Journal of the History of Sufism, (eds. A.

Buehler, E. Işın, Th. Zarcone), Istanbul,

Simurg P., 1999-1, 339-360.

Arthur BUEHLER

THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA

An OVERVIEW

The exalted presence, helper of

humans and the jinn, axis of the
age, Shaykh Muhyî’al-Dîn ‘Abd al-
Qâdir Jîlânî – may God bless his
mighty secret – whose famous and
well-known sublime discourses
are like miraculous (mu‘jiz) words.
. . . from whose blessing religious
and worldly problems are resolved
(...) those with a sincere heart
340 Arthur BUEHLER

carefully observing the conditions

(requesting assistance) who do
this prayer of blessing will realize
their heart’s desire.

Introduction to Qasîdat Ghawthiyya

THE STATUS OF ‘ABD AL-QÂDIR AL-

JÎLÂNÎ
IN THE INDO-PAKISTANI SUBCONTINENT
One would expect to find such a prayer
in a Qâdirî devotional manual but its
central place in a Naqshbandî devotional
manual is a surprise – until one realizes
the centrality of ‘Abd al-Qâdir Jîlânî in the
Indo-Pakistani subcontinent.1 Indeed,
‘Abd al-Qâdir Jîlânî (d. 1166 in Baghdad) is
more popular in South Asia than any other

1 Ghulâm Mustafâ Rizâqî, Majmû‘a-yi wadâ’if-i Khâliqiyya (Lahore: Millî Printers, 1979), pp.
10-11. The conditions for reciting the Qasîdat Ghawthiyya are: 1) to obtain permission from
one’s spiritual guide, 2) to be in a state of ritual purity, 3) to face Baghdad (where ‘Abd al-Qâdir
is buried) and recite a blessing to the Prophet eleven times, 4) to face Baghdad reciting the
Qasîdat Ghawthiyya five times standing and three times sitting, ending with Assist me O great
helper! ”, 5) to recite a blessing to the Prophet eleven times, 6) to recite Sûrat al-Muzammil [Q.
73] from the Qur’ân three times. Ibid. p. 19. The Qasîdat Ghawthiyya is composed of 29
couplets and in this manual it is accompanied by an Urdu translation in addition to the Arabic
original. Ibid. pp. 32-49.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 341

part of the world except Iraq. South Asian

Muslims visiting ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s tomb
outnumber non-Iraqi pilgrims from any
other country.2 How ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s rise to
popularity in South Asia came about most
likely stems from the supernatural
legends associated with him which
preceded the arrival of his descendants to
India who received a doubly warm
welcome as descendants of the Prophet.3
Already in the latter part of the
fourteenth century, Gêsudarâz (d. 1422),
a Chishtî sufi living in Gulbarga, Deccan,
addressed the literate elite by writing a
commentary on the conversations
between God and ‘Abd al-Qâdir.4 In Delhi,
‘Abd al-Haqq Muhaddith Dihlawî (d. 1642)
addressed a similar audience by compiling
a biographical dictionary, Akhbâr al-
akhyâr, which emphasized that ‘Abd al-

2 D. S. Margoliouth, “Kadiriyya” Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., vol. 4, p. 382. Pakistani

contributions are the main source of revenue for the caretakers of the tomb, who find it useful to
learn Urdu.
3
Probably on the basis of al-Shattânawfî’s thirteenth-century hagiography, Bahjat al-asrâr.
4 See Muhammad Husaynî Gêsudarâz, Jawâhir al-‘ushshâq: sharh-i risâla-yi Ghauth al-A‘zam,

ed. ‘Atâ’ Husayn (Hayderabad, Deccan: ‘Ahd-i Âfirîn Barqî Press, c. 1943), where ‘Abd al-
Qâdir asks questions and God responds. There are 65 inspirations (ilhâm) in this collection.
342 Arthur BUEHLER

Qâdir was superior to all other friends of

God.5 In addition, ‘Abd al-Qâdir was
described as the Sultan of creation, the
heart of Reality, the successor of God on
earth, the inheritor of the Book (the
Qur’ân), the deputy of the Prophet, and
one who can dispose freely of his favors
to all in existence.6 As Muhammad is the
intercessor for the next world, ‘Abd al-
Qâdir is the intercessor for people having
needs in this world; according to the
Bahjat al-asrâr, ‘Abd al-Qâdir even has a
seat among the prophets.7
The founder-figure of the Mujaddidiyya,
Ahmad Sirhindî (d. 1624), describes how,
through the assistance of ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s
spirit, he passed through all of the stages
along the sufi path, reaching the origin of

5 ‘Abd al-Haqq Muhaddith Dihlawî, Akhbâr al-akhyâr ma‘ maktûbât (Lahore: Orient Process,
n.d.). ‘Abd al-Haqq also wrote Zubdat al-athâr, Urdu trans., Abû Muhammad Amânat Khân,
Kuhl al-absâr (Delhi: Matba‘-i Fârûqî, n.d.) where he meticulously traces (by isnâd) the
transmission of ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s utterance, My foot is on the neck of every friend of God (walî).
There are also similar types of justification for this saying in Muhammad Dâwûd Fârûqî
Naqshbandî, Sîrat-i Ghawth-i A‘zam (Lahore: Zâhid Bashîr Printers, 1983 [1926]), pp. 80-82,
and Sharîf Ahmad Sharafat Nawshâhî, Sharîf al-tawârîkh, 14 vols. (Lahore: Bakhtiyâr Printers,
1979),1: 666-671. In the latter the section is entitled “Farmân-i Ghawthiyya.”
6 ‘Abd al-Haqq Muhaddith Dihlawî, Akhbâr al-akhyâr, p. 10.
7 Constance E. Padwick, Muslim Devotions: A Study of Prayer Manuals in Common Use

(Oxford: One World, 1996), pp. 240-41.

 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 343

origins.8 Later, in his collected letters, he

affirms ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s special connection
with the poles (aqtâb) and the
outstanding ones (nujabâ’), which enables
‘Abd al-Qâdir to manifest the effulgence
of divine guidance. Sirhindî qualifies ‘Abd
al-Qâdir’s status by stating that no one
has proved any special connection
between ‘Abd al-Qâdir and the early
descendants of Muhammad, namely,
Fâtima, ‘Alî, Hasan, and Husayn (‘Abd al-
Qâdir is supposed to have the closest
connection to Muhammad via ‘Alî).9

Shâh Walî Allâh (d. 1762), whose

primary sufi affiliation is the
Naqshbandiyya-Mujaddidiyya, extols ‘Abd
al-Qâdir to a much greater extent. He
8 Ahmad Sirhindî, Mabda’ wa-ma‘âd with Urdu trans. by Ghulâm Mustafâ Khân (Karachi:
Ahmad Brothers Printers, 1984), p. 11.
9 Ahmad Sirhindî, Maktûbât-i Imâm-i Rabbânî, ed. Nûr Ahmad, 3 vols. (Karachi: Educational

Press, n.d.), vol. 3, letter 123. In a previous letter Sirhindî refutes the interpretation, explicitly
embellished by his contemporary ‘Abd al-Haqq Muhaddith Dihlawî, that ‘Abd al-Qâdir has his
foot on the necks of all friends of God past and present. Sirhindî explains that ‘Abd al-Qâdir
spoke this while in a state of intoxication. Ibid., letter 121. The idea that ‘Abd al-Qâdir would be
superior to all the Shî‘î imâms and the first four caliphs directly contradicts both Shî‘î and Sunnî
dogma. Sirhindî’s apparently solitary voice (at least before the nineteenth century) differing with
the consensus of ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s near-prophetic status underscores South Asian veneration of
the holy figure of ‘Abd al-Qâdir. Sharafat Nawshâhî (in a twentieth-century reformist context)
states that except for the Companions ‘Abd al-Qâdir has a higher rank than Uways al-Qaranî,
Junayd al-Baghdâdî, and Bahlûl Dânâ. See Sharîf al-tawârîkh, 1:666.
344 Arthur BUEHLER

declares, “The most complete sufi [in

terms of having a connection to the
Prophet] is Hadrat Shaykh Muhyî al-Dîn
‘Abd al-Qâdir Jîlânî (rahmat Allâh ‘alayhi).
Therefore it is said that his spiritual power
(tasarruf) at his tomb is as if he were
alive.”10 “The Qâdiriyya is near the
Uwaysiyya and other paths involving
disembodied spirits.”11 “There is nothing
to compare to the Qâdiriyya when one
learns from an embodied shaykh with a
connection and access to the spiritual
energy of disembodied shaykhs benefiting
the aspirant. The deceased Shaykh ‘Abd
al-Qâdir is among the highest angels (al-
malâ’ al-a‘lâ) and he leaves an impression
on existence which is felt throughout the
entire world. It is this, from the aspect of
the soul (rûh), that one acquires in his
spiritual path.”12 ‘Abd al-Qâdir “has a

10 Shâh Walî Allâh, Hama‘ât (Hyderabad, Sind: Sa‘îd Art Press, 1941), p. 61. Only the Prophet’s
cousin, ‘Alî b. Abî Tâlib (d. 661) has a comparable connection to the Prophet. Ibid. p. 62.
11 Shâh Walî Allâh, in his al-Tafhîmât al-ilâhiyya, 2 vols., ed. Ghulâm Mustafâ al-Qâsimî

