Islam and Politics in Central Asia

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Islam and politics in Central Asia
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International journal of basic and applied research
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ISSN 2249-3352 (P) 2278-0505 (E)
Cosmos Impact Factor-5.960
Islam and politics in central Asia

Sania Makna
Ph.D Scholar
Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
Received: 10 March Revised: 18 March Accepted: 26 March
Abstract
Central Asia is a region which was dominant by the Islamic religion since history. Soviet rule has
suppressed religious practices in Central Asia which led to the hidden practice of Islam. Soviet
Dissolution in 1991, gave freedom to Central Asian republics which led to the revival of Islam in
Central Asia. The research paper is focused on Historical relation of Islam with Central Asia and its
influence on the current politics of Central Asia. The study tries to reveal that Soviet rule could not
separate Central Asian people from its traditional religious practices. The paper is an attempt to
analyze how Islam has created religious extremism and political extremism in Central Asia and how
the current governments are tackling the situation of Islam and Politics and religious extremism in
Central Asia.
Keywords: Terrorism, Religious Extremism, Central Asia, Islam, Politics.
Introduction
Central Asia is the combination of a traditional religion of the region i.e. Islam with the Soviet form of
Authoritarian rule. It is this combination that has created many problems in Central Asia. The relation
of the Central Asian regimes to Islam has undergone a rapid change, as from an attempt to exploit
Islam to overt hostility. Thus, this brought serious consequences.
The countries’ leaders brought nationalism as a best ideology to suppress religion as well as to
improve the disturbing situation of their countries. Thus, nationalism can provide the source of
country’s collective identity, political legitimacy, and foreign policy direction but it cannot provide
the basic guidelines for the social and economic organization, nor offer a comprehensive system of
values. Moreover, it cannot guide whether the countries’ economy should be market –oriented or
state-controlled. It also doest not provide the model for a country’s system of government. Thus, the
issue of nationalism didn’t suit the Central Asian region. Therefore, in the post-independence era,
because of Central Asia’s Islamic heritage, many observers have realized that Islam would be the
main contender of the ideological vacuum created by the communism. (Shireen.T.Hunter, 1996 )
Islam has certain characteristics that make it a credible for many Muslims. It is coherent system of
legal codes and moral principles. It incorporates the principle of social justice and the sanctity of
property. The Islamic provision that needy Muslim should be assisted from the Dar-al-mar i.e. state
428 April 2019 Volume 9 Number 4

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treasury is akin to the notion of welfare state. Thus, it provides both a value system and guidelines. In
practice political philosophy of Islam is much less clear. Because no Koranic verses clearly mention
the form the Islamic government. Many Muslim political thinkers and philosophers differ on the
nature and characteristics of an Islamic political system. Even then, three countries in Central Asia’s
neighborhood claim to have governments based on Islamic principles. In addition, in the last several
decades, a number of Muslim intellectuals have developed theories about what constitutes an Islamic
system of government. The experts on Central Asian Islam have different opinions on the extent to
which the 1979 Iranian revolution and the war in Afghanistan contributed to the spread of Islamic
ideologies in the region. But all of them agreed that both events intensified Islamic consciousness in
the region. In Central Asia Islamic development meant that Islam too come out of the closet. Political
parties with Islamic ideology emerged, such as Islamic Renaissance Party, Islamic Movement of
Uzbekistan, Hizb-ut-Tahrir. Moreover, some of the established elites have tried to bring Islamic
symbols. For example, Islam Karimov, the President of Uzbekistan, when assuming the presidency,
took his oath of office on the Koran. Likewise, President Nazarbaev, on the occasion of Id al- Fitr
(Ibid).
Despite these developments, experts’ opinion on the nature and extent of Islam’s role in Central Asia
continues to be divided. Some experts view Islam as a cultural force and one of the important
components of Central Asians’ national identity. They believe that Islam’s political impact derives
from this fact rather than from its functions as political ideology. While other observers believe that
the strong Islamic network in Central Asia is dedicated to spreading militant Islam and establishing
Islamic governments.
Thus, all political parties even with the slightest content of Islam are banned by the leaders of the
Central Asian republics. In Tajikistan this policy led to civil war and use military in Uzbekistan and
Russia. The current Central Asian leaderships and Russia view Islam as an ideological rival and a
threat to their interests.
The absence of Islamic forces from Central Asia’s political scene does not mean that they do not exist
or that they could not reappear in the future. If the experience of other Muslim country is any guide,
the policy of cooperation that leads to cultural Islamization can create a favorable condition for Islam
to emerge as political force in case of the existing regimes’ economic and political failure. Thus, such
a failure would also discredit the governing elites’ ideology, based on authoritarian capitalism, and,
thus, create an opportunity for Islam to emerge as the only alternative.
The goals of these Islamic organizations are the establishment of religious or, in the event of
compromise, a religious –secular order; therefore, they use similar methods i.e. underground
agitation and armed struggle to achieve their goals (Shireen.T.Hunter, 1996).
So far as the future of the political Islam is concerned the majority of the population of Central Asia is
Muslim. In most of the republics Islam is considered as part of cultural heritage. Though return to the
old Islamic tradition is very evident in Central Asian republics in spite of the fact that some people
want to go back to the socialism where religion doesn’t play a very important role in the society,

