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Editor's Introduction: Minority Maneuvers
and Unsettled Negotiations
Homi Bhabha
"Front Lines/Border Posts" will continue in the next issue of CriticalInquirywith essays
by Simon During, Amitava Kumar, Natalia Majluf, and Christopher Pinney.
I would like to thank my contributors for their generous engagement in a project that
has meant so much to us all. Their patience and cooperation have been exemplary. The
coeditors of CriticalInquiry have spared nothing in their careful readings and helpful sug-
gestions. This volume has benefited immensely from their advice as well as from the edito-
rial work of the staff of Critical Inquiry:Jay Williams, Mari Schindele, Aeron Hunt, and
Jennifer Peterson. Andrew Hebard's assistance was crucial to the preparation of this manu-
script, and Rajiv Vrudhula contributed much to its final edit. My thanks to them all.
On a more personal note, this introductory essay has woven within it the voices of
many of my friends and colleagues at Chicago. Tom Mitchell, Bill Brown, and James Chan-
dler pored over the text and, quite simply, transformed it; Miriam Hansen's productive
aperfus were invaluable, in particular her gift of the Kracauer citation. Sheldon Pollock
helped me understand the middle voice. Joan Copjec, as ever, allayed my anxiety about
anxiety. Judith Butler has been a much closer friend and collaborator than the distance
between Chicago or London and Santa Cruz might allow one to suppose. I am most grate-
ful to them all.
431
432 Homi Bhabha Editor' Introduction
alterity that get described-both by the left and the right, traditionalists
and progressives-as the mantras of multiculturalism. It is frequently ac-
knowledged that the formulaic invocation of the equality of oppression
and the moral well-being of minorities elides the specificity of cultural
differences. Such political pieties should not obscure the difficult transi-
tion that characterizes the political demands made by members of "new"
social movements. These transitions represent not merely a shift in the
subject of the political process but a translation of the very nature of what
can be construed as political, of what could be the representational objects
and objectives of social transformation: polymorphous and perverse de-
sires, AIDS, the (un)translatability of cultural traditions, the melancholic
social memory of slavery, the postcolonial tryst between Irish and South
Asian feminists in their struggles against fundamentalism, to name but a
few. Some socialist feminists might balk at the intrusion of the psychic
dimension of desire into demands for gender equality in the workplace
or the need to acknowledge the concept of fantasy in drafting sexual ha-
rassment policies; orthodox Marxists, intent on preserving the primacy
of class contradiction in their understanding of the dialectic of labor and
capital, might consider the growing attention to the gendered and ra-
cialized body of a diasporic or migrant workforce as a diversion from the
class struggle; and social welfare activists who take a statist and institu-
tionalized view of national health policy might resist the perspective of
AIDS activists who insist that the ethics of community or civic health can-
not be founded on the policing of pleasure or the sanitization of sexual
choice. The contentious and contradictory conditions of political affilia-
tion, even within progressive social forces, suggest that there is a signifi-
cant shift in the conversation around the values that constitute cultural
and social citizenship when human rights and needs are cross-referenced,
in complex ways, with group interests and the contingency of collective
demands.
My title is emblematic both of an editorial and an intellectual di-
lemma. Special issues are customarily built around acknowledged themes
or established topics that illustrate the state of the craft. This volume,
however, departs from such protocols. It attempts to unearth explana-
tions for, and examples of, the paradoxical positioning of theory in that
decade of difference and diversity-the mideighties to the midnineties-
that we might call, after the manner of historians, the long 1990s. "Front
Lines/Border Posts" functions as a kind of synoptic signature, or ideo-
gram, of a tension that haunts the theoretical enterprise. To harbor
advance-guard aspirations, to be in the front line of conceptual innova-
tion, has been one of the most significant gestures of the theoretical ad-
venture. Theory's work has occupied the border posts of political and
disciplinary intervention, measuring, mapping, and surveying metadis-
cursive activities that the metaphor of militancy within my title makes
apparent. Such maneuvers are made necessary because of the culture
wars, the battle of the books, the subtle subvention of popular cultural
traditions to the national(ist) cause-conflagrations connected with con-
flicting conceptions of the core of a syllabus or a society. These, then, are
the ways that counter-public spheres, subaltern studies, and unofficial
knowledges are figured. But, on the other hand, my title evokes those
key words of a decade committed to the borderline conditions of split
subjects, discursive regimes, concepts under erasure, and accounts of it-
erative and performative social agency. The crossing of cultures, the
grafting of genres, and the hybridity of knowledges and identifications
have become the activityof a theoretical enterprise that negotiates a range
of critical conditions with the post mark-poststructuralist, postfeminist,
postcolonial, postmodern. Between the one and the other, I found a set
of originating questions: Post-this, post-that, but why never post-the other?
