propriety to
discuss; the sway of the European accounts in providing the concept of the Islamic
household had been great. Eunuchs by such description had a fundamental role to play -
to keep women in place, to guard them, to spy over them, play their guardians etc., in
immediately became useful in highlighting the brutal servitude and sexual debauchery in
these harems.
societies ancient to Islamic societies, to as early as societies in the antiquity in Rome and
Greece. Young boys were castrated to serve in churches and temples, given also by their
parents.2 India too received white eunuchs from the West, as we know from the 9 th
century Persian chronicler3(specifically the regions Sind and Malabar). Malabar along
1
Gulru Necipoglu, Architecture, Ceremonial, and Power: the Topkapi in the Fifteenth
and Sixteenth Centuries, new York, 1991,p.182.
2
The Encyclopaedia of Islam, ed. C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, B. Lewis and Ch. Pellat,
Vol.IV, Leiden, 1978,p.1088.
3
Ibn Khordadbeh wrote about the trade carried out by the jewish merchants of the
time.Amitav Ghosh, ‘The Slave of Ms. H.6’, Subaltern Studies, Vol.VII, ed. Partha
with Bengal continued to supply eunuchs to the Islamic courts.4 In Vijayanagar kingdom,
there had been considerable presence of eunuchs; the ruler also sent gifts of eunuchs to
the Islamic courts.5 The use, however, must have differed depending on the social
arrangements. The Islamic establishments, likewise, with its varying social and domestic
arrangements would have entailed different life conditions and entitlements for the
eunuchs.
the handicaps of restraint, some discussion of the palace arrangement at Delhi, from the
Muslim traveler Ibn Batuta, who by advantage of traveling to the different Islamic lands
offers some sort of comparison between the varying Islamic cultures and social
organizations. The harems of the Sultan like most settled Islamic courts were greatly
mother’s palace and a lively detail of how his concubine (mother of his child) was carried
in a dula (palanquin) by eunuchs inside the palace of Sultan’s mother. 6 He writes that
‘they came out’ (of the palace of Sultan’s mother)…..then went back into the palace, then
came out again to the vizier, then went back to the palace while we stood waiting’. The
appears less stringent compared to 15th century description of noble’s harem by Rizqullah
Chatterjee and Gyanendra Pandey, Delhi, 1993,p.169.
4
Marco Polo (1298), Book of Ser Marco Polo: The Venetian Concerning the Kingdoms
and Marvels of the East, tr. & ed. with notes by Henry Yule, rev. by Henri Cordier, New
Delhi, reprint 1993, Vol.II,p.115; Duarte Barbosa (1518), The Book of Duarte Barbosa,
An Account of the Countries Bordering in the Indian Ocean and their Inhabitants, tr.
Longworth Dames, New Delhi, reprint 1989,vol.II,p.147; The Encyclopaedia of Islam,
vol.IV, Leiden, 1978,pp.1088,1092; C.E. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids: Their Empire in
Afghanistan and Eastern Iran, Edinburgh, 1963,p.138.
5
T.V. Mahalingam, Administration and Social Life under Vijayanagar, Madras, 1975, pt.
II, pp.40-44.Encyclopaedia of Islam,ibid,p.1092; India in the 15th Century
Being a Collection of Narratives of Voyages to India , ed. R.H. Major,
London, 1974,p.39
6
Ibn Batuta (d.1377), Rihla, tr. H.A.R. Gibb, The Travels of Ibn Batuta,
Cambridge, 1956-71,vol.III,p.740.
Mushtaqi, where eunuchs were not allowed after a certain point and not allowed to mix
with women.7 This again is however described as an exception rather a rule. Mushtaqi
writes: ‘There were a hajib posted at the gate; a pardadar (one who looks after
harem, a Khwajasara (eunuch) at the inner gate, and an old women sat along
the wall inside the palace. If there was some message to be conveyed inside
(the harem), the hajib conveyed it to the pardahdar, the pardahdar sent for
the Khwajasara, and the latter informed the old lady behind the wall about it.
