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DOI: 10.1177/1354067X20908526
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activities: The case of

urban and rural Mapuche
entrepreneurship
programs

Marianne Daher
Escuela de Psicologıa, Pontificia Universidad Cat

olica de
Chile, Santiago, Chile

Andrea Jaramillo
Facultad de Psicolog
ıa, Universidad Alberto Hurtado,
Santiago, Chile

Antonia Rosati
Escuela de Psicolog
ıa, Pontificia Universidad Cat

olica de
Chile, Santiago, Chile

Abstract
Over the last decade, entrepreneurship programs have proven to be an effective strat-
egy to fight poverty in various contexts, but what happens when these programs are
meant for Mapuche people? The purpose of this article was to analyze the cultural
characteristics, opportunities, and associated challenges of entrepreneurship programs
aimed at Mapuche people in rural and urban areas of Chile, based on the experiences
and meanings of their beneficiaries. To fulfill this objective, a qualitative study was
conducted, providing an in-depth examination of the experiences of 17 Mapuche
people who have participated in entrepreneurship interventions in the Metropolitan

Corresponding author:
Marianne Daher, Escuela de Psicolog
ıa, Pontificia Universidad Cat

olica de Chile, Santiago, Chile.
Email: mdaher@uc.cl
2 Culture & Psychology 0(0)

and Bio Bio Regions, Chile. The article describes the initial conditions of the enterprises
and the general contribution of the programs, the geographic and cultural character-
istics associated with the development of their enterprises, the points of agreement and
tensions between the business world and the Mapuche world, the aspects of the programs
that reinforce Mapuche entrepreneurship, and the distinctive effects of entrepreneur-
ship as implemented by Mapuche people. Points of agreement and challenges associated
with interculturality in the field of entrepreneurship and social programs are discussed,
as well as notions of culture, cultural identity, and recognition.

Keywords
Entrepreneurship, social program, intercultural, Mapuche culture, indigenous
population, poverty

Introduction
The Mapuche people are the largest ethnic group in Chile. According to the latest
official records, from the total indigenous population (12.8% of the country’s
population), 79.8% (1,745,147 people) regard themselves as Mapuche (National
Statistics Institute (INE), 2018). The Mapuche people have been recognized for
their resistance to the Spanish conquest and Western modernization, as well as for
their attempts to create a nation-state (Mariman, 2017; Ruiz, 2008). They have
been characterized as “warrior people” with a strong identity who keep most of
their traditions and language “alive” (Bengoa, 2011). The Mapuche culture is
recognized for its strong values—such as solidarity, reciprocity, equity, and circu-
lar, egalitarian organization—an existence based more on being than on having,
and ideas about the interaction between human beings and nature that are based
on respect and non-exploitation (Ruiz, 2008).
The history of the Mapuche people and their relationship with the State of Chile
has been complex and full of strife. Pinto (2012) notes that the Mapuche people
have been subjected to land usurpation, fraudulent land purchases, and repression
of ancestral ways of life (Colicoy, 2008). The latter, plus the inability of some
sectors of Chilean society to understand indigenous culture, have had a very neg-
ative impact on Mapuche people, resulting in a serious conflict.
Although the State has worked to address the so-called “Mapuche conflict”
over the last 30 years, it has been unable to move towards a structural and long-
term solution (Aninat et al., 2017) that recognizes the demands of the Mapuche
people, associated with the recovery of land and sovereignty. Likewise, during the
last 10 years, State criminalization of this people has become a radical policy of
fear, leading to the harassment and imprisonment of its ancestral authorities,
among other abuses (Fernández & Ojeda, 2015). This is how, according to
Bengoa (2011), the State and society find themselves at a crossroads: either to
Daher et al. 3

maintain the policy of intolerance and conflict or overcome it through dialogue,

mutual respect, recognition, and reparation of historical damages.
Notwithstanding this tense relationship with the State and the resistance of the
Mapuche people to systematic attempts of cultural assimilation (Bengoa, 2011),
State policies have been implemented to improve the level of inclusion of minority
cultures and thus promote their well-being, while also attempting to revitalize,
promote, and safeguard minority cultures that are at risk of being “lost”, such
as the Mapuche culture (Government of Chile, 2011).
These efforts are key because the historical and cultural marginalization of the
Mapuche people has been accompanied by new forms of exclusion and vulnera-
bility affecting indigenous groups, partly associated with economic globalization
(Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, 2012). In this
regard, it has been determined that 14.5% of indigenous people live in poverty,
nearly twice the figure reported for the non-indigenous population (8%; National
Socio-Economic Characterization Survey (CASEN), 2018). The average salary of
the indigenous population in 2015 was 32.5% lower than that of the non-
indigenous population, while this group’s labor participation in rural areas is
clearly lower than in urban areas (CASEN, 2015).
The urban–rural distinction is fundamental since a large part of the Mapuche
population is concentrated in the Metropolitan Region, specifically in the city of
Santiago (urban area), and a major portion is in the south of Chile, like in the Bio
Bio Region, where many rural Mapuche communities live (INE, 2018). Both areas
are covered in this study.
Thus, higher levels of poverty, associated with lower incomes, unemployment,
less access to basic services, and poorer housing conditions have been observed in
the rural Mapuche population compared to urban areas in general (Brice~ no et al.,
2017; Celis et al., 2008). In addition, 35% of rural Mapuche report that they have
serious economic difficulties and find it hard to make a living (Libertad y
Desarrollo, 2019). Urban, who represent a majority within the Mapuche people
due to mass rural–urban migratory processes (Thiers-Quintana, 2014), also display
significant levels of poverty (Libertad y Desarrollo, 2019) related to geographic
delocalization, the disintegration of family ties, and labor and economic margin-
alization (Pereira, 2018).
The information presented shows that Mapuche people are at a disadvantage
with respect to the rest of the population. In this context, it is relevant to study the
specialized opportunities offered to Mapuche people to fight poverty and explore
how these activities and personal experiences affect Mapuche cultural identity and
its dynamics. This must be done regarding culture as a phenomenon inherent to
human psychological functions and as a semiotic process of constant and recipro-
cal dialogue between individuals and the social (Valsiner, 2006).
With respect to the Mapuche culture, authors have suggested that cultural
attachment is stronger in rural areas (Imilan, 2017; Maldonado, 2003).
However, there is no agreement with respect to urban areas, since it has been
asserted that there may be a loss of culture (Thiers-Quintana, 2014) or
4 Culture & Psychology 0(0)