Was the other the political bottom line, the last ethical frontier?
For one who had played a modest role in mothering this very "oth-
ering," I was not about to turn Medea, but there was something about the
regnant and resistant orthodoxy of the other that I wanted to explore.
The oblique slash that I placed in "Front Lines/Border Posts" might have
been better represented in other ways-perhaps a run of ellipses. Or an
expectant gap might keep open the possibility of an emergent space, a
potential object of address. Or, more simply, why not a host of question
marks placed at that very point where the frontline approach is articu-
lated to the borderline condition: Front lines? Border posts? What autho-
rizes the postfoundational humanities? Can discourses so deeply
concerned with epistemological and institutional transition speak from a
liminal position? How can we face the task of designating identities, speci-
fying events, locating histories?
Some of these questions were substantially engaged in the Critical
Inquiry special issue "Identities," edited by Kwame Anthony Appiah
and Henry Louis Gates, Jr.1 One of the innovations of that volume was to
shift the issue of identity from a concern with the persuasions of per-
sonhood-whether individual or communal, subaltern or sovereign-
and restage it as a question of historical and geographical location. I see
1. See CriticalInquiry 18 (Summer 1992) and Identities, ed. Kwame Anthony Appiah
and Henry Louis Gates, Jr. (Chicago, 1995).
434 Homi Bhabha Editor' Introduction
its value, moreover, as shifting the question of identity from the ontologi-
cal and epistemological imperative-What is identity?-to face the ethical
and political prerogative-What are identitiesfor?-or even to present the
pragmatist alternative-What can identitiesdo?
The power of historical locality becomes particularly persuasive as
the problem of cultural identity is staged in discourses of geographical
complexity-migration, diaspora, postcoloniality. The demand for speci-
ficity increases as the subject of cultural citizenship becomes inscribed
with more and more of the striations of difference found in a multicul-
tural, pluralist, late capitalist global society. The call for historical locality
is also then a dislocation of the agency of cultural and disciplinary
identity.
For example, in "What Is a Muslim?" Akeel Bilgrami proposes the
possibility of being the moderate Muslim-an emergent minorityposition
between the fundamentalist and the purely secular-that rests on the
possibility of a certain ambivalent and contingent double consciousness.
The moderate Muslim must be able to switch from the defensive third-
person perspective-where recognizing oneself as a Muslim is a reaction
to the histories of colonial oppression, Orientalist obloquy, and postcolo-
nial/neo-imperialist racial discrimination-to the more active, self-aware
first-personperspective-a critical production of a depoliticized Islam that
will not become the ploy of fundamentalist factions.2 Leaving aside the
merits of the case, I want to draw attention to the fact that the possibility
of assuming the moderate minority position depends upon establishing
an interstitial space of identification. The moderate Muslim is articulated
in a movementin betweenthirdandfirst persons.It is, moreover, in this move-
ment that a narrative of historical becoming is constituted not as a dialec-
tic between first and third person but as an effect of the ambivalent
condition of their borderline proximity-the first-in-the-third / the one-
in-the-other. The agon inherent in moderation succeeds as a political and
cultural practice, as an act of toleration or moderation, only on the condi-
tion that the first and third positions are accepted as living in an unre-
solved, ongoing, ambivalent articulation in relation to each other. In
order for there to be political change from fundamentalism to moderate
Islam, it becomes necessary to motivate the movement between positions,
to acknowledge the ambivalence within any site of identification or enun-
ciation. To assume a progressivist schema where the third-person position
is the politically good or virtuous one would be to deny that it is the
first person that registers the history of neocolonialism, racial prejudice,
cultural stereotypy. Whereas to live complacently or contentiously within
the first person would be to deny the possibility of political change and
The difficulty of deducing the truths in the interstices from the high-
level statements, principles, or doctrines under whose rule they fall
does not imply that they were sheer images.... Ambiguity is of the
essence in this intermediary area. A constant effort is needed on the
part of those inhabiting it to meet the conflicting necessities with
which they are faced at every turn of the road. They find themselves
in a precarious situation which even invites them to gamble with ab-
solutes, all kinds of quixotic ideas about universal truth.
