AFRICA UNIVERSITY

(A United Methodist Related Institution)

THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN INFLUENCING PUBLIC POLICY

MAKING IN ZIMBABWE: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE
ZIMBABWE AFRICAN NATIONAL UNION PATRIOTIC FRONT (ZANU PF)
AND THE MOVEMENT FOR DEMOCRATIC CHANGE (MDC-T)

BY

CHARLES MAPORISA

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER IN PUBLIC POLICY AND GOVERNANCE IN THE
COLLEGE OF BUSINESS, PEACE, LEADERSHIP AND GOVERNANCE

2017

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 Abstract

This study focused on the role of political parties in public policy making process in Zimbabwe.

It sought to examine how the government formulates its policies, how political parties and other

interest groups contribute to the process and also highlight some of the policies proposed by

different political parties. The study took a qualitative design as it sought to explore in-depth

information with the regard to the formulation of policies. A total of twenty one purposively

selected respondents comprising of members of Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic

Front (ZANU PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) were interviewed.

Information was also sought from an authority at the parliament of Zimbabwe who engages

members of different political parties. The study revealed that political parties participate in the

policy making process mainly through the parliament. The study also identified a number of gaps

in the policy making process which include; biased selection of members into decision making

position, gender disparities and the marginalization of the youths. The study concluded by giving

some recommendations so as to foster improvement in the policy making process in Zimbabwe.

Key words: Public policy, Political parties, Government, Participation

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 Declaration Page

I declare that this dissertation is my original work except were sources have been cited and

acknowledged. The work has never been submitted, nor will it ever be submitted to another

university for the award of a degree.

……………………………………… ……………………….

Student’s Full Name Student’s Signature (Date)

……………………………………… …………………………..

Main Supervisor’s Full Name Main Supervisor’s Signature (Date)

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 Copyright

No part of this dissertation may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system or transmitted in

any form or by any means for scholarly purpose without prior written permission of the author or

of Africa University on behalf of the author.

© Maporisa Charles,

College of Business, Peace, Leadership and Governance,

Africa University, Zimbabwe, 2017

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 Acknowledgements

I express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor, Mr Fungai for helping me throughout the period

of writing this dissertation. I would also like to thank legislators from various political parties,

particularly the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) and the

Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T), whose cooperation helped me to write this

dissertation. I am also grateful to the staff from the Parliament of Zimbabwe, particularly the

public relations office which helped me in a number of ways. I would also want to express my

profound gratitude to the staff members of the Institute of Peace Leadership and Governance of

Africa University for their assistance during my academic journey.

I also want to acknowledge my classmates for their unwavering support and words of

encouragement during the challenging times of writing this dissertation

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 Dedication

This work is dedicated to my parents and my siblings; Kudzai, Nyasha and Moreblessing

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 List of Acronyms and Abbreviations

AU African Union

ARREST Agenda for the Restoration and Rehabilitation of Electoral Sustainability

GNU Government of National Unity

HOPE Holistic Programme for Economic Change

JUICE Jobs, Upliftment, Capital Investment and Ecology

MDC-T Movement for Democratic Change led by Morgan Tsvangirai

PDP People’s Democratic Party

SADC Southern Africa Development Community

UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights

ZANU PF Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front

ZIMASSET Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio Economic Transformation

