Professional Documents
Culture Documents
th
BS 4 semester
Psychology department
Developmental psychology
Regular(morning)
Seat no:12142134
Enrollment:AH/2/02430/M/PSY/2019
Date:20-feb-2021
Mam Khalida
Email:www.mariamarie3333@
gmail.com
Contact:03363315303
1. Discuss different research designs to study age related changes.
Objective
Methods:
Genetic Abnormalities:
baby?
It will depend on the condition. Some genetic conditions may not cause any
symptoms, and others can cause severe, life-limiting problems.
Down Syndrome
Tay-Sachs disease
1. cystic fibrosis,
2. alpha- and beta-thalassemias,
3. sickle cell anemia (sickle cell disease),
4. Marfan syndrome,
5. fragile X syndrome,
6. Huntington's disease, and
7. hemochromatosis.
1. heart disease,
2. high blood pressure,
3. Alzheimer's disease,
4. arthritis,
5. diabetes,
6. cancer, and
7. obesity.
Genetic disorders impact not only the physical health, but also the
psychological patients and their families. An increased genetic risk or a
genetic diagnosis can impact medical management as well as the
psychological patient and family. The personal and permanent nature of
genetic information raises a range of emotions including guilt, fear, and
helplessness. Specialists such as genetic counselors, social workers, and
psychologists, as well as support groups, can be extremely helpful to
patients and families as they deal with these difficult issues. Genetic
disorders have powerful effects on families.
3. Discuss non-parental care in detail.
Approximately 2.3 million children in the United States live separately from
both parents; 70–90% of those children live with a relative. Compared with
children living with one or both parents, children in nonparental care are in
poorer health, are at heightened risk for experiencing disruptions and
instability in caregiving, and are vulnerable to other social antecedents of
child health (e.g., neglect, poverty, maltreatment). Research examining the
contributions of poverty, instability, child maltreatment, and living in
nonparental care, including meta-analyses of existing studies, are
warranted. Longitudinal studies describing pathways into and out of
nonparental care and the course of health throughout those experiences
are also needed.
In addition to health status, access to health insurance and financial assistance also
vary by type of nonparental care arrangement, which has a direct impact on child
health and access to healthcare. Only children in formal foster care are typically
eligible for foster care maintenance payments. Youth in kinship and formal foster
care automatically qualify for Medicaid, but children in other living arrangements
only qualify for those benefits if the income of the family they live with meets the
eligibility criteria. Children in private kinship care (i.e., without child welfare
involvement) are significantly less likely to receive any insurance (including public
insurance) and are also less likely to be in fair or poor health.The literature on
children living apart from their parents indicates that 66% of children are racial and
ethnic minorities and 40% live in households with income below poverty level.In
the United States, poverty is typically defined using gross household income and
the number of individuals in the household.Rates of poverty are of particular
concern for children living with grandparents. Grandparents serving as sole
caregivers have significantly lower educational attainment as well as lower rates of
employment, income, and insurance access compared with other households.The
implications of poverty reach beyond financial resources to include access to
services and benefits, social capital, and educational opportunities.Consistently
across studies, results indicate that growing up in impoverished environments is
detrimental.This includes premature mortality,worse cardiovascular health,declines
in mental health, increased mobility impairments, and poor immune system
function . The pathways linking poverty to adult health have been described and
involve biological (e.g., physiological impact of poverty) and behavioral (e.g.,
engaging in negative health behaviors such as smoking) factors.Children who are
in the care of nonparental caregivers are at heightened risk for experiencing
subsequent disruptions and instability. Many nonparental care arrangements are
temporary and fluctuate within a short period of time, making it challenging to
identify and to follow children in nonparental care longitudinally. As is the case
with poverty, disruptions in caregiving are also known to be associated with poorer
health outcomes .The majority of studies describing stability of nonparental care
arrangements has been among children in foster care and suggests that more than
half of children in foster care experience at least one placement change and more
than one-third experience two or more placement changes while in foster
care.Children living with relative caregivers tend to experience more stability in
living arrangements than children in formal foster care.Children who experience
adversity or are the victims of maltreatment have poorer physical and mental
health when compared with children in the general population and with Medicaid-
eligible children.Among children entering foster care, 60–85% demonstrate
physical, developmental, or mental health needs.The most common physical health
issues include dermatologic issues, respiratory issues, and dental
issues.Developmental delays are very prevalent, found in almost 50% of children
entering foster care.Physical health problems and developmental delays are
disproportionally noted in children less than 6 y of age . Mental health diagnoses
are not common among children entering foster care , but symptoms of mental
health diagnoses, including behavioral problems, are often present at time of
placement and diagnoses frequently follow entry into care .These physical and
mental health problems are compounded if services are not provided in a timely
and effective manner.Adverse experiences contribute to poor health outcomes, as
demonstrated by Felitti et al., whose work showed that adverse childhood events
have cumulative associations with long-term adult outcomes, including heart
disease, liver disease, substance abuse, depression, and suicide attempts. This
research has been replicated in young children; in childhood, the negative impact
of adverse childhood experiences includes increased risk of behavioral problems
developmental delays and school failure .Due to elevated rates of poverty,
maltreatment, and adverse experiences among children in nonparental care,
understanding household structure may be an important clue toward identifying
and ultimately reducing these associated health risks.
