SOCIAL AND ETHNIC UNREST IN INDIA: A CASE STUDY OF THE

RAJBANSHIS OF NORTHERN PART OF WEST BENGAL

Dr. Madhab Chandra Adhikary,

Associate Professor of History
Cooch Behar Panchanan Barma University
Email-madhab.cbpbu@gmail.com
Phone:9434309488

Abstract
In the present paper I would like to stress on the genesis of social,ethnic,economic and cultural issues of the
Rajbanshi people, the predominant group of the North Bengal which led them regionalism in the form of separatist
and autonomy particularly for recognition of a distinct ethnic identity since Independence of India. They founded
socio-ethnic and political organizations from time to time during the period under review like Uttar Khanda
Dal(UKD-1969),Uttarbanga Tapasili Jati-upjati Adivasi Sangathan (UTJAS-1979),Kamatapuri Peoples
Party(KPP-1987),Greater Cooch Behar Peoples Association(GCPA-1998) to fulfill their ultimate goal of separate
state and autonomy. We may refer many factors that are responsible for social and ethnic unrest in post colonial
North Bengal as follows- a. Colonial Caste Hierarchy, b. Demographic Change, c. State policy of Land Reforms, d.
Issue of Rajbanshi Culture and Languages and e. Question of Economic Deprivation.

Thus, it is the issue of a social mobility which pushed the people of this community for the socio-political
movement since Independence in North Bengal. They have created an “identity” based on “sons of the soil”
concept emphasizing their differences with the mainstream society and claiming their share in economic and
political field on the basis of this ‘identity question’. They became discontent with what they would expect and what
they got in changing scenario. Uttarkhanda- Kamatapuri other kind of movement was obviously an ultimate
manifestation of this discontent.

_______________________________________________________________________
Key words : Kamatapuri , Uttar Khanda ,Greater Cooch Behar, Rajbanshi, Adivasi Sangathan ,regionalism,
deprivation, sons of the soil, identity question, ,manifestation, discontent

I. Introduction:

In this paper an attempt has been made to stress on the genesis of grievances of the
Rajbanshi people, the predominant group of the Northern part of West Bengal, which led them
regionalism in the form of separatist and autonomy in respect of distinct ethnic, cultural and
linguistic identity since Independence. They founded socio-ethnic and political organizations
from time to time to fulfill their ultimate goal of separate state and autonomy.
 Table 1: The major Socio-ethnic organizations of Rajbanshis:
________________________________________________________________________
Organizations/ Nature H.O.& Issues Goal
Party foundation Year
________________________________________________________________________
UKD Political & Krantivita, Economic exploitation, Separate State
Ethnic Darjeeling Political subordination,
1969 Cultural, ethnic and linguistic
identity.
UTJAS Social Giyashil, Social, educational and Social change
Noth Dinajpur, economic development.
1979
KPP political & Shivmandir, Economic development, Separate State
Ethnic Siliguri,1987 political autonomy and
Cultural linguistic Identity
Economic issues.
GCPA Political Vetaguri,Cooch Merger of Cooch Behar Separate State
Behar,1998 State, political, economic
and cultural linguistic issues
________________________________________________________________________

The socio-ethnic and political organizations of the Rajbanshis argue that the post-
partitioned demographic changes, state policies, lop-sided economic development and
psychosocial differences contributed to the growth of regionalism in this region. So, we must
review the major causes, which have direct relationship with the socio-ethnic and political
agitations.

II. Major factors of grievances:

Colonial Caste hierarchy:

The Rajbanshis are major Scheduled Caste in West Bengal. As per 1971
census, about 76% of the Rajbanshis lived in northern part of West Bengal. It is believed
that northern part of West Bengal is the home land of the Rajbanshis where they have been
dominating since the ancient time. By caste identity, about 14% people of North Bengal
are Rajbanshis and among the Scheduled Castes of North Bengal, numerically Rajbanshis
is the dominant community. They constitute more than 50% of the total Scheduled Caste
population of North Bengal1. But the Rajbanshis are lagging behind compared to the other
caste people in respect of education, economic, work participation and other fields and this
section of predominant groups is feeling alienation from the mainstream of the society. The
claim of the Rajbanshis to be enumerated as a kshatriya but not a tribe (Koch) began to
take the shape of a movement at the time of the instruction, to the effect that the Rajbanshis
is the same as ‘Koch’. They created pressure on the Government through persistent
 agitations that –(i) the Rajbanshis be recorded separately from the koch, and (ii) be
recognized as a kshatriya by descent. The Rajbanshis began to emulate many Hindu
manners and customs discarding their old practices in order to justify their kshatriya
appellation and Aryan origin. However, in 1911 census, while the first demand was
conceded, the second one was turned down.2 Thus, all their efforts to be recognized as
kshatriyas had ultimately failed except successfully enlisting their names ‘Rajbanshis’ in
the census separately from the tribal Koches.

In the early social setting of the Rajbanshis, the status of this section of
people was not challenged until the influx if a large number of Hindus immigrants into this
clime. These immigrants’ people with a strong awareness to caste started interacting with
the indigenous Rajbanshis in differential terms. The Rajbanshis also faced humiliation and
objectionable identities by the caste Hindus. Few such instances of racialism interpretation
and social suppression are: Nagendranath Basu in the early 20th century while writing his
World Encyclopedia (Biswakosh) mention the Rajbanshis as barbarians or mlechha and
Bankim Chandra Chattapadhya in ‘Bongo Darshan’ moots that the Koch identity. The
Rajbanshis were denied to entry into Hostel Kitchen.3 This insensitivity of the upper strata
of Bengali intelligentsia antagonized this community and gave rise to a need for social
regeneration among them under the leadership of Rai Saheb Thakur Panchanan Barman
(1866-1935). With the help of the relevant clues from the Vedic Shatras and support of
Brahmin Pandits from Kashi, Nawadeep,Mithila, Kamrup he cited the different code of
laws which reinforced their kshatriya origin and legitimized the elevation of their ritual
status into ‘Kshatriya’.4 But this process of ‘Sanskritization’, for the assimilation of tribal
people into Hindu fold was not smooth. The Caste Hindu opinion was general against any
enlistment of the Rajbanshis in terms of social hierarchy.5