a revitalization often associated with participation in workshops or groups that

promote traditional aspects (Cabezas, 2011; Lagos, 2012; Parker & Moreno, 2015).
Thus, even though many authors have described the denial of the Mapuche
people’s culture in urban areas, it has also been proven that there are Mapuche
families in large cities—such as the capital—who regularly practice their people’s
language, values, customs, traditions, and ceremonies, which contradicts the thesis
of the “impossibility of cultural development” in urban areas (Kilaleo, 1992). This
has been confirmed in recent studies (Sep
ulveda & Z
un~iga, 2015; Vergara et al.,
2016), which also report the reconstruction and development of Mapuche identity
and cultural discourses or practices in rural areas, despite difficulties and tensions.
Authors have suggested that this identity strengthening is especially relevant in the
Metropolitan Region, compared with other urban areas in the south of Chile, as
it is geographically distant from most of the original communities. In the
Metropolitan Region, the Mapuche need to recover and regenerate their cultural
identity as a way of maintaining their sense of cultural membership and connection
with their own roots (Aravena et al., 2005).
In this regard, although semiotic-cultural constructivism understands that the
exchange of experiential meanings between interlocutors leads to the emergence of
“novelties” which lead to the transformation and co-construction of culture
(Guimaraes, 2011) rather than to its loss and/or recovery, there is an extensive
body of literature on Mapuche culture that has maintained the notions of “losing”
and “preserving” culture (e.g. Aninat et al., 2017; Ceballos et al., 2012). In parallel
with this, State discourse also emphasizes the “recovery” of Mapuche culture as
historical and cultural heritage (Government of Chile, 2011), and even Mapuche
people make use of these concepts to refer to their culture.
While these notions largely suggest a somewhat reified, homogenizing, and
stable vision of culture (aspects criticized by Valsiner, 2006), distant from the
potential emergence of new cultural experiences and the idea that the mind con-
tinually creates culture (Zittoun & Gillespie, 2015), within the framework of this
study we seek to be as faithful as possible to the participants’ view of their culture
(as reflected by their use of concepts such as “recover”). Nevertheless, we acknowl-
edge that this is an aspect to be critically discussed based on the postulates of the
semiotic perspective of culture and cultural psychology.
With respect to the poverty affecting much of the Mapuche people, one
strategy to promote occupation and income generation has been to
implement programs that support enterprises or small-scale productive activities.
Microentrepreneurship, a strategy aimed at creating opportunities for establishing
profitable businesses (Palacios, 2010), has been internationally recognized for its
contribution to the subsistence of economically disadvantaged families (Sanhueza,
2013) and for helping them overcome poverty and social vulnerability (Coduras
et al., 2010; Kelley et al., 2012).
In this context, Grameen Bank (Yunus, 1998) constitutes a key landmark in
microentrepreneurship history, together with other initiatives developed in that
decade which sought to demonstrate that even the poorest of the poor can work
Daher et al. 5

for their own development. This idea underlies the philosophy of entrepreneurship,
associated with initiative, willingness, and proactivity (Frese, 2000), as well as
autonomy and personal creativity (Orrego, 2008). In economic and political
terms, although entrepreneurship has been criticized for its individualistic and
neoliberal nature (which accounts for its internal tensions and the need to rethink
the very concept of entrepreneurship; Fernández & Mart
ınez, 2016), it has been
recognized as a valid way to achieve socio-labor integration and capacity building
(Casal
ı et al., 2015), especially for those who have thrived the least under the
present economic system.
Thus, some decades ago, private and public institutions began implementing
programs that support microentrepreneurship through the provision of seed cap-
ital, microcredits, and/or training (Amor
os & Acha, 2014; United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development, 2012). In this context, Chile has been
recognized as a country of microentrepreneurs across socioeconomic levels, with
a large presence in the middle and lower classes, predominantly in the crafts and
trade areas (Government of Chile, 2018). Since the 1990s, civil society organiza-
tions and government microentrepreneurship programs have emerged, especially
aimed at people living in contexts of poverty and social vulnerability (e.g.
Government of Chile, 2019).
A review of this type of strategy as directed towards Mapuche people shows that
these activities are relatively frequent in Chile (Amor
os & Acha, 2014): there exist
multiple programs in the private and public sectors, academic initiatives, and self-
managed Mapuche groups. However, official studies or reports on the outcomes of
these initiatives are few and far between. Some reports shed light on public sector
programs, but they focus on management and accountability issues (e.g. Dascal
et al., 2009) or offer theoretical and critical analysis (Di Giminiani, 2018); however,
only exploratory information is provided about the results of such initiatives
(e.g. Espinoza, 2008).
Several entrepreneurship programs directed to indigenous peoples exist in other
countries, particularly in those where they constitute a large part of the population
(for example, Australia, United States, and Mexico). However, as in Chile, the
websites of the leading organizations behind these initiatives tend to offer reports
that do not refer to program outcomes (for example, the National Commission for
the Development of Indigenous People, 2012).
This lack of systematic evaluations of programs directed towards indigenous
peoples makes visible a much greater social problem. Although social programs
aimed at overcoming poverty are booming, few studies or evaluations report their
processes and results (Briones, 2008; Cardozo, 2006). Because of this, the purpose
of this article was to analyze the cultural characteristics, opportunities, and chal-
lenges associated with entrepreneurship programs based on the experiences and
meanings of Mapuche people in rural and urban areas of Chile.
With respect to entrepreneurship programs in general, there is evidence that
these bring benefits to their participants. Starting a small productive activity can
help people to improve their income (Kelley et al., 2012; Mart
ınez et al., 2013),
6 Culture & Psychology 0(0)

while also enabling them to acquire technical competences and empower them-
selves (Cort
es et al., 2013; Gajardo, 2012). But do the enterprises started by indig-
enous people have any unique features?
Systematic studies about entrepreneurship programs directed towards the rural
indigenous population in Peru have shown that, before participating in these
initiatives, the business activities carried out were informal, unstable, and condi-
tioned by uncontrollable and unpredictable external factors (Zárate et al., 2012). In
contrast, research suggests that the factors that enable these initiatives to succeed
include connecting enterprises with marketing opportunities and adopting an inter-
cultural perspective which considers gender issues (Huber et al., 2009).
In this context, one of the most interesting phenomena to examine is the pos-
sible cultural acknowledgement resulting from relations (Taylor, 1993) established
between Mapuche program beneficiaries and their non-Mapuche clients. At an
intimate level, the acknowledgment offered by other significant parties is key,
particularly given the various forms of discrimination experienced by these minor-
ities (verbal, behavioral, institutional, or macro-social; Merino et al., 2008). This is
because in Chile, people who belong to indigenous groups are likely to be victims
of intolerance, stigmatization, and discrimination (Unrepresented Nations and
Peoples Organization, 2013).
There are a number of non-governmental organizations in Chile that target the
Mapuche population living in poverty. Given the economic, political, and cultural
context of the country, it is not surprising for these organizations to have econo-
mistic logics and be culturally assimilationist. However, during the last decade,
efforts have been made to foster group, community, and collaborative orientations
in the interventions that are carried out, incorporating values of the Mapuche
culture in their approach to microbusinesses. Likewise, the development of tradi-
tional productive activities associated with Mapuche culture is encouraged, both to
strengthen development and cultural belonging and to facilitate the incorporation
of microentrepreneurs into the labor market (due to the tourist and cultural attrac-
tiveness of their products and/or services).
The two institutions involved in this study represent an example of what has
been described. In the urban area, the participating institution has offered training
to entrepreneurs affected by social and/or economic vulnerability in several cities
of Chile, particularly in Santiago, for over 10 years. The other institution has been
working systematically for 13 years with rural Mapuche communities from the Bio
Bio Region that live in poverty. Both institutions work seriously and are valued by
their beneficiaries.
The urban institution’s project comprised two stages. The first was group work-
based and provided business management training. The second stage was an indi-
vidual consultancy module for the development of entrepreneurial initiatives.
Likewise, the work carried out by the rural institution also comprised two
phases. First, groups of women were formed who received technical training
about traditional Mapuche weaving. Second, they were encouraged to attend
association-related meetings (where they received information, discussed
Daher et al. 7