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while some of them want to introduce radical Islamic practices into all spheres of life. Islam has been
a real political force and deeply rooted in the societies of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, but this is not the
case in traditionally nomadic Kazakh society. Muslim radicalism never gained support in Kazakhstan.
1
Despite being not supportive of political Islam, the south part of Kazakhstan has influence of political
Islam. The chairman of the Committee of National Security, Alnur Musaev, made a statement in
October 1999 in the parliament that problem of religious extremism was becoming more and more
acute every year. He also stated that there is an active penetration of undesirable Islamic forces in
Kazakhstan and the systematic inculcation of various radical theological doctrines was being carries
on. (Meena Singh Roy,)
In case of Uzbekistan Islam has played, and continues to play, a very important role than it has played
in Kazakh and Kyrgyzstan. The influence of Islam in the urban centers in the central and eastern parts
of the republic, where merchants and craftsmen traditionally live, is moderate in nature as the higher
level of education in urban centers creates condition which encourages a moderate form of Islam.
Tashkent, Bukhara and Samarkand which are centers of Islamic culture for Muslims of various
countries contain moderate Islamic norms which are quite strong and, thus, there is little chance of
spread of the radical Islamic ideas. In fact it is the Fergana Valley, where radical Islamic elements are
on increase, and have transformed radical Islam into a stronghold for the Islamists groups. In future
this region is likely to provide a base for various radical Islamist groups operating in Central Asian
republics. The similar condition prevails in Tajikistan as well. Tajikistan is also a hot ground for
religious extremism and political Islam. There is deep interference of religion in political life. The
absence of centralized authority and fragile balance of power between secular and the religious
components of the state creates favorable condition for radical Islamic groups to operate in Tajikistan.
In Kyrgyzstan, Islam came slowly. The proper expansion of Islam came only in 18 th century. The
Kyrgyz believed that Islam should have influence on the public life as 80% of the population of the
country follows traditional Islam. There are 1100 functional mosques, madrassas in various parts of
Kyrgyzstan. In southern part of Kyrgyzstan, Jihad in its radical form is being exported from Pakistan
and Afghanistan. The developments in Batken region are serious and possibility of renewed conflict
in this part of the country cannot be ruled out in future. Radical elements are growing up silently in
Kyrgyzstan. While religion officially remains separated from the state in country yet due to poor
economic condition Islamists forces would continue to challenge the security and stability in the
republic.
In case of Turkmenistan, the situation is little bit different as it has declared itself as a neutral state.
Thus, by staying neutral the government of the country has established the peace in the country. The
problem of religious extremism is not prevalent in Turkmenistan as it is in other republics. In this
country Sufi fraternities are strong and well established. Majority of the population practices the
official religion i.e. Hannafi Sunni Islam. Due to the strict government control very little is known
about this country even if there is any problem it is not shared by the authorities. Islam plays
1
In Kazakh Islam is considered as a basic element of national culture, contributing to the affirmation of Kazakh
identity.
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important role but it is not a serious cause of trouble so far in Turkmenistan (Ibid). Thus, the political
future of Islam in Central Asia is significant through the activities which are prevailing in the society.
Therefore, if the political and economic situation of these republics will not improve, the chances of
political Islam are prevalent. Against the background of the current economic and social crisis in
Central Asia, Islamic political movements have become the only solution for voicing opposition
sentiments of the population who are not satisfied with the official policy. Thus, there are strong
motives of creating more radical environment. These prospects have been enhanced by the fact that
political Islam in Central Asia is not a purely religious phenomena rather it is political as well, as
problems like insufficient resources, especially the most basic ones such as water and land, rural
overpopulation, poverty and unemployment, and rapid social stratification have facilitated the growth
of Islamic political movements. These movements, with their social and political agenda, are being
transformed into alternative political forces with a distinct social coloring. The increased political
influence of Islam is also due to the consequence of inefficient management by secular authorities.
Moreover, the more repressed rule of the governments are also responsible for the spread of
religious extremism and only it has been able to emerge as a credible rival for governmental power
(E. Abdullaev, 2003).
Step towards regional and international cooperation to fight religious extremism in central asia
In spite of many problems Central Asian states are managing to make efforts to respond to the
problem of religious extremism. The effort to combat terrorism has received great impetus since
September 11 and the resultant awareness of Islamic activism throughout the region has stimulated
widespread official concern. This problem has become part of the agenda of almost all regional
leaderships. The threat that terrorism will expand into the region and destabilize secular regimes has
prompted Central Asian Governments to consider Regional Cooperation for integrating their efforts
in resisting terrorism. The state structures involved in combating terrorism from different countries.
Therefore, maintaining security and stability in the region has become one of the most important and
urgent issues of these countries. Taking into consideration the national interests of their respective
countries, as well as realizing the doctrine of maintenance of stability in Central Asia, they aspire to
achieve security through cooperation in the framework of the regional and international
organizations.
In the past Russia has favored the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) as a vehicle for security
cooperation between the former Soviet republics. Indeed it envisioned the CIS as the foundation of a
regional collective security system. The 1992 Tashkent agreement on collective security, the
agreement for the joint defense of the CIS border and the creation of a common air defense system
suggested prima facie that such a cooperative approach to security was evolving. So did the
cooperation between Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan on defending the Tajikistan-
Afghanistan border. Except for Turkmenistan is the only country which did not join the security
structures of the CIS ( R.Menon and H.Spruyt, 1999). This created the hegemony of Russian power in
decision making of these nations therefore they shifted towards China, US etc.