Demographic change:

After independence, the influx of East Pakistani refugee’s including Rajbanshis

to India had radically changed the demographic pattern of present North Bengal. Though it
is very difficult to enumerate the exact figure of the refugee who got shelter in North
Bengal or West Bengal as a whole, we can get some idea about the migration of the East
Bengalees to West Bengal and North Bengal from the population growth rates of certain
communities and decadal growth rates of population of North Bengal and West Bengal
from census reports and districts gazetteers.
 Table 2: Comparative table of population growth rates of certain SC
communities in West Bengal
_____________________________________________________________________________________
Name 1951-61 1961-71 1971-81 1981-91 1991-2001
_____________________________________________________________________________________
West Bengal +32.80% +26.89% + 23.17% +24.73% +17.84
SC +46.38% +70.80% +36.12% +33.39%
Rajbanshi +61.80% +12.66% +66.83% +25.70%
Namasudra +124.47% +34.49% +72.58% +52.55%
Bagdi +21.14% +17.17% +41.85% +285.55%
Jelia Kaibarta+39.38% +74.37% +55.53% +39.05%
Jhalo Malo +47.08% +30.77% +71.88% +42.54%
Gonrhi +507.32% -12.31% +22.04% +63.32
Tiyor -5.59% +101.31% +2.88% +94.27%
Patni -90.98% +103.265% +75.7655 +31.58%
___________________________________________________________________________________
Source: Census report of India.

Table 3: Comparative table of population growth rates in West Bengal and North
Bengal (in %)
__________________________________________________________________________________________
Census Year West Bengal North Bengal
__________________________________________________________________________________________
1951-61 32.80% 40.49%
1961-71 26.87% 33.01%
1971-81 23.17% 27.63%
1981-91 24.55% 27.61%
1991-2001 17.84% 22.43%
__________________________________________________________________________________________
Source: Census of West Bengal, 1951,1961,1971,1981,1991,and 2001

The Table No. 2 shows that there were tremendous decadal growth rates of certain
communities like Rajbanshis, Namasudras, Jelia Kaibartyas and Jhala , Malo castes in West
Bengal. The fact of migration from East Pakistan has also been officially recognized by the
Bangladesh Government when it says “if there were no migration of the Hindus from East
Pakistan and Bangladesh during 1961-91, there would have been 16.5 million Hindus in
Bangladesh instead of 11.2 million in 1991 according to our (Bangladesh) calculation a total of
5.5 million i.e. average 200000 persons have been missing during 1964-1991. 6 From the table 3
it appears that population growth rate in North Bengal was always higher than that of West
Bengal average in each decadal census which clearly indicates large cross border and inter –state
migration in North Bengal. The flood of refugee engulfed the border district of West Bengal and
Northeast India. These immigrants (refugees) have gradually settled down in North Bengal with
a strong attitude of resettlement in the new land. North Bengal is also receiving refugees from
Nepal, Bhutan and Northeast India due to out break of regular ethnic violence. The demographic
miscegenation in post colonial North Bengal had altered the population composition. Even the
percentage of the Rajbanshis in the total population is decreasing gradually.
 Table 4: Distribution of the Rajbanshi population in North Bengal by the Census years
________________________________________________________________________________
District 1951 % 1961 % 1971 % 1981 % 1991 %
________________________________________________________________________________
Darjeeling 15894 3.00 31887 3.50 31505 3.06 62770 3.60 96745 7.44
Jalpaiguri 172710 32.68 316020 35.19 329191 32.03 514174 29.49 656073 23.42
Cooch Behar 252069 47.7 418839 46.63 481304 46.84 714221 40.96 865622 39.86
W. Dinajpur 67489 12.78 93371 10.40 134976 13.13 369015 21.16 489642 15.65
Malda 20294 3.84 38443 4.28 50693 4.94 83463 4.79 114697 4.29
_______________________________________________________________________________
Source: Census of India, 1951,1961, 1971, 1981, 1991.

The table 4 shows that the population of Rajbanshis has been decreased from 47%
in 1951 to 39.86 in 1991 in Cooch Behar district where the SCs have largest percentage even in
2001.7 Condition of Jalpaiguri district is more critical where the percentage of the Rajbanshis has
been decreased from 32.68% in 1951 to 23.42% in 1991. It is to be noted that Cooch Behar and
Jalpaiguri districts remained the epitome of regional agitation led by the Rajbanshis. In addition
to it after partitioned, with rapid industrialization and the mushrooming of the tea gardens in
North Bengal there was a gradual growth of land Mafia in this region trying to monopolies the
only large scale Agro-based industry of this region.8 Most of the land, which was earlier,
dominated by the local Scheduled Castes communities of Koch and Rajbanshis were thus
brought over by the affluent Hindu refugees and Marwari's from Rajasthan. In Jalpaiguri district
while the number of Jotes holds by Rajbanshis, those hold by the Marwaris, the upper Caste
Bengali middle class people, and other increased sharply.9 An important aspect of land alienation
was the rapid growth of an unprotected tenancy structure in the form of adhiari system.
Grunning noted "In some cases the sellers sinks to the position of adhiars and at the mercy of
new jotedars, who can turn them at any time".10 During the post partition period the new settlers
on the contrary gradually established their domination in all aspects of society including politics,
economy and culture of North Bengal. In this situation, the question of the right of the ‘sons of
the soils’ is raised and the UKD, and the UTJAS categorically raised the questions of rights of
the pre-settlers (Deshi) and publicly express their hatred against the new settlers (Bhatia).