(Hyderabad, Sind: Al-Matba‘ al-Haydarî, n.d.), 2:76, notes that Khidr and ‘Abd al-Qâdir have a
special closeness to God. In Indian sufi stories one finds them interacting with each other
frequently, e.g., see below.
12 Shâh Walî Allâh, al-Tafhîmât al-ilâhiyya, 1:114.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 345

divine connection, meaning that he is

desired by God (murâd) and absolutely
loved by God... making him one of the
perfected souls and one of the highest
angels. This is why Hadrat Ghawth-i A‘zam
is praised to such a high degree.”13 Clearly
the Indo-Muslim elite, both Qâdirî and
non-Qâdirî, accorded a very high status to
‘Abd al-Qâdir from the fifteenth century.
Hagiographies nuance scholarly
accounts. In many general sufi
hagiographic compendiums (discussing all
lineages) only Muhammad is praised and
discussed before ‘Abd al-Qâdir, e.g., ‘Abd
al-Qâdir is addressed by several of his
ninety-nine names, “the eternal friend, al-
Hasanî, al-Husaynî,” “the light in every
eye,” “the radiance of earth and time,”
and “the Ka‘ba of the present and future
life.14 The hagiography of a Panjabi
Chishtî reformist shaykh, Mihr ‘Alî Shâh (d.
1937), states that all the friends of God

13 Shâh Walî Allâh, Hama‘ât, p. 83.

14 Imâm Bakhsh Chishtî Janpûrî, Hadîqat al-asrâr fi akhbâr al-abrâr, (n.p. n.d.), p. 2.
346 Arthur BUEHLER

have been bound to obey ‘Abd al-Qâdir,

i.e.,” all the contemporary friends of God,
both present and not present, near and
far, outer and inner, all are obedient to
him.”15 Among other honors, ‘Abd al-
Qâdir is the Pole of the time, Sultan of
existence, Soul of gnosis, the Pole of
Reality, the Successor of God on earth, the
Inheritor of God’s book, and the
Representative of the Messenger of
God.16 After studying with Khidr he
achieves all the stages of being a Helper
and the Axis of all Ages, finally being
crowned with the ultimate degree of
being a beloved of God. The author, a
member of the Chishtî-Nizâmî lineage,
makes it clear that the method/path of
the Qâdiriyya is superior to all others,
noting that Mu‘în al-Dîn Chishtî (d. 1236),
Shihâb al-Dîn ‘Umar Suhrawardî (d. 1234),
and Abû Yûsuf Hamadânî (d. 1140) all

15 Fayd Ahmad, Mihr-i munîr: sawânih hayât-i Mihr ‘Alî Shâh (Lahore: International Printers,
1987), p. 44. This is a paraphrase from ‘Abd al-Haqq Muhaddith’s Akhbâr al-akhyâr, p. 10.
Mihr ‘Alî Shâh came from a Qâdirî family but he and his successors have been also affiliated
with the Qâdirî-inclined Barelwî movement (see below).
16 Ibid. p. 45.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 347

were allegedly in his service.17

Qâdirî hagiographies go further in
asserting ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s claims. He
receives more inner light from ‘Alî b. Abî
Tâlib than anyone else, so on this basis
the great sufis of almost all lineages are
based on ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s “blessed being.”
Since the Naqshbandiyya-Mujaddidiyya
prides itself on lineage from Abû Bakr al-
Siddîq the author demonstrates how this
lineage also is dependent upon ‘Abd al-
Qâdir. When ‘Abd al-Qâdir was facing
Bukhara one day he exclaimed “I smell a
sweet fragrance; 157 years after my death
one perfect man will be born whose name
is Bahâ’ al-Dîn Naqshband. He will partake
of my special favor... Later when Bahâ’ al-
Dîn was with (his shaykh) Amîr Kulâl, the
latter could not imprint his heart with the
word Allâh. There was a blockage of inner
effulgence from following the way of
17Muhammad Nawwâb Mîrzâ Bêg, Kulliyât-i jadwaliyya fî ahwâl awliyâ’ Allâh: tuhfat al-abrâr
(Delhi: Matba‘-i Ridâwî, 1906), pp. 29-30. Historically this appears nearly impossible for both
of the founder-figures of the Chishtî and Suhrawardî lineages since ‘Abd al-Qâdir died in 1166.
There are also detailed instructions on how to implore ‘Abd al-Qâdir for assistance in this
section.
348 Arthur BUEHLER

outward practice (sulûk) so Bahâ’ al-Dîn

went out into the wilds and saw Khidr
who said, ‘I got [my heart] imprinted with
the Great Name of God by Ghawth al-
A‘zam, so from his blessing if you go to
him you will soon acquire the divine
effulgence (fayd) and achieve the goal.’
The next evening Ghawth al-A‘zam came
in a dream, pointing to [Bahâ’ al-Dîn’s]
chest and the Divine name was imprinted
on Shâh Bahâ’ al-Dîn’s heart.”18 In
addition to both scholarly legitimacy and
hagiographic embellishment of ‘Abd al-
Qâdir, devotion to him has been integrally
expressed in popular culture through
ritual.
On the popular level of ritual, ‘Abd al-
Qâdir’s death anniversary (‘urs) is
celebrated each eleventh of Rabî‘ al-thânî

18 Muhammad Dîn Sâhib Kalîm Qâdirî, Tadhkira-yi mashâ’ikh-i qâdiriyya (Lahore: Combine
Press, 1985), pp. 7-9. The author cites the story of Bahâ’ al-Dîn Naqshband, Khidr, and ‘Abd al-
Qâdir from ‘Abd Allâh al-Balkhî’s Khawâriq al-ahbâb fî ma‘rîfat al-aqtâb, also cited by Malik
Muhammad Iqbâl in his introduction to Muhammad Pârsâ’s Risâla-yi Qushayriyya (Lahore:
Maktaba-yi Jadîd Press, 1985), pp. 83-84. Faqîr Allâh Shikârpûrî (d. 1781) mentions this story in
his Maktûbât-i Faqîr Allâh, ed., Maulwî Karam Bakhsh (Lahore: Islâmiyya Steam Press, n.d.), p.
211. See also Shâh Walî Allâh, Al-Tafhîmât al-Ilâhiyya, vol. 2, p. 108. Bilqîs Chamia, Mard-i
khudâ (Lahore: R.M.S. Printers, 1990), p. 226, has Khidr telling Bahâ’ al-Dîn to go to Baghdad
and ask assistance at ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s tomb, after which God’s name is imprinted on his heart.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 349

(the fourth month of the Islamic lunar

calendar).19 In Sind, where many big trees
are named after ‘Abd al-Qâdir, the entire
month is called yarhin (eleven) because of
the day commemorating ‘Abd al-Qâdir.20
Amân Allâh Pânîpatî (d. 1550) dispensed
food to the people of Delhi for ‘Abd al-
Qâdir’s ‘urs.21 By the eighteenth century
the Mughal emperor, Shâh ‘Âlam II,
sponsored a henna festival (menhdi) along
with a procession with fireworks, sufi
music (qawwâlî), and a public offering of
the fâtiha to ‘Abd al-Qâdir. The chief of
the nobles, amîr al-umarâ’ Sayyid Husayn
‘Alî Khân is said to have popularized this
feast by ordering his officers to cook 111
rupees of food the eleventh of every
month for sufis, ulama, and other shaykhs
of importance. Mîrân, a wealthy resident

19
There is not a consensus on his actual death date, which could be from the fifth of the month to
the seventeenth. Apparently his death anniversary is celebrated on the ninth of the month in
Baghdad. Ja`far Sharîf states that ‘Abd al-Qâdir actually died on the seventeenth of the month
but his anniversary is celebrated on the eleventh because ‘Abd al-Qâdir was in the habit of
reciting the fâtiha in the name of the Prophet for eleven days each month. See Qânûn-i Islam,
trans. G.A. Herklots, Islam in India, ed., William Crooke (New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint
Corporation, 1972 [1921]), p. 194.
20 Annemarie Schimmel, Islam in the Indian Subcontinent (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1980), p. 121.
21 S.A.A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, 2 vols. (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1983), p.