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OSCE (Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe) etc. which gave Central Asia a
“European”outlook. It was a European organization which laid emphasis on Central Asian states. Its
membership of the five Central Asian states in this Euro-Atlantic organization was first questioned by
many countries, among them Russia was the foremost, but it applied the equal opportunities to all the
former Soviet republics by not taking geography as the membership criteria. The OSCE played very
important role in Tajikistan’s civil war in helping to surmount the traces of the war. Its field missions
were opened in all of the five Central Asian states. During Austria’s OSCE chairmanship in the year
2000 Central Asia became for the first time in CSCE/OSCE history an explicit priority of a
Chairmanship – the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs visiting the region four times within less than
two years. Trying to put equal emphasis on all OSCE matters – democracy/human rights,
economy/environment and security – the Central Asian states themselves felt that too little
importance has been put on the last two aspects and, supported (if not instigated) by Russia, asked
for a reorientation of OSCE policy not only towards Central Asia but in general which found
expression in the non acceptance of Russia of the OSCE budget 2005 if no redistribution of OSCE
funds and interests would occur. It was also in the OSCE that the five Central Asian states, as different
as they are in their developments started to appear sometimes as speaking with one voice in an
international organization ( H.Gurer, 2009).
Initially Russia was reluctant to have any active cooperation with the countries of the Central Asian
region. However, the later developments i.e. the Afghan situation , Chechen separatism, the
presence of the US , expansion of the NATO ( North Atlantic Treaty Organization), drug trafficking and
increasing religious extremism made Russia rethink about its initial policies. As a result it set up a
“troika” union along with Uzbekistan and Tajikistan in May 1998. The aim behind the formation of this
union, according to President Islam Karimov, is to combat “aggressive nationalism, religious
fundamentalism and extremism”. When the Taliban extended its control over the entire Afghanistan
and touched almost the borders of Central Asia, the Central Asian states and Russia understood the
danger it posed to the entire region so they started cooperating closely with each other. To combat
religious extremism and drug trafficking, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan created RDF
(Rapid Development Force) during May 2001 in CST summit. In April 2003 CST converted itself into
CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization) to provide a more efficient response to the strategic
problems confronting member states, specifically terrorism and narcotics trafficking (V. Nagendra
Rao, 2005).
From the mid-1990s, China also became an active partner in the Russian and Central Asian Security
managements through the constitution of SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization). Though, initially
it was confined to the countries who shared borders with it to resolve border disputes, but later on
SCO broadened by establishing anti-terrorist centre in Bishkek to deal with religious extremism,
separatism and terrorism. In this regard SCO has come at a time of heightened concerns about
Central Asian security as regional governments are battling to contain extremist forces in the region.
Further Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Tajikistan are the members of Six-plus two grouping which
also includes Pakistan, China, Iran, US, and Russia. This grouping sought some political solution to the
continuing civil war in Afghanistan which has been destabilized by Taliban.