Moral learning is how to tell the difference between right and wrong; to use
this knowledge to arrive at appropriate decisions when faced with
complicated choices Morality is shaped by multiple factors. Children's
interpersonal experiences with family, peers, and other adults, as well as
their maturing physical, cognitive, emotional and social skills combine to
influence moral development.
Lawrence Kohlberg (1963) built on the work of Piaget and was interested in
finding out how our moral reasoning changes as we get older. He wanted
to find out how people decide what is right and what is wrong. In order to
explore this area, he read a story containing a moral dilemma to boys of
different age groups. In the story, a man is trying to obtain an expensive
drug that his wife needs in order to treat her cancer. The man has no
money and no one will loan him the money he requires. He begs the
pharmacist to reduce the price, but the pharmacist refuses. So, the man
decides to break into the pharmacy to steal the drug. Then Kohlberg asked
the children to decide whether the man was right or wrong in his choice.
Kohlberg was not interested in whether they said the man was right or
wrong, he was interested in finding out how they arrived at such a decision.
He wanted to know what they thought made something right or wrong.
Pre-conventional Moral Development
Middle childhood boys seemed to base their answers on what other people
would think of the man as a result of his act. For instance, they might say
he should break into the store, and then everyone would think he was a
good husband. Or, he shouldn’t because it is against the law. In either
case, right and wrong is determined by what other people think. A good
decision is one that gains the approval of others or one that complies with
the law. This he called conventional moral development.
Older children were the only ones to appreciate the fact that this story has
different levels of right and wrong. Right and wrong are based on social
contracts established for the good of everyone or on universal principles of
right and wrong that transcend the self and social convention. For example,
the man should break into the store because, even if it is against the law,
the wife needs the drug and her life is more important than the
consequences the man might face for breaking the law. Or, the man should
not violate the principle of the right of property because this rule is essential
for social order. In either case, the person’s judgment goes beyond what
happens to the self. It is based on a concern for others; for society as a
whole or for an ethical standard rather than a legal standard. This level is
called post-conventional moral development because it goes beyond
convention or what other people think to a higher, universal ethical principle
of conduct that may or may not be reflected in the law. Notice that such
thinking (the kind supreme justices do all day in deliberating whether a law
is moral or ethical, etc.) requires being able to think abstractly. Often this is
not accomplished until a person reaches adolescence or adulthood.This
study investigated the role of moral reasoning and moral emotions (i.e.,
sympathy and guilt) in the development of young children’s donating
behavior.. Donating was measured through children’s allocation of
resources (i.e., stickers) to needy peers and was framed as a donation to
“World Vision.” Children’s sympathy was measured with both self- and
primary caregiver-reports and participants reported their anticipation of
guilt feelings following actions that violated prosocial moral norms,
specifically the failure to help or share. Participants also provided
justifications for their anticipated emotions, which were coded as
representing moral or non-moral reasoning processes. Children’s moral
reasoning emerged as a significant predictor of donating behavior. In
addition, results demonstrated significant developmental and gender
effects, with 8-year-olds donating significantly more than 4-year-olds and
4-year-old girls making higher value donations than boys of the same age.
We discuss donation behaviors within the broader context of giving and
highlight the moral developmental antecedents of giving behaviors in
childhood.
Moral Reasoning