Roman Amphitheatres and

Spectacula:
st
a 21 -Century Perspective
Papers from an international conference
held at Chester, 16th-18th February, 2007

Edited by

Tony Wilmott

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2009
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Roman Amphitheatres and Spectacula: a 21st-Century perspective. Papers from an international

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 4. Amphitheatres in the Roman East
Hazel Dodge
Department of Classics, School of Humanities and Histories, Trinity College Dublin
In modern scholarship, it has become tradition to consider
amphitheatres and thus the associated forms of spectacle were
rare in the Eastern Provinces. This goes hand in hand with
the perception, held since the 19th century and into the late
20th century, that in some way the Greek provinces of the
Roman Empire were more ‘civilised’ than the Western
Provinces, and therefore could not have indulged in such
bloodsports as gladiatorial displays. Yet there is a wealth of
evidence in the form of epigraphy, sculpted reliefs, and
literary notices (as well as now the gladiators themselves from
the gladiator cemetery at Ephesus) from the Eastern
provinces for gladiatorial and other arena displays. This
‘civilised’ view was held despite the fact that a large body of
the iconographic and epigraphic material was actually
published between 1940 and 1950 by Louis Robert (1940;
1946; 1948; 1949; 1950). The number of purpose-built
amphitheatres in the East has been variously put at 6 (Ward-
Perkins 1981, 258: Corinth; 290: Cyzicus, Pergamum and
Anazarbus; 325: Antioch-on-the-Orontes; 352: Dura-
Europos see below), 8 (this figure refers in fact only to Syria
and the Levant) (Frézouls 1961, 64 n. 2: Dura-Europos,
Antioch, Berytus, Canatha, Caesarea, Samaria ([sic] – it is
unclear exactly what city he meant), Jericho, Jerusalem), or 16
(Golvin 1988, 96-97) see below). Other lists, such as those
published by Friedländer (1913, 242-253) and Forni (1958,
380-390), can be very misleading in that they catalogue not
only purpose-built amphitheatres in the East but also include
all cities where there is evidence for gladiatorial and animal
displays; although extremely useful, such evidence does not
necessarily imply the provision of an amphitheatre. This
paper reviews and re-examines the evidence for amphitheatres
and arena displays in the Roman East in the light of recent
archaeological excavation and survey (Welch 2007, 163-185).
It will highlight some of the problems with the evidence and
its interpretation by modern scholars, and challenges the use
of inexact terminology in attempts to describe buildings
according to both their design and their function.
The nature of the evidence
The evidence for amphitheatres and arena displays in the
Roman East comes from a number of different sources which
are useful to list here:
• purpose-built structures conforming to the canonical
form of the amphitheatre known and recognised
elsewhere in the Empire (Figs. 4.1 and 4.2; Golvin 1988,
who names 16 amphitheatres in the Eastern provinces: 5
in the Balkans (Micia, Porolissium Ulpia Traiana,
29
Dyrrachium, Marcianopolis); 2 in Greece (Corinth,
Hierapytna in Crete); 1 in Cyprus (Salamis); 4 in
Turkey (Antioch-on-the-Orontes, Cyzicus, Pergamum,
Comana); 1 in Syria (Dura-Europos); 1 in
Palestine/Judaea (Caesarea Maritima); 2 in Eastern
Libya (Ptolemais, Cyrene). This list is highly
problematic because not all the structures have definitely
been identified as purpose-built amphitheatres: see
below);
• structures which do not resemble the canonical form of
the amphitheatre but which result from the
modification of already existing entertainment buildings,
particularly, although not exclusively, theatres, for
example Ephesus, Pergamum and Xanthus (Sear 2006,
43-45; Stewart forthcoming);
• structures which do not resemble the canonical form of
the amphitheatre but which are designed and built from
the outset to serve as a venue for a number of different
kinds of entertainments, including traditional arena
displays, for example the stadia at Aphrodisias and
Laodiceia in Asia Minor (Welch 1998b);
• artistic representations such as gladiatorial reliefs and
tombstones, mosaic depictions of gladiatorial and animal
combat from all over the Eastern Provinces (Robert
1940; 1946; 1948; 1949; 1950; Papaposolou 1989);
• epigraphic evidence attesting to the construction of actual
amphitheatres and/or to arena displays or performers
(Friedländer 1913, 242-253);
• literary evidence which often gives cultural insights into
the provision of this archetypal Roman entertainment
building and its associated displays within a culturally
Greek context;
and a final category, one which is made more complicated by
problems with dating,
• structures approximating the plan of the canonical
amphitheatre which were secondary insertions into one
part of an already existing entertainment building (for
example in the stadium at Aphrodisias (Welch 1998b,
565-569), the Panathenaic stadium at Athens (Travlos
1971, 498), and in the recently excavated stadium at
Messene in the southern Peloponnese (personal
observation).
In addition to the number of known purpose-built
amphitheatres in the East (Fig. 4.2 for an updated list), it
might be possible to add up to a dozen which are known or
ROMAN AMPHITHEATRES AND SPECTACULA

Fig. 4.1 Map showing the location of amphitheatres in the Roman East
1. Dyrracchium: 2. Ulpia Traiana: 3. Micia: 4. Porolissium: 5. Serdica: 6. Diocletianopolis: 7. Marcianopolis: 8. Patras: 9. Corinth: 10.
Ptolemais: 11. Gortyna: 12. Hierapytna: 13. Pergamum: 14. Cyzicus: 15. Comana: 16. Anazarbus: 17. Antioch-on-the-Orontes: 18.Paphos:
19. Salamis:20. Dura-Europos: 21. Bostra: 22. Caesarea Maritima: 23. Eleutheropolis: 24. Berenike: 25. Byzantion: 26. Nicomedia/Nicaea: 27.
Smyrna: 28. Nysa: 29. Antioch-in-Pisidia: 30. Berytus: 31. Canatha: 32. Jerusalem:33. Jericho: 34. Alexandria

assumed from literary and epigraphic sources (Fig. 4.3).
However, there are major problems not only with the
terminology used by both ancient authors and modern
scholars, but also with the subsequent interpretations by
modern scholars (Dodge 2008).
Terminology
A particular challenge for the study of amphitheatres in the
Eastern Provinces is the employment of specific terminology
to describe the structures. It is particularly the use of the term
ÐlvihÈatqom/amphitheatre by both ancient and modern
writers which is problematic. It is common in general English
usage to find the term ‘amphitheatre’ applied very broadly to
any kind of entertainment venue, irrespective of architectural
design. This can be very misleading, and is in fact incorrect.
Philippopolis (Plovdiv) in Bulgaria provides a good
illustration. In general publications the Roman theatre is
often referred to as an amphitheatre, when it is clearly a
theatre of Roman design with an impressive scaenae frons
(Sear 2006, 423-424). The remains of the 2nd century
stadium, located nearby on the slopes of Sahat Tepe and
Maxim Tepe, seems to be what many have suggested is the
amphitheatre (Golvin 1988, 263), despite the fact that its
form and length of 250m defines it as a stadium (Tsontchev
1947). There is epigraphic evidence for gladiatorial and
animal displays being held in the city (Robert 1940, nos 35,
36 and 37); no venue is specified, as is often the case, but both
these types of display could have been, and were,
accommodated in other entertainment building types in the
East. Further, Robert (1940, 33 n. 6) pointed out that often
even in inscriptions in the East a simple theatre might be
referred to with the Greek term ‘amphitheatre’. Unless there
is surviving archaeological evidence it is unsure what type of
building is being referred to. Evidently these terms were not
as rigidly applied in antiquity as modern scholars would like
them to be, nor were the functions of the buildings they
describe as rigidly perceived.
The permanent amphitheatre is a building-type exclusively
associated with the Romans, recognisable by its elliptical plan,
an oval arena, and completely surrounded by seating; this is
the literal meaning of the Greek word ÐlvihÈatqom
/amphitheatron, which from the time of Augustus gradually
came to be used for this type of building (Vitruvius, On
Architecture I.7.1; Res Gestae 24; see also Dio 43.22; Étienne