79.
350 Arthur BUEHLER

of Delhi, also commemorated this

anniversary with much pomp and show.22
In nineteenth-century Deccan, when
cholera or any other plague was
threatening a town, the inhabitants used
to take out the flag of ‘Abd al-Qâdir and
walk around town, stopping when the call
to prayer was announced. People made
little flags in ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s name and
placed them over their doors to avoid
misfortune.23
Many contemporary Qâdirî tomb
complexes in the Panjab celebrate the ‘urs
of ‘Abd al-Qâdir in addition to monthly
observances the eleventh of each month.
In Lahore at Miyân Mîr’s (d. 1635) tomb
there are elaborate festivities
commemorating ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s death, in
addition to regular dhikr and qawwâlî
sessions. At the foot of the Margalla Hills
to the north of Islamabad in Nurpur, Barrî
22
Mohammad Umar, Islam in Northern India during the Eighteenth Century (Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal, 1993), p. 317.
23
Note the detailed description of customs for this festival in Ja‘far Sharîf, Qânûn-i Islam,
pp.192-194. Ja‘far Sharîf remarked how he would recite the 99 names of ‘Abd al-Qâdir when he
needed to relieve anxiety; subsequently ‘Abd al-Qâdir would appear in a dream and let him
accomplish what he desired.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 351

Imâm Qâdirî (“the imâm of the jungle”)

attracts tens of thousands to both his ‘urs
and that of ‘Abd al-Qâdir. The inhabitants
of the regions around Rawalpindi
attribute the water of the region to be a
result of Barrî Imâm’s (d. 1705) hitting
rocks with his cane. The festivities of this
Qâdirî pir used to attract many hashish-
smoking qalandars, transvestite dancers,
and prostitutes until the 1980’s
government of Ziyâ al-Haq prohibited
these types from the festivals. Even the
date of the ‘urs was changed. According to
devotees of Barrî Imâm, their shaykh was
insulted. Not too long after the
government clean-up campaign there was
a terrible explosion at a nearby munitions
dump killing five hundred people.
Devotees at the Nurpur shrine interpreted
this event as punishment for the
government’s action.24

24
Denis Matringe, “Pakistan,” in Henri Chambert-Loir and Claude Guillot, eds., Le Culte des
Saints dans le monde musulman (Paris: École Française d’Extrême Orient, 1995), pp. 176-179.
Harald Einzmann has done a study of this shrine in his Ziarat und Pir-e (sic) Muridi (Struttgart:
Steiner Verlag, 1988), pp. 34-66.
352 Arthur BUEHLER

At Golra Sharif near Islamabad there are

many religious festivals honoring ‘Abd al-
Qâdir. Although the buried holy person,
Mihr ‘Alî Shâh, is a Chishtî, his family are
descendants of ‘Abd al-Qâdir. Like at the
tomb of Barrî Imâm, every month on the
eleventh a ceremony is held to honor ‘Abd
al-Qâdir and sweet rice is served to those
who come. The ‘urs of ‘Abd al-Qâdir, the
most important of all the festivals at Golra
Sharif, attracts upwards of one hundred
thousand people and lasts three days. On
the first day there is prolonged Qur’ân
recitation and sufi music. The
sajjâdanishîn (the principal successor of
the deceased shaykh) brings grave covers
to put over the tombs of his ancestors on
the second day. Finally, on the last day, a
seat for ‘Abd al-Qâdir is made, covered
with flower garlands along with pictures
of Mihr ‘Alî Shâh and his sons and framed
verses of the Qur’ân. On this day those
singing qawwâlî do so without musical
accompaniment since ‘Abd al-Qâdir did
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 353

not approve of this. After the last

supplicatory prayer, the sajjâdanishîn
blesses the devotees.25
Popular poetry in the regional languages
of Indo-Pakistan has continued to be
recited in honor of ‘Abd al-Qâdir. Jamân
Charân (d. 1738) describes the many
places where one can access the power of
‘Abd al-Qâdir in his Sindi Pîr-i Pirân
Bâdshâh. A Baluchi tale explains the
reason behind ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s expression,
“My foot is on the neck of every friend of
God” is because during the Prophet’s
Ascension, ‘Abd al-Qâdir provided his
shoulder for Muhammad to reach God’s
presence. As a result he blessed ‘Abd al-
Qâdir by putting all friends of God under
his feet.26 In the Panjab, Sultân Bâhû
Qâdirî (d. 1692) exclaims in Panjabi verse,
“The Jîlânî essence is from the inner being
of Mustafa.”27 From the village of Kazia in
the Multan district ‘Alî Haydar (d. 1785)
25 Ibid. p. 194.
26 Ibid. p. 122.
27 Muhammad Dîn Kalîm Qâdirî, Tadhkira-yi mashâ’ikh-i qâdiriyya, p. 29.
354 Arthur BUEHLER

boasts, “What sorrow and fear have we, if

Shâh Muhiy al-Dîn is ours and if Shâh ‘Abd
al-Qâdir of Jilan is guardian of our
pleasure? ‘Alî Haydar, what do we care for
any other if Shâh Muhiy al-Dîn is ours?”28
The popular ritual, music, and poetry
commemorating and extolling ‘Abd al-
Qâdir, in addition to the scholarly
justifications for his majestic rank over all
other sufis, has made him a pan-South
Asian phenomenon, transcending any
other local sufi. Veneration of ‘Abd al-
Qâdir extends from Kashmir in the north,
where there is a sufi lodge dedicated to
him, Khânaqâh-i Pîr-i Dastagîr, in Srinagar
where one of his hairs is reverently kept,29
to the Bay of Bengal in Nagore,
Tamilnadu, in the south where Shaykh
Shâh al-Hâmid (d. ca. 1579), a thirteenth-
generation descendant of ‘Abd al-Qâdir is
buried and whom both Hindus and

28 Lajwanti Ramakrishna, Pañjabi Sufi Poets: A.D. 1460-1900 (Karachi: Indus Publications,
1977), p. 74. The passage cited here is translated by L. Ramakrishna.
29 Muhammad Dîn Kalîm Qâdirî, Tadhkira-yi mashâ’ikh-i qâdiriyya, p. 34.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 355

Muslims visit regularly.30 The Nawshâhî

branch of the Indo-Pakistani Qâdiriyya
extends from the Panjab to Kabul in the
west, while a descendant of ‘Abd al-
Qâdir’s son, ‘Abd al-Razzâq, Abû’l-Hayât,
and his son Shâh Qamîs (d. 1584)
pioneered the Qâdiriyya in Bengal.
Around the same time another Qâdirî,
‘Abd al-Qâdir Thânî from Ucch, went to
spread the Qâdirî teachings there. The
Andaman Islanders can thank the British
for the nineteenth-century appearance of
the Qâdiriyya there because one Qâdirî
shaykh, Shâh Ghulâm Bulân (d. 1859),
assisted opponents of the British in 1857
and was deported to the Andaman
Islands.
Jat tribes in Lower Sind claim that they
were converted by Shâh Qâdirî of Badin
during the fourteenth century; the Sindi
Memon community is supposed to be
descended from Lohanas who were

30Vasudha Narayanan, “Shared Ritual Spaces: Hindus and Muslims at the Shrine of Shahul
Hamid in South India, ” in Religious Studies News 13/1 (February, 1998), p. 15.
356 Arthur BUEHLER

converted by Sayyid Yûsuf al-Dîn Qâdirî.

Thus the Qâdiriyya permeate the very
identity of many Indo-Pakistani Muslims.31
‘Abd al-Qâdir’s relics make concrete his
role as an invisible helper, defining South
Asian religious topography in another
fashion. At Ucch the Bukhârî family has his
rosary, rimless hat, and scissors; the Jîlânî
family has his outer robe and turban.
Delhi is the site of ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s mantle
given to ‘Abd al-Haqq Muhaddith by his
hadîth teacher in Mecca, ‘Abd al-Wahhâb
Mutaqqî. In Lahore the Bâdshâhî Mosque
houses his red prayer rug, his quilt, and
his turban while the Faqîrkhâna there has
a glass that ‘Abd al-Qâdir used along with
his rosary and one of his hairs. At Kaithal
Sharif (150 km. Northwest of Delhi) there
is his overcoat upon which is written
different sufi lineages.32
It is evident that ‘Abd al-Qâdir has
captured the imaginations of a wide
31 Sara Ansari, Sufi Saints and State Power: The Pirs of Sind, 1843-1947 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 24.
32 Muhammad Dîn Kalîm Qâdirî, Tadhkira-yi mashâ’ikh-i qâdiriyya, pp. 31-34.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 357

geographic and social range of the South

Asian Muslim community. Originally this
probably was the result of legends of his
greatness transmitted from the Middle
East, but Indian Muslims perpetuated this
heritage in their own literature, rituals,
and holy places throughout the many
regions and regional languages of South
Asia. Much of this subsequent
development involving the perpetuation
of ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s exalted status, in
splendid and creative Indian fashion, was
accomplished by the diverse activities of
Qâdirî sufi masters who fanned out across
the Subcontinent from the fifteenth
century to the present.
A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE SPREAD OF THE
QÂDIRIYYA
IN THE INDO-PAKISTANI SUBCONTINENT
One of the first documented Qâdirîs in
India, a native of Najaf, Iraq, Sayyid Rukn
al-Dîn, arrived in Gulbarga via Bahraich,
Utter Pradesh, where he had stayed
during the governorship of Nasîr al-Dîn
358 Arthur BUEHLER

