Royal University of Phnom Penh

Institute of Foreign Languages

Department of International Studies

Topic: Gender Inequality in Yemen

Lecturer: ITR

Subject Code: IS402

Class: E4.1

Shift: Evening

Group 04:

Lim Tony
Ly Hakseng
Monin Diana
Moul Sopheavattey
Ney Marady

Academic Year: 2020-2021

 Contents
I. Introduction............................................................................................................................................. 1
II. Literature Review.................................................................................................................................. 2
III. Research Methodology and Data Sources................................................................................ 4
IV. Finding......................................................................................................................................................... 5
1. Economic Impact in State Development.................................................................................... 5
2. Social Impact in State Development............................................................................................ 5
3. Political Impact in State Development..................................................................................... 11
V. Policy Recommendations............................................................................................................... 13
Conclusion................................................................................................................................................. 13

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 I. Introduction

1. Background

Owing to the civil war since 2014, United Yemen is now still one of the poorest Arab

countries. Yemeni society is based primarily devotion on their family and secondarily on

tribally basis. State authorities in the rural area of Yemen is weak and as disputes between

tribes occurs, it is confronted using force, coercion, and violence. Yemeni society is chaotic,

the never-ending violence due to the civil war cause the worst humanitarian crisis to ever

occur in this country, and even internationally. The economy of this country is dependent

on the declining state revenue from its small reserve of oil revenue and foreign aids

(Culture of Yemen, n.d.).

United Yemen is known to be one of the worst countries to be a woman in.

Demographically, the country is ethnically divided between two Arabic group of Sunni

Muslims and Shi’a Muslims. Symbolism of Yemen includes the symbol of male honour is

Jambiyyah which is a curved dagger. The male in Yemen who are above 14 years old wear

this as an accessory as well as a weapon. As religious authorities strongly recommend

gender segregation, stereotypically, women in Yemen are seen as subordinate and inferior

to men as men are seen as provider and is responsible for the wellbeing and prestige of the

family. Although women rights are guaranteed by the laws, gender disparities in all aspect

outside of family is still widespread across the country (Culture of Yemen, n.d.).

Research and sub-research questions:

1. Main Research questions:

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 a. What is gender inequality? How is it determined?

b. What are factors that lead to such high rate of gender inequality in

Yemen?

2. Sub-research questions:

a. How does gender inequality pose as a challenge to state development

(economic, social or political development)?

- What challenges does gender in equality pose to state development in

Yemen?

- What are the causes and cons of gender inequality?

b. What should be done to reduce the level of inequality?

II. Literature Review

1. Theoretical framework

In the purpose of this research paper, we are going to explain the three reasons which

are political, social and economic impact on women in Yemen to analyse the cause of

gender inequality in Yemen.

2. Political Impact

Women in Yemen do not have the same suffrage as men, as women have been

effectively disqualified from political participation. Every political party in Yemen therefore

lacks support for female candidates. In addition, the range of women running for political

office at national level has decreased with each election cycle, including decreasing levels of

women’s awareness and political activism. There seems to be no female representation in

the lower house of parliament or in civic involvement. According to Nasser (2019), several

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political losses from the National Dialog Conference of Yemen (NDC) and the Houthis

invasion of Sana’a in mid-2014 were the loss of women’s political power. Until then,

women have gained thirty percent representation in the NDC and for the first time in

Yemen history, served in the Constitutional Drafting Committee to retain 30 percent

participation in any future committee formation. However, Yemeni women are almost

without any political control in the process of conflict resolution. Currently, women in

Yemen have faced the same marginalization as other movements, such as the youth

movement and the southern secessionist movement, who are also excluded from the

negotiating process. Women are also twice removed as they face gender-based

marginalization.

3. Social Impact

Yemeni women have been discriminated against, both in their home and in the

workplace. Women are repeatedly denied employment opportunities, under-represented

in public positions, and bear disproportionate responsibility for housework and childcare

(UNDP, 2015). In addition, although Yemeni law does not prevent women from working,

yet in practice a number of social and cultural restrictions make it difficult for them to

pursue employment outside the home because Yemeni women mostly lag behind men for

education and they have to ask for permission their husband before going outside (UNICEF,

2011). Moreover, Women who seek care services may be rejected from hospital if they do

not have the permission from their husbands or fathers, most frequently their husbands.