30

1965). Interestingly, Ovid (Metamorphoses 9.25) uses the
phrase ‘in the theatre built on both sides’ (structoque
utrimque theatro). This building-type is distinct in form from
the theatre, the stadium and the circus, all of which can be
defined in very distinct architectural terms, and with
apparently clearly defined functions; the theatre for drama,
the stadium for athletics, and the circus for chariot and horse
racing. These Roman building classes (theatre, amphitheatre,
circus, stadium) therefore have a recognisable and definable
form, and a primary function which is defined and
acknowledged in modern scholarship. Nevertheless, a
problem arises from the modern compulsion to define a
building, using one term, according not only to its function
but also to the displays it housed. Unfortunately, the ancient
function did not always correspond neatly to such discrete
physical categories. Furthermore, the use of terminology in
the ancient sources in relation to entertainment buildings is
open to varying modern interpretations. It is for these
reasons that the whole subject of amphitheatres and
associated displays in the Eastern Mediterranean continues to
present modern scholars with major challenges for
description and interpretation.
In reality, Roman entertainment buildings were by their
nature multi-functional, as indeed many Greek and Roman
buildings were. For example, animal displays were a part of
circus and arena spectacle in Rome from the 2nd century BC
(Golvin 1988, 61-65) and were frequently held in the Circus
Maximus (Dio 76.1.3-5; Jennison 1937, 42-59; Golvin 1988,
61-65; Coleman 2000, 216-217), as well as later in the
Colosseum (Martial De Spectaculis, 26; Coleman 2006).
Dionysius of Halicarnassus referred to the Circus Maximus as
ÐlvihÈatqor Úppodqolor (Roman Antiquities 4.44), a clear
reference to the nature of the seating and primary function
rather than specifically to any other types of display which
might have been performed there. Thus, it is important, with
ancient sources, particularly those written in Greek, not to
assume that the use of the term ÐlvihÈatqor, -om implied
anything about the function of the building being described,
nor did it necessarily refer to an amphitheatre structure of
canonical form. For example, at Nysa in the Maeander valley
of western Turkey, Strabo described a building situated over a
gorge to the south of the theatre, with a hidden tunnel
beneath to allow for the passage of torrential waters; he called
it an ‘amphitheatre’ (ÐlvihÈatqom) (14.1.43). The structure
has never been excavated and the surviving archaeological
evidence is little more than some very fragmentary rows of
seating. However, its form seems to have been an elongated
oval (its length of 192 m resembling that of a stadium: Welch
1998a, 117-119) which used the steep sides of the gorge to
support the seating and performance areas (Golvin 1988,
243; Welch 1998b, 555 n.12). Whether it was curved at both
ends or was more of a truncated hairpin shape is uncertain,
but it can perhaps be compared to the late 1st century BC
amphitheatre probably built by Juba II at Iol Caesarea in
Mauretania, modern Cherchel in Algeria (Golvin 1988, 112-
31
HAZEL DODGE: AMPHITHEATRES IN THE ROMAN EAST
114; 243). The use of the term ‘amphitheatre’ in the ancient
sources to describe structures which do not strictly speaking
conform to the modern view of an amphitheatre has again
been brought into sharp focus with the recent discovery of an
entertainment structure associated with Herod’s palace at
Caesarea Maritima (Porath 1995;2004 and see below).
This potential confusion and lack of clarity is exacerbated by
the fact that many inscriptions from the East which refer to
gladiatorial or arena displays identify them as taking place ‘in
the stadium’ (Ñm to stadÊom: Robert 1940, 35; Welch 1998a,
122-127). Because of its connection with arena displays this
is often assumed to mean ‘in the amphitheatre’, but this is
both incorrect and unnecessary. The stadium at Smyrna in
Asia Minor was used for munera (Fig 4.2 and Robert 1940,
37 and nos. 225-250). It was also, according to Eusebius
(4.15.16), the location of the execution of Polycarp, Bishop
of Smyrna (Ñm stadÊoir) in the middle of the 2nd century AD,
although Jerome (De Viris Illustribus XVII) stated that this
took place in the amphitheatre (in amphitheatro). Robert
(1940, 33 n. 6) noted that it was important to distinguish in
the epigraphic record those texts which used the word
amphitheatre as a description of its plan when referring to a
simple theatre.
The First Amphitheatre and Gladiators in the East
The earliest recorded instance of gladiatorial displays in the
Eastern Mediterranean is in a Hellenistic royal context when
the Seleucid king Antiochus IV Epiphanes staged them at
Daphne near Antioch in 166 BC (Polybius 30.25-26; Livy
41.20.10-13). It is clear from the accounts that such combats
were unusual at this time; Polybius says that Antiochus was
aiming to emulate Aemilius Paulus, the victorious Roman
general at the Battle of Pydna just a few years before. The
shows, which included both gladiatorial and animal displays
(the gladiators apparently being brought from Rome) lasted
thirty days, and were equal in lavish scale to contemporary
displays in Rome (Beacham 1999, 1-41), though according to
Livy, at first these displays caused more alarm than anything
else amongst the local population. Quickly, however, they
found favour. In 70 BC Lucius Licinius Lucullus held victory
games to celebrate his relief of the cities of Asia from the
ravages of Mithradates VI; these were held at Ephesus, the
provincial capital, and involved gladiatorial display (Plutarch,
Life of Lucullus 23.1). In 50 BC when he was governor in
Cilicia, Cicero wrote to his friend Atticus about the
disgraceful behaviour (no further details are given) of
Hortensius, son of his rival Hortensius, at a gladiatorial show
at Laodiceia (Cicero, Atticus, 6.3.9). Mark Anthony
apparently maintained a troupe of gladiators who were
training at Cyzicus in the 30s BC in anticipation of his
overthrow of Octavian and the subsequent celebrations (Dio
51.7). In none of these cases is the specific venue for the
displays known.
ROMAN AMPHITHEATRES AND SPECTACULA
The earliest true amphitheatre in the East was constructed at