Mahmûd in the thirteenth century.33 His

grandson, Khalîfa al-Rahmân (Sayyid ‘Abd
al-Rahmân Ashraf Jahângîr Qâdirî) was
given a jâgîr landgrant by Fêrûz Shâh
Bahmanî (r. 1397-1422). Khalîfa al-
Rahmân’s grandson, Sayyid Shams Bahâ’
al-Dîn ‘Ârif Bi’llâh (d. 1495), moved to
Bidar as a large influx of other Qâdirîs
came to India from the Middle East
around 1422.34 The new Deccani Bahmani
capital of Bidar became the destination of
many non-Indian sayyids because the
Bahmani rulers seeked to replace
northern Indian and Deccani traditions (as
had existed in the former capital of
Gulbarga from 1347-1422) with Iranian
and Arab influence. Bahmani rulers found
that the hereditary and spiritual authority
stemming from ‘Abd al-Qâdir was ideally
suited for government legitimacy, thus
making Bidar the most important Qâdirî
center in India until the seventeenth
33
Nasîr al-Dîn was governor until 1246. See Muhammad Suleman Siddiqi, The Bahmani Sufis
(Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1989), p. 73; Rukn al-Dîn’s genealogical chart showing his line
of descent from ‘Abd al-Qâdir is in ibid, p. 75.
34 Ibid. pp. 76-77.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 359

century.35
Although Ahmad Shâh Walî Bahmanî (r.
1422-1436) invited the founder-figure of
the Ni‘matullâhîs (a Qâdirî sublineage),
Nûr al-Haqq wa’l-Dîn Ni‘mat Allâh Shâh
Kirmânî (d. 1430), the Aleppo native and
long-standing resident of Mecca politely
declined the offer. Instead, his grandson,
Shâh Nûr Allâh, arrived and was met
personally outside Bidar by Ahmad Shâh.
Nûr Allâh was immediately given the
honored position of malik al-mashâ’ikh
with precedent over all other Deccani
sufis, including the families of Rukn al-Dîn
and Gêsudarâz, and soon married the
king’s daughter.36 The reigning Bahmani
sultan welcomed Shâh Zayn al-Dîn
Ganjnashîn (d. 1457), arriving from
Baghdad, along with two other Qâdirîs,
Shâh Ismâ‘îl Qâdirî (d. 1456-57) and

35 Jean Aubin estimates that thousands of sayyids (or those claiming sayyid descent), many of
whom were Qâdirîs, came to the Bahmani capital of Bidar where foreigners dominated the
political scene for 150 years. “De Kûhbanân à Bidar: la famille Ni‘matullâhî,” in Studia Iranica
20/2 (1991): p. 240.
36 Siddiqi, The Bahmani Sufis, pp. 78-81. At this time the Ni‘matullâhîs were probably Sunnîs.

Aubin suspects that Ahmad Shâh became his disciple in 1426-27 (instead of Amîr Sayyid Nûr
al-Dîn ‘Abd Allâh al-Husaynî). See Aubin, p. 241.
360 Arthur BUEHLER

Shaykh Muhammad Multânî (d. 1529).

Their descendants perpetuated the Qâdirî
presence throughout the Deccan.
Multânî’s tomb is still visited by large
numbers of people with the Sufiyya
School, Mosque, and Arch located nearby.
37

In the middle of the sixteenth century

the so-called “Exalted Seven” Qâdirîs of
Baghdad established their sufi lodges as
the most prominent sufis of the
seventeenth-century Deccan. In the Qutb
Shâhî kingdom the descendants of this
group established a solid tradition of
“orthodox urban sufism.”38 As Bijapur
became a more politically powerful
center, many Qâdirîs migrated there from
Bidar (and other locales) and within two
generations of their arrival more than half
of their descendants had been awarded

37 Richard Maxwell Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur, 1300-1700: Social Roles of Sufis in Medieval India
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), pp. 55-57.
38 Ibid, p. 58. These seven shaykhs, probably not of the same lineage/ancestry were: Sayyid

Rukn al-Dîn Abû Yûsuf (Gulbarga); Sayyid Shâh Ismâ‘îl Qâdirî (Gulbarga); Sayyid Shâh ‘Abd
al-Latîf Lâ’ubâlî (Qamarnagar or Karnool); Shâh Ishâq Qâdirî (Qamarnagar or Karnool); Sayyid
Shâh Jamâl al-Bahr Ma‘shûq-i Thânî (Warangal) Mîrân Sayyid Husayn al-Baghdâdî (Golkonda);
and Sayyid Shaykh Rafî‘ al-Dîn Ahmad (Golkonda). See Siddiqi, The Bahmani Sufis, p. 72.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 361

land grants (sing. jâgîr, in‘âm, or ma‘âsh)

by the government.39 Although the
Ni‘matullâhîs apparently had little popular
appeal outside the royal house and elite
members of society, and many Qâdirî
families had similar connections,
presumably common people were
involved in ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s ‘urs and had
access to sufi music sessions (samâ‘).40
In the Panjab, historical records show
Muhammad Ghawth (d. 1517), born in
Aleppo and a tenth-generation
descendant of ‘Abd al-Qâdir, to be the
first Qâdirî to settle in Ucch after being
the recipient of Sultân Iskandar Lodhî’s (r.
1489-1517) patronage in Delhi.41 After his
arrival in 1482, his descendants continued
to exercise political and spiritual influence
along with the Suhrawardî sufis who had
already settled in Ucch.42 The house of the
39 Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur, pp. 73, 298-99.
40 The son of Ibrâhîm Multânî, Muhammad Shams al-Dîn (d. 1528), initiated into the Qâdiriyya
by Bahâ’ al-Dîn Ansârî Daulatâbâdî, practiced samâ‘ and used to celebrate the death anniversary
of ‘Abd al-Qâdir for three days. See Siddiqi, The Bahmani Sufis, p. 88.
41
Ibid., p. 70.
42 The center of Qâdirî activity centered around the Jîlânî family (the area in Ucch known as

Mahalla-yi Jîlâniyân) while the Suhrawardîs are known as the Bukhârî family (in Ucch they live
in the area known as Mahalla-yi Bukhâriyân). Ibid.
362 Arthur BUEHLER

Jîlânî family in Ucch, where ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s

turban and a hair of the Prophet are
preserved, is still the center of the Qâdirî
lineage in Pakistan.43 His sons, ‘Abd al-
Qâdir II (d. 1533) and Sayyid Mubârak
Haqqânî (d. 1549), continued his teaching
in the vicinity of Ucch and Lahore
respectively. The grandson of ‘Abd al-
Qâdir II, Hâmid Ganjbakhsh (d. 1571),
brought Qâdirî influence to Multan (see
Jamâl al-Dîn Mûsâ Pâk below), and his
disciples traveled throughout the Panjab,
the most notable of whom was Shaykh
Dâwûd Kirmânî (d. 1574 Shergarh) who
spread Qâdirî teachings to Delhi and Agra.
His successor, Khayr al-Dîn Abû’l-Ma‘âlî (d.
1615 Lahore), was the shaykh of the most
notable Qâdirî scholar of seventeenth-
century India, ‘Abd al-Haqq Muhaddith
Dihlawî.
In nearby Multan, a son of Hâmid
Ganjbakhsh of Ucch, Sayyid Jamâl al-Dîn

43For a detailed list of the twenty-two sajjâdanishîns who have headed the Qâdiriyya in Ucch
see Sharafat Nawshâhî, Sharîf al-tawârîkh, 1:827-850.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 363

Mûsâ Pâk (martyred 1593) spread Qâdirî

influence, attracting a wide number of
disciples from afar, including ‘Abd al-Haqq
Muhaddith Dihlawî who became initiated
at his hands in 1577. After his shaykh was
brutally murdered at the hands of a band
of marauding Langahs, ‘Abd al-Haqq was
unable to return to his guide’s successor
due to leadership disputes.44
Presently the Jîlânî family (the
descendants of Jamâl al-Dîn) wields
considerable power in Multan – they are
hereditary pirs with a large number of
disciples who provide them with income.
During colonial rule the Jîlânîs benefited
from British rule but had to be sensitive to
the religious mores of their followers
since they did not have large rural estates
(unlike their political opponents, the
Qureshî family with Suhrawardî
connections). As a result of these

For ‘Abd al-Haqq’s relationship with Jamâl al-Dîn Mûsâ Pâk, see Khalîq Ahmad Nizâmî,
44

Hayât-i Shaykh ‘Abdulhaqq Muhaddith Dihlawî (Delhi: Union Printing Press, 1964), pp. 130-34.
For the history of the lineage of Makhdûm Abû’l-Hasan Jamâl al-Dîn Mûsâ Pâk, see Nûr Ahmad
Khân Farîdî, Tâ’rîkh-i Multân (Multan: Hamdard Printing Press), pp. 98-173.
364 Arthur BUEHLER

pressures and factional politics in Multan,

the Jîlânî family of Multan was the first
religious family to support the Muslim
League in 1939.45 Landowners of rural
estates in the Panjab, as in other parts of
India, particularly Sind, often claimed
descent from ‘Abd al-Qâdir or Qâdirî sufis
and functioned as hereditary sufi pirs to
local people. Two Panjabi reformist pirs
during the colonial period, Mihr ‘Alî Shâhî
of Golra Sharif and Jamâ‘at ‘Alî Shâh of
Alipur, both came from notable Qâdirî
landowning families although their own
lineages were Chishtî and Naqshbandî
respectively.
In Lahore, there are legends that a
successor of `Abd al-Qâdir, ‘Abd al-Razzâq
Abû Bakr (d. 1206), sent one of his
disciples, Sayyid Sharaf al-Dîn Pâk (d.
1250), to Lahore. His tomb is located in
Children Park near Mall Road.46 Shâh

45
David Gilmartin, Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan (Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 1989), pp. 136-38, 213.
46 Muhammad Dîn Kalîm Qâdirî, Madînat al-awliyâ’ (Lahore: Bakhtiyâr Printers, n.d.), p. 81.