The old lady took it to the lady concerned in the palace and then the lady
acted accordingly. Inside the palace, the name of a male outside the family
(na mahram) could not be uttered by anyone; in case it was inevitable, only
his post was mentioned’. The eunuchs emerge from this description of highly
guarded female quarters as one among the many guards at the entrance of the
harem. Only older women were allowed to interact. The problem of the
relatively free. The peripatetic conditions of life, where women could move
around with much liberty is brought out in the Travels of Ibn Batuta where he
7
Rizqullah Mushtaqi (d.1581), Waqiat-i-Mushtaqi, ed. I.H. Siddiqui and
W.H. Siddiqi, Rampur, 2002,p.98.
8
Rihla, op.cit, vol.II,pp.480-81.
vivid passage on the household of sultan al Salih Imad al–Din Ismail 9 :
‘….when he made his seasonal rides…., his mother, together with another
200 women, would accompany him riding akadish horses…. and accompanied
favourite concubines used to ride [in these processions] Arab horses, racing
against each other, playing polo and wearing silk kamiliyya [mantles, cloaks]
overcoats’.
are fortunate to have, which though done at a later date were still fairly
Kabul as comparatively free; the women were not veiled, they rode, went on
given by Gulbadan at the ‘Mystic” house at Agra, both young men and girls
sat together in the gathering. 12 One could therefore hardly understand the
meeting with his elder sister Khanzada Begum, within the tent enclosure are
9
Al- Maqrizi, Kitab al Suluk, ed. M.M.Ziyada and S.A.F. Ashour, Cairo, 1934-72, vol.II,
pp.678-79; trans. in D. Ayalon, “The Eunuchs in the Mameluk Sultanate,” Studies in
Memory of Gaston Wiet, ed. Myriam Rosen- Ayalon, Jerusalem, p.284.
10
Hamid Sulaiman, Miniaturesof Baburnama, Samarqand, 1969, pl. 7.
11
Rumer Golden, Gulbadan Portrait of a Rose Princess at the Mughal Court, New York,
1980, p.32.
12
Gulbadan Begum, Humayun Nama, ed. A.S. Beveridge in History of Humayun, New
Delhi, 1983, p.31.
seen men, prices/nobles, male servants along with the female attendants. 13
There are three other figures with a mace standing out of the tent. In yet
Ibrahim Mirza, Khanzada Begum stands near Mirza Kamran towards the
centre of the painting, with all other men standing around and bearded figures
Baburnama, though we know from other sources about his eunuch named
Ambar. 16 Similarly, Gulbadan has not mentioned a eunuch till she mentions
Ambar towards the end so that her translator Beveridge was unable to notice
Ambar nazir as a eunuch (title used for eunuchs at least from the time of
inside the harem, attendant to the King and Queen and was attached to the
Queen’s train later on. 18 He thus appear as a personal servant to both King
13
Hamid Sulaiman, op.cit.
14
Michael Brand and Glenn D. Lowry, Akbar’s India: Art from the Mughal City of
Victory, Asia Society Galleries, New York, 1986, pl. 1.
15
Mirza Haider Dughlat (1546), Tarikh-i Rashidi, tr. E. Denison, Patna,
1973,p.258.
16
Jauhar, Tazkirat-ul-Waqiat, Add. 16, 711, f.65b ; Humayun Nama,
op.cit,p.55b
18
ibid.; Tazkirat-ul-Waqiat, op.cit; Abul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, transl. H.
Blochmann for the biographical notices of Grandees of the Empire, New
and Queen, the queen as much attended by other male attendants especially in
the fugitive period. Eunuchs appear in this period more of a rarity or prized
possession. We find Askari asking from Humayun (at that time in the East)
for eunuchs, elephants and precious gems and jewels from Humayun in return
for his help against Sher Khan, which his officers however dismissed as trifle
where eunuchs had a definite role. 21 However, with Maham were ‘nine
troopers, with two sets of nine horses and the two extra litters which the
Emperor had sent, and on litter which had been brought from Kabul,and about
become more readily forthcoming. Though Abul Fazl do not mention Ambar’s
name in the contingent of Maryam Makani that reached Delhi from Kabul (in
2 R.Y.), we knew that Ambar accompanied her and was attached to her
train. 22 Very early in Akbar’s harem, Niamat, a eunuch is seen at the entrance
trying to stop infuriated Adham from entering it. 23 The eunuch here appears
Delhi, 1977, Vol.I,p.442.