Antioch-on-the-Orontes, the seat of the Roman governor of
Syria; according to literary sources Julius Caesar was
responsible (Malalas 216.21-217.4; Libanius Orations, 2.219;
Golvin 1988, 42). The simple form of this building, partly
rock-cut, with no arena substructures, was probably similar to
other Republican period amphitheatres known in Italy and
the West, for example at Paestum in Southern Italy and at
Carmona in Spain (Golvin 1988, 41-44; Welch 1994,
particularly 66-67).
Not surprisingly, some of the earliest evidence within a
Roman context of gladiatorial and animal spectacles is in
connection with the imperial cult (for example at Ephesus:
Robert 1940, nos.198-200; 1946, no. 312; Carter 2004).
From Ancyra (modern Ankara) comes part of a Tiberian
period priest list of the cult of the Deified Augustus and
Roma (OGIS 533; Mitchell 1993, 107-113) (Fig. 4.4). The
text, inscribed on one wall in the porch of the Temple of
Augustus and Rome, lists the holders of the office of priest of
the imperial cult. From the form of their names they are
Galatians, that is, of local descent and their benefactions
during their period of office are laid out in full. Gladiatorial
games were the most prominent form of entertainment
provided, though animal displays including bull-fights are
also often mentioned. Where these displays were performed
is not always listed and it is unknown what buildings were
used. Pessinus, situated 120 miles south-west of Ankara, is the
only place mentioned in the list, apart from Ancyra itself;
there is much evidence from both cities which attests to
gladiatorial games and venationes from the 1st century AD,
although the buildings which accommodated them have yet
to be securely identified (Robert 1940, 135-139). At Pessinus,
in front of and below the hexastyle temple dedicated to the
Imperial Cult, is a theatre-like structure similar to a number
of late Republican sanctuaries in Italy, themselves heavily
influenced from the Hellenistic East (Mitens 1993; Dodge
1999, 215-219). The presence of gladiatorial schools (ludi)
and troupes (familiae) can probably also be associated with
those cities in which provincial festivals were held, for
example Pergamum, Smyrna and Cyzicus (CIG 3123; Galen
VI.529; XIII.654; XIV.599-600; Friedländer 1913, 247;
Robert 1940, 283-295; Golvin 1988, 151-152). An
inscription from Ankara (CIL 3.249), whose date can only be
given in a general way as 2nd or 3rd century, names Lucius
Didius Marinus who seems to have made a career as a
procurator of imperial gladiatorial familiae all over the
empire, including Asia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Pamphylia,
Lycia, Cyprus, Pontus and Paphlagonia. There is also
abundant evidence from Aphrodisias for investment in
gladiators (Roueché 1993, 61-73). Of particular note is the
familia of Tiberius Claudius Paulinus (Roueché 1993, no.
13), who was high priest of the imperial cult in the 1st century
AD. He owned a troupe of gladiators and condemned
convicts (lomolÇwoi single combatants, jatadÊjoi
convicts). A slightly later inscription (Roueché 1993, no. 14)
32
mentions the familia of Zeno Hypsicles; this comprised not
only single combatants and convicts but also bull-catchers
(tauqoj°happai) (Jennison 1937, 26-27).
Amphitheatres of the Roman East: some observations
(Figs. 4.1-4.-3)
John Ward-Perkins in his book Roman Imperial Architecture,
published in 1981 and still a standard text on Roman
architecture, named 6 amphitheatres in the Eastern Provinces
(Cyzicus, Pergamum, Anazarbus and Antioch-on-the-
Orontes in modern Turkey, Corinth in Greece, and Dura-
Europos in Syria); all were mentioned in passing and no
details were given (Ward-Perkins 1981, 258: Corinth; 290:
Cyzicus, Pergamum (Plate 11) and Anazarbus; 325: Antioch-
on-the-Orontes; 352: Dura-Europos (Plate 12)). However, as
a result of excavation and research in the two and a half
decades since Ward-Perkins’ publication, the number of
purpose-built amphitheatres can now be put at a possible 21,
all of which can be identified from archaeological evidence
(Fig. 4.1 and 4.2). Further examples are known or assumed
from literary and epigraphic sources (Fig. 4.3), but none of
these amphitheatres, surviving or otherwise, are
straightforward in their interpretation.
The locations of all purpose-built amphitheatres in the
Eastern Provinces where there is physical evidence which can
be identified, although with varying degrees of certainty, are
listed in Fig. 4.2. Comana in Cappadocia is the most
tenuously identified amphitheatre in that there is now no
physical evidence surviving; the identification relies on early
20th century descriptions which are ambiguous at best. The
identification of an amphitheatre at Hierapytna in eastern
Crete, also mentioned in early travellers’ accounts, is also
highly suspect, though Robert (1946, 116) was very definite
about its existence. Golvin (1988, 96-97) included Cyrene in
Eastern modern Libya in his list of 16 Eastern amphitheatres
(the others are Dyrrachium, Marcianopolis, Micia,
Porolissium, Ulpia Traiana all in the Balkans), Corinth (in
Greece), Hierapytna (on Crete), Salamis (on Cyprus),
Antioch-on-the-Orontes, Cyzicus, Pergamum, Comana (all
in Turkey), Dura-Europos in Syria, Caesarea Maritima in
Israel, Ptolemais (in Cyrenaica). This highlights another
terminological problem and the need for greater clarity
amongst modern scholars. The structure at Cyrene is in fact
not a purpose-built amphitheatre, but is the product of
significant modification in the 2nd century AD of an archaic
period Greek theatre, so the building therefore has a rather
different archaeological development and history. The
modification of other entertainment structures is discussed
below, but it is worth noting that the wide range of different
terms used by scholars, sometimes in reference to the same
building, whether multi-purpose from the outset or modified,
is not only confusing but also somewhat inexact. Dyggve
(1958a, 141) did point out the classification problems posed
by these buildings, but he still used two different terms,
 Date Main references Comments
Bulgaria
DIOCLETIANOPOLIS late 3rd/early 4th century Mortared rubble masonry with courses of fired brick. Seating of one side
pers. com. Andrew Poulter
(Hisar) AD supported on sloping bank.