State policy of Land Reforms:

In addition to the demographic changes, the policy of the West Bengal Government,
particularly the land reforms programme had directly contributed to the growth of ethno-cultural
regionalism in North Bengal. After the introduction of land Acquisition Act (1953), a large
number of Jotedars of North Bengal lost their lands in excess to the limit of seventy- five bighas.
Khas (vested) land had been distributed to the landless cultivators. Although the victim zotedars
were mostly of the Rajbanshi community, but their caste fellows were not sole beneficiaries.
Hence, there was a strong voice for the distribution of the vested land to the Rajbanshis only.
Naturally, land alienation to the non-Rajbanshis began with the first phase of land reforms in
West Bengal germinated the seeds of deprivation among the pre-settled communities of North
Bengal.11
Second phase of land reform was undertaken in West Bengal with the coming the
United Front (UF) Government in 1967. The UF Government during 1967-70 vested one million
acre of land, which broken the backbone of social dominance of the landed aristocracy (zotedars)
of West Bengal.12 The zotedars of North Bengal could not escape from it. However, third phase
of land reforms called “Operation Burga” under the Left Front Government was successful in
vesting family land and recording 1.2 million of sharecroppers within three years(1978-81)13
According to the sources, 428179.95 hector vested land has been distributed among 2605432
beneficiaries. In North Bengal 170081.80 hector vested land was distributed among 671841
beneficiaries out of whom 301498 are SCs and 144181 are STs. 14

Land reforms and distribution of vested lands to the landless agricultural labourers by
the UF and LF Governments had direct impact on the socio-economic pattern of the indigenous
elites in North Bengal. Because of the partitioned and the post-Independent State Government of
West Bengal was busier for rehabilitating the displaced peasants of the refugee Bengalees. As a
result the lion share of the vested land was distributed among the refugees. It is also a hard fact
that the presence of the millions of the refugees had precipitated the passing of the Zamindary
Abolition Act, 1953. Although SC/ST people were benefited by the land distribution process of
the Government, but the Rajbanshis were not benefited by this process. However, in many
villages anti-Refugee disturbances had taken place. This anti foreigner feelings and feelings of
deprivation of the indigenous people were capitalized. Under this situation, the Rajbanshis were
forced to migrate into the nearby urban areas and to the other province only to be absorbed into
the marginalize section workers, domestic servants whose survival depended upon the selling of
labour power. Alienation from their ancestral land and the transformation of Rajbanshi from land
owing peasants to wage labour proletariats had various social connotations too and tension has
been grown in North Bengal from time to time in respect of separate state and autonomous
power in North Bengal.15

Issue of Rajbanshi Culture and Language:

 Culture is a collective terminology, which describes material, social, cultural, religious
and artistic achievement format the human society. Tradition, customs and behavioral format
unified by the common beliefs and values also been incorporated in the definition of culture. So
socio- religious traditions mode of living, artistic achievements, language and other related
elements of the Rajbanshi community formed the Rajbanshi culture. The distinctive elements of
the Rajbanshi culture are Bhaoiwa, ,Goalparia Songs, Kushan, Bishahri, Marai, Hudumdeo,
Madankam and Mechini dances where they (Rajbanshis) uses their language called Rajbanshi
language.

However, during colonial and post colonial period the language spoken by the Rajbanshis is
suffering from language/ dialect dilemma and designated as ‘Bahe” as the Bengalese widely
called it.16 Sri Kalindra Nath Barman a Rajbanshi social activist, poet, and the founder of the
UKD brought the linguistic distinctiveness of the Rajbanshis into the forefront of the Rajbanshi
middle class intellectual community. The term “Bahe” has been derived from the phrase Baba
he! (Oh father) which is normally used in Rajbanshi language as respect. The Rajbanshis
consider the ‘Bahe’ identity is a humiliating one. There are several examples of protest against
the identification of the Rajbanshis as a linguistic community called “Bahe” in colonial and post-
colonial Bengali literature. The Rajbanshis prefer to identify their language as Rajbanshi. But
there is a strong controversy among the scholars whether the language spoken by the Rajbanshi
is a separate language or dialect. A number of Rajbanshi scholars have already produced a few
works to prove the independent linguistic status of the Rajbanshi like Ekti Birat Jiggasa: Ora
Bahe Na Bangali? of Kalindra Nath Barman, Kamatapuri Bhasa of Harimohan Barman, A step
to Kamata Behari Language of Dharmanarayan Burma , Rajbnashi Bhasa Sahityer Parichaya of
Dwijendranath Bhakat etc.

Sri Dharma Narayan Burma ‘s A Step to Kamata Behari Language is such a work which
grammatically proves the linguistic status of the Kamta Behai. Dr. Bhakat claims that the
literature produced under the patronage of the Koch kings are the specimen of the Rajbanshi
literature.17 But the state generally adopts the standards form of the languages for official works
and educational institutions not any dialect or restrict code like the Rajbanshi. However, in the
recent times significant contribution have been made by the educated section of the Rajbanshi
community by publishing books, pamphlets, writing novels, drama, poetry and composing music
and film in this medium.
On the contrary, a number of experts have opined that it is yet another dialect of Bengali and
both shares the same roots. Prof Nirmal Das in his Uttar Banger Bhasa Prasanga categorically
argued that the Rajbanshi is nothing but another dialect of the Bengali. Under this conflict, the
socio-political organizations of the Rajbanshis occasionally raise that their culture is at stake and
demand the separate linguistic issue for separate state in North Bengal including Western Assam
and Purnia district of Bihar. Very recently, the Government of West Bengal accepted this
language as Rajbanshi language and Rajbanshi Bhasa Academy has been established in Cooch
Behar District. The author is one of the members of the Rajbanshi Bhasa Academy.

