Nationalism and Internationalism

Author(s): Nicholas Hans

Source: International Review of Education / Internationale Zeitschrift für
Erziehungswissenschaft / Revue Internationale de l'Education, Vol. 1, No. 2 (1955), pp. 144-153
Published by: Springer
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 NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM *

by NICHOLAS HANS, London

The term "international" was invented by Jeremy Bentham and

was unknown among the "philosophers" of the eighteenth century, who
promoted universal culture of humanity as a whole irrespective of creed,
race or national languages and political frontiers. But the same "phi-
losophers" whether they were Americans like Benjamin Franklin,
Frenchmen like Condorcet or Germans like Goethe and Kant, were not
rootless cosmopolitans, who disregarded their national languages or their
national heritage. On the contrary, they appreciated the cultural value
of their own Muttersprache as well as the languages of other peoples.
They were strongly against wars between nations and wished to establish
a federation of all nations - Nations unies as Gargas called it in his
project, printed by B. Franklin, or Volkerbund as Kant called it in his
Zum ewigen Frieden. Thus they arrived at the true meaning of the term
"inter-national", without using the word. The prophets of "nationalism"
in the nineteenth century whether Fichte, Mazzini or Palacky were not
narrow-minded "nationalists", who wanted their nationalities to live in
isolation without any cultural exchange with their neighbours. They
felt no contempt or hatred towards other peoples, they hated and fought
against the oppression of a weaker nationality by a stronger one. It
was only in the second half of the nineteenth century and in the twentieth
century that "nationalism" acquired that narrow and aggressive character
which resulted in the complete perversion of original ideas and led to
wars of extermination and destruction. No wonder that it produced a
violent reaction against any assertion of national values and created a
desire for an "inter-national" society not connected with any specific
national tradition. It had produced a group of men and women who
in their mistaken enthusiasm for "international" ideals went so far as to
justify the betrayal of their own countries to potential enemies. Among
ordinary citizens it created a new reaction which was exploited by
unprincipled demagogues and adventurers of various hues and political
affiliation. A new kind of "nationalism" was born which was an unnatural
combination of contradictory terms. The Soviet Union developed a
"Soviet nationalism", Pakistan a "Moslem nationalism" and some
Africans an "African nationalism". All three varieties are not "nation-

* This article develops a theme in Dr. I. L. Kandel's article (Vol. I No. 1pp. 5-15),
namely Nationalism and Internationalism in Education. Further contributions to
this theme are welcome.

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 NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM 145
alism" whether in its original sense or in the exaggerated narrow inter-
pretation of Nazi Germany or Fascist Italy. The "Soviet nationalism"
is based on the Marxiandoctrine, international in its origin, the Pakistani
"nationalism" is based on Islam which historically was international
and the black "nationalism" of the Africans or their partial descendants
in America is connected with the colour of the skin and not with cultural
values. Even the USA fell a victim to this general psychosis and invented
"unamerican activities", which is contrary to the true American tra-
dition of Franklin and Jefferson. The educators in all countries are faced
with this problem and have to solve it in their own minds before they
attempt to educate the new generation. We notice in all countries two
opposite tendencies. In all so-called "totalitarian" states the government
possessing the monopoly in education imposes an official interpretation
of "nationalism"which all teachers as civil servants are obliged to follow
in their schools. No critical attitude is permitted and an independent
opinion inevitably leads to a dismissal or sometimes to a severe punish-
ment. Whatever be the interpretation imposed from above it is obvious
that various totalitarian regimes do not agree on the identical meaning
of the term and there is no practical possibility of an international
understanding when the very word itself is a subject of contention. In
democratic countries of the West teachers are split into factions one of
which is suspicious of patriotic love of their own country and the other
is suspicious of the term "international" in any connotation. In one
school UNO and UNESCO are included in the curriculumand promoted
by the staff as the only safeguardagainst the possible third world war, in
another school they are alluded to as organisationsof "fellow travellers"
if not as the secret agencies of potential enemies. Official lip service
to verbally agreed formulae is not backed by the governments in
actual practice and the decisions are arrived at by compromise and
not by rational result of the discussion. Indeed international under-
standing cannot be created in a year or even ten years' time, but the
actual difficulties and obstacles to it should be openly recognisedand
objectively analysed and not glossed over by an officially obligatory
optimism.
The first need in an international exchange is the proper use of terms
and clear definitions of underlying ideas. I remember a meeting of
UNESCO experts where my sentence "the number of teachers and
scholars in educational institutions" was rendered in French as "le
nombre de professeurset savants dans les instituts d'education", which
led to a lengthy discussion of the meaning of the word "scholar". In
this case it was a genuine mistake. Yet how often it happens that partici-
10