19
Tazkirat-ul-Waqiat, f.20a
20
Humayun Nama, p.14a.
21
Francois Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire (A.D. 1656-68) [2nd ed.
revised by V.A. Smith],p.312.
23
Abul Fazl, Akbarnama (1601), ed. Agha Ahmad Ali and Abdur Rahim, Bib. Ind.,
Calcutta, 1873-87,vol. II, pp.174-5.Clearly, harem was not barred to the entry of relations
at a guard of emperor’s resting place and clearly not over a secluded harem.
ladies’ (in their typical head dress) are seen on the door of their quarters
attached to their names. 25 To the references from the text may be added the
information from the paintings. The painting depicting scenes of early years
of Akbar’s reign show male- forms with mace in their hands, within the
zenana area. 26 The figures are stout, dark-skinned without beard, which in all
likelihood were those representing eunuchs 27 ; these have been a distinct type
including the foster relations. We have in a painting Adham khan and Pir Muhammad
seen in the interiors of seraglio. Here, what was objectionable was not his trying to enter
the harem, but his audacity to try to barge in to take revenge upon Akbar after killing his
foster father, Shamsuddin Atka.
24
Geeti Sen, Paintings from the Akbarnama; a Visual Chronicle of Mughal India,
Varanasi, 1984, pl.26, ‘Akbar orders the punishment of his foster brother, ca. 1609,
Chester Beatty Library, Ind. Ms. No.7.
25
For instance, a eunuch officer of Salim Khan’s court who had the title Muhammad
Khan was called Khwaja phul Malik after joining the Mughal court. Akbarnama, vol.II,
pp.178-9.
26
Geeti Sen, pl.19.
27
There have been observations recorded from quite an early time of the characterstics of
eunuchs and the transformations that they underwent. Al- Djahiz remarks that if
emasculation takes place before puberty which was usually the case the beard and the
body hair do not grow. Finding in food and drink a kind of compensation for the
deprivation of other pleasures, they have a tendency to eat and drink heavily which
explains their obesity. Encyclopaedia of Islam,vol.IV,p.1090.
administering the finances of the state. 28 He was previously an amir in Salim
Khan’s court and had been a distinguished officer there. A number of eunuchs
kept joining the court from the regional kingdoms. 29 Itimad Khan later
governor of Bhakkar. His out of the way and unprecedented appointment had
collected treasures for their own purposes while neglecting to collect the
the court with the title Itibar Khan. He was later appointed as governor of
28
Ain-i-Akbari, transl. H. Blochmann, op.cit, vol.I , p.473; Shaikh Farid
Bhakkari, Zakhiratu’l Khawanin (1649-51), ed. Syed Moinul Haq, Karachi,
1941,vol.I,p.216.
29
In the Delhi Sultanate and then the regional kingdoms, eunuchs appear as a
significant body at the court and a number of them served as officers. A number of
eunuch mameluks / officers prop up with names, the titles given to them, the task allotted,
the posts that they held, their activities and accomplishments
30
Abdul Qadir Badauni (c.1595), Muntakhabu-t-Tawarikh, ed. Captain William
Nesolias and Munshi Ahmad Ali, Calcutta, 1865, vol.II,p.65; Akbarnama, op.cit,vol.II,
pp.178-9. Iqtidar Alam Khan takes Itimad Khan’s appointment to such an important
office as an indicator of distinct change in imperial policy. Akbar, by appointing a slave
officer, is seen as trying to build upon the concept of banda-i-dargah thus incorporating
Turkish principles of statecraft to his rule( Iqtidar Alam Khan, ‘The Turko-Mongol
Theory of Kingship”, Medieval India – A Miscellany, vol. 2, New Delhi, 1972, pp.8-18).