ZIMPREST Zimbabwe Programme for Economic and Social Transformation

ZIMRIGHTS Zimbabwe Human Rights Association

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Table of Contents
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION...............................................................................................................14
1.1 Background to the study..................................................................................................................14
1.2 Statement of the problem.................................................................................................................17
1.3 Research Objectives........................................................................................................................18
1.4 Research questions..........................................................................................................................18
1.5 Assumptions of the study.................................................................................................................18
1.6Justification of the study...................................................................................................................19
1.7 Significance of the study.................................................................................................................20
1.8 Delimitation of the study.................................................................................................................20
1.9 Limitations of the study...................................................................................................................21
1.10 Structure of the Study....................................................................................................................21
CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE...........................................................................23
2.1 Introduction.....................................................................................................................................23
2.2 Theoretical Framework....................................................................................................................23
2.3 Relevance of theoretical Framework...............................................................................................25
2.4 The meaning of Public policy..........................................................................................................26
2.5 Public policy making theories..........................................................................................................28
2.5.1 Political systems theory............................................................................................................28
2.5.2 Group theory.............................................................................................................................28
2.5.3 Elite theory...............................................................................................................................29
2.5.4 Rational Choice theory.............................................................................................................29
2.6 Policy making process.....................................................................................................................29
2.7 Factors that influence the policy making process.............................................................................31
2.7.1 Economy...................................................................................................................................31
2.7.2 Political parties.........................................................................................................................32
2.7.3 Views of political office bearers...............................................................................................32
2.7.4 Needs and expectations of the society.......................................................................................32
2.7.5 Activities and representations of interest groups.......................................................................32
2.7.6 Research and new developments in technology........................................................................33
2.8 Who participates in public policy making?......................................................................................33
2.8.1 Legislators................................................................................................................................33

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 2.8.2 The citizens...............................................................................................................................34
2.8.3 International Institutions...........................................................................................................34
2.9 Role of political parties in policy making........................................................................................35
2.10 Participation and Democracy.........................................................................................................36
2.11 Policy making in Zimbabwe..........................................................................................................38
2.12 Zimbabwean Political parties on policies.......................................................................................39
2.13 Gender and policy making: role of women in Zimbabwe..............................................................39
2.14 Policy making in regional countries: Cases of Botswana and Lesotho..........................................43
2.14.1 Public Policy Making in Botswana.........................................................................................43
2.14.2 Public policy making in Lesotho.............................................................................................45
2.15 Summary of the literature review...................................................................................................46
CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY.........................................................................................47
3.1 Introduction.....................................................................................................................................47
3.2 Research design...............................................................................................................................47
3.3 Population........................................................................................................................................49
3.4 Sample.............................................................................................................................................50
3.5 Data collection Instruments.............................................................................................................51
3.6 Analysis and Organisation of Data..................................................................................................52
3.7 Ethical consideration.......................................................................................................................52
3.7 Summary.........................................................................................................................................53
CHAPTER 4 DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTEPRETATION.....................................54
4.1 Introduction.....................................................................................................................................54
4.2 Response rate...................................................................................................................................54
4.3 Socio Demographic data of the respondents....................................................................................54
4.4 Data Presentation.............................................................................................................................55
4.4.1 How the government of Zimbabwe makes policies..................................................................55
4.4.2 Formulation of policies in Zimbabwe.......................................................................................55
4.4.3 Views on the policy making process in Zimbabwe...................................................................56
4.4.4 How political parties contribute to policy making....................................................................58
4.4.5 Contribution of citizens and other interest groups to public policy making..............................59
4.4.6 The gendered nature of public policy making...........................................................................62
4.4.7 Role of the youths in policy making.........................................................................................65

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 4.4.8 Alternative policy suggestions..................................................................................................67
4.4.9 Government attempts to improve public policy making...........................................................68
4.4.10 Suggestions for designing effective and sustainable public policies.......................................69
4.5 Summary.........................................................................................................................................70
CHAPTER 5 SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS........................................72
5.1 Introduction.....................................................................................................................................72
5.2 Summary.........................................................................................................................................72
5.3 Conclusions.....................................................................................................................................74
5.4 Implications.....................................................................................................................................76
5.5 Recommendations...........................................................................................................................76
5.6 Suggestions for further research......................................................................................................78
REFERENCES..........................................................................................................................................79

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 List of Appendices

Appendix Interview guide for legislators………………………………………83

Appendix 2 Interview guide for key informants…………………………………84

Appendix 3 Informed consent form………………………………………………85

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 Definition of key terms

(i) Political party-There is no universal definition of a political party. However for the purpose

of this research, the researcher is going to use a definition provided by Motlamelle (2013).

Parties can therefore be understood as defining institutions of modern democracy and a crucial

link between citizens and government, and sources of governance for society in democratic

systems.