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146 NICHOLAS HANS

pants at such international meetings in their desire to arrive at a unani-

mous conclusion in the short time at their disposal accept a term which
has different meanings in their respective countries. Obviously this
problem cannot be solved in short conferencesconvened for some specific
purpose. But it has to be recognised as of fundamental importance and
time and money should be allotted to it as a priority task. This problem
is not confined to the educational terminology in different languages or
even in the same language spoken with variations in many countries, like
English or Spanish. The equivalence of terms and the validity of academic
diplomas and degrees is a purely technical problem which can be solved
by experts in each particularcase, but the "woolly thinking" of individual
educators who use the terms without giving themselves a clear account
of the proper definition of them is a psychological-pedagogicalproblem
which should be tackled at a deeper level. It does not only require a
scientific objectivity in the methods of approach but also a sincere and
honest desire to arrive at an international understanding without a
temporary success in mutually hostile propaganda. During my lecturing
on ComparativeEducation in several countries and in my travels I have
met many students, teachers and professorsof all linguistic and national
communities and often discussed the problem of nationalism and inter-
nationalism with them. It is astonishing how many of them, either
consciously as dogmatical adherents of some ideology or unconsciously
moved by emotional attitudes, attempt to convey a wrong interpretation
by improperuse of the terms. Perhaps some actual cases in my experience
will elucidate the problem.
First case. An Indian professor. By his name, his external appearance,
his accent and his mannerisms so obviously an Indian, that no mistake
was possible after the initial introduction. Yet when I asked him from
what part of India he came, he answered: "I am not an Indian, I am an
internationalist". Answering my further questions he said that the
language of his home was Bengali, that he was born in Bengal and that
he was a graduate of the University of Calcutta. When I repeated: "So
you are an Indian and I guessed right", he answered with passion that
he was not, that he was opposed to Indian "nationalism" and that he
was an "internationalist". Surely there was some confusion of ideas
behind the words. Nevertheless my Indian friend had done some useful
work in the field of international relations in connection with UNESCO.
Second case. An Italian teacher from Florence. I met him at an inter-
national conference where his name was listed among the Italian mem-
bers. I said: "Gladto meet you, it is seldom that I meet Italian teachers".

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 NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM 147
He answered: "The fact that I come from Italy does not make me an
Italian; I am an internationalist". I said: "Well, Mazzini was also an
internationalist, but at the same time he was an Italian patriot". "Oh
no", he answered, "Mazzini was an Italian nationalist and I am not".
Third case. A coloured post-graduate student from South Africa.
Evidently of predominant European descent, probably only one eighth
of African blood. A very able student of English literature and a Christian
by upbringing. To my inquiry from which country he came he answered:
"I have no country, it was stolen from my ancestors by the Europeans".
"Are not you yourself of European descent?" "No I am a Hottentot".
"Do you speak Hottentot?" "No, I only know but half a dozen words".
"Then why do you call yourself a Hottentot?" I asked. "Because both
of my grandmothers were of Hottentot descent and I do not know who
my grandfathers were". "But at any rate you are a South African".
"No, I am an internationalist".
Fourth case. A high ranking American civil servant, who spent six
years in London and when I knew him in England spoke good English
without an American accent. After an interval of ten years I met him
in Washington. He greeted me in English with an exaggerated American
pronunciation. "What happened to you, where is your English?" I
asked. "I am an American and in America I speak American". Then
returning to his old English he said: "You see, I have been so long in
England that some of my colleagues suspected me of pro-British attitudes,
so to prove that I am a good American I speak American". As a matter
of fact he was born in Europe and graduated from a European Uni-
versity.
My contention is that all four men suffered from "woolly thinking"
and had no clear ideas of "nationalism" and "internationalism". Obvi-
ously they were influenced by an emotional revolt against their sur-
roundings and obstinately held fast to their statements. I could multiply
such examples from every country on earth.
The case of Soviet "nationalism" is still more instructive. By his-
torical growth of the Russian Empire and by the Soviet constitution
the Soviet Union is a multinational state on a federal basis where sixteen
nations form sixteen republics of equal legal status. As such the Soviet
Union is "international" where no "nationalism" is in place. Yet the
Soviet Union has developed a patriotic sentiment which officially recog-
nises the predominance of the Russian nation (even of the Great Rus-
sians), the compulsory learning of the Russian language by all the 180
nationalities and the acknowledgement of state interests which may