This hagiographical work contains notices of 261 Qâdirî pirs buried in Lahore.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 365

Fêrûz Jîlânî (d. 1526-27), recognized as

one of the first Qâdirî notables in Lahore,
was initiated by his grandfather, Sayyid
Shâh ‘Âlam Qâdirî, in whose sufi lodge he
taught the religious sciences and initiated
disciples into the Qâdirî lineage.47 An
enigmatic figure, Sayyid Hayât al-Mîr
Qâdirî, allegedly a grandson of ‘Abd al-
Qâdir al-Jîlânî born in 1128 and
miraculously granted an extended life by
his grandfather, was teaching in a
sixteenth-century Lahori graveyard.48 His
most famous disciple is Shâh Barrî Latîf
Qâdirî (“Barrî Imâm” d. 1556), buried near
Islamabad in Nurpur. Khayr al-Dîn Abû’l-
Ma‘âlî, residing in both Thatta, Sind, and
Delhi before coming to Lahore, was held
in great esteem by his contemporary, ‘Abd
al-Haqq Muhaddith, whom he directed to
translate ‘Abd al-Qâdir’s Futûh al-ghayb
into Persian. Abû’l-Ma‘âlî’s many writings
include, Dîwân-i ghawthiyya, Tuhfa-yi

47 Ibid. pp. 83-84 and Ghulâm Dastagîr Nâmî, Bezorgân-i Lâhûr (Lahore: Bakhtiyâr Printers,
1981), pp. 27-28.
48 Muhammad Dîn Kalîm Qâdirî, Tadhkira-yi mashâ’ikh-i Qâdirî, pp. 122-23.
366 Arthur BUEHLER

Qâdiriyya, and Risâla-yi ghawthiyya.49

The most famous Qâdirî of Lahore is
Miyân Mîr (d. 1635) whom Muhammad
Iqbâl (d. 1938) extols, “He was the flute of
love’s music; His tomb protects our city
from harm.”50 A disciple of Khidr Sîwistânî
(d. 1586) of Sehwan, Miyân Mîr
distinguished himself among Lahori sufis
by having sporadic visits from the ruling
family. As a young man the prince Dârâ
Shikûh was miraculously cured at Miyân
Mîr’s. After some visits to Miyân Mîr, who
instructed Dârâ Shikûh in spiritual
contemplation ca. 1631, Dârâ Shikûh
became the formal disciple of one of
Miyân Mîr’s principal successors, Mullâ
Shâh Badakhshânî (d. 1661), nine years
later.51 According to some reports the
Mughal ruler, Shâh Jahân, visited Miyân
Mîr twice on his way to and from Kashmir.
49 Muhammad Dîn Kalîm Qâdirî, Madînat al-awliyâ’, pp. 110-116. He was also respected highly
by Miyân Mîr who described him as "one who incurs blame" (malâmatî). See Dârâ Shikûh,
Sakînat al-awliyâ’, Urdu trans., Maqbûl Beg Badakhshânî (Lahore: Packagers Limited, 1971),
pp. 259-60.
50
Annemarie Schimmel, Islam in the Indian Subcontinent, p. 98.
51 Bikrama Jit Hasrat, Dara Shikuh: Life and Works, 2nd ed. (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal,

1982), pp. 77-79. In Dârâ Shikûh’s memoirs he longs for an internal “Uwaysî” connection with
Miyân Mîr after his death. See, Dârâ Shikuh, Sakînat al-awliyâ’, p. 206.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 367

Presenting a rosary and a white turban to

Miyân Mîr, he asked for Miyân Mîr’s
blessing. Apparently, the second time he
remarked that the only God-aware men
he had met in his life were Miyân Mîr and
Fadl Allâh Burhânpûrî.52 Aurangzîb, Shâh
Jahân’s successor who killed his own
brothers, including Dârâ Shikûh, to
become the Mughal ruler, contributed to
the completion of Miyân Mîr’s sufi lodge
and mosque complex.53
Lahore is also the “spiritual birthplace”
of Hâjjî Muhammad Nawshâh Ganjbakhsh
(d. 1654), the founder-figure of the
Nawshâhî Qâdirî sublineage, where he
met and studied with his spiritual master,
Shâh Sulaymân Nûrî Qâdirî (d. 1603).54
Upon authorizing Hâjjî Muhammad as one
of his successors, Sulaymân Nûrî sent him
52
Bâdshâhnâma, cited in Muhammad Latif, Lahore: Architectural Remains (Lahore: New
Imperial Press, 1989), p. 177. Sketches and descriptions of Miyân Mîr’s mausoleum are given in
ibid, pp. 174-177.
53 Muhammad Dîn Kalîm Qâdirî, Madînat al-awliyâ’, pp. 132-33. According to the same author,

Aurangzîb took all the precious stone requisitioned for Miyân Mîr’s tomb and mosque and
utilized it to construct the Bâdshâhî Mosque. See Tadhkira-yi Miyân Mîr (Lahore: Diyâ’ al-
Qur’ân Publications, 1986), p. 222.
54 Sulaymân Nûrî received his permission to propagate Qâdirî teachings from Shâh Ma‘rûf

Qâdirî-Chishtî (d. 1579 in Lahore) who in turn was a successor of Sayyid Mubârak Haqqânî of
Ucch.
368 Arthur BUEHLER

to Sahanpal in the Gujarat province of

present-day Pakistan to teach others.55
Hâjjî Muhammad’s tomb in Sahanpal is a
major pilgrimage destination today for
Nawshâhîs who are located from Kabul to
Delhi and Kashmir to Sind where he sent
them out to help others “in the way of
Allâh.”56 Two of Hâjjî Muhammad’s
successors, Pâk Rahmân Nawshâhî (d.
1703 in Bhera, Gujaranwala) and
Muhammad Sachyâr (“true friend”)
Nawsherâwî (d. 1707 in Naushera,
Gujarat) have split into two different
lineages. In terms of Nawshâhî identity,
the later tradition defines “nawshâh” in
many ways. It has a common meaning of
“bridegroom” which is a sufi metaphor for
a lover who has arrived near God. The
inner meanings revolve around the notion
of “nawshâhiyat” which parallel very

55 Hâjjî Muhammad wrote nine books, eight of which are written in Persian and the other in
Hindi. See Sharafat Nawshâhî, Sharîf al-tawârîkh, 1:999-1006.
56
Twenty-one of his major successors are listed in Muhammad Dîn Kalîm Qâdirî, Tadhkira-yi
mashâ’ikh-i Qâdiriyya, pp. 172-173. For a more complete list of 307, see Sharafat Nawshâhî,
Sharîf al-tawârîkh, 1.1020-28. Because of the careful and learned exertions of Sharafat
Nawshâhî, this fourteen-volume set documents Nawshâhî history in great detail. For a bio-
bibliographical sketch of this remarkable scholar see Muhammad Iqbâl Mujaddidî, Ahwâl-i wa-
athâr-i Sayyid Sharafat Nawshâhî (Lahore: Gunwal Art Press, 1971).
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 369

closely claims made by Ahmad Sirhindî,

namely, being a renewer of the second
millennium (mujaddid) and achieving the
station of the most complete nearness to
God.57 This way of distinguishing the
Nawshâhî sublineage (in addition to
variations on spiritual practice) has
contributed to the Nawshâhîs being a
significant contemporary sublineage in
northern India, if not all of Indo-
Pakistan.58
Near Lahore in Qusur, one of the
greatest Panjabi poet-sufis and a disciple
of Shâh ‘Inâyat Qâdirî, Bullhê Shâh Qâdirî
(d. 1758), graced the world with his
moving poetry. Bullhê Shâh did not
outwardly conform to society’s demands,
neither in the choice of a spiritual master
(who came from a low caste) nor in his
decision to live a celibate life. His poetry
57 Sharafat Nawshâhî, Sharîf al-tawârîkh, 1:961-983. Whether Hâjjî Muhammad made these
claims or whether this is a later development in the Nawshâhî tradition would require further
research into the primary sources used by Sharafat Nawshâhî.
58 A major study of the Qâdiriyya in South Asia (and everywhere else!) is a desideratum. John

Subhan, Sufism:Its Saints and Shrines (New York: Noble Offset Printers, 1970), pp. 255-274,
mentions six sublineages. Muhammad ‘Abd al-Sitâr Beg, Masâlik al-sâlikîn: tadhkirat al-
wâsilîn, 2 vols. (Agra: Matba‘-i Mufîd-i ‘Amm, n.d.), pp. 6-7, lists thirteen additional
sublineages.
370 Arthur BUEHLER

expressed a daring vision of unity that

would not necessarily have been
harmonious with the worldview of many
sharia-minded Muslims, e.g.,
Neither Hindu nor Mussulman, let
us sit to spin, abandoning the
pride (of religion). Neither a sunni
nor a shi‘a, I have taken the path
of complete peace and unity... I
am not walking in the way of
either sin or virtue. Bullha, in all
hearts I feel the Lord, (therefore)
Hindu and Mussulmans both have
I abandoned.59
A contemporary of Bullhê Shâh, Sultân
Bâhû Sarwârî (d. 1767 near Jhang),
expressed himself in more restrained
terms, often stressing the crucial
relationship between the spiritual mentor
and the disciple, e.g.,
Alif – Allâh is like the jasmine plant
which the preceptor planted in my