Question of economic deprivation:

It was the demand of the socio- political organizations of the Rajbanshis that as a part of
West Bengal, North Bengal consists of six districts namely Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling,
Uttar Dinajpur, Dashkin Dinajpur and Malda, this region is full or resources. In 2016 Jalpaiguri
District has been bifurcated into Jalpaiguri and Alipurduar District. Forest product, tourism,
floriculture, sericulture and agro- based processing can be important tool for development. Power
can be easily generated out of huge water resources; in spite of that there has been no attempt of
establishing a paper mill, as yet. There are thousand of ponds and natural water reservoir in
Cooch Behar, Malda and Dinajpur (S&N), but no effective measure has been taken for the
development of fisheries. No large scale industrialization has been started in this area. The most
disappointing position is that, no subsidiary industry has been flourished to meet the
requirements of tea industry. The tea chests are made of wood, which is very easily available
here but manufactured elsewhere. Therefore, growth of development is neither satisfactory nor
spectacular. It is also lagging infrastructure facilities like power, transport and communication
banking and health and education. The scope of education is still far behind in this region
compared to other parts of the country. As a result of which the people of this particular region
are trailing behind either in the field of services on in any other independent professional line. In
absence of any industrial development and their economical activities, agriculture has been the
only sources of livelihood of the people of these regions. Though agriculture has been the only
living sources in this area since century's past, there has been no irrigation system either for
distribution of water for cultivation purpose or to control floods whatever, till date. As a
consequence, the people of this area are to solely depend on nature. No sign of modern
cultivation can be found in North Bengal as because the people are not sufficiently enlighten in
this regard, and the minimum scope has not been created for them. Besides, there are soil erosion
of the most of the river banks in every year and villages after villages have been submerged into
river water but the government is in deaf.
Thus, it is the issue of social mobility again which pushed the people of this community
for the second phase of the social movement. This time it was directed at creating an “identity”
based on “sons of the soil” concept emphasizing their differences with the mainstream society
and claiming their share economic and political field on the basis of this ‘identity question’. The
Rajbanshis became discontent with what they expected and what they got in the changing
scenario. Uttarkhanda- Kamatapuri and other kinds of Movement were obviously an ultimate
manifestation of this discontent. 18

III. The Major Political Associations of the Rajbanshi People:

UKD (UTTAR KHANDA DAL):

Around 1947 and even after that, there was consistent immigration to northern part of
West Bengal from East Pakistan (Now in Bangladesh) and parts of Assam. As a consequence,
significance changes have taken place in the population structure of this region. The Rajbanshi
now feel that this large-scale immigration of refugees has resulted in their economic misery and
hardship. Out of this feeling, the Rajbanshis formed. Uttar Khanda Dal on 5th July, 1969 in the
Jalpesh Temple complex, in the Maynaguri police station in Jalpiguri district demanding separate
state. Once a Rajbanshi leader of Uttar Khanda Dal (UKD) remarked, “The unabated refugee
influx from Bangladesh is making over lives impossible and the time has come for us to govern
ourselves”.19 In order to wise over the masses, the Uttar Khanda Dal had contested in the
elections of 1972, 1977, and 1982. Each time the candidates had lost their deposit. It is to be
mentioned here that they contested generally from the reserve constituency.20 If we carefully
analyze the composition of UKD, we will find that the most of the leaders belong to Jalpaiguri
and Cooch Behar. Mr. Panchanan Mallick ,Rukmini Kanta Ray, Kalindranath Barman ,Rabi
Shankar, Suma Ora and all other senior members were belonged to Jalpaiguri, .In Darjeeling we
find only one Stalwart Mr.Sampad Ray, an ex-Socialist Cadre. We do not find any important
leader in the UKD who held from Malda and West Dinajpur. Dr. Ananda Gopal Ghosh says, the
Uttar Khanda movement is essentially a rural based and not an urban based. They failed to draw
the attention of their educated middle class of the Rajbanshi community. It has been prove by
their failure to the field any candidates in election of the Municipalities.21 The leaders, supporters
and sympathizers of UKD mostly came from the landed class.22 The Rajbanshis community is
land-depended people. Their only occupation is cultivation. Naturally, their livelihood is entirely
depended upon on the land. They felt that the refugees of the erstwhile East Pakistan (Present
Bangladesh) had grabbed their land illegally. The Uttar Khanda Dal is agitating for the
restoration of their land, which was occupied by the refugees. This programmed of restoration
land of the UKD had attracted the large number of Rajbanshi landless laborers.23

Prof. Rajat Subhra Mukhapadhyay says that the Kamatapuri, Uttar Khanda
Movement was basically the result of clash of interest between the indigenous Rajbanshi and the
Non-Rajbanshis population over control of economic resources of the region. He shows that after
independence the relative proportion of the Rajbanshi to total population as well as to the SC and
/Non- SC Population of North Bengal has decreased considerably. Due to the increases of non-
Rajbanshis population, the Rajbanshi had limited chance to set absorb in the non-agricultural
occupations in competition with the alien population.24 It is to be noted that one of the demands
for the Uttar Khanda Dal was reservation of jobs for the local people in State and Semi-state
Government establishment private firms and tea gardens in the Rajbanshi tract.25 In a
memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi in 1981, the UKD
categorically express that- “Immediate effect of the partition, as now well known, was the huge
influx of refugees from the then East Pakistan. West Bengal had to throw its border open and its
arms of welcome wide to receive the East Pakistan refugees as they were known as one ‘one
nation’, viz., the Bengalese, during the pre-partitioned societies. Hence North Bengal which
happened, because of a chance of historical circumstances, to be part of West Bengal could not
also raise its voice of objection and had been forced by the command of history to fall in liue
with West Bengal in its endeavour to accommodate the refugees. As a result North Bengal had to
live with a chunk of people alien to its customs language and culture”.26

The UKD had received a rude shock in 1979 and was divided as UKD and the Kamatapur
Gana Parishad .27 Ananda Gopal Ghosh also says that the presence of strong nationalist party in
this area could not provide an opportunities to raise the UKD as a strong position. In addition to
these, the neo- middle class of the Rajbanshi community is more interested in getting facilities of
the reservation system than any direct confrontation with the Government.28 Above all the
population of strength of the Rajbanshi is not favourable for the creation of a separate state in
that time. According to the census report of 1971, the Rajbanshis are only 13.88% of the total
population of North Bengal. Naturally, the demand for a separate state is not getting wide
support from the different corners including the intellectuals.