-Siegfried Kracauer, History:TheLast Thingsbeforethe Last3
What changes when you write from the middle of difference, when
you inscribe that intermediary area that invites the ambiguous gamble
with the historical necessities of race, class, gender, generation, region,
religion? I could, of course, continue to specify social divisions or bear
historical witness to difference, but the effect of such testifying often re-
sults in repetitious piety-the multiculturalist mantras-that instantiates
differences without revealing those interstitial articulations through
which categories of difference constitute new social movements. There is,
indeed, a danger that the title of the minority creates a hasty equivalence
between public spheres, normalizing forms of social difference and mor-
alizing divergent strategies of subordination, oppression, or resistance, as
the interpellation of a shared, homogenous victimization. My opening
question focuses on processes of the emergence of minorities-forms of
marginal writing, designations of displaced or discriminatory subjects,
subaltern acts of historical and rhetorical revision-where the affiliative
decision to act in the cause of exclusion, or to participate in the emer-
gence of new social movements, engenders a mode of public discourse
articulated with a strong affective charge. Thus we move, in Hannah Ar-
endt's phrase, from being engagesinto becoming enrages.4
The particular enunciative modality of the minority that concerns
me here is a form of identification in the public sphere, a designation
of peoplehood, which Etienne Balibar has recently described as the
emergence on a world-scale of "minoritieswithoutstableor unquestionablema-
3. Siegfried Kracauer, History:The Last Thingsbeforethe Last, trans. and ed. pub. (New
York, 1969), p. 216.
4. See Hannah Arendt, On Violence(New York, 1970), p. 65.
436 Homi Bhabha Editor'sIntroduction
Thus the central feature of global culture today is the politics of the
mutual effort of sameness and difference to cannibalize one another
and thus to proclaim their successful hijacking of the twin Enlighten-
ment ideas of the triumphantly universal and the resiliently particu-
lar.... on a stage characterized by radical disjunctures between
different sorts of global flows and the uncertain landscapes created
in and through these disjunctures.7
and its "interfection" (to use Fredric Jameson's term for the encounter
with the self in the midst of the minoritized otherness).'2 It is this exces-
sive encounter of proximity that Levinas, appositely for our (Baldwinian)
purposes, describes as a relation "'in flesh and bone' (the usual transla-
tion of Husserl's 'leibhaftgegeben')."He goes on to stress the disjunctive
and disrupted temporality of the encounter: "This excess or this 'ex-
cession' makes proximity always be an anachronous presence to con-
sciousness: consciousness is always late for the rendezvous with the
neighbor" or the other.'3 Given the hybridity of the proximate encounter,
cultural or political antagonism cannot be defined as a dualistic encoun-
ter. Proximity becomes agonistic in that doubled interstitial maneuver
where the tryst of the self and the other results in both less and more than
either one, for they are bound in the twinned "excession" and excision of
blood and bone that belongs, in a kind of heightened repetition, at once
to each and exclusively to neither. We are now in a better position to
grasp what Deleuze and Guattari cryptically describe in A ThousandPla-
teaus as "becoming-minoritarian": a movement within "the in-between....
constitut[ing] a zone of proximity ... sweeping up the two distant or con-
tiguous points, carrying one into the proximity of the other."14
What form of affect emerges with, or through, this belated encoun-
ter of proximity? From where do you speak when a safe distance turns
arbitrary and the hybrid sacrament of blood and bone is, at once, a secret
sharing and an agonistic pairing? Let me attempt, at first, a theoretical
response through Deleuze and Guattari's celebrated essay "What Is a Mi-
nor Literature?" before turning to a performance of that very problem-
atic in Adrienne Rich's poem "Movement." This is a finer coupling than
one might expect, for there is a community in the questions posed by
both poet and theorist. Rich asks:
How many people today live in a language that is not their own? ...