59 Ramakrishna, Panjabi Sufi Poets, p. 75 (passage translated by Ramakrishna).

 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 371

heart – O He! By water and the

gardener of positive and negative
statement it remained near the
jugular vein and everywhere – O
He! It spread fragrance inside
when it approached the time of
blossoming – O He! May the
efficient preceptor live long, says
Bâhû, who planted this plant! – O
He!60
After embarrassing his first pir with his
own involuntary miracles, Sultân Bâhû
(“with God”) was sent to Shaykh ‘Abd al-
Rahmân Qâdirî of Delhi where he became
his successor.61 Even though many
Panjabis remember his rhyming Panjabi
verse by heart, his two dozen learned
written works in Persian, Urdu, and Arabic
have been neglected by scholars.62 Many
of his disciples have continued the
60 Annemarie Schimmel, Islam in the Indian Subcontinent, p. 142 (passage translated by
Schimmel).
61
‘Âllâma ‘Âlam Faqirî, Tadhkira-yi awliyâ’-i Pâkistân (Lahore: Ganj-i Shakar Printers, 1987),
pp. 181-83. Jamal Elias has prepared a modern translation of Sultân Bâhû’s poetry in his Death
Before Dying: The Sufi Poems of Sultan Bahu (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).
62 For a list of titles , see ‘Âllâma ‘Âlam Faqirî, Tadhkira-yi awliyâ’-i Pâkistân, p. 185. Sultan

Bâhû’s poetry has been collected by Miyân Fadl al-Dîn and entitled Majmû‘a-yi abyât-i Sultân
Bâhû Panjâbî (Lahore: Inqilâb Press, 1915).
372 Arthur BUEHLER

Qâdiriyya in Baluchistan, particularly the

lineage of Sultân Muhammad Mushtâq (d.
1967), an eighth-generation shaykh.63
In Delhi, there are reports of Qâdirîs as
early as the thirteenth century, e.g.,
‘Atâya Khâlidî (d. 1223), the successor of a
“Turkestani” shaykh, Bâbâ Kamâl
Khajandî, who arrived during the reign of
Mu‘izz al-Dîn Ghûrî (assass. 1206).64
During the Lodi period (1451-1526)
Qâdirîs such as Muhammad Ghawth must
have passed through and even settled in
Delhi as they did during the subsequent
period of Mughal rule. The most notable
Delhi Qâdirî during Mughal times, ‘Abd al-
Haqq Muhaddith Dihlawî (d. 1642)
entered the Qâdiriyya through his father’s
initiation who later then had him attend
the Qâdirî circle of Sayyid Mûsâ Jîlânî, a
successor of Hâmid Ganjbakhsh of Ucch.
When succession disputes prevented him
from continuing with Shaykh Mûsâ’s
63 An‘am al-Haqq Kawthur, Tadhkira-yi Sûfiyâ-yi Balûchistân , 2nd ed. (Lahore: Urdu Science
Board, 1986), pp. 115-128.
64 Muhammad Nawwâb Mîrzâ Beg, Kulliyât-i jidwaliyya fî ahwâl-i awliyâ’-i Allâh, p. 20.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 373

successor, he later became initiated and

authorized to transmit the Shadhiliyya
practices from ‘Abd al-Wahhâb Mutaqqî
al-Madanî and the Naqshbandiyya
practices from Bâqî Bi’llâh in Delhi. He was
also initiated by the Lahori Qâdirî shaykh,
Abû’l-Ma‘âlî after his return from the
Hijaz. From all indications, ‘Abd al-Haqq
kept his primary Qâdirî affiliation,
defending ‘Abd al-Qâdir Jîlânî against any
who would challenge his high status, e.g.,
Ahmad Sirhindî. Of his sixty or more works
in Persian and Arabic, the majority deal
with the religious sciences, with a marked
emphasis on hadith studies which ‘Abd al-
Haqq promoted among his many
students. Many of his biographical and
sufi works glorify and promote veneration
of ‘Abd al-Qâdir Jîlânî, the Great Helper.65
In the Sind, there are legends of ‘Abd
al-Qâdir sending representatives there
during his lifetime, e.g., Ahmad Baghdâdî
65 Khalîq Ahmad Nizâmî, Hayât-i Shaykh ‘Abdulhaqq Muhaddith Dihlawi , pp. 159-219. A
biography of ‘Abd al-Haqq elucidating his thought and influence on Indo-Muslims his has yet to
be written.
374 Arthur BUEHLER

allegedly came with his forty disciples on

the orders of ‘Abd al-Qâdir.66 Apparently
the Qâdirî shaykhs at Ucch had much
subsequent influence on the spread of the
Qâdiriyya in Sind during the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries.67 The result was
Qâdirî centers located in Badin, Thatta,
Makli, Sukkur, Mirpurkhas, Nasarpur, and
many subsidiary lodges throughout Sind
province.68 The popularity of celebrating
‘Abd al-Qâdir’s ‘urs in Qâdirî sufi lodges is
evidence of how the Qâdiriyya has
influenced Sindi culture. As in the Panjab,
these Qâdirîs (and other sufi shaykhs from
other lineages) became important
mediators between tribes, between the
rulers and the peasants, as well as
between God and the believers. Today,
many are influential landowners and
politicians.
In Gujarat, many Qâdirî pirs settled in
66 Muhammad Iqbâl Na‘îmî, Tadhkira-yi awliyâ’-i Sindh (Karachi: Sharîq Publishers, 1987), p.
24.
67 A. Z. Khan, “The Role of the Qâdirî Sufis in the Religious Life of Sind,” in Hamida Khuhro,

ed., Sind Through the Centuries (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1981), p. 119.
68 Ansari, Sufi Saints, pp. 20-21.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 375

Ahmadabad where the most famous

tomb-shrine is that of Pîr Muhammad
Shâh (d. 1750), who came from Bijapur in
the eighteenth century. Presently he has
many followers from the Bohra
community. The two major festivals, his
death anniversary and that of ‘Abd al-
Qâdir, attract hundreds of people. The
first day a sandalwood ceremony is held
and the second day the fâtiha is recited
with special sweets and rice dishes being
distributed to the devotees. Also in
Ahmadabad there is also a popular tomb-
shrine of Shâh ‘Abd al-Wahhâb Qâdirî that
is visited by both Muslims and non-
Muslims.69
In Kashmir there are legendary accounts
of early visiting Qâdirîs, e.g., Muhammad
Hayât b. Ahmad al-Dajûnî (d. 1259), a
successor of ‘Abd Allâh Bitânchî, who was
one of the major successors of ‘Abd al-
Qâdir al-Jîlânî.70 There is also Nûr al-Dîn
69 Z. A. Desai, “The Major Dargahs of Ahmadabad,” in Christian Troll, ed., Muslim Shrines in
India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 91-94.
70 Muhammad Nawwâb Mîrzâ Beg, Kulliyât-i jidwaliyya fî ahwâl-i awliyâ’-i Allâh, p.13.
376 Arthur BUEHLER

‘Abd al-Rahmân Isfarâyanî (d. 1301), who

studied with Jamâl al-Dîn Ahmad Jurqânî
in Baghdad and later brought Qâdirî
teachings to Kashmir. The most
noteworthy Qâdirî of Kashmir, Mullâ Shâh
Badakhshânî, left his native Badakhshan
to reside three years in Kashmir as a
student of the religious sciences after
which he decided to search in India for a
spiritual guide where he met Miyân Mîr in
Lahore. Until Miyân Mîr’s death in 1635
Mullâ Shâh stayed with his master for
nineteen years during the cooler months,
returning to Kashmir each summer. Miyân
Mîr named Mullâ Shâh the “tongue of
God” (lisân Allâh), and authorized him to
teach. In 1640 Dârâ Shikûh became Mullâ
Shâh’s formal disciple from whom he
learned silent recollection of God (dhikr-i
khafî) and recollection exercises involving
the holding of the breath (habs-i dam).71
Mullâ Shâh had great hopes for Dârâ

71 Dârâ Shikûh, Sakînat al-awliyâ’, p. 184. It is claimed that the silent recollection of God was
first practiced by ‘Abd al-Qâdir Jîlânî. Ibid. p. 185.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 377

Shikûh, as Mughal heir-apparent, to

facilitate the spread of the Qâdiriyya in
India.72
In the Northwest Frontier Province
(NWFP) there were probably many Qâdirîs
among the tribes before the early 1600’s
but the first historical notice by the
Peshawari sufi historian, Muhammad
Amîr Shâh, is that of Abû’l-Barakat Sayyid
Hasan Bâdshâh Qâdirî (1614-1704), born
in Thatta, Sind, who entered the Qâdiriyya
by his father’s hand. After traveling to
Peshawar, Kashmir, and Kabul, he became
the disciple of a Qâdirî shaykh, Amîr Khân
Kâbulî, and reached the point to teach
others the third time he visited Kabul.
Soon after he got married in Peshawar
and settled there, teaching others until his
death in 1704.73
The greatest Qâdirî influence in the
NWFP during the British colonial period
stems from the Qâdirî-Naqshbandî, ‘Abd
72Ibid. p. 212. Dârâ Shikûh’s memoirs of Mullâ Shâh are given in detail in ibid. pp. 179-233.
73 Muhammad Amîr Shâh Qâdirî, Tadhkira-yi ‘ulamâ’-i wa-mashâîkh -i sarhad, vol. 1
(Peshawar: Maktaba-yi Al-Hasan, n.d.), pp. 49-63.
378 Arthur BUEHLER

al-Ghafûr, the Akhund of Swat (d. 1877).