MARCIANOPOLIS Mortared rubble construction faced with small squared blocks. Little above the
2nd century AD ? Hoddinott 1975, 155-156; Golvin 1988, 139
(Reka Devnya) foundations survives. Max. arena dimensions 70 x 60 m.

SERDICA late 3rd/early 4th century Discovered 2004. Seating partially supported on natural terrain. Built on top of
Velickov in this volume
(Sofia) AD later 2nd century AD theatre. Arena dimensions 60 x 43 m.
Albania
Unexcavated. Seating partially supported on hillside. Mortared rubble
DYRRACHIUM construction faced with small squared blocks for substructures of cavea. No
Hadrian Golvin 1988, 203
(Durrës) substructures beneath the arena. Dimensions unknown but appears to rise to at
least to height of summa maeniana.
Romania
MICIA Located to the south-east the military camp. Masonry foundations with timber
AD 119-136 Golvin 1988, 90
(Vetel) superstructure. Arena dimensions 31.6 m x 29.5 m.
Trajan; restored AD 157
POROLISSIUM Located 100 m outside the military fort. Masonry structure replaced a wooden
by procurator T. Claudius CIL 3.836; Golvin 1988, 88
(Moigrad) building. Rock-cut arena 60 m in length.
Quintilianus
early 2nd century AD and Arena dimensions: 66 m x 47 m. First phase probably had wooden upper
ULPIA TRAIANA Golvin 1988, 129-130
repaired AD 158 superstructure
Greece
Traditionally late 2nd
century AD at the earliest,
Fowler and Stillman 1932, 89-91; Golvin 1988, 138; Unexcavated, rock-cut and now much eroded. Located to east of city centre.
CORINTH but now thought to date to
Welch 1999, 133-138; Welch 2007, 255-258 Overall dimensions 78 x 32 m. Possibly had a wooden superstructure.
1st century AD at the
latest
Substructures on a curved plan have been identified as an amphitheatre. Much
PATRAS Unknown Papapostolou 1989, 354-367
epigraphic evidence for gladiators.
Crete
19th century observers (Friedländer 1913, 215) describe a partially rock-cut
Golvin 1988, 256; Sanders 1982, 139; pers.com. Amanda
HIERAPYTNA unknown structure, elliptical in form and 60 paces in diameter. Today what little is left is
Kelly
thought not to have been part of an amphitheatre.
Discovered in 1986. 600 m east of the praetorium in the village of Aghia Deka,
the Church of the Ten Saints is located within the arena. Arena dimensions 68
Golvin 1988, 237 and n. 21; Di Vita 1986-1987;
GORTYNA 2nd century AD x 39 m. Both Sanders (1982, 61) and Golvin, who describes the structure as a
pers.com. Amanda Kelly
‘semi-amphitheatre’ are referring to a large unexcavated Roman theatre to the
east of the Megali Porta baths.
Cyprus
Green and Stennett 2002, 186-187; Jon Coulston Located to the south-east of the House of Theseus, near the harbour west mole.
PAPHOS
pers.com. A small depression marks the location of the arena.
Located 1961-62 near the gymnasium and theatre; excavated 1963. Ashlar
SALAMIS Later 1st century AD Karageorghis 1963, 54-55; Golvin 1988, 256
masonry construction.
Turkey
Unexcavated. Built straddling a stream; utilises natural terrain to support part
CYZICUS Hadrian or later 2nd
de Rutafjaell 1902, 186-187; Golvin 1988, 202-203 of cavea. Several piers of granite blocks survive. Overall dimensions c. 150 x
(Balkiz) century AD
100 m.

COMANA Unknown Golvin 1988, 256 Structure reported by early 20th century travellers.

Malalas 9.216.21 – 217.4; Libanius Orat, 2.219; Robert

ANTIOCH-ON-THE- Unexcavated. Located in south of city. Partially supported on natural hillside.
Julius Caesar 1940, 33, 254; Downey 1961, 155; Downey 1963, 76 and
ORONTES Malalas called it a μονομαχÓom, ‘place of single combat’.
181-182; Golvin 1988, 42; Welch 2007, 259-263
Unexcavated. Originally stone-built but now badly robbed. Partially supported
ANAZARBUS 1st or 2nd century AD ? Gough 1952, 101-102
on evenly spaced piers. Approx. overall dimensions 62 x 83 m.
Unexcavated. Overall dimensions: 136.2 x 107.4 m. Arena: 51 x 37 m. Built
PERGAMUM earlier 2nd century AD Golvin 1988, 203 straddling a steep-sided stream bed. Mortared rubble construction with small
stone facing.
Syria
Partially excavated. Built into a set of ruined baths. Constructed of gypsum and
DURA-EUROPOS Early 3rd century AD Rostovtzeff et al. 1936, 72-77; Golvin 1988, 139 mortar masonry. Arena dimensions 32 x 26 m

al-Mougdad, Blanc and Dentzer 1990 Identification and preliminary exploration in late 1980s. Located 150 m to west
BOSTRA 2nd century AD ?
of theatre. Stone exterior retaining wall
Israel
Reifenberg 1950-51, 25; Roller 1982, 100-102; Golvin Unexcavated. Overall dimensions 95 x 62 m. Building of mortared rubble
CAESAREA MARITIMA 2nd/3rd century AD
1988, 256 substructures. Arena has no substructures

ELEUTHEROPOLIS Discovered 1981. Excavated. Seating built on substructures. No arena

2nd century AD? Kloner 1988
(Beth Guvrin) substructures. Maximum overall dimensions: 71 x 56 m.
Libya
PTOLEMAIS Partial excavation. Built into an old stone quarry. Overall dimensions: 89 x 86
2nd/3rd century AD Kraeling 1962, 95-96; Golvin 1988,97
(Tolmeita) m; arena dimensions: 47.50 x 44.50 m.