This is the problem of immigrants, and especially of their children,
the problem of minorities, the problem of a minor literature, but also
a problem for all of us: how to tear a minor literatureawayfrom its own
language, allowing it to challengethe language and makingit follow a sober
revolutionarypath?16
But anxiety
can find no metaphor to end it.23
Nor can minority writing find itself in the language of metaphors, figura-
tive tropes, or proper names if it wants to go on, in Deleuze and Guattari's
words, "to open the word onto unexpected internal intensities ... an in-
tensiveutilizationof language" ("WML,"p. 64). Can this resistance to meta-
phor, this commitment to utterance as an ongoing negotiation of aberrant
and adjacent, side-by-side (remember the passage from Kracauer) causal-
ities on the borderlines of difference enable us to find a place for the
anxiety of minority enunciation? Anxiety, Laplanche writes, happens in
that nontransitive voice that classical linguists call the doubly reflexive
middle voice: "it makes itself anxious within myself" ("MA,"p. 84). There
is, in the middle voice, an echo of a certain openness and process that
classical linguists traditionally associate with the form. Within the enunci-
ation of anxiety, then, there is a disjunction between the subject as object
of itself, "to be made anxious," and, in a double move, the object as sub-
jected to itself, "myself as anxious." The it of anxiety is interruptive of and
yet articulated within myself. Through this process of partial introjection
23. A. K. Ramanujan, "Anxiety,"SelectedPoems(Delhi, 1976), p. 11.
444 Homi Bhabha Editor' Introduction
Rich's poem is written from within such an anxious choice of the ego,
crafting its own agency at the point at which the universal scatters (in
Balibar's image) and one bends to freedom. Although Rich writes from
the precarious sense of the paralysis of choice at the moment of stepping
into the deep current of change, it is the anxiety of freedom that enables
her to see, at once, the marks, and masks, of the possible. The immediacy
of the political aim or objective is distanced in the dramatization of what
24. Zizek, "Is There a Cause of the Subject?" Supposingthe Subject,ed. Joan Copjec
(New York, 1994), pp. 103-4.
25. Leo Rangell, "On Understanding and Treating Anxiety and Its Derivatives," Inter-
nationalJournal of Psycho-Analysis59 (1978): 231.
CriticalInquiry Spring 1997 445
-And now she turns her face brightly on the new morning in
the new classroom
new in her beauty her skin her lashes her lively body:
Race, class ... all that ... but isn'tall thatjust history?
Aren'tpeopleboredwith it all?
She could be
myself at nineteen but free of reverence for past ideas
ignorant of hopes piled on her She's a mermaid
446 Homi Bhabha Editor' Introduction
Rich writes from the "midstness" that is the temporal mark of the inscrip-
tion of proximity discussed above. At the same time, she writes of the
tremulous emergence of a minority movement into the public sphere of
recognition. Thefaux naive phrase "Race,class ... all that ... butisn'tall that
just history?"makes it a text of the pedagogy of our times: the blithe
nineteen-year-old, the author's unreflecting alter ego, caught on the front
lines of generational shifts, turning her back on all that history, while the
poem turns the girl's face, "a redblack peony," to confront precisely the
deep current of the political and psychic movements of race and class
fought for by her teachers, her poets, that made her, without her know-
ing, into what she is. The throwaway line at the end--"Race, class... all
that"-makes it clear that the poet is talking of joining a movement con-
cerned with what is popularly called the politics of difference. It is, how-
ever, the wonder of the poem that its concern with the experience of what
it means to be in the middle of difference happily makes the poet with-
hold the naming of her politics, so we don't fall into the trap of identity
politics and are open to thinking politics as an identification. The subject
of the poem is, literally, the sphere of the proximity of difference. Race,
class, and gender are rendered as the one-in-the-other: hope and igno-
rance, mothers and daughters, political sisters and intergenerational
strangers, vain historic hopes and "past ideas." This dialectic of difference
does not represent the numerical measure of majority and minority; it
opens up, within a political movement, a form of social agency where, to
use Deleuze and Guattari's words, minority is the connection, "the and
produced between elements, between sets, and which belongs to neither,
which eludes them and constitutes a line of flight." "Aline of becoming"
"passes betweenpoints, it comes up through the middle, it runs perpen-
dicular to the points first perceived.... The middle is not an average; it
is fast motion, it is the absolute speed of movement ... A becomingis nei-
therone nor two, nor the relationof the two."26
In the midst of talk about "angles of" political "vision," "a black or a
red tulip" opens, a "redblack peony" unfurls. These imperceptible, yet
intense, movements of flowers that "come up through the middle" of the
verses are the border posts that designate the double territory where the
resolute intention to join a movement turns into the deep, moving cur-
rent of psychic displacement. The "I" splits ambivalently between parts:
the washed-up past, the life waiting to happen, the part that needs to
find its voice, its language. And flowers stand as witnesses of the front
line, as the deep integuments of proximate identities-race and class and
26. Deleuze and Guattari, A ThousandPlateaus, pp. 470, 293; emphasis mine.
CriticalInquiry Spring 1997 447
gender and generation and ... open up. These identities do not live in
the middle ground of the abstract equivalence of difference or by the
straight arrow of emancipation. As the poet says, freedom has to be
grasped in that fleeting movement,in a narrow isthmus of intervention
that can easily be misrecognized. For the deep current of change-swirl-
ing, invisible, and disorienting-must not be confused with the encircling
waters of"pale dreams" and "stagnation." Freedom's insight is contingent
and unpredictable: it may come when walking across a street; it may be
emblazoned on a board, taught in so many words, "IN EVERY GENERATION
ACTION FREES/OUR DREAMS"; or it may be caught, quite surprisingly, in
this one's journal, that one's poem. What does it mean to belong to a
movement-"Race, class... all that"? "When," in the poet's words, "does
a life bend toward freedom?"
The poetics of proximity, through which Rich makes her answer, can-
not at first sight be seen or read. It emerges in the gaps that open in
betweenthe verses themselves, breaking up the movement of the line and
placing the act of minority enunciation in a borderline space: "Partof my
life washing behindme terrorI couldn'tswim with/partof my life waiting for
me a part I had no wordsfor."It is the space and time of the present, not
signified as an idea or concept but as a kind of verbalact oractionof articula-
tion that occupies this gap in time and knowledge. For the present, signi-
fied in the gap or the blank in the verse, is the attenuated ground of
political decision, its incompleteness, its not being quite there; but this
very indeterminacy also makes the disjunctive present-not yet enunciated
as itself-the basis of political action. The unfulfilled or unsatisfied pres-
ent becomes the site of a certain futurity, of freedom as a project(in both
senses of the word) that has to be negotiated. These silent openings-
tulips, peonies-that form a signifying chain across the poem are none-
theless the connective and actional movements through which the poem
works out its answer to the question of freedom.
Freedom, in this account, is part of"the future [that] is real but must
be ec-statically kept up," as Sartre describes it.27The translational move-
ment-between idea and action, the pedagogical and the performa-
tive-is signified in the poet's marking, or making, a difference between
"talking" and "walking":
27. Jean-Paul Sartre, Notebooksfor an Ethics, trans. David Pellauer (Chicago, 1992),
p. 464.
448 Homi Bhabha Editor'sIntroduction
The "ec-static" condition of the future speaks through or beside the gaps
in the present. It is an emancipatory movement; the drive to futurity, the
desire for freedom, is marginalized in a present moment that is signified
as synecdoche (the representation of a life in parts) or articulated as
asyndeton, through gaps ("the ellipsis of conjunctive loci"). Asyndeton
and synecdoche are those figures of"pedestrian" enunciation that Michel
de Certeau associates with a subversive and translational process that he
calls the discourse of "local authorities": inserting a "void" into a homoge-
nizing function or a totalizing system (like the political movement or the
concept of freedom), "allow[ing] a certain play within a system of defined
places or "classifi[able] identities" that contradicts and compromises the
univocity of the system.28 Freedom's propensity to be always in the uto-
pian front line-"where I'll be standing at the end"-is underscored by the
quotidian, yet unlanguaged, conditions of its enunciation-"part of my
life waitingfor me a part I had no wordsfor"-that makes freedom a border
post, a measure of survival--"to live each day through."Or, as Sartre
explains, "ec-static" freedom, "the given, the choice, the situation,
goal ... this totalization is impossible because there is no homogeneity of
elements.... And if the dialectic is not a closed system, then we have to
live with the incertitude of the present moment ... [while] the future
dimension is ignorance, risk, uncertainty, a wager."29If nowadays the fu-
ture as a pedagogical-political ideal is made peripheral, it is also peri-
phrastically articulated around the missing words of the present. Taking
part in a political movement as a form of collective recognitionbecomes
also a process of being taken apart at the level of identification. With the
poem's distinction between "walking" and "talking" we have stepped into
the midst of some of the most contentious contemporary discussions
around the politics of difference or multiculturalism.