As a youth he memorized the Qur’ân and
traveled to Peshawar for an advanced
religious education. His first sufi training
was under the auspices of Hadrat Jî Sâhib
(d. 1817), a Naqshbandî-Mujaddidî.
Muhammad Shu‘îb of Turdhera (d. 1823)
supervised his advanced training and gave
him permission to teach when ‘Abd al-
Ghafûr was in his early twenties. As he
traveled from village to village in the
NWFP, ‘Abd al-Ghafûr stressed a reformist
adherence to the Prophetic sunna instead
of tribal custom, his motto being the
“active forbidding of wrongdoing” (nâhî
‘an al-munkir).74 In addition, he
encouraged the “jihad of the sword”
against the English, not allowing his
disciples to work for the British. If they
did, they were not allowed to enter his
sufi lodge.75 He attracted disciples from
Baluchistan, Sind, Afghanistan, and

74 Ibid. pp, 149-154.

75 Ghulâm Farîd, Ahwâl al-‘ârifîn (Lahore: Manzûr Printing Press, n.d.), p. 113.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 379

Arabia.
As a result of ‘Abd al-Ghafûr’s guidance,
most of the major sufi figures in the NWFP
during the British colonial period were
Qâdirîs. Among his most noteworthy
disciples are Najm al-Dîn, “Hâdî Mullâ
Sâhib” (d. 1902), who fought against the
Sikhs and British in the Mohmand and
Malakand districts and ‘Abd al-Wahhâb,
the pir of Manki Sharîf (d. 1904) who
conducted the same activities near
Naushera. In turn this jihad tradition was
carried on by their successors, the most
notable being Fadl Ahmad, commonly
known as Hâjjî Sâhib Tarangzâ’î (d. 1937),
a senior successor to Hâdî Mullâ Sâhib.
Like his grandfather pir, ‘Abd al-Ghafûr, he
went around from village “commanding
the good and forbidding evil,” setting up a
network of fifty religious schools in which
English language was also taught; the
administrative center was located in
Gudar, Mardan. This network was in
operation for five years until 1913 when
380 Arthur BUEHLER

Hâjjî Sâhib emigrated out of British-

controlled territory to live in his tribal
homeland with the Mohmand tribe (after
almost being jailed by the British). There
he set up schools around his sufi lodge in
Buner while spreading his reformist
message among the tribes of Mohmand,
Musa Khel, Safi, Kuda Khel, Qandahari,
Hakim Za’i, and Turk Za’i.76 In the 1940’s
not all Qâdirî shaykhs of the NWFP
supported the Pakistan Movement but
the pir of Manki Sharif, Muhammad Amîn
al-Hasanat (d. 1960), the spiritual great-
grandson of ‘Abd al-Wahhâb, was an
active supporter who actively attempted
to convince other notables to support the
Pakistan Movement.77
With sufficient research, one could map
Qâdirî shaykhs and families throughout
South Asia. There would probably be few

76 Muhammad Amîr Shâh Qâdirî, Tadhkira-yi ‘ulamâ’-i wa-mashâ’ikh-i sarhad, pp. 207-217.
For a full-length biography of Hâjjî Sâhib see ‘Azîz Jâvîd, Hâjjî Sâhib Tarangzâ’î, 2nd ed.
(Lahore: Nafîs Printers Limited, 1982).
77
For example, a prominent Qâdirî sufi, Mîrzâ ‘Alî Khân of Waziristan, “the Faqîr of Ipi” (d.
1947) was opposed to the formation of Pakistan. Muhammad Amîn could not convince him to
support the Pakistan movement but convinced him at least not to oppose it. See Mîr Ahmad
Khân Sûfî, Ghâzî Pîr (Peshawar: Jidwân Printing Press, 1987), pp. 152-53.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 381

large blank areas. In terms of diversity one

could also study lineages that overlap with
the Qâdiriyya to form the Qâdiriyya-
Naqshbandiyya, Qâdiriyya-Uwaysiyya, or
Qâdiriyya-Qalandariyya, which often form
unique combinations of spiritual practices.
This is not a subject that the sources
discuss in detail, but is important in
differentiating Qâdirîs from other
lineages.
QÂDIRÎ IDENTITY: SPIRITUAL PRACTICES
Muhammad Sadaqat Kunjahî Dihlawî (d.
1734) in his Thawâqib al-manâqib
contrasts the Naqshbandiyya with the
Qâdiriyya:
It is light that the silent
recollection of God is there [the
Naqshbandîs] and aloud here
[Qâdirîs]... There is thought
turning the attention to the
wonders of creation disclosing the
world of the spirits (malakût);
here is recollection witnessing the
382 Arthur BUEHLER

revelations of the world of divinity

(lâhût). There is awareness of
breaths; here is perpetual
intoxication. There looking at
one’s feet; here awareness of
where one steps. There is much
worship; here much witnessing [of
God]. There seeking to hold the
breath; here breathing naturally.
There after many years; here
merely by design.78
In addition to lineage, another aspect of
sufi identity is spiritual practice. Qâdirî
and Naqshbandî-Mujaddidî spiritual
practices appear similar (at least in the
structure of the recollections which lead
to a set of contemplations) so
Muhammad Sadaqat is specifically seeking
to highlight the differences between
Naqshbandîs and Qâdirîs while
underlining the superiority of the
Qâdiriyya. The Qâdirî practice has three
stages: recollections (adhkâr), exercises
78 Sharafat Nawshâhî, Sharîf al-tawârîkh, 1:173.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 383

(ashghâl), and contemplations

(murâqabât). The recollections start out
with the loud recollection lâ ilâh illâ Allâh.
When the adept can do this then the
shaykh teaches the negation-affirmation
recollection (nafiy wa-ithbât) where the lâ
begins under the navel and is “struck” on
the right shoulder; from there the ilâh
strikes the top of the head (dimâgh) and
from there the illâ Allâh is blasted to the
heart.79 Variations on this exercise include
pâs anfâs where one exhales lâ ilâh and
inhales illâ Allâh.80
The intermediary stage involves silent
recollection of Allâh with the goal to
imprint His blessed name on the heart. A
variation on this exercise is first to write
Allâh hû in red letters inside a cone-
shaped object drawn on a piece of paper.
By visualizing this, the seeker attempts to

79 Imdâd Allâh T’hânawî, Diyâ’ al-qulûb (Delhi: Matba’-i Mujtabâ’î, 1912), p. 30. For variations
see Shâh Walî Allâh, Intibâh fî salâsil awliyâ’ Allâh (Layallpur: Panjab Electric Press, n.d.), p.
22. For this section, except for Maqâmât-i Mahmûd and Sharîf al-tawârîkh (neither of which is
detailed), I have been obliged to use non-Qâdirî sources. Imdâd Allâh is a Chishtî and the other
authors are Naqshbandî-Mujaddidîs. Like the other topics in this article, the investigation of
Indian Qâdirî spiritual methods merits a separate monograph.
80 T’hânawî, Diyâ’ al-qulûb, pp. 30-31.
384 Arthur BUEHLER

imprint God’s name on the heart. One

form of the exercise of the “greater
bridge” (barzakh-i akbar) has the disciple
holding the breath with the vision focused
between the eyes, which is supposed to
bring about an experience of ineffable
light leading to annihilation of the ego.81
In the “Qâdirî Circle” exercise the adept
recites Allâh sâmi‘ while visualizing a line
of light from the navel to the subtle center
of the sirr located in the center of the
chest. This light then continues to the top
of the head (umm al-dimâgh) as one
recites Allâh basîr and then is extended
indefinitely upwards to the ‘arsh as Allâh
‘alîm is recited. Then the ascending half of
the circle is completed by exactly
reversing the process in a descent from
the throne (‘arsh) to the navel.82
The advanced stage of contemplations
(murâqabât) necessitates a heart emptied
81
In Ahmad Sa‘îd Naqshbandî-Mujaddidî, Arba‘ anhâr (Delhi: Matba‘-i Mujtabâ’î, 1893), pp.
16-17, there are variations on this repetition of Allâh which is done with loud remembrance and
can involve one to four places to strike with the word Allâh, including the right and left knee, the
left side of the body, and the heart.
82 Ibid., p. 31. See also Ahmad Sa‘îd, Arba‘ anhâr, p. 17, who does not specify this as the Qâdirî