UTJAS (UTTAR BANGA TAPASILI JATI O ADIBASI SANGATHAN):

In 1979 the Uttarbanga Tapasili Jati and Adivasi Sangathan,(UTJAS). It is a middle class- based
youth organization. However, it opposed the separate state demand, but in some cases, their
demands are identical with the UKD.29 The general secretary and the president of the UJAS were
Mr. Naren Das and Mrs. Ranjana Roy respectively and other popular members were Amal
Sarkar, Ranjit Adhikary, Satyen Barman, Ramesh Mandal, Sachin Barman, Krishnakanta Ray,
Subal Barman, Probhat Sen Ishore, Tarini Mohan Singha Ray, Mon mohan Ray, Sushil Ray etc.
From 1979 to 1989 the UTJAS movement got an impressive response from the indigenous
30
people. In Jalpaiguri district conference of the UTJAS raises questions that the reasons of
territorial imbalances, all backwardness of the nation, and the present social unrests lay on social
discrimination and capitalist social structure. The UTJAS declared, “Whatever we are doing, it is
for the best interest of our country as a whole by trying to involve the majority of the population
in the development work of the country. This is movement for all adivasis, backward
communities of whole North Bengal among at the achievement of rights, as well as to render
their best services in building along with the privileged classes and castes’. The important issues
of the UTJAS are as follows.
1.The purpose of this movement is to find out the ways and means for the development of North
Bengal and remain free from all political influence.
2. North Bengal should be declared as backward zone and an effective and scientific planning
should be undertaken for its development.
3. For the cultural development of the North Bengal people, there should be a cultural
department of Govt. for the scheduled castes and tribes
4. A special provision should be made for business loan, employment etc. both in the Govt. and
private services. At least 44% seats should be reserved in school service for backward
communities. It sis also demanded that the economically backward but not scheduled; at 16%
seats should be reserved for them in this regard. Strong penal measure should be taken against
those persons who will violate the provision.
5. Primary Education should be made compulsory and in adivasi dominated areas the medium of
teaching should be in Hindi
6. Scheduled Castes and Tribal candidates should be given preference in appointing the
teachers and there should be reservation of seats for them at appreciating percent.
7. 25% seats should be reserved for the scheduled Castes and Tribes Students for admission in
North Bengal Medical College, Engineering College, University and other vocational
institutions. Age bar required marks should be relaxed for their admission
8. Duly elected representatives of scheduled castes and tribes should be taken in the
Governing Body and Senate of North Bengal University, North Bengal Medical College,
Engineering College etc.
9. More Secondary, Higher Secondary Schools, Colleges should be established as per area wise
requirements in North Bengal for further expansion of Education, and for the adivasi students,
medium of education should be in Hindi.
10. Transfer of lands of the SC/ST should be declared illegal and any complaint in this regard
should be heard and disposed of within time limit.
11. All the vested lands should be distributed amongst the SC and ST poor farmers.
12. Adequate arrangement of wholesome drinking water for every village people should be done
within 5 years time.
13. At least one latrine for every household be provided by the Govt. in the interest of Public
health.
14. The Tea and other big Industries should be nationalized immediately. As huge revenue is
earned by both the state and Central Govt. from North Bengal Zone, it is therefore, demanded
that the proportionate share of which should be invested in rural Oriented Industries at Bengal
for the overall interest of the country.
15. For Industrial development of this region, communication must be improved and
arrangement should be made for generation of power and vocational training.
16. The conditions for building up Cement and fertilizer factories, paper mills and wood craft
etc. exist in this region which should be given shape without killing any further time.
17. North Bengal should not be take any responsibility of the refugees coming from outside India
particularly Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan. Homeland should be claimed from Bangladesh for
rehabilitation for the refugees dropped out from 'Assam.
18. The name of the foreign citizens came in India after 1971, should be eradicated from voter
list. They should be rehabilitated in National Level.
20. Women seats should be reserved in respect of education and service.
21. The Rajbansi belonging to Bihar and Assam should be included to Scheduled Caste list.
22. Transformation of land from Tribal people should be stopped and cultivated land should not
be turned into break field.
23. Panchayet should be freed from both the Central and State Government in respect of
economic function.
24. North Bengal should be given autonomous power for all-round development of the regions.
25. Police tyranny should be stopped over the democratic movement in North Bengal and so
many others.31
 From 1979 to 1989, the UTJAS Movement got an impressive response from the
indigenous people or the Rajbanshi people and backward classes people. In 1989 at Kaliaganj in
West Dinajpur District the 7th central Conference of the UTJAS, the committee take resolution
that the UTJAS will fight for autonomous for North Bengal with other revolutionary
organizations through out India .In the subsequent years the UTJAS linked with Chhatra Yuba
Sangarsha Bahini, Dalit Sangarsha Bahini(Karnatak),Uttar Khanda Sangarsha Bahini(Uttar
Pradesh),Yuba Cranti Dal(Maharastra) Jan-Mukti Sangarsha Bahini etc.and formed Jan-
Andolan Samannya Samity (J.S.S) to highlight the regional problem in national level . But as a
consequent the UTJAS ultimately lost its basic aim of autonomous administrative demand for
North Bengal. By the last decade of the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century the
UTJAS connected with some regional organization like C.P.I (M.L.), P.C.C., TASO
(Transferred Area Surjapur Organization), Samajbadi Jana Parishad(S.J.P),
U.B.J.S.S.(UttarBanga Jana -Andalan Sanaya Samity), and formed Swayatta Shasan Sangram
Mancha. The UTJAS thus, gradually lost its vigorous character for their alternative thinking and
is being emerged as a platform of multi-political organizations that is alienated from the
mainstream of the society and failed to motivate the people of North Bengal in favour of the
movement irrespective of caste and creed. People understood that only autonomy and separation
could not solve the basic misery of the majority of Indian people.32 Therefore, the UTJAS had
lost support from the other castes people spontaneously. In addition to this, the emergences of
Kamatapuri Movement in the last decade of the 20th century blow a great shock to the UTJAS
movement.