Fig 4.2 Table of purpose-built amphitheatres in the Roman East

 Built in the suburb of Nicopolis along with a stadium. for
ALEXANDRIA Augustus Strabo 17.1.10; Josephus, Jewish War 2.491-492; Golvin 1988, 263 Quinquennial Games. Location of serious public disturbances under
Nero.

Built by Lucius Calpurnius, a local magistrate, in a period of two

st nd o. o. months. Gladiatorial games and venationes for 8 days; further
ANTIOCH IN PISIDIA 1 half 2 century AD AE 1926, n 78; Robert, 140 n 92; Golvin 1988, 263
evidence for such displays Anderson 1913, 296-297; Robert 1940, no.
94.

BERENIKE Unknown, possibly 1st CIG 5362; 5361 (= IGR I, 1024). Friedländer 1913, 253; Robert
Amphitheatre in wood.
Cyrenaica century AD 1940, 34

Details and location unknown, though it was possible of wood. It was

BERYTUS Herod Agrippa Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 19.335-337; Golvin 1988, 263. here that Herod Agrippa had two troops of 700 criminal fight one
another.

Chronicon Paschale I, p 495; Theodosian Code XIV 6.5 (AD 419); Much numismatic evidence for venationes under Severus Alexander.
BYZANTION Septimius Severus
Friedländer 1913, 245; Robert 1947, 128-131; Golvin 1988, 264 Referred to as κυνήγιον.

CIG 4614; according to the Latin preamble of CIG this was found in
CANATHA
amphitheatre, but the inscription mentions a odeion which was like a The structure may in fact be the odeion.
Kanawat
theatre (θε°tqoeidÙr. Frézouls 1961, 64; Golvin 1988, 263 n. 161

Exact location unknown, but still visible in 4th century AD. Herod
Herod Orosius 7, 30, 5; Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 15.268-273;
JERUSALEM staged gladiatorial and animal combats, as well as fights between
Golvin 1988, 263
condemned prisoners.

Location of announcement to the army of Herod’s death and

Herod
JERICHO Josephus Jewish Antiquities 17.194; Netzer 2001 proclamation of designated heirs. It is in fact a combined theatre and
racetrack.

Pliny Letters 10.31; CIG 3665 (IGR 43-44); CIG 3764; Robert 1940, Location unknown. Record of people being condemned to the arena
NICAEA NICOMEDIA unknown
132 no. 81 (Nicaea) (damnati in ludum). Evidence also for gladiators.

NYSA Structure built over a gorge with a hidden underground passage to

Augustan? Strabo 14.1.43
(Sultanhisar) accommodate a stream.

Eusebius 4.15.16 (to stadÊom) Much epigraphic evidence for munera and venationes (Robert 1940,
SMYRNA
nos. 225-250).

Fig. 4.3 Table of amphitheatres in the Eastern Empire known or assumed from literary and epigraphic sources
ROMAN AMPHITHEATRES AND SPECTACULA

Of the Galatians: those who were priests of the god Augustus and of the goddess Roma.
(20/21) [Castor?,] son of King Brigatos, gave a public banquet, distributed olive oil for four months, presented
spectacles, gave a show of thirty pairs of gladiators, and a hunt of bulls and wild animals.
(21/22) Rufus gave a public banquet and spectacles and a hunt.
(22/23) Pylaimenes, son of King Amyntas, twice gave a public banquet, twice presented spectacles, gave a
gymnastic competition, a chariot race and a horse race, and also a bull-fight and animal-hunt. He distributed oil to
the city, he presented [the city with] property where the Sebasteion is located and where the festival and horse-
racing take place.
(23/24) Albiorix, [son] of Ateporix, gave a public banquet and set up statues of Caesar and Iulia Augusta.
(24/25) Amyntas [son] of Gaizatodiastos, twice gave a public banquet, sacrificed a hecatomb, presented spectacles,
gave a distribution of grain at 5 modii each.
(26/27) Albiorix, son of Ateporix, was priest for a second time. He gave a public banquet.
In the governorship of Fronto
(29/30) […….] son of Seleucus, gave a public banquet and distributed olive oil for four months.
(30/31) Pylaimenes, son of King Amyntas, gave a public banquet to the three tribes and sacrificed a hecatomb in
Ancyra, presented spectacles and a parade, and also a bull-fight and bull-fighters and 50 pairs of gladiators, and he
distributed oil during the whole year to the three tribes, and he gave an animal hunt.
In the governorship of Silvanus
(31/32) Gallios[? ] gave a public banquet at Pessinus, 25 pairs of gladiators (in Ancyra) and 10 pairs in Pessinus.
He distributed oil to two tribes for the whole year and set up a statue in Pessinus.
(32/33) Seleukos, son of Philodamos, twice gave public banquets to the two cities, distributed oil to two tribes for
the whole year and presented spectacles.
In the governorship of Basila
(35/36) Quintus Gallius Pulcher gave two public banquets, sacrificed a hecatomb in Pessinus, distributed olive oil
to two tribes for the whole year.

The inscription becomes fragmentary at this point, but the following can be made out (but no dates)

Pylaimenes, son of Menas, gave a public banquet for two tribes, sacrificed a hecatomb, presented 30 pairs of
gladiators, distributed olive oil for two tribes for the whole year.
?Iulius Aquila gave a public banquet for two tribes, distributed olive oil for the whole year, gave gladiatorial
spectacles.

Fig. 4.4 The Imperial Cult in Galatia. Reign of Tiberius (OGIS 533) (selections).
Inscribed on the left anta of Temple of Augustus and Rome, Ankara.

‘edifice mixte’ and ‘demi-amphithéâtre’ in his discussion.
Golvin (1988, 237and 245) used four different terms, ‘edifice
mixte’, ‘semi-amphithéâtre’, ‘théâtre-amphithéâtre’, and
‘théâtre mixte’ with no explanation of any differences in their
form and modification. Welch (1998b, 563) in her discussion
of the multi-purpose nature of the stadium at Aphrodisias,
used two different terms, ‘stadium-amphitheatre’ and
‘amphitheatral stadium’, the latter admittedly a translation of
an inscription which describes the stadium at Laodiceia as
stÇdiom ÐlvihÈatqom (IGR 4.845 and 861) (see below for
further discussion). Equally, Sear (2006, 43-44) uses both
‘pseudo-amphitheatre’ and ‘semi-amphitheatre’ in his
discussion of the modification of theatres, and implies that
these modifications follow a similar pattern.
There are over 200 permanent, purpose-built amphitheatres
known from archaeological evidence in the Roman world
(Golvin 1988 included 190 amphitheatres), of which 21 can
be identified in the Eastern Provinces (including those in the
Balkans). This is a relatively small number given the size of
the geographical area. Furthermore, a startling statistic is that
apart from those in the Balkans (which stand apart for a
number of reasons), only two have actually been excavated or
been subjected to anything more than rudimentary
exploration, those at Eleutheropolis in Israel and Dura-
Europos in Syria (Kloner 1988; Rostovtzeff et al. 1936, 72-
77; Golvin 1988, 139). Given how uncommon this building
type is in the Eastern Provinces, something often commented
on by modern scholars, this is rather surprising. Generally,
except for Marcianopolis, Dyrrachium and Ulpia Traiana, to
which probably should now be added the newly discovered
amphitheatre at Serdica (Bulgaria), none of the Eastern
amphitheatres are elaborate in design and make as much use
of the natural topography as possible; there is little evidence
of the large-scale arena substructures or elaborate, vaulted
supports for the seating that are so familiar with the larger
amphitheatres of the West. However, it has been suggested
for the amphitheatres at Cyzicus and Pergamum (Plate 11),
both built using the steep slopes of a valley to substantially
support the cavea, that the arena could be flooded using the
stream beneath (de Rutafjaell 1902, 186-187; Golvin 1988,
202-203). No commentator gives any idea how this might
have been achieved!
Furthermore, as a result of the paucity of evidence, the dates,
details, form and construction of eastern amphitheatres are
extremely difficult to ascertain with any degree of accuracy.
Apart from the buildings at Antioch-on-the-Orontes, and