Ruby Lal sees the appointment as a break from previous practice of appointment of kin
and relation to office. She sees Badauni’s scathing criticism of it as resentment against
non-kin high ranking appointment (Ruby Lal , Domesticity and Power in the Early
Mughal World, Cambridge, 2005, p.196).
Delhi. 31 The list in Ain-i-Akbari speaks of a few more eunuch officers. One
does not know the time when they got promoted as officers at the court. Their
previous titles suggest that they were ordinary eunuchs of the establishment.
Khwaja Khas Malik received the title Ikhlas Khan and held the rank of
Mughal noble Khan-i- Zaman, got promoted with the title Daulat Khan and
later became the chief of eunuchs with the title Naziruddaula. 33 Jesuits inform
that one of his eunuchs was a person of great authority who also managed
everything for him. 34 Still the eunuchs in Mughal court were in no way
Persia where they exercise influence in the court as a strong mameluk body. 35
These eunuchs obviously were a class apart from the other eunuchs
eunuch officer’s access to harem along with the state functions and
Blochmann,I,p.442.
32
ibid,p.161;
33
Major David Price, Memoirs of Jahangir, claims to have translated the
original Persian manuscript, Delhi, 1904,p.58
34
Fr. Pierre Du Jarric, Akbar and the Jesuits, tr. C.H. Payne, London,
1926, p.155.
35
Encyclopaedia of Islam,vol.IV,p.1092.
This could have been also with the slave officers as the slave loyalty could be
36
commanded. Slave officers, as later chela officers are noted, but as lower officers and no
where compared to the eunuch officers.
interaction with the most intimate granted them a special and distinct position
among the loyal. It is mentioned for Itimad Khan that he ‘obtained highest
Shah Quli castrating himself after he was allowed to enter harem. 39 While this
demonstrating devotion to the emperor. The fact that such person could now
court. Perhaps they were allowed to have as many riches, also since
ultimately after death the entire property reverted back to the imperial
treasury. Daulat Khan had left at his death, ‘no less a sum than ten crores of
ashrafis of five methkals, exclusive of jewels, and gold and silver plates,
37
Muntakhabu-t-Tawarikh, op.cit, vol. II, p.65.
38
Akbarnama, vol. II,p.231.
39
Ain-i-Akbari, tr. Blochmann, op.cit,vol.I,p.387. He came to be called mahram, i.e., one
who is admitted to the harem and knows its secret. Interestingly, we also know of Shah
Quli’s homosexual preferences and his passionate attachment to a dancing boy; for he
turned into a jogi when the emperor had boy forcibly removed and the boy was later
restored to him.
40
Itimad Khan , a noble in the Sultanate of Gujarat, who out of gratitude and also out
of fear, rendered himself impotent as the Sultan used to convey him to his harem for
services and trusted him with his women ‘though the jealousy of the Sultan was such …
that if he saw two of his concubines smiling at each other he used to kill them both’.
Itimad Khan used to fear ‘I am but human…’ To guard against any untoward he used to
wear below his usual nether garments a pair of steel ring mail trousers with the trouser
string secured by a small padlock, the key of which he used to leave at home. Later he
took several cups of kaththa to destroy his virile powers. Sikandar Ibn Mohammad,
Mirat-i-Sikandari (1611) ed. S.C. Misra and M.L. Rahman, Baroda, 1961,
p.362.