KPP (KAMATAPUR PEOPLES PARTY):

Although the ethnic movement for the formation of a separate state could not get success in the
1980s but it get another witness of organization with the formation of Kamatapur Gana Parishad
in 1987 in the pattern of the Assam Gana Parishad.33 The ambition of the Kamatapur Gana
Parishad was to established separate state consisting six districts of North Bengal. The
Kamatapur Gan Parishad formed the All Kamatapur Students Union(AKSU) in the pattern of the
All Koch –Rajbanshi Students Union(AKRASU). In order to create literary consciousness
among the Rajbanshi people, the Kamatapur Sahitya Parishad was formed. It published a journal
Ratna Pith the historical name of this region.34 In addition to this many journals have been
published in Kamatapuri language such as Northern Express, Jagaran Pubali, Kamata Katha
etc. In the village level many Yatra Parties were formed and they staged the most Popular ‘Yatra
Mayner Chokher Jal’ produced by Guneswar Adhikary in Rajbanshi language and was highly
appreciated among the Rajbanshi people.
11-Points Chatter Demands:
The Kamatapur Gana Parishad or KPP put a eleven-points Chatter of demands to the Prime of
India (Sri Indra Kumar Gujral) in 1997 on 26th September, in order to implement their demands
for the formation of state i.e. ‘Kamatapuri speaking people in the whole North Bengal along with
adjoining Kamatapuri dominated areas in India.
1. In order to enable the Kamatapuri speaking people to govern their own lives by reason of
ethnical, linguistically, historical, cultural and social distinction from the rest of the people of
west Bengal a separate statehood namely ‘Kamatapu’ be declared within the frame work of
Indian comprising of the whole of North Bengal and adjoining Kamatapuri populated areas in
India, in accordance with the Article (3) of the Indian constitution of India.
2. With a view to ameliorating, the language of Kamatapuri is included in the 8th Scheduled of
the constitution of India.
3. By the base year of 1971(India-MujibAccord) regarding expulsion of illegal foreigners from
Kamatapuri dominated areas of North Bengal be implemented shortly.

4.In order to curb illegal influx of immigration in North Bengal and adjacent Kamatapuri
dominated areas the “INNER PERMIT LINE” must immediately be imposed on the said areas.

5. With a view to restringing the intrusion of illegal foreigners in North Bengal the “BAROED
WIRE” be erected the borderline of both India and Bangladesh without further delay.
6. Regarding various cultural programmed of Kamatapurians, for the Kamatapurians, for the
Kamatapuri peoples of North Bengal such programmes should be arranged to telecast on the
Television (Fulbari) Centre, All India Radio, Siliguri at daily.
7. With a view of all round development of North Bengal as the “Teesta Irrigation Project”
should be declared as ‘National Project” immediately,
8 .In order to enrich the culture for the Kamatapuri people of North Bengal as well as
neighbouring areas , in different types of cultural programmes of Kamatapurians br broadcast
though ‘All India Radio, Siliguri at per daily programmes of Naepali in “All India Radio
,Kurseong,
9. In respect of upliftment of higher education for the aboriginal people of North Bengal a
Central University namely Ray Saheb Thakur Panchanan Barma University be set up in the
district of Cooch Behar immediately.
10. Regarding exchange of enclaves as Indian enclaves in Bangladesh and Bangladesh enclaves
in India are exchanged without further delay.
11. In respect of pre and post History of North Bengal since Independence of India a ‘White
Paper’ regarding economical, social, culture, population and ethnical identity of the aboriginal
people of North Bengal be published immediately.35

GCPA(GREATER COUCH BIHAR PEOPLES ASSOCIATION):