36

probably Corinth (see below), none can be dated to a period
earlier than the later 1st century AD; Salamis on Cyprus is the
earliest, dated to the later 1st century AD (Karageorghis 1963,
54-55; Golvin 1988, 256). There is abundant epigraphic
evidence from the early 1st century AD on, increasing in
quantity through the 2nd and early 3rd centuries AD, which
attests to gladiators, gladiatorial games and animal displays
being staged in many cities around the Eastern
Mediterranean (Friedländer 1913, 242-253; Robert 1940;
1946; 1948; 1949; 1950). It would be wrong, however, to
assume that the staging of gladiatorial displays equates with
the provision of a purpose-built amphitheatre.
Little is known about the context of construction for many of
the eastern amphitheatres; those at Micia and Porolissium in
Romania are associated with military establishments, and
thus their provision was determined by other factors (Golvin
1988, 148-151, 154-156; Le Roux 1990; Futrell 1997, 147-
152). This area, as a frontier region, was more heavily
militarised and the urban centres of Marcianopolis, renamed
by Trajan in honour of his sister, and Ulpia Traiana, a
Trajanic colony, had close ties with Rome. The only
amphitheatre with military connections elsewhere in the East
was built at Dura-Europos (Plate12), where a small structure
was built into a bath building when the northern half was
made into a military compound for the soldiers of the cohors
XX Palmyrenorum and other legionary vexillationes stationed
there. The recently identified amphitheatre at Bostra, the
provincial capital of Arabia, may also have served the military
garrison of the legio III Cyrenaica (al-Mougdad, Blanc and
Dentzer 1990). The amphitheatres at Diocletianopolis and
Serdica are relatively late constructions, but should
presumably be seen in the context of the provincial re-
organisation of this area under Diocletian with Serdica
becoming capital of the province of Dacia Mediterraneana.
For only one amphitheatre is there evidence that it was
provided as an act of civic munificence. This was the
amphitheatre at Salamis in Northern Cyprus, which was built
or restored by a prominent local citizen, Servius Sulpicius
Pancles Veranianus, in the Flavian period (Karageorghis
1962, 403-404); Veranianus was also responsible for repairs
to the theatre and gymnasium in the same city.
A particularly interesting recent amphitheatrical discovery in
the Eastern Mediterranean has been at Gortyna, provincial
capital of the province of Crete and Cyrene. There is
substantial evidence for gladiatorial games and displays
(Robert 1940, nos. 63, 64, 65, 66; I.C. IV, 305, 306, 373, 374,
375). Until the 1980s, the amphitheatre was identified with a
substantial, but unexcavated, structure on a plateau to the
south-east side of the city near the Megali Porta baths,
described by Belli and other 19th century travellers as
resembling the Colosseum in Rome (Sanders 1982, 61-63).
This has actually proved to be a large Roman theatre (Sear
2006, 296). The amphitheatre proper was identified in 1986
by Italian archaeologists in the village of Aghia Deka (Di Vita
37
HAZEL DODGE: AMPHITHEATRES IN THE ROMAN EAST
1986-87). Excavations revealed traces of substantial masonry
substructures for the cavea and further exploration showed
that the Church of the Ten Saints, after which the village is
named, is actually built within the arena itself. This
phenomenon is found elsewhere in the Roman world, for
example at Tarragona in Spain, where an originally Visigothic
period church was built to commemorate the martydom of
three saints (Fructuosus, Eulogius and Augurius) in 257, and
was replaced in the 11th century by the Church of Santa
Maria del Milagro) (Golvin 1988, 164-165). At Carthage a
chapel of Saints Perpetua and Felicitas was constructed in the
arena in the mistaken belief that they were martyred there
(Golvin 1988, 122-123; Bomgardner 2000, 128-129 and n.
53). The excavators date the construction of the
amphitheatre at Gortyna to the Antonine period when the
city was subjected to a major urban reconstruction (di Vita
1986-87).
No amphitheatres survive in Roman Egypt, although textual
sources imply their existence (Golvin 1988, 363). Pliny the
Elder (Natural History 13.23) in his discussion of different
types and grades of paper made from papyrus, mentions a
quality of paper which he calls charta amphitheatrica,
presumably because it was manufactured in vicinity of the
amphitheatre at Alexandria. An undated inscription from
Naples (Robert 1940, 124-125, no. 70; CIL 10.1685) refers
to Lucius Bovius, the procurator of an imperial training
school of gladiators at Alexandria in Egypt (procurator ludi
familiae gladiatoriae Caesaris Alexandriae ad Aegyptum).
Although the presence of a ludus, a gladiatorial training
school, does not automatically correlate with the provision of
an amphitheatre, this was the case at both Pergamum (Galen
6.529; 13, 654; Robert 1940, 32, 285) and at Cyzicus
(Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 15.6.7; Jewish Wars, 1.20.2; Dio
51.7; Robert 1940, no. 290).
Two Case Studies: Corinth and Caesarea Maritima
Corinth in Greece and Caesarea Maritima in modern Israel
will now be examined in detail because they illustrate the
complexity of the situation in the eastern Roman provinces,
as well as clearly highlighting a number of problems, some
already referred to, which have developed out of modern
scholarly thinking and methodology.
Corinth was sacked in 146 BC by the Romans and
subsequently refounded in 44 BC as a Roman colony and
provincial capital of the province of Achaea (Colonia Laus
Iulia Corinthiensis). An amphitheatre has been known since
the early 18th century but never excavated (for Grimani's plan
of 1701 see Lampros 1877). It is located to the east of the
city, built into a naturally occurring ravine, still clearly visible
on the ground and from the air (Gilman Romano 1993, 13-
15; Welch 1999, 133-138; Welch 2007, 255-259). This
relatively small structure has traditionally been dismissed as
dating to the third century AD (Fowler and Stillwell 1932,
ROMAN AMPHITHEATRES AND SPECTACULA
89-91; Golvin 1988, 138; Ward-Perkins 1981, 258). This
dating, for the most part, relies on literary evidence (Welch
1999, 136; Welch 2007, 180). The Greek travel writer
Pausanias, writing in the 2nd century, did not mention the
amphitheatre in his description of the city (Pausanias, Book
2). However, another writer, Dio Chrysostom, writing in the
last few decades of the 1st century AD, did clearly refer to this
building in his discussion of gladiatorial games at Athens:
As matters now stand, there is no practice current in
Athens that would not cause any man to feel ashamed.
For instance in regard to gladiatorial shows, the
Athenians have so zealously emulated the Corinthians,
or, rather, have so surpassed them and all other in their
mad infatuation, that whereas the Corinthians watch
these combats outside the city in a ravine, a place that can
hold a crowd but otherwise is filthy and such that no one
would even bury a freeborn citizen there, the Athenians
look on this fine spectacle in their theatre under the very
walls of the Acropolis, in the place where they bring their
Dionysus into the orchestra and stand him up, so that the
very seats in which the hierophant and other priests must
sit are sometimes spattered with blood (Dio Chrysostom
31.121).
Dio Chrysostom’s disapproval of the Corinthians is in no
doubt, as may be seen from his description of the venue for
gladiatorial games at Corinth. However, in his opinion, what
the Athenians did was even worse in staging displays in the
Theatre of Dionysus, a most sacred place and totally
inappropriate for such unclean pursuits. Indeed, in the
Theatre of Dionysus, a parapet wall of thin upright slabs of
marble was placed around the orchestra, in front of which, a
series of holes was cut in the pavement to take uprights for
protective nets (see below). This has often been claimed as a
late Roman feature, mainly on the unfounded basis that such
a thing could not have happened earlier than the decadent
late Roman period, but it is much more likely to be mid 1st
century AD in date as part of overall modification under
Nero to a more Roman design (Golvin 1988, 237-238;
Welch 1999, 127-130; Welch 2007, 170-178). Further, there
is epigraphic evidence which attests such displays in the
theatre (Robert 1940, no. 58; 246-7), and Philostratus’ Life of
Apollonius (4.22) also makes reference to the use of the
Theatre of Dionysus for gladiatorial games (‘human
slaughter’.
An on-going digital imaging project, the Corinth Computer
Project directed by David Gilman Romano, has shown that
the Corinth amphitheatre may fit in to the original late 1st
century BC city street layout (Gilman Romano 2000; Welch
2007, 255-258). The building’s overall form and the
surviving masonry are consistent with a later 1st century BC
date, and can be compared to other permanent amphitheatres
of the late Republican period, for example Pompeii, Sutri and
Paestum in Italy, Carmona in Spain, and Antioch-on-the-
Orontes in south-eastern Turkey (Golvin 1988, 32-42);
38
Welch 1994; Welch 2007, 189-263). They all share a number
of characteristics: simple ovoid plan, maximum use of the
natural terrain to support the seating, and an absence of arena
substructures. Furthermore, the provision of an amphitheatre
in the early years of the life of the Roman colony at Corinth
conforms to the model for amphitheatre construction put
forward by Kate Welch for Italy and the Western Empire
which has found much support amongst scholars. She
suggests that such structures were often provided, as a symbol
of Romanitas, in towns and cities with special ties to Rome,
particularly at colonies and provincial capitals (Welch 1994).
Thus, in Pausanias’s description of the entertainment
facilities at Corinth, there is possibly an early instance of
cultural censorship, although his omission could just as easily
be explained by him not visiting that part of town. Although
he makes no mention of the amphitheatre, he does mention
the theatre and odeion. The late 5th century BC theatre was
rebuilt in the Hellenistic period and, in common with most
Greek theatres in the Eastern provinces, it was remodelled to
a more Roman design in the early 1st century AD. A more
elaborate stage-building was added in the early 2nd century
AD (Stillwell 1952; Sear 2006, 292-293). However, it was
further modified, probably in the early 3rd century, for an
even more Roman purpose, when the lower 10 rows of the
seating were removed and a wall 3.50 m. high was constructed
around the resulting arena. This incorporated refuges of a
form familiar from amphitheatre design elsewhere (Stillwell
1952, 83-98). Scenes of animal hunts, including lions, bulls
and a leopard, and possibly gladiatorial combat were painted
on plaster covering the podium walls. Thus, the theatre was
effectively converted into an arena (Capps 1949; Stillwell
1952, 87-94). Such decoration was not unusual in
amphitheatres; that at Ptolemais in Cyrenaica had paintings
depicting a venator and a mythical beast on the wall of the
ambulacrum (Kraeling 1962, 95) and similar paintings were
recorded from the amphitheatres at Pompeii and Merida
(Mau and Kelsey 1908, 208; Golvin 1988, 37; Alvarez
Martínez and Nogales Basarrate 1994). At about the same
time the odeion, a small covered theatre building to the south
of the large theatre at Corinth, underwent similar, substantial
modifications (Broneer 1928; 1932). The stage was removed
and the orchestra enlarged to nearly 13m in diameter for
arena use; cuttings into the rock around this expanded arena
seem to have been designed for the provision of uprights for
protective nets, implying animal displays (see below). Thus,
at Corinth it seems that by the early 3rd century three major
entertainment buildings were all equipped for Roman arena
displays. It has been suggested that this was for specific events
related, as suggested by the excavators, to a visit of the
emperor Caracalla (Stillwell 1952, 58-98), who of course
relished arena games. Whilst this may have been part of the
explanation, these multiple modifications perhaps should be
seen as indicative of a more general, regional, increase in the
popularity of such displays.