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148 NICHOLAS HANS

clash with the interests of the non-Soviet world. In fact the interests of
the Soviet Union coincide with the interests of the Russian people and
the official independence of the non-Russian republics is a legal fiction.
During the war the particular Russian patriotism was encouraged and
the Asiatic Republics had to fight for Russia and not for their territories.
The war was officially recognised as the "second patriotic war" of the
Russians in defence of their fatherland against German aggression (the
first patriotic war was against Napoleon's invasion). I am not criticising
the actual situation, which was inevitable in the historical setting of
the Russian Empire and the numerical preponderance of the three
Russian tribes (Great Russians, Ukrainians and White Russians) over
the remaining 170 plus nationalities. I am criticising the logical contra-
diction of the official definitions of "internationalism" and "nationalism"
as expounded by Soviet legislation. And I am criticising the attitude of
some Western "internationalists" who put the interests of the only
"international" state (whose interests are identical with the interests
of the Russian people) before the interests of their own country. It is
natural and legitimate for the Russian "internationalists" to defend the
interests of the Russian people but it is hardly natural and legitimate for
Western "internationalists" to subjugate the interests of their countries
to those of a foreign country. The situation would have been different
had the federation embraced the whole world. It does not apply, however,
to the present state of "cold war", when even the officially communist
state of Yugoslavia revolted against this one-sided "internationalism",
and asserted its national independence. The confused thinking of many
sincere adherents of international ideals is still more confounded by
Soviet propaganda and its wrong use of terms.
So we come back to the first fundamental questions: what is nationalism
and what is internationalism and are these two terms contradictory or
complementary? The Soviet ideologists answer unhesitatingly that
local nationalism is legitimate only in so far as it subjugates its local
interests to the interests of humanity as a whole. But then they substitute
the interests of the Soviet Union (i.e. of the Russian people) for the whole
of humanity and thus return us to the starting point. We must reason
out our case by disregarding the "international" character of the Soviet
Union and to treat it as one of the states like France or Great Britain
(which is also composed of four nations: English, Scottish, Irish and
Welsh). Then Soviet "nationalism" has no moral claim to represent
"supernational" interests to which French or British interests should
be sacrificed. The question thus is: is local nationalism irreconcilable with
true internationalism embracing the whole of humanity? As the Soviet

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 NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM 149
Union demands from the Uzbeks or Estonians the subordination of
their particular interests to the cause of the Union as a whole, so the
genuine internationalists should demand that the particular Soviet
interests be subordinated to those of humanity as a whole. And the
cause of humanity should be decided by all countries in common council
and not only by those beyond the Iron Curtain, or those of the NATO.
Taken in such interpretation particular nationalism does not contradict
internationalism as membershipof and loyalty to a clan in Scotland, for
instance, does not contradict loyalty to Scotland, or the love of Scotland
does not contradict the overriding loyalty to Great Britain. Nationalism
in this legitimate meaning is a preliminary and necessary step to inter-
nationalism. To be an internationalist without belonging to any particular
nation is as impossible as to understand abstract ideas before the sense
impressions have formed concrete ideas. Some internationalists will
counter my statement by pointing out some individuals who do not
belong to any particular nation, speak two or more languages equally
well and are not bound legally to any state ("stateless"). I do not deny
their existence, I have met such cases myself. As a rule these individuals
are highly educated intellectuals, the result of world wars and social
revolutions, who spent most of their lives in great cities and are "at
home" in Paris as well as in London or New York. But they do not feel
"at home" in China or Saudi Arabia. Their "internationalism"is usually
limited to the countries of European culture. They still have a "Mutter-
sprache"in spite of their polyglot abilities and they have "blood relatives"
in some particular country. And another observation: what is possible
for a few exceptional individuals, is not possible for whole communities.
North Americans who are a mixture of various stocks and many nation-
alities have become a "nation" with definitely American reactions and
there is no question of their change into an "international" community.
On the other hand Spanish speaking South Americansin spite of common
cultural and linguistic ties are developing in the opposite direction and
form separate "nations" with particular local "nationalism". The same
trend is noticable among the Arab nations. Having started with "panis-
lamic" movement during the reign of Abdul Hamid who wanted to
exploit the religious tradition for consolidating the Ottoman Empire,
the Arabs ended with a revolt against their Turkish co-religionists.
Then they promoted a "pan-Arabian"movement and at present quite
evidently are developing "Egyptian", "Syrian" etc. local national
patriotisms which are held together in the Arab League more by negative
aims and sentiments, like freedom from European imperialism and
common hatred of the Israeli newcomer,then positive desire to pool their