management issues, and held board elections) and market their fabrics (at fairs and
events).
The urban institution’s intervention focused on the development of the business,
while the rural institution’s work dealt with employment. In both cases, training
was done in groups, but the enterprise was formed individually. Neither institution
provided material or economic resources to carry out productive activities. The
most salient microbusinesses resulting from the urban institution’s program
include a Mapuche drugstore, ethnic catering, and jewelry based on Mapuche
iconography. As for the rural institution, it helped create businesses associated
with traditional loom weaving, although they are currently considering integrating
other crafts such as basket-making and pottery. All participants were working
full-time in their enterprises while the study was being carried out.

Method
A qualitative study, exploratory in nature, was conducted. It was descriptive and
relational (Krause, 1995) in order to approach the experiences of the participants
respectfully and in depth (Flick, 2004). After deciding to adopt a qualitative meth-
odology, we chose to follow a holistic perspective (Bortoft, 1996; Diriw€achter,
2008) that, according to Daher et al. (2017), integrates the notions of experience
and meanings as constituents of human life and ensures that the phenomena under
study will be comprehensively and contextually approached. In addition, it encour-
ages researchers to get closer to participants, generate constructive interactions
with them, be sensitive to their core issues, and pay attention not just to what
they express verbally, but also to where and how they are experiencing it.
Likewise, following the typology proposed by Ratner (2008) for cultural psy-
chology theory and qualitative methods, this study can be classed as a micro-
cultural psychology with formal qualitative methodology. This approach was
adopted as a way of identifying individuals’ construction of meanings and their
self-presentations through a systematic empirical analysis.
In addition, recognizing that the researcher is central to the research process,
and that “the complexity of psychological phenomena includes self-reflexivity of
the meaning-maker as a complicated condition that needs to be considered explicit-
ly” (Valsiner, 2014, p. 25), this study was designed using Device Encounter–
Context–Topics analysis (Daher et al., 2017). This tool allows researchers to
express their experiences while doing research as well as their assumptions about
the study and their interactions with the participants, thus decreasing the mecha-
nization of the process through three recursive stages. The first phase is a compre-
hensive assessment of the subject as a person and the encounter with the
researcher, aimed at revealing the first mark left by the researcher’s experience
during each instance of data production. The second phase concerns the
in-depth examination of the forms and contexts of key topics, enabling researchers
to capture experiences and meanings present in the participants’ stories.
8 Culture & Psychology 0(0)

Finally, the third phase consists in reviewing with the participants the models of
understanding that emerge in the process.

Participants
Seventeen Mapuche people participated in the study, five men and five women
from the urban institution and seven women from the rural one. Also, one repre-
sentative of each collaborating institution participated, one non-Mapuche person
and a Chilean-Mapuche person respectively. It is important to note that no men
took part in the initiative implemented by the rural institution as the decision was
made to focus the program on the women of the area.
All participants were adults between 34 and 71 years old, and most of them had
at least some secondary education. Table 1 presents information about each par-
ticipant’s school and family situation, as well as the area in which they developed
their ventures in the context of the programs under study. As for their spiritual
beliefs, there are those who reject the Christian religion and only practice Mapuche
spiritual beliefs, while others are Christians (Catholics, Evangelicals, Mormons)
who also follow Mapuche spirituality. In relation to their political affiliation, rural
women participants stated that they had no interest in politics and were not
involved in this field, while participants in Santiago reported that they did not
actively participate in any organized Mapuche advocacy groups or other associa-
tions related to the “Mapuche cause”.

Data production
Focus groups (Morgan, 1990) and in-depth individual interviews (Kvale &
Brinkmann, 2009) were carried out. These research techniques allow situated inter-
action, with the parties involved jointly establishing what things are discussed and
how (Brinkmann, 2016). For both instances of data production, thematic scripts—
rather than a structured list of questions—were developed to present issues for
discussion with participants, thus leaving space for discussing emergent issues.
Combining both strategies made it possible to achieve theoretical saturation
and, at the same time, triangulate the interpretations generated. The methodolog-
ical triangulation proposed by Denzin (1970) was followed, since we understand
that each data production device offers access to a different edge of the phenom-
enon. In this regard, while interviews grant access to individual experiences related
to program participation, focus groups are a strategy for revealing the shared
meaning matrix. The ethical norms published by the American Psychological
Association (2010) and the Chilean National Commission for Technological and
Scientific Research (Lira, 2008) were followed. Considering that the study was
carried out in the context of social programs for people in situations of social
and/or economic vulnerability, the participants were informed that enrollment
would not have any negative or positive effects on their involvement in the pro-
grams and that all conversations would be treated with respect and confidentiality.
Table 1. Description of the participants.

Area Participant Gender Age Educational situation Family situation Enterpreneurship

Rural area 1 Woman 35 Complete primary education Lives in her parent’s house Mapuche traditional weaver
Daher et al.

with her husband and two

children
2 Woman 61 Incomplete primary education Lives with her brother, her Mapuche traditional weaver
daughter, son-in-law, and
three grandchildren
3 Woman 34 Incomplete secondary education Lives with her husband and Mapuche traditional weaver
two children
4 Woman 57 Incomplete primary education Lives with her husband and Mapuche traditional weaver
(illiterate) two children
5 Woman 38 Incomplete secondary education Lives with her husband and Mapuche traditional weaver
two children
6 Woman 38 Complete primary education Lives with her couple and two Mapuche traditional weaver
children
7 Woman 45 Incomplete primary education Lives with her son Mapuche traditional weaver
8 Woman 50 Complete secondary education Lives with her husband Coordinator
Urban area 1 Man 60 Complete secondary education Lives with his wife, son, Mapuche cuisine
(completing) daughter-in-law, and two
grandchildren
2 Man 45 Incomplete secondary education Lives with his wife and Mapuche bakery
children
3 Man 39 Complete higher education Lives with two sisters and his Mapuche jewelry
nieces and nephews
4 Woman 42 Complete secondary education Lives with her couple, two Mapuche Clothe designer
children, and two
grandchildren
(continued)
9
 10

Table 1. Continued.
Area Participant Gender Age Educational situation Family situation Enterpreneurship