Circle.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 385

of all ego consciousness and a mind clear

of thoughts so one can receive divine
effulgence (fayd) and the realization of
God within. The two domains of Qâdirî
contemplations involve first “arriving” at
God’s attributes through the murâqaba-yi
tawhîd-i sifâtî before proceeding to God’s
essence by practicing murâqaba-yi
tawhîd-i dhâtî.83 One method used by the
Qâdirîs (and Mujaddidîs) is to
contemplate Qur’ânic verses, e.g., “He is
with you wherever you are” [Q. 57:4],
“Wherever you turn there is the face of
God” [Q. 2:115], “We are nearer to him
than his jugular vein” [Q. 50:16], “He is
the first and the last and the outward and
the inward” [Q. 57:3].84
Even a preliminary survey indicates that
the spiritual practices of the Indian
Qâdiriyya vary considerably. The quote at
the beginning of this section may have
been appropriate for the author’s

83 T’hânawî, Diyâ’ al-qulûb, p. 32-33.

84 Ahmad Sa‘îd, Arba‘ anhâr, p. 18.
386 Arthur BUEHLER

experience or for Qâdirî polemics, but at

least some Qâdirîs practice silent
remembrance and meditation exercises
requiring holding one’s breath, practices
shared by the Naqshbandiyya-
Mujaddidiyya.85 Naturally a beginner will
be given different activities than an
advanced practitioner. There are those
who would call themselves Qâdirîs who
practice none of these exercises but who
prefer to structure Qâdirî practices
around the five daily prayers. Such
practices include various prayers and
litanies (awrâd) involving repetitions of
Qur’ânic verses, or seeking forgiveness of
God by repeating istaghfur Allâh.86 Sir
Richard Burton, himself initiated into the
Qâdiriyya, explains how novices in the
Qâdiriyya of Sind begin by reciting lâ ilâh
illâ Allâh after prayer. After this, the
exercises involve visualization of the
shaykh, breath retention, and having the
85
For a complete analysis and description of Indian Naqshbandî-Mujaddidî practices see Arthur
Buehler, Sufi Heirs of the Prophet: The Indian Naqshbandiyya and the Rise of the Mediating
Shaykh (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1998).
86 Shâh Walî Allah, Intibâh fî salâsil awliyâ’ Allâh, pp. 22-30.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 387

heart recite Allâh incessantly. The last

exercise he describes is pâs anfâs with
Allâh the focus of the inhaling breath and
hû for the exhaling breath.87 The
Nawshâhîs use loud dhikr, and do
negation-affirmation practices involving
the holding of breath, in addition to
exercises typically associated with the
Chishtiyya, e.g., shughl-i nasîrân, shughl-i
mahmûd, and sultân al-adhkâr.88 Qâdî
Mahmûd (d. 1919), a successor of the
Akhund of Swat, very briefly describes the
exercises his shaykh gave him. First was lâ
ilâh illâ Allâh then illâ Allâh followed by
contemplation of Allâh, then hû. The final
three exercises, given at once, involved
Allâh hû, hû Allâh, and wa-anta al-hâdî;
anta al-haqq; laysa al-hâdî illâ hû, after
which his pir instructed him to go into
seclusion for forty days (chilla) followed

87
Richard F. Burton, Sindh and the Races that Inhabit the Valley of the Indus (Karachi: Oxford
University Press, 1973 [1851]), pp. 214-15.
88 Sharafat Nawshâhî, Sharîf al-tawârîkh, pp. 940-41. For a brief description of the Chishtî

exercises see T’hânawi, Diyâ’ al-qulûb, pp. 19-20.

388 Arthur BUEHLER

by two retreats of ten days apiece.89

Generally these exercises fall into an
Indian (?) sufi structural pattern of
elementary remembrance exercises,
followed by more sophisticated ones
using breath retention and silent
remembrance. The most difficult,
requiring supreme mental and emotional
control, involve “traveling” toward God in
the contemplations.
THE BARELWÎS: ENHANCING THE
PRESTIGE
OF ‘ABD AL-QÂDIR AND THE INDIAN
QÂDIRIYYA
One factor in the modern popularity of
‘Abd al-Qâdir and the institutionalization
of tomb-shrine rituals in the name of ‘Abd
al-Qâdir (whether the deceased sufi is a
Qâdirî or not) is the growth and popularity
of the Barelwî school of ulama. Named
after Ahmad Ridâ Khân Barelwî (d. 1921),
whose prolific writing undergirded and

89Nawwâb Ma‘shûq Yâr Jang Bahâdur, Maqâmât-i Mahmûd (n.p. n.d.), pp. 124-134. Although
this is sufficient evidence to show that the Akhund of Swat was not teaching Naqshbandî-
Mujaddidî exercises, it leaves out details that would nuance understanding of these practices.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 389

legitimized a mediational sufism, including

tomb-shrine rituals, this perspective has
spread not only in Indo-Pakistan but also
in most of the countries where South
Asian Muslims are found throughout the
world. Ahmad Ridâ’s guiding principle was
to develop beliefs and customs that
elevate the status of Muhammad and
sufis (his heirs) to an unprecedented
extent.90
Ahmad Ridâ is the lineal descendant of
Shâh Barakat Allâh (d. 1729), a Qâdirî
sayyid who founded a sufi lodge at
Marahra (about 170 km. SE from Delhi)
who passed on a turban worn by ‘Abd al-
Qâdir to his descendants.91 With this
background it is easy to understand why
Barelwî exaltation of the Prophet and
sufis in general would include ‘Abd al-
Qâdir. Ahmad Ridâ exclaims, “Except for
divinity and prophethood You encompass
all perfections, O Ghawth; From Ahad to
90 Usha Sanyal has written a comprehensive study of the Barelwis in her Devotional Islam and
Politics in British India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996).
91 Ibid., pp. 99, 108.
390 Arthur BUEHLER

Ahmad, From Ahmad to you in this order

the divine command ‘Be’ or ‘Don’t Be’ is
followed, O Ghawth.”92
The mechanisms of enhancing ‘Abd al-
Qâdir’s status are now organized through
(increasingly international) Barelwî
networks.93 This might be a factor
explaining how non-Qâdirî shrines, e.g.,
‘Alî Hujwirî’s (d. 1071 in Lahore),
commonly known as Dâtâ Ganjbakhsh,
have become de facto Qâdirî centers.94
Many of the personnel working at Dâtâ
Ganjbakhsh’s tomb-shrine are Qâdirîs and
the leadership influences the devotional
literature sold there. Instead of
immediately imploring Dâtâ Sâhib, a
recent pamphlet displaying Dâtâ
Ganjbakhsh’s tomb on the cover has an

92
Ibid., p. 145.
93 These international networks have yet to be studied in detail. On a regional level, over the last
two hundred years roughly 18% of the noteworthy ulama in the Panjab with sufi affiliation (60%
of the total) have been Qâdirîs. The Naqshbandîs have twice the number of ulama in the Panjab.
See Akhtar Rahî, Tadhkira-yi ulamâ’-i Panjâb , 2 vols. (Lahore: Zâ’id Bashîr Printers, 1980).
Since the creation of Pakistan, a survey of Barelwî ulama shows that 87% had formal sufi
affiliation of which 28% were Qâdirîs and 32% Naqshbandîs. See Muhammad ‘Abd al-Hakîm
Sharaf Qâdirî, Tadhkira-yi akâbir ahl-i sunnat Pâkistân (Lahore: Rûmî Printers, 1989 [1974]).
94
Increasing government control of major sufi tomb-shrines, including that of Dâtâ Ganjbakhsh,
complicates this process. See Arthur F. Buehler, “Currents of Sufism in Nineteenth- and
Twentieth-Century Indo-Pakistan: An Overview,” in Muslim World 87/3-4 (July-October 1997),
pp. 299-314.
 THE INDO-PAKISTANI QÂDIRIYYA 391

Arabic/Persian supplication to ‘Abd al-

Qâdir translated into Urdu, “O intercessor
you are the intercessor; O Guide you are
the Guide; O Hadrat Shâh Muhyî al-Dîn,
Reliever of all problems, O Hadrat
Ghawth.”95 To what extent Barelwî
influence has propagated Qâdirî ritual or
increased devotional publications in his
name has yet to be studied. In any case,
the Barelwî emphasis on the Prophet
legitimizes both ‘Abd al-Qâdir and Barelwi
leadership since ‘Abd al-Qâdir, like Ahmad
Ridâ’s successors, are descendants of the
Prophet. The Barelwî legitimization of
‘Abd al-Qâdir facilitates greater numbers
of ulama and sufis to teach others about
‘Abd al-Qâdir via educational networks
and through publications. Historically,
‘Abd al-Qâdir’s relatively uniform high
status among diverse segments of the
South Asian Muslim community has
clearly demonstrated the continued faith

95Khatm-i sharîf Hadrat Dâtâ Ganjbakhsh (Lahore: n.p. n.d.), pp. 17. The Khatm-i ghawthiyya
and Qasîdat ghawthiyya both precede the Khatm for Dâtâ Ganjbakhsh.
392 Arthur BUEHLER

in his mediatory ability for over half a

millennium. This, combined with vigorous
sufi activity by Indo-Pakistanis, partially
explains why the Qâdiriyya will continue
to be one of the most widespread
international sufi lineages.

A. B.

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