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150 NICHOLAS HANS

economic and cultural resources. Confronted with these facts it seems

quite unrealistic to attempt to introduce "internationalism"by passing
or jumping over the stage of local nationalism. The only policy which
promises success is to acknowledge local nationalism as a necessary step
for larger federations which may in the end lead to an international
society. For this purpose "regional associations" of several countries,
are in my opinion, a step forward in spite of some dangers connected
with it. From that point of view such associations as the Eastern Euro-
pean block behind the Iron Curtain or the Western European block of
countries are movements which should be promoted by "internation-
alists". The propaganda of "all-European" federation at present is
premature and leads nowhere. It will only strengthen the isolationist
sentiment which is against any combination of several states resulting
in the partial loss of sovereignty. Thus both the logical reasoning and
the actual trend of events in all countries clearly show the only possible
policy which has a chance of success. In conclusion I would like to
suggest some educational implications which follow my arguments. The
aim of education, as I conceive it, is to train an individual to an autono-
mous personality, who freely and willingly accepts the duties towards
his social community and thus synthesizes the individual and social
aims of education. Such an autonomous personality is not developed by
indoctrination from a "tabula rasa" but is a result of long training of
each natural individuality whose peculiar individual characteristics are
taken as a starting point. In the same way each national community
as a result of a long historical process has developed its own language,
its own philosophy of life and its own social, religious and moral attitudes.
The educator-internationalist should consciously start with this given
actuality and on it as a basis of social consciousness endeavour to build
a higher ideal of a supernational society. To attempt to indoctrinate an
international solidarity by negation of natural national sentiments is
contrary to psychological and pedagogical methods of the so-called
"progressive" education. Teaching through the medium of the mother
tongue is now accepted as the only way of natural growth and each
"mother tongue" is a national language connected with national senti-
ments and attitudes. To pretend that an "international" mind can be
produced by learning through an adoption of some artificial language
like Esperanto as a universal medium of instruction, is to disregardboth
historical evolution and scientifically established facts.

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 NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM 151