chinaware and utensils of brass and copper, to the value of three crores more;
splendid display of wealth. Buildings were possibly also the only way for
them to reach out to posterity. Eunuchs moved out with grandeur, riding
ostentation. 42
officers. Among the list of palaces mentioned of the nobles outside the Fort,
next to the palace of concubines (of late king Akbar) was the palace of Itibar
Khan when he was governor of Agra. 43 They enjoyed prestige through the
instances of their cruelties and inflictions are reported that have allowed
from Jahangir’s reign of Khwaja Hilal with Said Khan Chaghta, a leading
42
Eunuch attendants are seen in miniatures in male-attire. Manucci speaks of
eunuch’s anxiousness to appear well dressed, and’ when they are astride a fine horse,
they are as elated as if they were the greatest men in the world’. Niccolao Manucci,
(1699-1709), Storia do Mogol, tr. W. Irvine, 4 Vols., London, 1907-
8,p.vol.II,p.74. It is interesting to note here that in some of the earlier Islamic courts
where eunuchs stayed within the courts for fear of ridicule by common folks. They are
represented by writers of the period as closer to women physically, morally and
intellectually. Encyclopaedia of Islam, vol.IV, pp.1090-91.
43
De Laet (1631), The Empire of the Great Mogol, tr. J.S. Hoyland and
S.N. Banerjee, Delhi, reprint 1975,p.38
noble at Jahangir’s court. 44 Having built a lofty mansion, he invited most of
the leading officials to the house- warming feast. Said khan Chaghta praised
stood up and made three salutations to him and sent for his men and
furniture, to which Hilal objected. Jahangir had to intervene and Said Khan
qualities of the chosen eunuch officers, we find that their slave status and
responsible office does not miss to mention that those who were in the
44
Shaikh Farid Bhakkari, Zakhiratu’l Khawanin (1649-51), ed. Syed
Moinul Haq, Karachi, 1941,vol.I, p.192.While Maasir-ul- Umara and
Zakhirat-ul—Khawanin mention Khwaja Hilal as an ex-slave of Mir Abul
Qasim Khan Namakin. Blochmann has found Hilal to be an ex-slave of Said
Khan that would have more complicated the matter. Ain-i-
Akbari,tr.Blochmann, op.cit,vol. I, p.352.
45
A remark such as this coming from a ruler of 16th century regional state of Gujarat,
where eunuch officers enjoyed great patronage and power, suggests what type of ridicule
they could be subjected to on account of their sexual limitation. The ruler rebuked his
officer, Hujjat-ul-Mulk, (who was granted the title of Khan Jahan and Police Magistracy
over the city of Ahmedabad) when he erred, saying: ‘O fool, what shall I say to you. If
you were a man, I would have reviled you by calling you a coward; if you were a woman,
I would have called you unchaste, you are neither man nor woman, but the bad qualities
of both are present in you’. Mirat-i-Sikandari, op.cit, p.218.
perspicacity’. 46 Often the resentment against any eunuch-officers harped upon
womanly nature and association with women etc. Badauni speaks of Itimad’s
influence at Akbar’s court as a ‘time will come on men, when none will
become favourites but profligates, and none be thought witty but the
obscene…. And then the government shall be by the counsel of women, and
gradually withdrawn from the interiors of the harem. Abul Fazl’s description
of Akbar’s zenana speaks of the inside of the harem guarded by sober and
active women; ‘the most trustworthy of them are placed about the apartments
of his Majesty. Outside the enclosures the eunuchs are placed; and at proper
distance, there is a guard of Rajputs, beyond whom are porters at the gates’. 48
This is also borne out by the miniatures bringing out the later scenes from
Akbar’s harem. The scenes on rejoicing at birth of princes depict only female
servant handing over a tray to male form at the entrance. A fat figure
figures are similar to those found within the interiors, in the paintings
discussed above. In the scene depicting the birth of prince Murad 50 we see
stout male figures at the entrance with mace. In this area were also seen
women servants and performers, but behind this is an all female quarter.
46
Akbarnama, vol.II, pp.178-9.
47
Muntakhabu-t-Tawarikh, vol.II,p.65.
48
Ain-i-Akbari,ed. Nawal Kishore, op.cit, vol I, p.31.
49
Geeti Sen, op.cit, pl. 56,57.