Hence, family conditional permission to access medical services at a local hospital is one of

the most obstacles to treatment, including emergency treatment. According to UNICEF

(2013), Yemeni girls are half as likely to attend school as boys and are less likely to

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complete primary secondary and post-secondary education. As a result, many Yemeni girls

drop out of school at just before primary school, while many boys continue beyond

in school.

4. Economic Impact

In the context of gender inequality in Yemen economy, there are only 6 percent of

Yemeni women who are participating in labour force, in contrast around 78 percent of

labour force participation are men (World News, 2020). In addition, Yemen is ranked 153

out of 153 countries, this means that Yemen has the highest gender gap in the world caused

from lack of economic engagement, schooling, health and political equality of both sexes

(World Economic Forum, 2020).

III. Research Methodology and Data Sources

1. Study Design: Mixed Method Study

This research was conducted through the cross-sectional study, which mean that the

information that we gathered is one time only due to time constrain. Although, it is

conducted through the Gender inequality in Yemen by using the secondary sources and the

data statistics from the document analysis, group discussion, scholar’s paper, data from

international organization and news. Hence, this paper was generated through qualitative

and quantitative research. Within the qualitative research is mainly focus on the

emphasizing and providing the definition and concept of Gender Inequality. While, the

quantitative research was used the data statistics that gather from International

Organization, NGOs, and news in order to analysed and exact the information for this

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research. Moreover, the purpose of the using of qualitative and quantitative research were

to conducted and analysed with the fulfil information and to make the paper stronger.

2. Data Collection Method

To conduct our research, we mainly focus on factors that lead to such high rate of

gender inequality in Yemen, inequality that challenges to state development in term of

economic, political or social development, as well as providing the recommendation in

order to reduce the inequality, and we’re using the secondary-primary method through the

paper’s scholar analysis, supporting documentary analysis, and data statistics analysis.

Although, we are also using the narrative analysis by scoping to the current events and

situations.

3. Measurement

Despite from using secondary-primary method through the paper’s scholar analysis,

and supporting documentary analysis to provide the answers to the research question, our

group also using the content analysis in order to analyse or described the method and

concept by using different idea of scholars. we also provide the data statistic from any

organizations to support our paper. The data will be going through the process of analysing

first in order to reduce irrelevancy and then combine it to meet our research questions.

IV. Finding

1. Economic Impact in State Development

The drastic gender inequality that is present in Yemen also has a large impact on its

economy. In this section, we are going to examine the impacts of gender inequality on the

economic development and its growth over the years. Relatively speaking, when we think

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of economic we often address the growth or the progress over a period of time. Since the

economic factor is also largely driven by the labour force in the country, the productivity of

a person can affect the economic performance of a country. In the case of Yemen, which is a

country that is facing many issues and conflict internally, hence it can make women

become vulnerable in this certain social setting. Knowing that women in Yemen were faced

with such misconduct and mistreatment in a society that discrimination against women

(Harb, 2019). It further lessened their opportunity in the work place. According to the

Global Economy, the Yemeni women labour force participation rate is only well over 5% in

the previous 5 years and this has no significant improvement over time at all. If we track

this with its annual Gross Domestic Product, the data from World Bank shows that their

Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is just about 2.1% in the late 2019. This reflects the

extremely poor economic overall performance by the country. As the data suggested that

most of the participating gender in the labour force happen to be that of the male gender

which represents about 70% (UNDP). This goes to show how many women were

marginalized in the labour or industrial sectors. Nog only that the low number of women

involvement or participation in the working sector can lead to a negative effect of economic

development. According to eh IMF, research has found that countries, especially developing

and industrialized countries shows a lower economic growth due to the issue of women

discriminatory. This is because its effect both macroeconomic and microeconomics aspect

of the country. For one, it lowers the number of labour force as women who happen to be

part of the population as well were not being chosen to participate in the workplace, that

alone made the GDP of the country to be lower as well due to the lack of productivity of the

people or the population and in turn if the majority of its population are able to participate