28. Michel de Certeau, The Practiceof EverydayLife, trans. Steven Rendall (Berkeley,
1984), pp. 101, 106.
29. Sartre, Notebooksfor an Ethics, pp. 464, 467.
CriticalInquiry Spring 1997 449
human beings" and the continuist, organicist temporality of "a long pe-
riod of time" would not, of necessity, return the concept of minority to a
model of a national peoples. Public virtue of this kind does not address
the identificatory desire of minorities who "have lately reformulated our
historical exclusion as a matter of historically produced and politically
rich alterity."32Nor could such a "recognition of reciprocity" adequately
value what Nivedita Menon describes as the emergence of a masculinist,
minority, religious identity in contemporary India, where the politics of
gendered identification confuses both the statist and the communitarian
modes of recognition. The interstitial articulations of selfhoods "assert
their difference on the one hand, from the public sphere defined by the
constitution, where the citizen is devoid of all distinguishing marks in-
cluding that of sex" and on the other from "other communities who mark
their specific maleness differently."33The embedded national or statist
metaphor through which Taylor works his evaluative chronotope of cul-
tural judgement would be unable to recognize migrant or diasporic
peoples as representatives of minority cultures; they would be seen as
representatives of their national or atavistic cultural heritages, or as part
of a mosaic within the "homogeneous, empty time" of the nation. As a
principle of judgement and identification this sense of a dialogical syn-
chrony-despite its standard of reasonable liberal procedures-would
result in what Fanon would describe as the pathology of freedom.
Freedom does not come from the expansive fused horizons that Tay-
lor proposes. It is a certain "bending toward freedom" that emerges in
between two adjacent forms of historical repetition: the contingency of
living and knowing each day as it unfolds flowerlike into a fleeting and
difficult everyday emancipation; and the solipsistic, stagnant "circling in
pale dreams," victimhood and "wounded attachments" that imprison the
minority imaginary.34"Walking," Rich's figure for drawing the fine line
between exclusion and emancipation, resembles much more the psycho-
analytic process of identification-what Fuss describes as the "space of
the borderlander":
Brown echoes Freud's question when she asks, What does politicized
identity want?
Brown's question turns on her salutary sense that the minoritarian
perspective can become caught in a ressentimentthat forces it into a collu-
sion with its subjectivist production conditions, which are marked by pain
and suffering. In any period of severe retrenchment in the critiques of
capitalism and bourgeois values, this ressentimentcan result in an emanci-
patory demand that derives its claims to injury and exclusion from an
ambivalent identification with "its reviled subject as objects of desire....