At the end of the 20 th some section of Rajbanshi people started Greater Cooch Behar Peoples’
Association movement in Cooch Behar (GCPA) in 1998 citing clause in the merger agreement
on 28 th August, 1949 signed by the Government of India and the Maharaja Jagadeependra
Narayan, the last independent king- want Union territory status for Cooch Behar which, they feel
will eventually pave the way for a state. The basic objectives of the GCPA are-
i)Maintain the cultural heritage of Cooch Behar,
ii) To take step to solve the problem of Cooch Behar,
iii) To take safeguard the interest of the Cooch Behar people,
iv) To improve the living and social condition of the people of Cooch Behar,
v) To promote the unity, fraternity and cooperation among the Cooch Behar people,
vi) To take steps for maintaining the clause of the merger agreement made between his
Highness Maharaja of Cooch Behar and the Union of India,
vii) To give the status of Couch Behar as class ‘C’ state as was mentioned at the time of merger
36
of Cooch Behar State with Union of India. One of the issues is also a fund of more than
Rs.1.50 core left by the Royal Family for the development of Cooch Behar. Most of it remains in
fixed deposits in banks, generating interest spent by MLAs from the district for development.
The GCPA wants the funds handed over to the people, saying the money lawfully belongs to
them. Underdevelopment was also another issue of the GCPA.
The organization spearheaded a campaign for a separate Cooch Behar ‘C’-Category State. The
GCPA submitted its written memorandum to the home minister, Government of India, on 26 th
December, 2000 and another memorandum submitted to the President of India on 5th April 2001
claiming a centrally administered territory in Cooch Behar. Men and women are gearing up to
scarify themselves if the Government pays no head to their demands. The trouble has been
brewing in the North Bengal town for while. On 20 th September, 2005 crowd turned violent at
Khagrabari, barely 3 KM from the district headquarters when police carried out a baton charge.
The crowds pelted the police with stones, and the police opened fire, kill two villagers. As the
word spread, a mob, held back by the police at Chakchaka, ripped down a barricade and lynched
three police officers including an Additional Superintendent of Police. The police filed case
against the GCPA and many of the supporters including the General Secretary, Mr Banshi Badan
Barman were arrested. Even they have lunched a petition to the President of India and to the
Supreme Court to fulfill their demands. Later Mr. Barman had been released from the prison.
After releasing from prison he is trying to reorganize the supporters and revive the position of
party.
However, what is interestingly to say that at the initial stage, the GCPA strongly opposed the
Assembly election in Cooch Behar. They have decided to take unto-death plan against the
election. Mr Banshi Badan Barman addressed in a GCPA Central committee meeting held
Saheberhat, Cooch Behar on 13 February, 2006 that- “…. If the State Government tries to
impose the State Assembly Election forcibly on the people of Cooch Behar, The GCPA would
start fast- unto death Programme again.” The GCPA invited the supporters abstained from
casting their vote. However, what we found that many supporters of the GCPA cast their votes
against the Left Front Allies and ultimately the Left Front Candidate in Dihata Constituency Mr
Udayan Guha, son of Kamal Guha, the former Agriculture Minister of West Bengal has been
defeated to Trinumul Congress Candidate.
Now the GCPA had been split into two wings- Banshi Badan faction and Jyotish Chandra
Sarkar Faction namely Greater Cooch Behar Democratic Party. The later had joined allies with
Kamatapur Progressive Party and All Koch Rajbanshi Students Union to form Kamatapuri
United Forum to established separate State and recognition of Kamatapuri language.37 Very
recently, the Banshi Badan faction launched ‘Rail Rukha Movement’ at New Cooch Behar
Station and the communication system between North- East India and other part of India was
disconnected more than three days for full filled their demand.
The Movement has historical roots. Dr.Ananda Gopal Ghosh, of North Bengal
University says that the king of Cooch Behar was largely benevolent and the Rajbanshis were a
happy lot, with many of them owing vast tract of farmland. Things began to change once the
state merged into India and the subjects lost whatever privileges they enjoyed under the Koch
rulers. Then cause the flood of refugees.38 He also says, “These simple Rajbanshis, many of
whom had become indolent, could not complete with the hard- working Bengali refugees, who
slowly brought their land and drove them out of business.”39 It was only a matter of time before
the Rajbanshi landlords became land labours. Prof. Nirmal Das of Rabindra Bharati University,
has said –“These former landlords are behind today’s Greater Cooch Behar Movement”.40
However, beyond the Cooch Behar district the GCPA particularly has no influence. But the
present Trinamul Congress Government played a diplomatic role by forming two separate
Parishad namely Kamatapuri Unnayan Parishad and Rajbanshi Unnayan Parishad and also
Kamatapuri Bhasa Parishad and Rajbanshi Bhasa Parishad. Not only that the two leaders namely
Atul Roy and Banshi Badan Barman have palced as the Vice- Chairman of Kamatapuri Bhasa
Parishad and Rajbanshi Bhasa Academy respectively. Therefore, time will indicate the fate of
these movement later.

Conclusion:
Regarding underdevelopment issues the CPI(M) acknowledges that the Rajbanshis are
increasingly trying to affirm their ethnic identity through statehood movements. It’s never just
underdevelopment, but the question of their cultural and linguistic identity that dominated the
Kamatapuri Movement “says Pintu Ganguly, president of CPI (M)s peasant wing in Kumargram
in Jalpaiguri. Hon’ble Ex-Minister -in-Charge, Department of Forest, Government of West
Bengal Sri Ananta Ray and the then Zilla Parisad Sabhadhipati, Cooch Behar has said “the Left
Front government has distributed land among 1.28 lakhs landless families in the district of
Cooch Behar under its land reform programmes. He also says, “most of the MLAs and MPs and
other political functionaries from the region are Rajbanshis, I fail to understand how the
Rajbanshis can harbour such grievance”.41 Even Gayetri Devi, the then only, successor of the
Koch Royal family was not interested about the movement of GCPA. We may refer her words “I
cannot understand why this movement has been raised in Cooch Behar. Cooch Behar has
become too much dirty and the people have been changed too.”42 Even she made it clear that she
had no willingness to meet the leadership of the GCPA.43

It is a matter of fact that not only North Bengal, India is being faced in great troubles for
several insurgencies and movements because of ever increases migration. The North Eastern
India has over 500 ethnic groups owing to frequent immigrant's invasions, though all are
neighbours played a major role in segregating the population in the main river valleys.
Migration of population creating demographic changes is an issue of concern while figures
quoted by authorities are suspect it is pertinent to note that in the 20th century under British rule,
immigration and migration, particularly into Assam, North Bengal and Tripura, was probably to
the extent of about 30% of the population, of which about two-third was from East Bengal
(Bangladesh).44 Both Delhi and States failed to take suitable remedial action giving rise to
insurgency, strife, discontent, and unnecessary deployment of security forces resulting in
wasteful expenditure. Regarding Kamatapuri Movement in North Bengal Swaraj Basu says,
"This movement could be seen as a protest against assimilation or integration of the local
indigenous people by dominant socio-cultural groups of this region. But while ethnicity can be
used to fight social discrimination, there is always the possibility of subsequent use to achieve
narrow reactionary objectives".45 Under these circumstances, its hardly surprising that statehood
movements keep popping up in North Bengal. If it was the Uttar Khanda agitation in the late
sixties, the Kamatapuri movement in the nineties, it’s Greater Cooch Bihar in today.