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it would make their country’s production increase (Cuberes, et al, 2011). Secondly, it

lowers the pool of talent as women were not very much inclusive in the workplace, much of

the talent were gone to waste leading ti less creativity and talents to be brought up at the

table this can also lead to the misallocation of talent given the fact that Yemeni society

tends to discriminate against women they were exposed little to no education or any

skilled that could polish them for the future thus they lack a huge foundation skill and basic

fundamental knowledge to perform any task or jobs making them unqualified to become a

skilled labour or right for the job they would later get paid less than the other skilled

workers (Bandiera, 2013). The issues stemming from the number of education, labour

force, technical works or skills can be an influential role to the economic performance of

the country. Not only that it could even lead to further violence and abuse in the household.

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 2. Social Impact in State Development

Yemen was consistently ranked as one of the world's least developed countries early

in the war. In terms of women in Yemen, it translated into legal discrimination, illiteracy,

child marriage, and a high maternal mortality rate (MMR) (Nasser, 2019). A round of

Yemini women has experienced physical or sexual abused. Within the high rates of sexual

and physical violence are from the damaging gender of roles embedded in the society.

Moreover, in cultural practice, women are forced to wear niqabs, subject to child marriage,

honor killings victims and face divorce shame. Especially, child marriages and divorce

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shame are particularly concerning as abuse that still exist. Additionally, Yemeni women

have no authority to report the crimes with both formal and informal legal systems

discriminating against women (Jones, 2020). They cannot marry without their male

guardian's permission; they have no equal rights to divorce, inheritance, or child custody;

and they are vulnerable to domestic and sexual abuse due to a lack of legal defense (Harb,

2019). Even the permission to leave the house they have to request to their husband, and

this law remains in force in Yemen (Dewey, 2013). Although, the government has made

efforts to improve the rights of women in Yemen; however, the poor enforcement of this

law, along with many cultural and religious norms made Yemeni women have struggled to

have equal rights with men (Gressmann, 2016).

On the other hand, women in Yemen struggle to access assistance due to higher levels

of malnutrition included the problems with access to education; increased risk due to

inadequate access to water and sanitation; problems with access to healthcare, especially

maternal healthcare; and risks to safety due to lack of electricity and fuel (Rohwerder,

2017). Especially, health care system and services for young girls and women. Due to

disproportionate poverty, a lack of health education and under-representation in politics,

Yemeni girls and women are struggling for a taking their health. The child mortality rate in

Yemen is 51 deaths per 1,000 livebirths and the maternal mortality rate is 365 per 100,000

livebirths. At present, Yemen's weak maternal health facilities cause 22 women to die each

year, and 1 in 39 women die during childbirth (Khan, Eshaq, Al-Khateeb, & AlAmodi, 2014).

This rate resulted in Yemen's 2018 HDI ranking as 177th in the world, among other health

factors. Additionally, in Yemen, 18.5% of females suffer from female genital mutilation;

moreover, this procedure is immensely damaging, resulting in lifelong nerve damage and

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pain. Consequently, women not only fail to have access to health services, but the treatment

they receive is also harmful to their overall health (Jones, 2020). According to UN news

2020, said by a nurse from Red Sea port of Hudaydah, “What stuck with me most was a man

whose eyes filled with tears when he learned that free services were not available, and he

returned to his home with his pregnant wife… I felt so helpless that day”. Within these data

shown that social inequality for women in Yemen remaining the highest that affect to state

development.