the white masculine middle-class ideal" (SI, pp. 60, 61). The politicized
identities of gender, race, and sexuality cannot articulate what they want
because their emancipatory claims are too often frozen by "entrenching,
restating, dramatizing, and inscribing [their] pain in politics" (SI, p. 74),
where the "I am" becomes a fixed, defensive identity that cannot partici-
pate in a transformative, collective politics. One way out of this "circling
in pale dreams" is to change the enunciative subject of the emancipatory
claim. Instead of"I want," the minoritarian performative should read in
its identificatory mode as
"I want this for us.". .. to rehabilitate the memory of desire within
identificatory processes, the moment in desire-either "to have" or
"to be"-prior to its wounding. ... to read "I am" this way: as poten-
tially in motion, as temporal, as not-I, as deconstructable according
to the genealogy of want rather than as fixed interests or experi-
ences.... This deconstruction could be that which reopens a desire
for futurity. [SI, p. 75]
Brown's project justifies the shift I made from the subject of recogni-
tion and reciprocity to the minoritarian position as identification and
proximity. Her demand for a minority subject in motion,continually nego-
tiating a futurity from the temporality of a present that destabilizes or
deconstructs presence(not-I), or "'I want this for us,"' has been staged, to
CriticalInquiry Spring 1997 453
a large degree, in Rich's poem, as I read it. Have we come full circle? No,
the question of freedom's futurity, its particular movement, still remains
to be tracked. If the seeds of the future lie, as Brown suggests, in rehabili-
tating memory and desire in a moment "priorto its wounding," one can
only ask what that moment would be and from whereit could speak its
demand. From Brown'spsychoanalytic perspective, there is indeed no pos-
sibility of the "worlding" of the subject without a wounding; the subject
only comes to light in a continual, ambivalent, contradictory trajectory
of desire between "being" (I am the object) and "having" (not-I)-what
Freud calls being a "frontier-creature."36From the historical or political
perspective, the motion that Brown desires, where "I want" and "I want
this for us" lie in a proximate relation to each other (the one-in-the-other,
not a relation of "two" but a doubling relation), is measured temporally
and can only emerge from working-through the wounding, not beingprior
to it. The mimesis of memorialization-the restitution of record, date,
time, name-anxiously gives way to the deferred event of memory, its
repetition as revenant, its ghostly appearance in the present; testimony is
caught in the affective anxiety of what it means to remember, recall, re-
count. This ethical process of memory is at the heart of Lacan's seminar
on the "function of the good": "the function of memory, remembering,"
he writes, "is at the very least a rival of the satisfactions it is charged with
effecting.... In other words, the structure engendered by memory must
not in our experience mask the structure of memory itself insofar as
[memory] is made of a signifying articulation":37
But can this ever constitute a political future?-a freedom whose present
consists of parts (metonym, asyndeton, synecdoche)? a mode of emanci-
pation without its anxious enunciative moment?
Rich ends her poem with the unthinking insouciance of youth, ut-
tered by the nineteen-year-old: "Race,class... all that... butisn'tall thatjust
peopleboredwithit all?" What speaks through this negation of
history?/Aren't
history is also unconscious of the next generation. For a moment we are
seemingly projected into a futurity where the wounding has been forgot-
ten, and with it the girl's own political genealogy. The transmission of the
political struggles of the past, of an earlier generation, turns spectral,
almost invisible.
But not for long. The poet's last image of the girl as "mermaid," sus-
pended between life and death, "precipitated from a solution/which
could stop her heart She could swim or sink"-all these images of the
"ec-static" future remind us that the wounding terrors (and territories)
of history are there, frozen in the killing air, for the suspended mermaid.
As the poet did once, the new beauty will also have to enter the current
of the Colorado and ask the question:
Speaking and exposing the alterity within the norm (the alterity
without which the norm would not know itself) exposes the failure
of the norm to effect the universal.... Such double-speaking is pre-
cisely the temporalized map of universality's future, the task of a
postlapsarian cultural translation whose future remains unpredict-
able. The contemporary scene of cultural translation ... is precisely
the interpretive dilemma to be valued, for it suspends the need for
a final judgement in favor of an affirmation of a certain linguistic
vulnerability to reappropriation. This vulnerabilitymarksthe way that a
postsovereigndemocraticdemandmakesitselffelt in the contemporaryscene
of utterance.38
life ladies. As Wolf's photography works its way through rented rooms,
cross-streets, borderline bars, tacky taquerias, she suggests that gender
may be a site-specific installation. Less "intent on knowing what was be-
neath the clothes,",true lives, her camera work establishes the scenario of
sexual identity as identification: transvestism as a kind of translation that
displays or overplays what is untranslatable, the je ne sais quois of sexual
desire and pleasure. In the interstitial temporalities of the photographic,
difference is articulated "in the texture of life-the time between the
frames" where faking femininity is at once an economic reality and the
cultural artifice of a sex ever open to reappropriation, to dressing up
(p. 498).