NATIONALISMUS UND INTERNATIONALISMUS. EINE OBERSICHT

von NICHOLASHANS, London

Der Begriff ,,International" wurde erst zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts von
Jeremy Bentham gepragt. Die Philosophen der Aufklarung kannten ihn noch
nicht, obwohl sie die ,,Nations unies" schaffen wollten, wie die Franzosen es
machten, oder den V6lkerbund, wie es Kant in seinem Werk ,,Zum ewigen Frieden"
nennt. Sie waren keine wurzellosen Kosmopoliten, sondern anerkannten den
Eigenwert ihres nationalen Erbes und ihrer nationalen Sprachen. Die ersten
Propheten des Nationalismus, wie etwa Fichte und Mazzini, waren durchaus nicht
engstirnige und aggressive Nationalisten, die ihre Lander in der Isolierung und in
Feindschaft mit ihren Nachbarn sehen wollten. Erst gegen Ende des 19. und im
Verlauf des 20. Jahrhunderts entstand ein exklusiver Nationalismus, der den
anderen gegeniiber feindlich gesonnen war. Er erzeugte Hass gegen die anderen
Nationen und fiihrte so schliesslich zu Vernichtungskriegen.
Nach dem letzten Kriege entstand eine neue Art von Nationalismus, die sich
v6llig von der urspriinglichen Bedeutung des Wortes entfernte. Wir erleben, wie
ein neuartiger ,,Sowjet Nationalismus" auf der Grundlage der marxistischen
Doktrin erwachst, die in sich selbst international ist; es gibt einen religiosen
,,Nationalismus" in Pakistan, der sich auf den Islam, einen historisch internationalen
Begriff, stiitzt und einen ,,Afrikanischen Nationalimus", der nichts mit kulturellen
Werten zu tun hat, sondern mit der schwarzen Hautfarbe der Afrikaner.
Die verheerenden Folgen der beiden Weltkriege fiihrten bei den Intellektuellen
zu einer Reaktion gegen jede Form des ,,Nationalismus" und zur Einstellung auf
einen ,,Internationalismus", der die Menschheit als ein Ganzes sieht, ohne eine
Aufteilung in ,,Nationen" oder von einander getrennten Kulturgemeinschaften. Es
ist ein ausgesprochenes Missverstandnis des Ausdrucks ,,Inter-national", wenn man
die nationale Gemeinschaft lediglich als eine Zwischenstufe zur ,,inter-nationalen"
Gemeinschaft ansieht. Die heutigen Internationalisten vieler Linder leugnen
ihre eigne nationale Herkunft und fiihlen sich berechtigt, die Interessen ihrer
Heimatlander zu verraten zugunsten eines gemeinsamen Ideals von ,,Internatio-
nalismus", wie er ihrer Meinung nach durch die ,,internationale" Sowjetunion
reprasentiert wird. Sie lassen die Tatsache ausser Betracht, dass die ,,Sowjetunion"
entgegen ihrer rechtlichen Definition als einer ,,internationalen F6deration" ihren
eigenen ,,Nationalismus" entwickelt hat, der die historischen Interessen der
russischen Nation vertritt.
Einen indischen Professor, einen italienischen Lehrer, einen farbigen Privat-
dozenten aus Siidafrika und einen hoheren amerikanischen Beamten fuhrt der
Autor als Beispiel einer Haltung an, die deutlich den Einfluss einer emotionalen
Auflehnung gegen die eigene Umgebung und eines Missverstehens von ,,Nationalis-
mus" und ,,Internationalismus" zum Ausdruck bringt. Ihnen alien mangelt das
Verstandnis dafiir, dass jede grosse oder kleine menschliche Gemeinschaft zutiefst
an eine bestimmte nationale Sprache, einen nationalen Lebensraum und an natio-
nale Traditionen gebunden ist. Sie sehen nicht, dass es unmoglich ist, durch Erzie-
hung einen ,,internationalen" Menschen zu schaffen, ohne den Gebrauch einer
bestimmten Sprache, die das gedankliche Werkzeug einer bestimmten Nation
ist. Auf diese Art und Weise kann das Problem unserer Zeit nicht gelost werden.

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152 NICHOLASHANS
Die wirkliche Bedeutung der Ausdriicke ,,national" und ,,international" muss
klar definiert werden, und dann zeigt sich, dass sie einander nicht widersprechen,
sondern erganzen. Die Schaffung einer ,,internationalen" Gemeinschaft, welche
die ganze Menschheit umfasst, ist nur moglich auf der Grundlage historisch ge-
formter nationaler Gemeinschaften. Eine offene und ehrliche Anerkennung von
,,nationalen" Oberlieferungen ist ein erster und notwendiger Schritt hin zu dem
hoheren Ideal der Menschheit und der einzig mogliche Weg bei dem erzieherischen
Bemiihen, die zu enge Interpretation der beiden Begriffe zu iiberwinden. Denn
letztere fiihrt nur zu gegenseitigem Misstrauen und zur Feindschaft gegeniiber
allen ,,Internationalisten". Wie die Treue einer schottischen Sippe nicht der um-
fassenderen Treue gegeniiber Schottland widerspricht, so widerspricht die Treue zur
eigenen nationalen Gemeinschaft nicht der Treue gegeniiber der diese umfassenden
Menschheit.