5 Woman 71 Incomplete primary education Lives with her husband, son, Mapuche cuisine
daughter-in-law, and two
children
6 Woman 32 Complete secondary education Lives with her parents and Mapuche traditional weaver
siblings
7 Woman 55 Complete secondary education Lives with her couple and Mapuche traditional weaver
their children
8 Man 30 Studying in higher education Lives with his mother Mapuche craft
9 Man 39 Complete secondary education Lives with his couple and son Mapuche woodwork
10 Woman 47 Complete secondary education Lives with her son Mapuche banquette
11 Man 32 Complete higher education Lives with his wife and Coordinator
daughter Institution
Culture & Psychology 0(0)
Daher et al. 11

Procedure
The study is part of the doctoral thesis of the first author (Daher, 2015) on social
programs for overcoming poverty, addressing four lines of intervention, one of
which is presented in this article. The inclusion of programs aimed at Mapuche
people is based on the first authors’ interest in this topic, resulting from two years
living and working in a rural Mapuche community. In this context, although the
participants’ adaptation process was slow due to initial misgivings related to the
fact that she was not Mapuche, after a few months a bond of trust was established,
which facilitated access to the participants and eased data production in the places
where they lived their daily life, generating a space of intimacy and reliability.
The program carried out in the urban area was led by an institution that imple-
ments entrepreneurship training for people living in poverty, where the first author
collaborated as a methodological adviser for several years. Therefore, there was
familiarity with the program and with the intervention agents, which improved the
quality of data production. In this study, the production activities were carried out
in the institution’s offices (for more information on the data production process,
see Daher et al., 2017).

Data analysis
Descriptive and relational analyses proposed by Grounded Theory (Glaser &
Strauss, 1967) were conducted. Also, the methodological considerations of the
Encounter–Context–Topics Analysis Device (Daher et al., 2017) were incorporat-
ed, which helped to pinpoint the differences between the urban and rural areas.
First, the descriptive analysis was carried out by means of open coding, extract-
ing the main ideas of the material in an inductive way, which were organized
around categories, subcategories, properties, and dimensions. This was translated
into the hierarchical classification scheme, which facilitated the writing of the
descriptive results. Second, relational analysis was carried out through axial
coding. For this purpose, information from the previous analysis was used, includ-
ing memos and reflections derived from the Encounter–Context–Topics device,
which made it possible to detect central phenomena, one of which is presented
in this article.
Although the study had an ethnographic, exploratory, and naturalistic
approach, Grounded Theory was chosen as analysis technique because it allows
an exhaustive analysis of the narrative material, favoring the production of emerg-
ing data through clear tools. Furthermore, using the procedure of constant com-
parison and theoretical saturation made it easier to integrate the similarities and
diversity of experiences and meanings into a meaningful whole.

Results
The results reported below revolve around Mapuche people’s experience of
creating an enterprise, an effort that finally becomes a bearer of culture and
12 Culture & Psychology 0(0)

makes self-improvement possible, as mentioned by the participants. The initial

conditions of the enterprises and the general contribution of the programs are
reported, as well as the geographic and cultural characteristics associated with
the development of these. Then, opportunities and tensions between the business
world and the Mapuche world are described, along with the conditions of the
programs that reinforce Mapuche entrepreneurship and their distinctive effects.

Starting conditions of the ventures and general contribution of the programs

In the case of the rural participants, although there were women who made tra-
ditional Mapuche weaving before the program, this technique was considered to be
lost, with very limited production in terms of quantity and distribution. Also,
quality standards were left for each weaver to set; for example, artificial dyeing
vs. natural products or ancestral techniques (such as trarican) vs. foreign styles.
Most of the women who participated in the program had to learn the technique
from the most experienced women. In addition, the use of natural products and
ancestral techniques, as well as figures with cultural meanings, was incorporated as
quality standards. The program supported product marketing and commercializa-
tion as ways of increasing income and informing the public about Mapuche
culture.
In the urban program, participants with gastronomy or clothing enterprises had
already done some work to develop their ventures, mentioning interest in improv-
ing management and legal aspects, while others started their ventures thanks to the
program. In this regard, before the intervention, incipient enterprises were
observed and found to be sporadic, seasonal, informal, and/or largely unable to
add value and distribute their products. Evaluation results revealed that the pro-
gram led to better management, an improvement in legal compliance, an increase
in the value of the products and services offered, and an additional time investment
in product development and/or service provision (Daher, 2015).

Geographic and cultural characteristics associated with enterprise development

An interesting aspect of the interventions was the way in which the participants of
the study related to the Mapuche culture, which depended on whether they lived in
urban or rural areas. The rural indigenous world was characterized as “what
belongs to the countryside”; there, according to the participants, there is a
strong sense of community and the Mapuche culture is alive. Because of this,
there is also a certain hermeticism when facing what is considered to be foreign.
In this regard, the participants’ stories show that rural Mapuche life “is part” of
their culture, since they are unavoidably immersed in it since their early upbring-
ing. Being part of the culture also becomes evident in their physical features and
their last names, which evoke their ancestors, which are normally experienced with
a sense of pride. However, the participants also mentioned discriminatory events,
particularly during childhood at school, for being Mapuche and living in poverty
Daher et al. 13

(e.g. being insulted and snubbed due to their physical appearance and clothing and
being excluded by their classmates), as well as in dependent work spaces (mistreat-
ment by non-Mapuche coworkers and humiliation).
Some participants reported that the programs allowed them to redress these
situations, because they encourage them to incorporate aspects of their own cul-
ture, favoring a feeling of pride. Participants also highlighted the value of relation-
ships with their partner, intervention agent, clients, and non-Mapuche people in
general because they were based on respect, tolerance, good treatment, recogni-
tion, affection, and reinforcement of their capabilities.
In addition, interviews showed that strong chauvinism still exists in the rural
area. For instance, one participant stated that women should stay at home and
expressed a pejorative view of homemaking, as well as the belief that they do not
have the chance to rest or invest time in other activities. In this context, partic-
ipants valued the fact that the program allowed them to leave their homes, meet
new people, and see new places, which resulted in the achievement of a more
positive image of themselves.
Although Latin American feminism has reclaimed domestic space as a sphere of
dignity and symbolic and productive power, insofar as it involves activities of great
social relevance (Federici, 2013; Le
on, 1994), in this case the participants did not
understand it in that way; on the contrary, they regard leaving home as an act of
empowerment, considering domestic space as one of reclusion and “not being”
(Gargallo, 2006). This situation is true for many other Latin American indigenous
people: although there is an idea of gender balance and complementarity, there are
also clear demands related to women’s lack of participation outside the domestic
sphere, their exclusion from collective decisions, and their economic marginaliza-
tion (Gargallo, 2006).
Also, what participants said about leaving the domestic space is significant,
especially considering that for Mapuche people it is considered a major domain
for socialization, where women traditionally play key roles in cultural production
(Millaleo, 2011). In this regard, conducting activities outside the home, which
many social programs encourage, can become overwhelming due to needing to
fulfill multiple roles, adding paid work and the use of public space to women’s
socializing function. This is a challenge that is not always addressed from a gender
perspective, nor is this burden understood as an ethical and political problem.
However, the results of this study do not refer to this problem, since leaving
home was experienced as liberating and a chance to remove oppressive barriers.
On the other hand, the urban indigenous world was characterized by “belonging
to the city”. There, according to the participants, individualism, consumerism, and
a sort of shallow lifestyle take precedence. In their view, the urban Mapuche aim to
“feel part” of something, although they are not always certain of what, since they
interact with both worlds. They experience a cultural mix from birth, since their
ethnic culture is transmitted at home while, at the same time, there is a strong
predominance of the way city people live. This generates a relative degree of open-
ness, since the urban Mapuche are faced with two ways of relating with their
14 Culture & Psychology 0(0)