50
Art from the Mughal City of Victory, op.cit, , p. 38, fig.2
Such an arrangement would have come up with growing
demarcation of male and female sections and stricter rules of purdah observed
as female quarters clearly bring out the rigours of purdah that came to be
dishes) are carried by youths to the door of the dining hall, other servants
walking ahead and the master-of –the household following. Here they are
taken by the eunuchs, who hand them to the serving girls who wait on the
table’. This was the intermediate space between the zenana quarters and the
women inside the harem, but posted as guards at the entrances of zenana. The
carried out by an elaborate women staff. 52 There were women body guards
‘sober and active women……placed about the apartments her Majesty’. The
security of the harem thus had an elaborate system of guards, the eunuchs
being one of these at the entrance and the urdu-begis (female body guards)
castration, which might also indicate the concern for social distance with
51
Fr. Antonio Monserrate (1590-91) Mongolicae Legationis
Commentaries, tr. J.S. Hoyland and S.N. Banerjee, Commentary on His
Journey to the Court of Akbar, Jalandhar,reprint 1999,p.199.
52
Ain-i-Akbari,ed. Nawal Kishore, op.cit, vol I, p.31
women. 53 The castration removed the male organ partially or completely,
sometimes the operation could not severe the crucial part that could cause
impregnation. Even if it was done, the anxieties over male touch would have
been there. As close proximity between the women and eunuchs could not
have been avoided, instead a strict discipline was enforced and any
emperor who were found kissing. 54 The eunuch was trampled to death by an
elephant before the women who was placed in a pit to stay without food and
water with her hand and shoulders continually exposed to the sun.
and ‘if any of these guardsmen does anything amiss, the royal concubines
decide how he shall be punished and see that the punishment is duly
attack on the practice of castration that made eunuchs. Akbar who had taken
strict action against enslavement, releasing his slaves (in 1582), calling them
chelas, and a number of emancipatory steps for them, had hardly paid
53
ibid., ed. Blochmann, bib. Ind.,pp.389-91.
54
Sir Thomas Roe, Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615-19, ed. William
Foster, new and rev. ed., Jalandhar, 1926, reprint 1993, pp.190-91.
55
De Laet, p.99.
attention to this practice. 56 But in spite of the tall claims for abolishing the
practice and the trade in eunuchs, this could hardly stop 57 considering its
viability for the security of the harem which could be taken care of along
though full of amorous and graphic details, and as we know should be treated
his account about them plausible. 58 He writes about the nazirs, who were
queens and princess, who appear powerful as all officials and servants under
him were bound to report to him, then are the eunuchs posted at the gates ‘to
see who comes in and out of the harem’. Besides, ‘ there were eunuchs
‘young and old, of which some have access to the Mahal, either to carry
quarters only and not of the entire palace area shown in a single frame, as
done previously) show only females. One could see that either the eunuchs
56
Akbarnama,vol.pp.159-60; vol.III,pt.I,pp.379-80. Jahangir described it as an old
practice that should have been banned by his predecessors.
57
Tuzuk-i Jahangiri (1624), ed. Saiyyad Ahmad, Aligarh, 1864, pp.71-
2,112,120,324,328.
58
Manucci, op.cit.,vol.II, p.328.
Though quite conjectural, we find in a painting depicting scene of prince’s
birth (by Bishandas) c.1610, 59 three figures among the many women figures;
all women dressed alike except these three with male head wears and
costumes different from the women amidst whom they stand. These though
have slender figures, sharp features and ornaments like necklace and ear-
rings with loop around ears. One is tempted further towards suggesting the
possibility of a category of eunuch that were in mixed attire inside the harem,
and by allowing considerations about looks and physical features and making
The harems of the nobles could not have had as much elaborate tier-
and guards. Instead the logistics for administration, security, service along
with the care of women could be effectively carried out by the same body of
eunuchs. Said khan had collected a body of 1,200 eunuchs, one Ikhtiyar Khan
was his vakil, another Itibar Khan, the faujdar of his jagir. 61 The European
affluence and power they wielded etc. in the aristocratic houses. ‘They can
get whatever they desire – fine horses to ride, servants to attend them
outside, and female slaves inside the house, clothes as fine and smart as those
we understand.
point made was that the wives were bound to do all this so that whatever
happens in the house is concealed from the husband while the master bestows
largesse on eunuchs to keep him informed of all that happens at his house.