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2 Dipankar Das Gupta: Political Sociology in India: Contemporary Trends, Orient Longman,
Hyderadad,1996,pp,47-49. Ross Mallick,: Development ,Ethnicity and Human Rights in South Asia,New
Delhi, 1998,p.113
3. Upendra Nath Barman, Thakur Panchanan Barmar Jevan Charit 1408,B.S. Jalpaiguri.p13;
Rajbanshi Kshatriya Jatir Itihas;Vol.I, 1941,Jalpaiguri.
4 Upendra Nath Barman; op. cit.,p,16.
5. Ibid, p.586.
6. Shahdeen Mallick, Overview of Refugees, Stateless Person and Internally displaced Person in
Bangladesh. Regional Constitution of refugee and Migratory Movement in South Asia, Delhi, 14 -16th,
th

November, 1996,p.29.
7. According to Census 1921), they (Rajbanshi) numbered 17,27,211 of Whom 89% were found in
North Bengal, Census of India 1921, Vol.V, Part-I, Bengal Report,p.357.
8. Uttarbanga Sambad, Siliguri, 03.12.2000.
9. V. Xara, Evolution of Agrarian Structure and Relations in Jalpaiguri District, (W.B.); Socilogical
Bulletin, Vol.29.No.I,1980,p.77.
10.J.F Gruning; Eastern Bengal and Assam District Gazetteers, Jalpaiguri; Alahabad, 1911,p.87.
11. Rup kumar Baramn ; Contested Regionalism, Delhi,2007,p.128.
12. D. Banerjee : Land Reforms in West Bengal: Remembering Harekrishna Konar and Benoy Choudhry,
EPW,XXXV,No.21 and 22,p.1797.
13. Ibid,p.1797.
14.Department of SC/ST Welfare, Government of West Bengal; Hataman Jara Tulichhe Shir(Bengali);
1987,p.7; This statement is also framed by D.C.Dakua; ,Kamatapuri Andolan Ekti Jana Bichhinna
Andolon, Calcutta. National Book Agency Pvt. Ltd.,2003,pp.30-31.
15. Madhab Chandra Adhikary, Socio-Economic Transformation of North Bengal in Post Colonial Era:
A Case Study of the Rajbanshis, Pune Research Scholar(An International Multidisciplinary Journal,
Vol.3, Issue 4, Pune, 2017, p.10
16. Uttar Banga Sambad, !st April 1965,p.3.
17. Dwijendranath Bhakat, Rajbnashi Bhasa Sahityer Parichaya ,Golokganj, Ethnic Studies and
Research, 2000.
18.Anon, Times of India, New Delhi, 1986,September 3; The Statesman, Calcutta, 1989, August10.
19.Times of India, New Delhi, 1986,September 3
20.Professor Ananda Gopal Ghosh,; TheUttarkhand Kamtapur Movement: A Historical Perspective;
North East India History Association, Tenth Session, Shillong,1989,p.405.
21. Ibid, p.407.
22. V.N Gopa, Kumar ; Bengal’s Unrest Mainstream 19th July,1980.
23. Election Manifesto, UKD, 1982.
24. Rajatsubhra Mukhapadhya;Socio-economic Transformation of the Rajbanshis and Kamatapuri-
Uttarkhanda Movement in North Bengal; Journal of Anthropology and Sociology ,1995,pp.223-228.
25. Anon, Times of India, New Delhi, 1986, September 3; The Statesman, Calcutta, 1989, August10.
26. UKD Memorandum submitted to Mrs Indira Gandhi, the Prime Minister of India on 24 th August 1981.
27. Panhuman Mallick; Keno Kamatapur (Bengali Sanskaran) ,July, 1987; Rakhi Purnima (1987 AD)
;Ratna pitha Vol. II, October ,1988(A monthly news magazine in Bengali and Kamatapur language).
28. Ananda Gopal Ghosh, op. cit.,p.407.
29. Dainik Tribitta; 989 2nd January (A Bengali daily of Cooch Behar).
30. Resolution : UTJAS,1980, Jalpaiguri District Conference, 20th & 21 st December.
31.Resolution and Demands Istahar,U TJAS: Central Committee.
32. Madhab Chandra Adhikary ;Swadhinottar Uttarbange Tapasili Jati –Upjati O Adivasi Anodalaner
Utthan ,Vikash O Biloy:Ekti Samiksha in Itihas Anusandhan-21, 2007,p- 534.
33.Keno Kamatapur(In Bengali Sankaraj; Rakhi Purnima (1987 AD).Ratna pitha;Vol.II October,1988(A
monthly news Magazine in Bengali and Kamatapuri Language)
34. Ratnapitha, Vol.II October 1988 (a Monthly news magazine in Bengali and Kamatapuri language)
35. Kamatapur peoples Party, 1997; Copy of Chatter of Demands on 11 points placed before Hon’ble
Prime Minister Sri Indar Kumar Gujral, Governtment of India, New Delhi.
36. Letter to the Secretary GCPA dated 25.09.2002 to the District Magistrate, Cooch Behar.
37. Ananda Bazar Patrika ,25th October,2006.Uttar Banga Sambad ,25th October,2006.
38.The Teleghraph,30th October,2005
39.Ibid.
40.Ibid.
41.Ibid.
42. Ananda Bazar Patrika ,25th March,2006.
43.Uttar Banga Sambad ,25th March,2006.
44. The Statesman,Editorial,29th January,2005. 45. Swaraj Basu, Dynamics of A Caste Movement:
The Rajbansis of the North Bengal,1910-1947,New Delhi,2003,p.139.