culture, which generally occur later in adulthood. The participants’ interviews

revealed a first movement towards the integration of both worlds, leading to
better cultural adjustment and a move away from the “negative parts” a city
can have. A second movement, usually associated with negative experiences with
non-Mapuche or “huinca” (Mapuche word meaning “thief”), was characterized by
a feeling of threat and separation from their own culture, since recognizing oneself
as Mapuche can cause “problems” such as situations of violence, persecution, and
social discrimination. As a result, some Mapuche choose to hide their roots. This
distance can also happen when the culture is not transmitted as part of their
upbringing, resulting in a lack of affinity with the Mapuche people. In this
regard, some participants said that they had adapted to the “way of being of
Santiaguinos [residents of Santiago]” and this is what takes precedence since
they were born and went to school in the city. These participants said they like
and respect the Mapuche culture, but recognize that they do not share or feel
comfortable with its traditions and beliefs. The origins and movements described
are illustrated in Figure 1.

Business world and Mapuche world: Opportunities and tensions

Participants noted the existence of two distinct worlds: the “business world”
(which is part of Western culture and is connected with economic rationality)
and the “Mapuche world” (associated with ethnic identity and cultural traditions).
In this context, both programs use concepts such as marketing, business manage-
ment, production, and formalization, among others. Although we have a critical
view of the current market system, we consider that it is reckless to try innovative
economic strategies with vulnerable population, due to the risk that this could
result in social and labor exclusion, which can also compound their vulnerability.

Figure 1. Cultural traits of urban area and rural area Mapuche people.
Daher et al. 15

However, we recognize the need to critically analyze the interaction between these
two “worlds”, identifying their contributions and tensions.
Furthermore, it is observed that the business world is recognized by the partic-
ipants as key for the development of their venture, taking into account that money
is used in transactions even in the rural Mapuche communities and that the pro-
vision of both products and services in this territory follows capitalist and mer-
cantile logics.
The above is consistent with the fact that, although integration between both
worlds is intended, participants from the urban area manifested that Western
culture is imposed over Mapuche culture: “It doesn’t go hand in hand, because
the Mapuche people have been adapting, adjusting all this to their way [Western
culture] of seeing life, of seeing the future, and of seeing their children” (Participant
4, woman, 42 years old, Mapuche clothing designer, urban area); “I think it
[Western culture] is imposed on Mapuche culture, because if you ask me where
to go to buy something Mapuche I wouldn’t know, but if you ask me to
buy anything else there are thousands” (Participant 5, woman, 71 years old,
Mapuche cuisine, urban area).
In order to understand the tensions and transformations in the intersection
between the Mapuche and non-Mapuche world, it is interesting to consider that,
when asked how necessary it is to adopt Western culture elements to perform well
in their occupations, participants stated that knowledge about the business world
is relevant, but that their undertakings are ultimately based on the integration of
these aspects with elements of their own culture. This means that participating in a
social program can promote the integration of indigenous and non-indigenous
cultural elements, which results in better performance.
So, the above reflects an adaptation process where aspects of the Chilean non-
Mapuche culture were incorporated (e.g. business language), certain aspects of the
Mapuche culture itself were safeguarded (e.g. traditional occupations), and other
typical characteristics were relaxed (e.g. interacting more formally with others).
As one participant mentioned:

It is necessary to know, for example, language, writing, greeting and knowing differ-
ent technological tools or administrative documentation. We the Mapuche have this
ability and capacity of taking this on and giving it a different point of view. In terms
of the language, we speak an intercultural language because sometimes we
use Mapuche words and sometimes non-Mapuche words to refer to things.
(Participant 4, woman, 42 years old, Mapuche clothes designer, urban area)

More specifically, the participants agree that incorporating aspects of Mapuche

culture in their businesses has several advantages and that this puts them in a
better market position. First, indigenous products are in high demand. Second,
the media coverage and widespread recognition of Mapuche culture has allowed
them to promote their products. Third, ethnic products in general are currently
“trendy”, as consumers look for original and innovative goods and services.
16 Culture & Psychology 0(0)

In fact, the participants stated that incorporating aspects of their mother culture
into their businesses had no downsides.

That’s what I think happened to me with this thing of getting my looms known and
knowing that they were good, that my looms were never rejected, that was a way of
feeling good myself, because I do things right and I know that wherever I go with my
looms I know that they will never be rejected. This was a boost for my self-esteem,
because it’s like saying that I’m doing this right. (Participant 1, woman, 35 years old,
Mapuche traditional weaver, rural area)

In line with this positive feeling associated with being a Mapuche entrepreneur, the
participants noted that the most important thing when it comes to performing
acceptably in their productive activities is to show themselves as “they are” ethni-
cally, expressing pride in being Mapuche and presenting themselves to others as
Mapuche entrepreneurs. However, there are aspects that must be omitted, such as
traditional beliefs, since non-indigenous people often do not understand them.
In addition, contextual and cultural conditions that influence the development
of enterprises were identified, which also vary depending on the area. The rural
Mapuche participants reported being naturally connected to their culture.
However, they admit to having little contact with the “business world”. In con-
trast, the urban Mapuche participants expressed the opposite. Because of this, the
first program promoted connections with the business world by, for example,
giving participants the chance to participate in fairs where they could sell their
products and generating support networks for their distribution. In the second
program, Mapuche culture was promoted by producing traditional artifacts. The
recovery of what is “truly Mapuche” was well received by the urban participants
since they felt they reconnected with their culture and got in touch with their
traditions. The incorporation of production and commercialization aspects was
well received by the rural participants; in addition, though some contents (such
as cost calculation) were regarded as difficult to understand, they were willing to
learn them.
With respect to these results, it is striking that the participants clearly recognize
the “business world” and the “Mapuche world” as different spheres that are
moving towards integration, but that still have evident boundaries and are distin-
guishable from each other. This may account for the participants’ traditional and
preservationist view of culture (which has been challenged by contemporary cul-
tural psychology; e.g. Valsiner, 2006; Zittoun & Gillespie, 2015), which is critically
discussed below.