Turning further East to the Levant. According to Josephus,
Herod the Great was the first to build amphitheatres in
Palestine, at Jerusalem, Jericho and Caesarea Maritima
(Jewish Antiquities 15.268-273; 14.194; 15.341; Netzer
2001), but the archaeological evidence for them has either
been lacking or difficult to interpret (Weiss 1999, 39). As
well as an amphitheatre, Herod apparently also constructed a
theatre and a hippodrome at Jerusalem (Josephus, Jewish
Antiquities 15.268; 17.255; Chronicon Pasquale 1.474), but
the location and form of these buildings has always been
problematic (Patrich 2002b, 235-237). Whatever the nature
of the buildings, Herod held elaborate games which included
wild beast shows, chariot racing and athletics.
Recent excavations at Caesarea Maritima have helped to
clarify this rather confused picture provided by Josephus
(Porath 1995), although further complications have
unwittingly been introduced by modern scholars. The city of
Caesarea Maritima was refounded by Herod in honour of the
emperor Augustus (hence the name) and was a physical
affirmation of the close, and extremely complex, relationship
between the King and Rome. According to Josephus (Jewish
Antiquities 15.341) Herod built a stone theatre and an
amphitheatre in the city:
Herod also built a theatre [of stone?] in the city, and on
the south side of the harbour, farther back, an
amphitheatre which was large enough to hold a great
crowd of people and conveniently situated for a view of
the sea.
This does not correspond to the location of the
amphitheatre, first identified by Reifenberg (1950-51, 25),
and visible to the north-east of the city, 750m from the
present shoreline and outside the line of the Herodian walls.
Modern commentators have been quick to suggest that
Josephus was confused and was actually referring the theatre
(Roller 1998, 140-141); in an earlier publication Roller
(1982, 101-102) had suggested that Josephus’ description was
simply wrong and that Herod’s amphitheatre corresponds to
this structure set back almost a kilometre from the shore. He
further claimed the latter as one of the earliest known
amphitheatres, an assumption that can now be shown to be
incorrect. Reifenberg’s survey and further soundings made in
the early 1980s proved inconclusive in terms of dating (Roller
1982, 100-102). Although the amphitheatre’s relatively
simple form does not discount an earlier construction, most
scholars now date it to the 2nd or 3rd century (Golvin 1988,
252), but only excavation will provide any kind of resolution
to the problem.
Excavations in the early 1990s along the shore to the south of
the harbour in the heart of the city have revealed a building
which is now thought to be the one referred to by Josephus as
an amphitheatre. This is a structure some 290 m in length
and about 50m wide associated with Herod’s palace complex,
located right by sea (Porath 1995 and Patrich 2001a: see also
39
HAZEL DODGE: AMPHITHEATRES IN THE ROMAN EAST
Humphrey 1996; Weiss 1999, 34-35; Patrich 2002a, 2003;
Porath 2003, 2004). It was constructed between 22/21 and
10/9 BC and is curved at the south end, that is it appears to
be a classic stadium type of building in both size and shape,
although admittedly slightly longer than normal; the classic
stadium of the Greek and Roman worlds was usually 180-200
m in length (Welch 1998a, 117-120). On the east side there
was a high bank of 12 rows of seating, whilst on the west side,
the tiers of seats were much lower, recalling Josephus’
description quoted above, that the seats on the east, landward
side, had a sea view. The arena was surrounded by a podium
wall 1.7 m high which was decorated with painted plaster
depicting animal hunts, as already observed in the
amphitheatres at Pompeii and Merida, emphasising that
these buildings accommodated a variety of displays. However,
it should be noted that the dating of these paintings at
Caesarea is disputed, with some scholars putting them as late
as the 3rd century (Patrich 2002). The high wall provided an
elevated position from which the spectators had an excellent
view of the performances: it would also have given them some
protection from any inadvertent audience participation
during animal displays. If larger animals were involved,
further protection was necessary, because some of the big cats
can jump up to 4m (Jennison 1937, 155-156). A series of
cuttings into the top of the podium wall were made for
timber uprights to which nets could be attached, potentially
increasing the height of the podium by a further 2-2.5 metres
without obstructing the spectators’ view (Gebhard 1975).
Calpurnius Siculus (Eclogues 7.50-56) describes arrangements
in Nero’s temporary amphitheatre on the Campus Martius in
Rome, built in 57 BC, comprising a fence and netting topped
by some kind of device with horizontally-mounted metal
rollers which would prevent an animal gaining purchase
(Jennison 1937, 157-159).
There is now general agreement that this structure by the sea
at Caesarea is the one referred to by Josephus as an
amphitheatron/ÐlvihÈatqom, but the fact that its plan does
not conform to the canonical form of an amphitheatre has
generated much debate. However, if it is broken down into
its constituent elements, it becomes clear that Josephus used
this term to describe the form of the building and the
arrangement of the seats, that is, that it had seating on all
sides, the original meaning of the word. Many of Josephus’
sources were late 1st century BC/early 1st century AD, dating
from a time when arena terminology was still in flux (Étienne
1965; Patrich 2002a; Porath 2004). In fact, this structure has
elements of a number of different entertainment buildings: it
is the size of a large stadium, so could accommodate athletic
races; it has the carceres (starting gates) and the central barrier
of a circus, plus the high podium of an amphitheatre (Patrich
2001a; Porath 2003; Humphrey 1986, 19-24). Josephus
recorded that in 11 BC, Herod held games at Caesarea
connected with the foundation of the city. These involved a
musical contest, athletics, gladiatorial combat, wild beast
displays and other lavish shows of the kind seen at Rome
ROMAN AMPHITHEATRES AND SPECTACULA
(Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 16.136-38; Jewish War 1.415).
Such entertainments could easily have been accommodated
in this one venue (Porath 2002a, 32-33, 63). Thus, this
complex at Caesarea, from the outset, was a truly multi-
functional building that incorporated the traditional
functions of the circus, the amphitheatre and the stadium. A
number of early Talmudic sources refer to both animal
displays and gladiatorial combat taking place in the stadium
and the hippodrome. These, coupled with the epigraphic
evidence published by Robert (1940) attesting to gladiators
fighting Ñm to stadÊom, further emphasise the multi-
functionality of Roman entertainment structures not only in
reality but also in ancient perception (Robert 1940, 35; Weiss
1999, 34-45).
The Stadium and Arena Displays
The structure at Caesarea is not unique in the Roman
Eastern Mediterranean as a multi-functional entertainment
venue. The stadium at Aphrodisias is one of the best
preserved ancient structures of this class, dating to the later 1st
century AD (Plate 13) its arena was 270m long and 59m wide
at its broadest point (Welch 1998b). Unlike the canonical
stadium, it terminates at both ends in a curve, thus enclosing
the whole arena with seating. The epigraphic record from
Aphrodisias is vast and attests to a wide range of
entertainment and spectacle (Roueché 1993, 1-11; 161-221);
there is plenty of evidence for athletics contests, but it also
indicates that the stadium was used for more Roman types of
spectacle such as animal displays and probably also
gladiatorial events (Roueché 1993, 61-80, and nos. 14, 15, 40,
41, 44). The podium wall surrounding the performance area
was 1.60 m high and had holes cut into its stonework for
timber uprights to support nets just as have been noted at
Caesarea and elsewhere; there was also a refuge in the podium
of a type found in amphitheatres in the West (Welch 1998b,
558-559). Both these features were provided at the time of
construction so the building was intended to be multi-
functional from the outset. A similar provision was found in
the Panathenaic Stadium in Athens, originally built about
330 BC but rebuilt with new facilities in the middle of the 2nd
century AD by Herodes Atticus (Welch 1998a, 133-138).
Even before this rebuild the stadium was used for a hunting
display put on by Hadrian which involved 1000 animals
(Historia Augusta, Hadrian 19.13).
The stadium at Laodiceia ad Lycum, erected in AD 79 in
honour of the emperor Vespasian, has the same plan as
Aphrodisias and is approximately the same size (Golvin 1988,
243, who puts the total length at 370 m making it somewhat
larger; Humphrey 1996, 123; Welch 1998b, 555-556). The
building is actually described in inscriptions as a stadÊom
ÐlvihÈatqom keujËkihËm (IGR 4.845 and 861), often
translated into English as ‘amphitheatral stadium’ (Welch
1998b, 563; Humphrey 1996), but it literally means a
‘stadium of white stone with seating on all sides’, thus
40
specifically describing the physical form. It just so happens
that as well as athletics, the building also housed gladiatorial
contests (Robert 1940, nos. 116-120). Welch (1998b, 564)
suggested that the design of these stadia, with two curved
ends, was conceived and planned in Rome, employing the
terms ‘stadium-amphitheatre’ and ‘amphitheatral stadium’ in
her discussion of these buildings. However, as has already
been noted, the term ÐlvihÈatqom is often used by Strabo to
describe buildings which have seating on all sides (for
example Nysa: Strabo 14.1.43), but which archaeological and
epigraphic evidence show were not architecturally or
functionally amphitheatres (although they may have come to
accommodate arena games over time).
The Modification of Theatres for Arena Displays
The Hadrianic period theatre at Stobi in modern Macedonia
is another example of a multi-purpose entertainment
building, having been designed to serve as both theatre and
arena from the outset of its construction (Gebhard 1981;
Sear 2006, 419). However, this is an unusual provision in a
theatre; more often in the East theatres were secondarily
modified to become multi-functional. Such remodelling for
arena displays is a well-recognised phenomenon (Collart
1928, 114-124; Golvin 1988, 237-249; Stewart
forthcoming), although the exact nature and date of the
modifications varies considerably. In mainland Greece there
are relatively few examples, with the theatre at Corinth
(Stillwell 1952; Golvin 1988, 238; Sear 2006, 292-294) and
the Theatre of Dionysus in Athens notable instances (Welch
1999, 127-130). The stadium seems to have been the
preferred venue (Welch 1998a, 131), although this may
simply be due to the evidence not being recognised for what it
means. In Asia Minor and further East, nearly every theatre
received some kind of remodelling or additional facilities so
that it could accommodate a broader range of spectacle. It is
important to note that rarely, if at all, did these modifications
mean that the buildings ceased to function as theatres. The
remodelling varied from the addition of a wall, usually just
over a metre high, around the orchestra, for example in the
South Theatre at Jerash in Jordan and the theatre at Bostra in
Syria (Golvin 1988, 246), to something much more
substantial involving the removal of the lowest rows of seats
to create a much higher podium wall. At Ephesus in Asia
Minor, the Hellenistic theatre was remodelled to Roman
design during the 1st and early 2nd centuries AD; at some later
date the original iron railing around the orchestra was
replaced by a wall 2.40 m high (Golvin 1988, 239).
Epigraphic evidence from the city attests to the existence of
gladiatorial troupes, including one possibly belonging to the
prominent Ephesian family the Vedii (Robert 1940, 25-27;
no. 202). At Xanthus in Lycia the 2nd century AD theatre
seems to have been modified not long after its construction,
with the lower rows of seats removed to create a wall about 2
m in height (Golvin 1988, 240; Sear 2006, 380). An
inscription (Robert 1940, no. 105) mentions a bull-fight, a