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Besides, with the exception of Turkmenistan, that officially remains neutral in political and security
affairs, the other Central Asian republics entered into a significant pan-regional agreement in April
2000. They signed a ten year treaty to combat terrorism, religious extremism and organized crime (
Poonam Mann, 2008). After the September 11 attack, the cooperation shifted towards US and which
greatly affected their geopolitical relations with Russia and China.
Geopolitical shift of central asia before and after september 11, 2001
Before September 11 Russia and China were the major regional cooperation partners of Central Asia
due to its geostrategic location. As far as Central Asian countries are concerned, it is advantageous to
have relations with Russia and China who are permanent members of UN Security Council in the
struggle against militant Islamists.
After Central Asian independence, it was seen as a backyard of Russia with undisputed Russian
influence from outside powers. Moreover, its geostrategic location and its economic importance led
Russia to control Central Asia through regional cooperation. Furthermore, Central Asian republics
were part of Soviet Union which makes Russia still to behave as ruler. It considers that Central Asia
was its part earlier so no other country should interfere in the region. (H.Gurer 2009).
China’s interest consists in maintaining stability in Xinxiang region of China that is to repress Muslim
Turkic speaking Uigur separatist movement that has gained new momentum in between the Muslim
renaissance, therefore, China tried to gain the cooperation of Central Asian states in suppressing
Uigur separatism. The importance of Xinxiang to China is the economic factor as it includes region’s
mineral resources, in particular oil. Moreover, the region has its transportation links with Pakistan,
Afghanistan and Central Asia. Furthermore, the interest of China in the region is to tap the energy and
other resources of Central Asia, above all is Kazakhstan. In order to ensure the delivery of
Hydrocarbon resources from Central Asia to China for that it is essential that the states of Central Asia
should remain secular and stable. Moreover, the Central Asian attracts China’s interest in Central
Asia (Boris Runner, 2003).
The Muslims of Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Pakistan are situated at the southern border of Russia
and the western front of China. Although the interests of the two great powers clash at this point, it
would be unrealistic to expect the two powers to agree to some power sharing model in context of
Central Asia to achieve their own interests. China tried to maintain good relations with Russia as it
came to know about the Russian pre-eminence in the region. Thus, Russia and China both reached to
sign agreements on friendship. The agreements were signed by Russia, China and Central Asian
states that are the Sino-Russian agreements. This was all done to protect their own interests in Central
Asia (Anita Sengupta, 2005).
Thus, prior to September 11, 2001, Central Asia witnessed a significant realignment of forces and
policy. Russia refocused the primary emphasis in Central Asian policy from economic ties to military
cooperation. China also, significantly, enhanced its presence in the region through SCO. At this point
of time United States was not directly involved in the region. Earlier it was not that much interested in
the region and used to watch through Washington D.C., but with the rise in tensions between Russia
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and China regarding Central Asia and further the increased threats of Islamic extremism led US to
involve in the region. US couldn’t ignore the competition between Beijing and Moscow for dominance
in Central Asia. It was clear that China would lead against Russia and push Russia into a subsidiary
position. This attitude of China made US to interfere and assert its own dominance in the region. Thus,
Russia stands nowhere in terms of economic and military capacity to protect the region. After
September 11 the US became the major player in the region to combat terrorism. The attacks of
September 11 created a geopolitical shift of Central Asia from Russia and China towards US. This
change had direct and profound effect on Central Asia. The relocation of Central Asia from the
periphery to the very centre of the American strategic interest changed the balance of three great
players i.e. Russia, China and US. Thus, this created more tension among Russia and China as they
never want any third rival on the region. Moreover, it started US- Russia rivalry also. As US
interference led militant presence in the areas which were restrained by Russia and China. But
Central Asian Governments were in favor of the US presence. According to Central Asian
perspective, the American presence along with Russia and China is creating a huge barrier against
the terrorist groups. Moreover, they believe that the American presence will have a positive impact
on the economy of the Central Asia as a whole, it will not only help in providing the reliable defense
shield rather prosperity, good roads and modern technology (Charles William Maynes ,2003).
In 2000 the US categorized the IMU as a terrorist organization which had links with Osama Bin Laden