Aspects of the programs that reinforce Mapuche entrepreneurship

There were also aspects of the organizations that facilitated productive activities,
as mentioned by the participants: the work modality used, the organizations’
values, and the key role of the intervention agents.
Daher et al. 17

Regarding the work modality, both organizations held group training sessions,
but the work in the enterprises was individual. Group activities were highly valued
by the participants, particularly because of the lessons they learned when exchang-
ing experiences with their peers and the possibility of receiving support when
facing difficulties. Individual work was valued because it allowed the participants
to operate independently, setting up personal rhythms and complementing busi-
ness with housework. As for the training, the participants in both programs saw it
as a facilitator to develop their enterprises. Training promoted the development of
technical and personal abilities that became effects and conditions for the partic-
ipants’ proper performance. At a technical level, the perfecting of existing knowl-
edge, the acquisition of new learning, and the possibility of innovating stand out.
On developing these technical abilities, the participants say that they felt, at a
personal level, a greater sense of confidence with respect to their jobs.
In terms of the organizations’ values, participants emphasized that both repre-
sented and transmitted relevant values such as respect, tolerance, valuing Mapuche
culture, and solidarity. Also, references were made to these organizations’ rela-
tional approach and the emotional environment that they promoted. Concepts
such as care, support, concern, unity, and trust were mentioned. Participants
also mentioned the organizations’ “way of doing things”, specifically that there
were clear rules. All of this was greatly appreciated by the participants.
Finally, with respect to the people involved in both organizations, particularly
the intervention agents, the participants emphasized their importance for the ade-
quate development of their ventures and their capacity to properly transmit the
contents taught, regarding both business management and traditional occupations.

Distinctive effects of entrepreneurship as carried out by Mapuche people

This study aimed to shed light on the experiences of Mapuche people starting a
business, according to whom the program was an opportunity for them to
“recover” their culture and improve their lives (see Figure 2). Therefore, the results
reported below are effects that the participants themselves attributed to their par-
ticipation in the programs, not a causal inference of the researchers.
These distinctive effects took place based on certain background elements. First,
there was the participants’ economic need, which motivated them to start a busi-
ness, along with their particular history and culture. At the same time, there was an
implicit background that emerged from participants’ stories about being victims of
discriminatory events during childhood. In this regard, a participant shared the
consequences of this type of situation:

For me, before being part of [the rural institution], I was kind of embarrassed of the
whole Mapuche thing, but that is because of the discrimination that I felt at school
and that makes you more shy and you stop doing other things that the Chilean
woman used to do, but that is because of prejudice. (Participant 7, woman,
45 years old, Mapuche traditional weaver, rural area)
18 Culture & Psychology 0(0)

Figure 2. Distinctive effects of entrepreneurship done by Mapuche people.

Another especially relevant background element was that these programs had a
strong and explicit cultural component. More specifically, they sought to promote
entrepreneurship in connection to what they called the “business world” while also
encouraging the production of traditional Mapuche artifacts. For the participants,
this component was key because it motivated them to start a business, recover
Mapuche culture, and show a positive image of the Mapuche people:

It is the recovery of something that was being lost, even though it is for business as we
are doing, it is also a contribution for the culture, to show that not everything that the
Mapuche do is bad, that many Mapuche do good and nice things. (. . .) So that many
people realize that not all the Mapuche are strike-mongers, troublemakers, warriors,
but there are also Mapuche that are dedicated doing good things, working for the
family and staying out of conflict, that we work making things with love and care, in a
special way, which is at least what I do, because I say that all my work has a little bit
of me. (Participant 1, woman, 35 years old, Mapuche traditional weaver, rural area)

It is interesting to note that this participant, when referring to her undertaking,

alluded to a certain tension related to Mapuche cultural identity that concerns the
validation or criticism of the actions and demonstrations carried out by Mapuche
social and political actors. Although her story may be understood as the internal-
ization of the anti-terrorist discourse promoted by the State and conservative
sectors, it may also represent part of the Mapuche people who do not share the
methods or strategies used by certain Mapuche advocacy groups.
Daher et al. 19

In this regard, entrepreneurship can be understood as another way of validating

and recognizing culture, and as a way for participants to express their pride in
belonging to this ethnic group. Later, the possible implications of this identity
tension are discussed and the role that social programs can play in the context
of the Mapuche people’s vindication is reflected. However, it remains an interest-
ing question whether it is possible to be entrepreneurial and a “Mapuche warrior”
at the same time; in other words, whether it is possible to adopt elements of the
Western hegemonic system and simultaneously resist that system through radical
actions.
What is clearer is that these participants stated that their Mapuche identity was
strengthened, to the extent that being Mapuche is made visible and socially valued
through the development of their ventures and contact with non-Mapuche people.
As Taylor (1993) points out, there is a close relationship between cultural recog-
nition and identity, the latter being defined as people’s understanding of who they
are and their fundamental characteristics. In this regard, Mapuche enterprises
make it possible to overcome the nonrecognition or misrecognition of Mapuche
culture by a society that usually has a degrading view of it, thus stopping and/or
repairing the damages or distortions that this generates in Mapuche people’s
identity.
Although this can be understood as a reflection of Western cultural hegemony
over indigenous culture, it also shows that being Mapuche is a dynamic phenom-
enon that is open to exchange with other cultural references, in line with Valsiner’s
(2006) proposals. In addition, it is important to point out the participants clearly
saw that these were foreign logics, but they also expressed that it is possible to use
them to maintain their traditions and continue making their culture visible to
society.
On this basis, the enterprises became a strategy to improve their living condi-
tions and overcome personal difficulties. This happened because there were trans-
forming effects on two levels. Primary changes could be detected, such as achieving
greater economic capacity on having a more stable income that was enough to
cover daily expenses, which also allowed the participants to reinvest in their enter-
prises and keep them. Another effect at this level was the recognition that partic-
ipants received from their clients and relatives, which produced a sense of
validation for their work and themselves as businesspeople:

It’s good you know, because since I began working in this craft business, you start
relating with more people and at least I feel proud when they come and say ‘ma’am
what you make is beautiful, congratulations on your work, thank God for the gift you
have’, so it’s really good (. . .), you get to know loads of people working here.
(Participant 1, woman, 35 years old, Mapuche traditional weaver, rural area)

Some secondary changes resulted from this. First, a strong sense of personal pride
because of the business that they were starting. This pride came from recognition
and was instilled in the lives of the participants to reaffirm their own view of being
20 Culture & Psychology 0(0)

valuable people. One participant expressed this pride as follows: “Because when
recovering Mapuche culture it feels like we are rejoining society, because we were
so long on the margins, and now they say ‘nice scarf, who made it? A lamuen!
[“sister” in Mapudungun] A Mapuche woman!” (Participant 3, woman, 34 years
old, Mapuche traditional weaver, rural area).
Second, their increased economic capacity allowed the participants to improve
their quality of life as they managed to administer their income in a better way,
covering household expenditures, making repairs at home, and financing their
children’s education, among other things. In this regard, a participant noted:
“I know that by having an income one can live a little bit better every day, (. . .)
having the things I still need for my house, guaranteeing the education of my
children for the future” (Participant 1, woman, 35 years old, Mapuche traditional
weaver, rural area).
On the other hand, taking into account the participants’ stories related to dis-
criminatory events and their reports about the programs’ effects with regard to the
recognition given by others, specially non-Mapuche people, it seems that the pro-
grams help to repair those past discriminatory experiences. This was due to the
type of relations promoted by the programs and established by the participants
with their colleagues and intervention agents, as well as with their clients and non-
Mapuche people in general. These relationships were based on respect, tolerance,
treating people well, affection, and the reinforcement of their capacities, in accor-
dance with the organizations’ values. All this may operate as a healing process
which patched over bad childhood experiences and provided them with enriching
experiences while they developed their enterprises. This was passionately narrated
by one of the participants:

Because of the mocking at school they [Mapuche people] don’t value themselves much
and they have not had the same opportunities as everybody else. Then, it is very hard
that they can integrate into a group because they enter with distrust and see the other
as a superior. So, many times they limit themselves, but because of real and concrete
facts, they limit themselves because they have lived through quite pitiful experiences.
(. . .) Then, the human group that is here has to love them, value them and accept
them, has to be able to tell them from the first moment ‘you know, you can do it’ and
promote their capacities so that this person can feel integrated from the first day and
that they come back, get training and reach their goals. I believe that this is funda-
mental. (Participant 4, woman, 42 years old, Mapuche clothing designer, urban area)

Thus, by providing cultural and business support, it was possible to achieve greater
integration, as reported by the participants in both programs. Integration was
achieved when the participants attempted to recover Mapuche culture while
successfully managing their businesses. On doing the latter, camaraderie grew,
which made it possible to break down barriers and generate greater collaboration.
In this regard, the participants stated that the program played an important role as
a bridge in the relationship between Mapuche and non-Mapuche people:
Daher et al. 21

“You start socializing with them [non-Mapuche people], and they realize that you
are also capable if you get the chance, if you get help you can achieve many things”
(Participant 3, man, 39 years old, Mapuche jewelry, urban area).
Then, in contrast to what can be theoretically expected, the participants did not
feel threatened when interacting with non-Mapuche people, hiding or changing the
way they were; rather, they were proud of their culture and wanted to show them-
selves as they were. This gave rise to a virtuous circle where the enterprise acted as
a vehicle of their culture through the by revisiting traditional products (weaving,
gastronomy, silverware, clothing, medicinal herbs):

Recovering culture for me has something to do with what was being lost. There were
very few people working the loom, especially the drawing loom and with natural dyes.
Then, [the rural institution] does this by bringing it back to life and by teaching it to
those who didn’t know it. Through this recovering something that was slipping away
. . . (Participant 8, woman, 50 years old, Coordinator, rural area)

Therefore, the enterprises acted as a vehicle for Mapuche culture inasmuch as they
showcased the participants’ traditional products and themselves as Mapuche entre-
preneurs; at the same time, the businesses also allowed them to feel more integrated
and validated, since their products were valued and sold successfully. This revital-
ized their culture and promoted a positive view of the Mapuche people. Something
distinctive in terms of Mapuche enterprise, which was possible to see in both
programs, was the “passion” that they had for their businesses; this was because
they did not only produce and sell a product, but because they also “sold a story”
which was related to their culture, in line with the memorabilia market which is
currently trendy. Therefore, it can be said that entrepreneurship was both a vehicle
for Mapuche culture and a driver of progress (personal and economic), and that
both phenomena occur indivisibly in the experiences of the participants, since they
were close-knit and positively promoted each other: “It motivates me, this being
recognized as a Mapuche person who has been able to progress, who has changed
his economic situation.” (Participant 3, man, 39 years old, Mapuche jewelry,
urban area).

Discussion and conclusions

Placing this discussion first in the context of interculturality, it is interesting to
observe that the participants’ discourse seems to differentiate “being Mapuche”—
in the current context and in relation to incorporating entrepreneurship logics—
from “Mapuche culture” as a cultural object. While the former appears as a more
dynamic procedural phenomenon and as the result of the integration of traditional
Mapuche cultural elements with Western culture and business world aspects, the
latter appears in the participants’ discourse as a coherent static whole, associated
with the original traditions of the Mapuche people.
22 Culture & Psychology 0(0)

This discourse about “Mapuche culture” may be partly associated with the
institutional and State discourse of its “care and preservation” (Government of
Chile, 2011). Likewise, this discourse may be a result of the marginalization and
historical lack of recognition of the Mapuche people (Pinto, 2012), which led to its
image as a culture at risk of being “lost”. This stands in contrast with more open
and procedural views of culture in the field of cultural psychology (e.g. Zittoun &
Gillespie, 2015).
Thus, although the “Mapuche being” can be seen as a process more open to
interculturality, the need to protect “Mapuche culture” understood as those
“originally” Mapuche—their historical heritage and their cultural memory—per-
sists. In this regard, though culture is understood as a transforming and complex
process (Guimaraes, 2011; Valsiner, 2006), it is also possible, in the case of unrec-
ognized and oppressed Latin American indigenous people, such as the Mapuche,
for the stable and traditional dimension of culture to occupy a relevant place in
their imaginary. Just as lands have been lost, it also seems that their own culture
has been “lost” and that they need to “recover” it. Thus, culture can be understood
as a double movement between identity or “being”, which is in constant interaction
and change, and cultural references (e.g. traditions, customs, language, social
practices) often associated with stability and permanence in the imaginary of
people and communities. This is a way to challenge the natural ambiguity and
impartiality of life, particularly in the context of a clash between neoliberal cap-
italist logics and Latin American indigenous cultures. This invites further discus-
sion of the scope, applications, and challenges of cultural psychology in the region.
That said, with respect to the results presented, unlike the entrepreneurship
programs aimed at non-indigenous participants, Mapuche people’s experience of
starting a business becomes a possibility for progress, at a personal and economic
level, and also a vehicle for their culture, since it makes it possible to recover their
traditions while also imbuing the participants with a strong sense of membership
and pride. Thus, traditions can be understood not only in relation to conventions
or previous knowledge, but as a process that, through the material-cultural pro-
duction associated with micro-entrepreneurship, is translated and produced in a
variety of artifacts that regulate and give continuity to cultural belonging and
social existence (Gl aveanu, 2012).
The loss of the culture described, understood as the gradual and imperceptible
disappearance of traditions (Thiers-Quintana, 2014), or the difficult reconstruction
or recovery of Mapuche culture (Sep
ulveda & Z
~iga, 2015; Vergara et al., 2016),
un
can be dealt with through these projects which revitalize the culture through tra-
ditional occupations. Also, as shown in other studies (Cabezas, 2011; Lagos, 2012)
it is possible to further promote Mapuche culture in urban contexts through these
initiatives, which participants perceive as opportunities to express traditional
aspects of their heritage.
Furthermore, contact with non-Mapuche people (for example, clients) because
of the business allows participants to shift from foreign or dominant relationships
(Maldonado, 2003) to peer relationships where parties mutually respect and value
Daher et al. 23