Yemeni women and girls are the ones paying the price of war. Some 76% of internally

displaced people are women and children, and almost 21% of internally displaced

households and host populations are led by women under the age of 18. (Al-

Khawlani 2018). Yemen has one of the lowest female labour force participation rates in the

world. The civil war has driven economic collapse to even more devastated. Women were

generally more deeply impacted by the war than their male counterparts; proportionally,

more women lost their jobs, while women's businesses were more vulnerable to demise

(Al-Ammar & Patchett, 2019). In 2015, women's-owned businesses were hit harder than

male-owned businesses, while even less were affected in real terms as they accounted for

just 4 per cent of all businesses prior to the war (UNDP, 2015). Around 293,000 women

working before the war worked in agriculture, either as dairy and livestock farmers or as

field and vegetable growers, while about one third worked in the service sector. More than

one-third of women worked in family enterprises compared to less than one-tenth of men

(ILO, 2015). Due to surveys women are really taken more damage in employment.

Moreover, woman also leak opportunity in education as well. the economic in the country

is unstable, some families, force their children to marry before they are 18-year-old.

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Because of Families face economic hardships, parents are selling their daughters in

marriage. Early marriage has crippled the schooling of girls in Yemen. Instead of seeking

education, girls play domestic roles and frequently become victims of violence by their

husbands (Ferguson, 2017).

3. Political Impact in State Development

Yemeni women have been marginalized in term political participation because they

have the rights to vote, yet these rights have not shown the equal distribution on genders in

Yemen society. Firstly, Yemeni women have low education levels which negatively effect on

their family, health, income, and the country’s economic growth (Hill & King, 1993). As a

result, the impacts over political participation since Yemeni women have confronted

their daily struggles due to poor health and low job prosperity, Yemeni women do not even

have enough time or chance to engage in political activities (Riphenburg, 1999). Moreover,

only 19 percent and 30 percent of Yemeni women voted in the 1993 and 1997

parliamentary elections (Riphenburg, 1999). In addition, public policies seem to be often

biased in male dominated Yemen society. Frequently, parliamentary representation

consisted mostly of male members, does not focus on gender-related issues.

Secondly, Yemeni women’s political participation in the public sphere has been

limited to select elite members. It has been influenced by the various historical legacies of

state-building and religious discourses between rural and urban areas and between

various tribes and the generations in Yemen. Even now, the legacy of two completely

different political cultures remains to be sensed in Yemeni politics, those of the Northern

Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) and the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY), which

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came together to form the Republic of Yemen in 1990. Moreover, in the North, women have

struggled against conservative Islamism regarding the role of women in society, which

could see role of women limited to family matters. In urban areas where the separation of

women was a social norm, and these struggles for civic engagement were restricted to a

small educated class. By contrast, in the South, socialist ideology has given birth to two

generations of highly educated and empowered women in leadership roles in urban areas,

especially in Aden. However, after the unity, and particularly after the North’s military

victory over the South in the 1994 civil war, the South suffered political, economic and

cultural marginalization, which also ignored many Southern female voices (Dahlgren,

1999). Moreover, conservative values also emerged in the Yemeni which has brought

together all the two Yemeni women’s unions from the north and south after unity, leading

in the removal or disconnection of many previously involved women from the public

sphere from women’s issues. In addition, in rural areas both in northern and southern

Yemen, men typically represent their families in public places as “exterior ministers”. As a

result, the number of rural women participating in formal policy is extremely low

compared to men. Thereby, the number of factors to be considered to limit women’s

political participation which include discursive, structural and systemic (Adra, 2016).

Lastly, Yemeni women’s political participation was non-linear due to political parties’

unwillingness to encourage female participation in politics and to provide respectful

support to Yemeni women in high-profile politics. In the decades, the number of women

registered as voters almost trebled from 15 percent of the total voters in 1993 to 42

percent in 2003 (The New Humanitarian, 2006). On the other hand, there was no legal

obstacle preventing women from taking part in elections, either as voters or as candidates.

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For example, article 24 of the Yemen constitution that: “The state shall guarantee equal

opportunities for all citizens in the fields of political, economic, social and cultural activities

and shall enact the necessary laws for the realization thereof” (Ahmed, 2001). However, the

conservative nature of Yemeni society has not respected the value of Yemeni women, the

number of women in office, even though female voter registration has increased (The New

Humanitarian, 2006). As a result, women in Yemen were frustrated by political parties, as

gender issues and women’s rights were mostly debated in party talks with the sole purpose

of persuading non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or international funding, yet

excluding women from the debate itself (Philbrick, 2009).