tauromachia, at Xanthos, though admittedly this did not
necessarily take place in the theatre. At Philippi in Northern
Greece, the Greek style theatre underwent secondary
remodelling in a similar way with cuttings into the podium
wall and around the orchestra (Collart 1928, 103-112;
Robert 1940, 86; Golvin 1988, 237 n. 25; Sear 2006, 423).
At Cyrene in Cyrenaica, the magnificent Greek theatre at the
west end of the Sanctuary of Apollo was converted some time
in the 2nd century AD by the elimination of the stage and the
deepening of the small orchestra to form the arena of a small
amphitheatre. The seating on the north, seaward side, was
carried on arches. The arena was based on solid rock so a
tunnel had to be cut to allow the movement of animal cages
around the arena (Sear 2006, 291-292). The dating of these
modifications is often problematic; Golvin (1988, 238-247)
favoured the 2nd century generally. Indeed, the later 2nd or
early 3rd century AD seems to be the usual time period,
although the Theatre of Dionysus in Athens was converted in
the middle of the 1st century AD. Possibly the earliest
example is the theatre at the Sanctuary of Zeus at Dodona,
where the stage building was removed, the lowest 4 rows of
seats cut back to create a podium wall 2.8 m in height, and the
orchestra was remodelled into an oval arena; these changes
have been dated to the Augustan period (Sear 2006, 411-
412).
The Modification of Stadia and Circuses for Arena
Displays
As a further complication to this picture of multi-purpose
entertainment buildings, the Herodian building at Caesarea
Maritima was modified some time before the 3rd century AD
with the addition of a curved wall, effectively truncating the
arena at the south end, creating an elliptical area that scholars
confidently identify as an amphitheatre (Weiss 1999, 34-35;
Patrich 2002a, 61-65). This is not an isolated instance; it
occurs in the hippodrome at Jerash, in the hippodromes at
Neapolis (Nablus) and Scythopolis (Bethshe’an), as well as in
the stadium at Aphrodisias (Plate 13) and in the Stadium of
Herodes Atticus in Athens (Ostraz 1989, 73; Weiss 1999,
34-41; Welch 1998b, 565-569). The dating of this feature is
normally stated in vague terms, very often simply as “late”.
Welch (1998b, 568) fixed a terminus ante quem for the
modification at Aphrodisias (where the sequence is
understood rather better than elsewhere) of the end of the 5th
or beginning of the 6th century AD. Other stadia which were
similarly remodelled have been identified are at Ephesus and
Perge in Turkey and at Messene in the southern Greek
Peloponnese, the latter probably some time in the 4th century
AD (pers. com. Professor Petros Themelis). The interesting
contradiction here is that it is assumed that the addition of
these elliptical walls indicates a rise in the popularity of
gladiatorial games, whereas the epigraphic evidence suggests
the high point of munera in the East was in the 2nd and 3rd
centuries AD, several centuries before the insertion of these
arenas (Golvin 1988, 237-249). Welch (1998b, 568-569)
41
HAZEL DODGE: AMPHITHEATRES IN THE ROMAN EAST
suggested that this modification was to accommodate animal
spectacles rather than gladiatorial displays, and that the
reduction in size was as a result of economic considerations
impacting on the range of spectacles and number of
performers. Cuttings in the stonework of the wall creating
the arena in the stadium at Aphrodisias suggest that timber
uprights for nets were also provided here. Even in Rome, by
the later 3rd century, gladiatorial games were not so common,
partly because of the expense, but also because the socio-
political incentives were no longer as obvious. Gladiatorial
displays continued in the capital into the 5th century (Ville
1960, 317-318), but it is clear their frequency declined
(Devoe 2002, 140-141). The traditional view, that
gladiatorial games were banned by Constantine, is based on a
misinterpretation of the evidence (Veyne 1999, 910-911).
The modifications observed in the Eastern Provinces are
perhaps the physical manifestation of political, economic and
cultural changes in the organisation of a range of different
types of display (Roueché 1993, 78-79). Documentary
evidence suggests that gladiatorial games became rare in the
East after the mid-late 4th century (Ville 1960, 318), and are
not mentioned after the reign of Arcadius (Roueché 1993,
77). Indeed, there is no mention of them at all at
Constantinople (Veyne 1999, 911). Whilst beast displays
(venationes) continued to be popular, they were also spiralling
in expense; no longer could organisers afford to kill huge
numbers of animals all in one go. There is evidence of a
change in the nature of these displays under Anastasius at the
end of the 5th century; the sources are difficult to interpret
and he almost certainly banned condemnation ad bestias, that
is the fate of being thrown to the beasts as punishment
(Schrodt 1981, 50; Roueché 1993, 78-79). Animal displays
continued in popularity and frequency and were not officially
banned until the Council of Trullo in 692 (Devoe 2002,
142). Instead of displays involving large-scale slaughter of
animals, with the odds very much in favour of the human
combatants, the emphasis shifted so that the animals were on
a more even playing field. This involved not only hunts, but
also some more spectacular stunts in which there was a high
risk of injury or death for the human participants. The varied
manner of displays that took place in these late arenas may be
observed on some of the early 6th century consular diptychs
(Jennison 1937, 179-180; Dyggve 1958b). These ivory panels
depicted the games sponsored by an official when he took up
office. In particular various types of animal displays are
shown, where the employment of mechanisims designed to
entice animals to react violently, for example the cochlea, a
kind of revolving door which was rotated on a central axis;
the ericius, a cage of canes; or the palea which was a straw
dummy that could be used to taunt the animals. Such devices
were described by Cassiodorus (Variae 5.42.6-10) in the
context of early 6th century Ostrogothic Rome, but it is clear
from diptychs such as those produced for Areobindus when
he became consul in 506 and for Anastasius in 517 that
similar displays took place in Constantinople (Dyggve
1958b).
ROMAN AMPHITHEATRES AND SPECTACULA
Conclusion
Although there is no doubt that gladiatorial and other arena
displays were very much a part of the entertainment culture
of the Roman East, it is important not to generalise about
their context, provision and staging. Equally, the epigraphic
and literary sources cannot be taken at face value. Gladiatorial
shows might originally have been put on as special shows, but
they quickly became attached to Greek festivals and were
often associated with athletics contests (Roueché 1990, 75).
This helps to explain the epigraphic evidence which puts
gladiatorial performances in the stadium. Purpose-built
amphitheatres were constructed, but in far smaller numbers
than in North Africa and the West, and generally with far less
architectural sophistication. It has been demonstrated by
Welch (1994) that the provision of amphitheatres in Italy
and the Western Provinces in the late Republican and early
imperial periods was linked with army training and veteran
entertainment, thus an important display of Rome’s power
and culture. As a result, they are often found in association
with colonies and provincial capitals. The urban framework
of the Roman East was already well-populated with civic
amenities and it may be that the physical structure of the
amphitheatre would not have had the same architectural
impact as a symbol of Romanitas as those built further West.
The location of Eastern amphitheatres is noteworthy in this
respect; they are not always found located in major centres,
for example the amphitheatre at Eleutheropolis. Paphos,
Corinth, Gortyna and Bostra were all provincial capitals and
all had amphitheatres, but not all colonies and provincial
capitals did. Ephesus, the provincial capital of Asia, did not
have one (but of course it may be awaiting discovery). The
emphasis seems to be more on the displays themselves (and
these were widespread), a scenario which allows both the
provision of multi-purpose venues from scratch and the
modification of already existing buildings to accommodate
them. This has caused modern scholars to coin new, often
meaningless modes of reference in an attempt to marry neat
architectural definitions with functions that refuse to co-
habit and conform, such as ‘amphitheatrical hippo-stadium’
(Humphrey 1996), and ‘multi-functional entertainment
building’ (Yorath 1995). The phenomenon of modification,
particularly that of theatres for arena displays, is known in the
West, but as yet only in a few specific places, for example a
number of the theatres on Sicily, such as Taormina and
Tindari (Wilson 1990, 58-60, 76-77; Sear 2006, 192-194),
and the theatre at Cherchel, in Algeria (Sear 2006, 271-272).
The way in which they were modified is important, as the
staging of gladiatorial displays required far less elaborate
security measures than did animal displays (Stewart
forthcoming). In these modified buildings, it was usually not
a case of one entertainment type supplanting another, but of
making it possible for the building to be used in a variety of
different ways and for a variety of different displays, whatever
was required for the occasion. How truly multifunctional
42
ancient entertainment buildings can be is demonstrated by
the modern use of the theatre at Aspendus for mud wrestling
competitions and the stadium at Ephesus for bouts of camel
wrestling.
Thus, the evidence clearly argues against the traditional view
that gladiatorial games and other bloodthirsty entertainments
did not find favour in the Roman East, and the extent of their
popularity cannot be under-estimated. In the Roman East,
the processes behind the building modifications, and the
provision of purpose-built amphitheatres, were complex.
Attempts to identify overriding factors underestimate the
cultural variety of this region and its responses to, and
interactions with, the important aspect of Roman culture
represented by munera and venationes. Provision of venues
cannot simply be argued in the context of a demonstration of
Romanitas. By the early 3rd century AD Corinth had three
entertainment buildings, a purpose-built amphitheatre, a
converted theatre and a converted odeion, all of which could
accommodate arena displays. As has already been seen, the
stadium at Aphrodisias was designed from the outset to
accommodate a range of displays from gladiatorial and animal
displays to the more traditional athletics. Yet, this building
was not deemed sufficient. In the 2nd century AD the theatre
was remodelled to accommodate other types of spectacle; the
lower seating was cut back to provide a high podium wall and
the stage was increased in depth to join it to the cavea (Erim
1990, 32). Beneath the stage was a system of galleries and
corridors for animals and presumably gladiators with doors
giving access to the orchestra. Nevertheless, the building
continued to be used for the presentation of drama (Roueché
1991).
Acknowledgements
This research has taken some time to come to fruition. I
would like to acknowledge the generous financial support of
the British Academy, the Craven Committee of Oxford
University, the British Institute in Ankara, the former British
Institute in Amman and the British School in Jerusalem, now
the Council for British Research in the Levant, the Arts and
Social Sciences Benefactions Fund of Trinity College Dublin,
the Centre for Mediterranean and Near Eastern Studies,
Trinity College Dublin. I have benefited greatly from the
assistance of Dr Ellen Adams, Mr Heinrich Hall and Dr
Barry Molloy in checking specific details. I am grateful to Dr
Jennifer Baird for permission to publish her photograph of
the amphitheatre at Dura-Europos, and to Dr Daniel Stewart
for generously sharing his research, ahead of publication, on
the modification of theatres in Asia Minor. I am particularly
grateful to Dr Jon Coulston, Dr Amanda Kelly and Dr
Rebecca Sweetman who read the whole text and collectively
saved me from many errors; any remaining are mine alone.

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 Plate 11 Amphitheatre at Pergamum (photo:H. Dodge)

Plate 12 Amphitheatre at Dura-Europos (photo:Jennifer Baird)

Plate 13 The stadium at Aphrodisias looking west. The arena added in late antiquity at the east is visible in the foreground (photo: H. Dodge).