each other, taking into account their resources and potential. Here, cultural rec-
ognition, as developed by Taylor (1993), is a key process, both in an identity-
related sense and as a possibility for the participants to recover rights and their
own worth after facing episodes of discrimination (Merino et al., 2008). In addition
to cultural recognition being a moral right of communities (Villaca~ nas, 1999), as
pointed out by multicultural theories, recognition of cultural diversity is an impor-
tant precondition for social justice (Kymlicka & Banting, 2006; Taylor, 1994). This
is a lesson that can be extrapolated to interventions with indigenous people in
general, where the construction of intercultural relationships based on apprecia-
tion and recognition is key.
In addition to the above, Mapuche entrepreneurship opens up the possibility of
improving living conditions by generating an additional source of income, just like
entrepreneurship programs directed to other populations (Mart
ınez et al., 2013).
The challenge in this case is to take the best of both worlds through initiatives that
promote Mapuche culture while also implementing productive and marketing
strategies that may not be present in the participants’ normal way of working.
In this way, efforts to revitalize the culture can be integrated with those focused on
successful business management. This resonates with the notion of “we want to
start new businesses, but always with our identity in mind”, recently reported by
Di Giminiani (2018).
At this point, it is worth critically reflecting on the place of entrepreneurship
programs in the context of the current situation of Mapuche people. Undoubtedly,
promoting this strategy is not exempt from political, ideological, and cultural
tensions. On the contrary, it reflects the tension between the possibility of being
an entrepreneur and a “Mapuche warrior” at the same time, with results inviting
researchers to understand these tensions in Mapuche culture along with possible
conflicts between the collective meaning-making of what is it to “be Mapuche” and
the participants’ individual meaning-making. However, results also invite us to
recognize the positive impact of these business undertakings on the identity, rec-
ognition, and living conditions of Mapuche people, without forgetting that these
people’s situation, far from being resolved by isolated social initiatives, requires
deep structural changes that may come into conflict with initiatives promoted by
the State or non-Mapuche civil society. It would also be interesting to analyze this
type of experience considering the concept of livelihoods, associated with political,
socio-economic, and cultural-symbolic emancipation (van Dijk, 2011), since these
processes clearly connect with the marginalization and domination experienced by
Mapuche people in Chile.
Therefore, it is important that entrepreneurship programs of this type offer con-
tents not only related to businesses or occupations, but also connected to Mapuche
culture. This speaks of how important it is for the program to have a component
that incorporates aspects of Mapuche culture, which is regarded as positive by those
in charge of the programs and the participants. This is consistent with a Peruvian
study about the adaptation of social programs directed to indigenous women, where
the authors also suggest an intercultural approach based on a cultural otherness
24 Culture & Psychology 0(0)

component, for example, using the beneficiaries’ native language and training the
intervention agents in their cultural characteristics (Huber et al., 2009).
While these results show the particular features of Mapuche entrepreneurs, they
also suggest that each participant will differ regarding their ethnic origins, gender,
place of residence, and type of poverty, among other factors. So, these results
invite us to pay closer attention to the conditions that underlie social programs,
considering culture and context as part of everything and looking for the emergent
aspects of each intervention and the distinctive features that it could have.
Following Geertz’s (1973, 1983) postulates, it is always necessary to consider the
local context from which a phenomenon emerges; in this case, it is necessary to
gain in-depth knowledge of programs’ conditions to adjust their design, implemen-
tation, and evaluation.
It is important to consider that these results have the limitation of coming from
people who had a positive experience with the programs. Therefore, it would be
interesting to delve deeper into non-successful experiences or work with people
who do not identify as Mapuche. Another aspect to take into account is that the
results obtained in this study could be similar to those of any minority group
participating in comparable programs. However, the results of this study empha-
size cultural recovery and intercultural relationships as distinctive effects which
seem specific to these programs and type of participants.
Finally, most community interventions in Latin America are implemented
through social programs. This study highlights the importance of encouraging con-
versations and interaction among them, because each program’s weaknesses can be
overcome by promoting and complementing their strengths. Such is the case of the
two programs examined in this study, which suggest innovative ways to improve the
subjective and objective well-being of indigenous people living in poverty.

Acknowledgements
The authors of this article would like to thank the participants of this study and the
institutions involved. This study was part of the thesis Evaluacion de programas sociales
de intervencion en pobreza: Oportunidades y desafıos de integrar las dimensiones objetiva y
subjetiva [Evaluation of poverty-focused social intervention programs: Opportunities and
challenges associated with integrating their objective and subjective dimensions], written
within the context of the Doctoral Program in Psychology of Pontificia Universidad
Cat
olica de Chile. We would also like to thank Dagmar Raczynski and Alemka Tomicic
for their comments and Javiera Paredes for her help as our research assistant. This paper has
been enriched by the comments and discussions held with Johanna Yancari, Jaime Ramos,
Mar
ıa Cristina Guti
errez and Ximena Montenegro from the Institute of Peruvian Studies,
which is part of the Capital Project. It has benefited from the observations made by Jean
Paul Lacoste.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, author-
ship, and/or publication of this article.
Daher et al. 25

Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, author-
ship, and/or publication of this article: the funding granted by the Ford Foundation and the
Multiple Donors Research Platform for Social Protection, Financial Inclusion, Information
Technologies and Communication (with the financial support of the International Research
Center for Development). In this context, the first author thanks the economic support of
the National Commission for Scientific and Technological Research CONICYT and the
Interdisciplinary Center for Intercultural and Indigenous Studies ICIIS (FONDAP
15110006).

ORCID iD
Marianne Daher https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0521-6666

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Author Biographies
Marianne Daher completed her PhD in Psychology and Master in Community
Social Psychology from the Pontificia Universidad Cat
olica de Chile. She has
specialized in the design and evaluation of social programs, both in the public
and private sectors of non-governmental organizations. It has been recognized
by the Foundation for the Overcoming of Poverty (with the support of the
Ministry of Social Development of Chile) and by RIMISP—Latin American
Center for Rural Development. She has experience in poverty intervention, both
direct work with populations at risk, and supervising psychosocial teams. She also
has experience in the academic field as a teacher and researcher.

Andrea Jaramillo completed his PhD in Psychology from the University

of Salamanca. He is an adjunct assistant professor, director of the Master of
Social Psychology, mention in Psychosocial Intervention and Evaluation of
Social Projects and head of the Community Psychology Area of the Alberto
Hurtado University (Chile). His main lines of research are psychosocial phenom-
ena and their consequences at the individual and social level, community psychol-
ogy, participatory diagnostics, intervention approaches and qualitative social
research, among others.

Antonia Rosati is a psychologist from the Pontificia Universidad Cat

olica de Chile.
She has developed research about poverty and social exclusion, social programs,
professional burnout, and care of psychosocial teams. She has experience in direct
work with populations at risk and supporting the development of social programs
and organizations.