VernacularTranslations
The essays that follow, grouped together as "Vernacular Transla-
tions," expose "the alterity within the norm" and describe displaced or
diverted intention in the colonial world of the long nineteenth century.
Each locates a specific or singular history of cultural translation where
the discursive present is wrought through a disjunctive temporality or
a performative anxiety. Schwarz's "Laissez-Faire Linguistics" addresses
Nathaniel Brassey Halhed's Grammarof the Bengal Language (1778) as a
discourse symptomatic of a peculiar contradiction in the East India Com-
pany's "'idiom of incorporation"' whereby the egalitarian universal com-
munication required by liberal governance is violated by the political
need to produce a native subject whose incorporation can only be partial
in order to preserve the priority of English power (p. 510). Gyan Prakash's
"The Modern Nation's Return in the Archaic" opens in 1895 and tracks
the emergence of a Western-educated Hindu elite and its ambivalent,
even paradoxical, desire to create a modern Indian nation through a re-
turn to the archaism of Hindu science. And David Attwell, focusing
mainly on Tiyo Soga's journal (1857-1870), attempts to understand the
nature of a transculturated and transvalued African Enlightenment
wherein "nationalism involves both a claim to participate in universal his-
tory and an affirmation of his Africanness" (p. 565).
When the process of identification has to manage the tension be-
tween archaism and modernity (Guha) or universality and Africanness
(Attwell), the discourse functions by way of a "continual covering over of
a gap which it thereby reproduces, a self-negating relation," a vacillation
between the I and the not-I.39 Soga offers a transitional link between a
homestead counterenlightenment and a diasporic global perspective
based on an ethic of survival that goes beyond the fate of victimhood to
construct a question and a condition of freedom.
VernacularCosmopolitans
The subsequent essays within "Vernacular Cosmopolitans" are trans-
national and transcultural productions whose collective subtitle could
well be, in Rajeswari Sunder Rajan'sapt phrase, "the geographies of intel-
lectual labor" (p. 596). Within these essays, the double inscription of the
colonial condition-between the Enlightenment and its oppressions, be-
tween liberalism and tyranny-finds its way towards its own fraught vi-
sions of freedom. Each in its different way speaks through Frantz Fanon
when he envisions the scope of his futurity, in recalling the slave leader
Toussaint L'Ouverture, C. L. R. James's celebrated black jacobin: "I am a
man, and what I have to recapture is the whole past of the world. I am
not responsible solely for the revolt in Santo Domingo."40
The attempt to capture the whole of the world as an act of historic
retrieval and psychic restitution (after colonialism's incorporations and
dislocations) results in various revisionary struggles with the universalist
claims of both History and the Individual. Frangoise Verges turns her
attention to the Fanonian body, alienated in the display, and displace-
ment, of colonial power-black skin, white masks-that becomes the site
of freedom's struggle. Sunder Rajan reflects on the agon of knowledge
and power-between geopolitical locations, postcolonial discourses,
genres, genders, and classes-that gets played across a range of textual
locations and ideological locales. For Kwame Anthony Appiah, however,
to capture the whole world is, indeed, to become a citizen of the world,
but the wholeness of the world is distinguished neither by its historical
universality nor by its social homogeneity: it is the ability to translate dig-
nitas in terms of the Asante value of animuonyam(respect) and derive, at
the point at which the one bleeds into the other, a minoritized, vernacular
cosmopolitanism.
In the process of providing a thick ethnography of what it means to
write "under Western eyes," it is Sunder Rajan who becomes a transi-
tional figure, bridging the ground between the fate of a counterenlight-
enment nationalism and the emergence of a third world critical discourse
on the futures of postmodernism and global culture. This transition is
made through the theoretical movement of cultural translation, earlier
encountered in Gyan Prakash's essay, where the very iterability of a dis-
course-its "lack of finality"-further exposes the alterity within the
norm, and through that passage of proximity opens up new conjunctures
of meaning and emergent locations of identity. The role of contemporary
Indian secularists and feminists has been to work in an interstitialpolitical
space where the class category has to be acknowledged for its rational
and materialist intervention in the spheres of civil society and economic
40. Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, WhiteMasks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann (New York,
1967), p. 226.
458 Homi Bhabha Editor'sIntroduction