and even today it has links with Al-Qaeda. In many respects the terrorist attacks on America on 11
September 2001 provided Central Asia with a political opportunity. All the Muslim states of Central
Asia came out in support of the US-led war on terrorism on Taliban. Levels of support varied, as
Uzbek sharing no borders with Russia and China was highly pro-active and quick to support US to
establish a military base on its territory on 12-18 December, 2001. Kyrgyzstan also allowed US
military base in on its territory while Tajikistan permitted coalition forces to be deployed in the
country. Turkmenistan which was less affected by the Islamist terrorism than other Central Asian
states, was more cautious but still allowed over flights of Turkmen territory during the war against
Taliban. The IMU fought alongside the Taliban and Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan against the US-led
coalition. It suffered heavy losses as a result, but it was not destroyed. It was forced to withdraw from
Afghanistan, but maintained its bases in Tajikistan and Fergana Valley. Thus, the IMU turned the
interests of US in Central Asia by making its base in Central Asia and then in 2004 attacking US
embassy in Tashkent (Mike Bowker, 2007).
Kazakhstan has apparently consulted Russia on the issue of giving support to US military bases on
extremists in Afghanistan. Thus, it allowed US to use its airspace for strikes and nothing else due to its
own security issue. Tajikistan also took decision in consultation with Russia. Putin also supported US
war on terrorism but his motive was not clear. US interference in Central Asia was intolerable to
Russia but US started having its more interest in Central Asia due to the advantages which it can have
from Central Asia such as access to energy resources and proximity to Afghanistan. Moreover,
Central Asia is also seeking economic and military support from US.
US policy towards Central Asia needs to be analyzed of the fact that it has stepped inside the
demarcated line drawn by Moscow to define its post-Soviet geopolitical space. Central Asia may not
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be as important to China as Taiwan but for Russia to see Central Asia falling under US influence would
be important to a final collapse of the great power ambitions that reside in the minds of its political
class and majority of its people. Prominent Russian specialists on US politics had to force themselves
to come to terms with Putin’s Pro-American policy. In the aftermath of September 11, they put up with
US use of air bases in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan and the US military presence there. But
Putin’s pro-American policy was in great opposition. The top officials of the armed forces grumbled at
Putin’s quiet response to the US announcement that it would withdraw from the Anti-Ballistic Missile
Treaty. Later in 2002, they will have to come to terms with NATO membership for the three former
Soviet republics on the Baltic sea. But they are afraid of the fact if Central Asia jumps out of Moscow’s
influence and accepts US patronage then this would be considered as Putin’s failure as a leader and a
setback to great power Russia (Mikhail Tsypkin, 2008).
Thus, Russia and China have also strengthened their cooperation in Central Asia within the
framework of the SCO. Both China and Russia hope to maintain security and stability in Central Asia
and prevent any change in the balance of power in the region, resulting from the military presence of
US. Both Russia and China know that anti-terrorism campaign in Afghanistan led by US also serves
their own interests. But Russia also demanded that US military operations in Central Asia should be
transparent and there should be a time limit for its military presence. In this regard, Russia is strongly
supported by China.
Problems of regional cooperation faced by central asian states
There are many challenges which the Central Asian states face to have their own indigenous regional
organizations. Some of them are as follows:-
 The very first challenge is the political leadership and economic backwardness of the region
and shortage of specialists.
 The Soviet authorities divided the region in such a manner that it led to the rise of ethnic
conflicts among Central Asian republics. This has created great tension among the leaders of
the region. This is also a major hurdle in their cooperation for e.g. Uzbekistan’s Fergana
Valley region is the most prominent.
 The authoritarian regimes and the ideological differences among Central Asian leaders
regarding political activity and security issues.
Conclusion:
The region of Central Asia has remained long under the influence of Islam which got revived after
Soviet disintegration. Despite Soviet efforts of suppressing religion among Central Asian republics to
spread communism, the people of Central Asia remain intact with Islam. After independence in 1991,
these republics chose Islam as their national identity. Islam became major challenge to these
republics as some of the religious extremist forces use it against the current regimes to overthrow
them and create Islamic states. The leaders of Central Asian republics had chosen Soviet style
authoritarian rule with Islamic identity which led to create dissatisfaction among people of the