PERSPECTIVES SUR LE NATIONALISME ET L'INTERNATIONALISME

par NICHOLASHANS, Londres

Le terme "international" a et6 employe pour la premiere fois au debut du 19eme

siecle par Jeremy Bentham. Les Philosophes l'ont ignor6 bien qu'ils aient eu l'inten-
tion d'organiser les "nations unies" comme le voulaient les Fran9ais ou la "f6d6-
ration des peuples", comme le propose Kant dans son ouvrage sur la paix 6ternelle.
Loin d'etre des cosmopolites d6racin6s, ils savaient reconnaitre la valeur de leurs
traditions nationales et de leur propre langue. A l'inverse les premiers prophetes
du nationalisme, comme Fichte et Mazzini, 6taient loin d'etre des nationalistes
6troits et aggressifs d6sireux d'isoler leur pays et hostiles a leur voisins. C'est
seulement vers la fin du 19eme et dans le cours du 20eme siecle qu'apparait un
nationalisme de caractere exclusif et x6nophobe. Ce type de nationalisme a engendr6
la haine contre les autres peuples et conduit finalement aux guerres d'extermination.
Une autre forme de nationalisme, fort eloignee du sens original du mot, est
apparue apres la fin de la derniere guerre. C'est ainsi que nous voyons se d6velopper
un "nationalisme sovi6tique" d'un type nouveau, appuy6 sur la doctrine marxiste
qui est en soi internationale; il existe au Pakistan un "nationalisme" religieux
inspir6 de l'Islam qui est pourtant historiquement une realit6 internationale. II
existe encore un "nationalisme africain" qui a moins a voir avec les valeurs culturelles
qu'avec la couleur de peau des Africains.
Les consequences tactiques des deux guerres mondiales ont entraine chez les
intellectuels une r6action contre toute forme de "nationalisme" et donn6 la faveur
A un "internationalisme" aux yeux duquel l'humanit6 forme un tout sans consi-
d6ration de frontieres nationales ou culturelles. C'est se meprendre absolument sur
le sens du mot "inter-national" que de ne voir dans la communaut6 nationale
qu'une 6tape vers la communaut6 internationale. En beaucoup de pays, les inter-
nationalistes renient aujourd'hui leurs propres traditions nationales et se montrent
disposes a sacrifier les int6rets de leurs compatriotes au profit de l'id6al commun
d'une "Internationale" repr6sent6e a leurs yeux par l'Union Sovi6tique. Ils ne
tiennent pas compte du fait que l'Union Sovi6tique, bien qu'elle se d6finisse juridi-
quement comme une "F6d6ration Internationale" a engendr6 son propre "na-
tionalisme" au service des int6rets historiques de la nation russe. L'A. apporte divers

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 NATIONALISMAND INTERNATIONALISM 153

exemples d'une attitude qui manifeste clairement l'influence de facteurs passionnels

dans ces protestations contre le milieu d'origine et une m6prise complete de la
realit6 du "nationalisme" et de 1' "internationalisme". Les personnalites dont il
rapporte le cas, un professeur indien, un instituteur italien, un maitre de conferences
noir d'Afrique du Sud et un haut fonctionnaire am6ricain, n'ont pas compris que
toute communaute humaine, grande ou petite, est profondement liee a une langue,
a des traditions et a un territoire national. Ils semblent ne pas voir qu'il est im-
possible d'assurer la formation d'un homme "international" sans user d'une langue
quelconque et donc de l'instrument de pens6e d'une nation precise. Ce n'est pas de
cette maniere qu'on resoudra le probleme de notre temps. Si l'on a le souci de
d6finir clairement les mots, on verra que "national" et "international", loin de se
contredire, sont deux notions complementaires.
C'est seulement sur la base de communaut6s nationales que l'on pourra batir
une communaut6 internationale embrassant l'hiimanite toute entiere. Une recon-
naissance claire et frauche des valeurs nationales est la premiere et indispensable
demarche qui conduise a l'id6al superieur de l'humanite. Elle est la premiere
condition de tout effort 6ducatif oblig6 de d6passer les interpretations trop 6troites
de l'un et l'autre concepts. Celles ci ne peuvent que conduire a des malentendus et a
une hostilit6 de principe envers tous les "internationalistes". La fidelite au clan ne
contredit pas, pour un Ecossais, la fidelit6 plus vaste qu'il voue a l'Ecosse; de
meme la fidelit6 envers la communaute nationale ne contredit celle qu'on doit a
toute l'humanit6.

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