V. Policy Recommendations

Being the proxy battle field that it is, Yemen is not looking too promising. With

existing gender inequality in the country plus the addition prolonged civil war, the

condition of equality has not been shed light on as the main concern as the country is in

humongous need of recovery from this long-standing internal conflict. The issue of gender

inequality, however, is a must to be tackled because basic equality of human rights without

regards of their gender is pretty much a basic principle any states in the 21 st century is

obligated to. In order to tackle an issue and seek a policy which can be used to facilitate the

resolution of it, it is necessary to eliminate the root cause of the issue by looking at the flaw

of the current policy and foster an environment where the new policy can be sustained. The

problem with United Yemen’s current policy is that it does not promote the equality of

rights for the both genders. Current policy of Yemen is biased towards its religion where it

is more valuable and prestigious to be men than women. Most Arabic countries face the

same issues and when the problem is connected with religion, it is hard to separate the two

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because it is in their belief that their religion and ways of life is neither a mistake nor a

problem to their lives. This is an issue because no matter how they manipulate it to be,

Yemen is the worst country to be a woman in (Conant, 2019). The country is regarded the

worst country to be a woman in in the category of inclusion – representation in

government, cell phone use, employment, financial access, education; security – intimate

partner violence, community safety, organized violence; justice – discriminatory norms,

son bias, legal discrimination. As a result, United Yemen ranks 167 th out 167 countries

being discussed in an article by Eve Conant titled, “The best and worst countries to be a

woman”.

In order to tackle this issue, governmental reform is a must. The country has been in a

tragic humanitarian crisis caused by civil war which worsen the condition gender

inequality. The country will not recover easily by itself, so a third-party assistance is

needed. The United Nations should be able to intervene in this issue like it did for

Cambodia in 1993 with United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia. The same

missions and agenda should be made for Yemen in order to democratise this country. It is

being proven that democracy will foster gender equality because of three causes. First

being its allowance of space for gender equality to exist through political representation,

voting, and women’s civic activism (OSF, 2018). Second potential cause would be that it is

the gender equality and inclusion of all genders that drives for big portion of society into

the creation of democracy (OSF, 2018). Thirdly, the modernisation that is the correlated

with democracy that drives genders inclusion (OSF, 2018). After creating legal government

for the country, it is the issue of whether peace and order can be maintained and the

government power will not be challenged again by Al Houthis. Compromise should be

14
made here by allowing Al Houthis to have their seat in the assembly, giving them the

opportunity to voice their opinion in the country’s affair and have a fair share of decision-

making power, however not too much that it could topple the supposed stable regime

again. Democracy is not set in stone; it can be altered to fit with the country needs or

situation. As the main focus of this paper is gender inclusion and equality in Yemen, the

main agenda of the government of Yemen is to maintain their religion without suppressing

women rights. In the perfect world, this policy recommendation would pull Yemen out of

the mud and restore the gender equality. However, it is not an easy task to successfully

foster an environment of democracy and fix a failed state. It takes commitment, time and

resource to do so and so involvement from the neutral international organisation would

assist in the process as well.

Conclusion

Gender inequality in Yemen is caused by partly its religion, societal settings, and

culture and was worsen by the prolonged civil war since 2011. As religious authorities

strongly recommend gender segregation, stereotypically, women in Yemen are seen as

subordinate and inferior to men as men are seen as provider and is responsible for the

wellbeing and prestige of the family. Given this situation with the addition of civil war,

United Yemen rank the worst country to be a woman in. To answer why it got this bad, it

would be obvious to look at the condition of the country prior to the civil war and how the

civil war worsen it which was discussed in the paper above. In short, the condition git this

bad due to the inseparable correlation of this issue to the country religion. With the civil

war being existed for a very long time, the condition is worsening by the time we speak.

15
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