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republics. Moreover, problems like unemployment, poverty, ethnic disturbances, border disputes,
authoritarian rule that governments are unable to tackle gave way for some of the religious groups in
Central Asia to incite against current regimes. Thus, these religious groups prefer Islamic politics
over current regime.
References:
Adeeb Khalid (2004), “Islam in Contemporary Central Asia”, ed in “Islam in World Cultures:
Comparative Perspectives”, by R.M. Feener, , California: Santa Barbara Publishers, pg. 147- 152.
Adil Soz (2008) “Political Extremism, Terrorism, and Media in Central Asia”, A Report by International
Media Support (IMS), Copenhagen.
Ahmed Rashid (2001) “The Fires of Faith in Central Asia”, World Policy Journal, Vol. 18, pg. 49-51, 52-
54.
Aida Amanbayeva (2009),“The Collision of Islam and Terrorism in Central Asia”, Asian Criminiology,
Vol.4, Springer Science Publishers, pg. 172-175.
E. Abdullaev (2003) “The Central Asian Nexus: Islam and Politics”, ed in “Central Asia: A Gathering
Storm”, by Boris Runner, United States: M.E. Sharpe Publishers, pg. 245-247, 285- 288.
Mathew Crosston (2006), “Fostering Fundamentalism: Terrorism Democracy and American Engagement
in Central Asia”, England: Ashgate Publishers, pg. 38-48.
M.R. Debata (2011), “ Hizb-ut-Tahrir: The Destabilizing Forces in Central Asia”, ed in “Religion and
Security in South and Central Asia”, by K.Warikoo, London: Routledge Publishers, Pg. 125-138
Meena Singh Roy (2011),“Terrorism in Central Asia: Imperatives for Regional Cooperation”, ed in
Religion and Security in South and Central Asia”, by K.Warikoo, London: Rutledge Publishers, Pg. 197-
198, 194-196.
Mike Bowker(2007), “Russia, America and the Islamic World”, England, Asghate Publishers, pg. 145-
147.
Poonam Mann (2008) “Religious Extremism in Central Asia”, Strategic Analysis Journal, Vol.25
England: Rutledge Publishers, pg. 1031-1032, 1032-1036.
S. Saleem Ahmed (2004), “Dimensions of Terrorism and Religious Extremism: Two sides of the same
coin”, ed in “International Terrorism and Religious Extremism: Challenges to Central and
South Asia”, by Mahavir Singh, New Delhi: Anamika Publishers, pg. 46-49, 51-54. Shireen. T. Hunter
(1996),“Central Asia Since Independence”, Washington D.C: Strategic and International Studies
Publishers, pg. 35-39.

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S.K. Ashoka (2004), “Religious Extremism and Terrorism in Central Asia in the Aftermath of
September 11”, ed in “International Terrorism and Religious Extremism: Challenges to Central and
South Asia”, by Mahavir Singh, New Delhi: Anamika Publishers, pg. 161-173.
T. Jeremy Gunn (2003), “Shaping an Islamic Identity: Religion, Islamism, and the State in Central
Asia”, Sociology of Religion, Vol.64, London: Oxford University Press, pg. 399-400.
V. Nagendra Rao (2005), “Religious Extremism in Central Asia: Towards A Conceptualization”, ed in

“Central Asia: Present Challenges and Future Prospects”, by V.Nagendra Rao,
Mohammad Monir Alam, New Delhi: Knowledge Publishers, pg. 103-110. Zeyno. B, S.F. Starr (2006),
S.E. Cornell, “Islamic Radicalism in Central Asia and the Caucasus: Implications for the EU”, A Report,
pg. 25-29.

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Islam and politics in central Asia

Received: 10 March Revised: 18 March Accepted: 26 March

Keywords: Terrorism, Religious Extremism, Central Asia, Islam, Politics.

428 April 2019 Volume 9 Number 4

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Problems of regional cooperation faced by central asian states

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