According to Masunungure (2006) Political parties are organised human entities through which

political gladiators struggle for power to control the state and its resources for purposes of

governing the society in which they are located through the implementation of its policies and

programmes. The rise of political parties is undoubtedly one of the principal distinguishing

marks of modern government. The parties, in fact, have played a major role as makers of

governments, more especially; they have been makers of democratic government.

(ii) Public policy-No unanimity can be found on a precise definition of public policy. However

most definitions provided by scholars relate to the same idea.

According to Anderson (2006) it refers to a relatively stable, purposive course of action followed

by an actor or set of actors in dealing with a problem or matter of concern. Public policies are

developed by government bodies and officials, and non-governmental actors can just influence

public policy development.

According to Roux (2002) public policy refers to a proposed course of action of government, or

guidelines to follow to reach goals and objectives, and is continuously subject to the effects of

environmental change and influence. Public policy, indeed, is also an authoritative statement on

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what government chooses to do or not to do and incorporates, or implies, the authoritative

allocation of values for the whole society. According to Fox, Bayat and Ferreira, it is a process in

which actions and inactions are taken by all spheres and levels of the public sector in a

democratic society in the interest of the citizens of that society.

(iii) Democracy-There is no universal definition of democracy. Many scholars give different

explanations of how they perceive the concept. However most of the definitions relate to the

same idea. For the purpose of this study, the researcher adopted the definition provided by

Bastian and Luckham (2003)

Bastian and Luckham (2003) defined democracy simply as rule by the people. There are various

forms of democracies which include liberal democracy and constitutional democracies.

Zimbabwe identifies itself with constitutional democracy. According to Magstadt and Schotten

(1993) constitutional democracies are those states where the governments are popular, limited

and effective.

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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the study

Democracy became a global phenomenon at the start of the 1970s.International and regional

developments in the late 1980s resulted in Southern Africa experiencing a wave of

democratization. That saw the acceptance of the norms and values of multiparty democracy,

regular elections and constitutional rule across the region. By 2005 a recorded 64 percent of the

world’s states were electoral democracies, compared to only 40 percent in the 1980s, (African

Democratic Institute, 2016).Zimbabwe achieved its independence in 1980 after some years of

armed struggle. In Zimbabwe after the attainment of independence, the ruling government started

drafting new policies which were to substitute the oppressive policies of the colonial regime. The

new government inherited a state-centric nature of policy making in almost all areas including

agricultural, health, education, labor and social welfare sectors, thus it was faced with an

obligation to address the situation. Inherited national policy making systems and processes

needed to be transformed from minority-focused to majority-focused institutions.

From independence, Zimbabwe has drafted and implemented a number of policies. Soon after

independence some of the policies crafted by the government include the Reconciliation policy,

the Growth with equity policy, the Education for all policy, the health for all policy and the

agricultural policy,(Zhou and Zvoushe,2012).These policies were made using a nationalist

agenda for nation building and economic growth. It can however be noted that most of the

policies during this era were made using the top-down approach, whereby the government made

the policies for the citizens. In the 1990s, the government of Zimbabwe also drafted and adopted

a number of policies. These include the adoption of the Economic Structural Adjustment

Programmes (ESAPs) that were spearheaded by the International Monetary Fund and the World

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Bank, and adopted by many countries across Africa and the rest of the world .In 1996, the

Zimbabwean government crafted the Zimbabwe Programme for Economic and Social

Transformation (ZIMPREST), a policy which was meant to facilitate economic growth and

alleviation of poverty. It was tailored drawing lessons from the demise of ESAP. The 2000s saw

Zimbabwe adopting the Land redistribution policy which was meant to address the land

distribution imbalance between the blacks and the whites. The government also drafted and

adopted the Indigenisation policy. This was meant to address the disparities in ownership of the

means of production as there was a white capital monopoly. Thus the policy was meant to give

the blacks a chance to participate in economic growth. In 2013, the government adopted the

Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio Economic Transformation (ZIM ASSET) which aims

at promoting equitable development and prosperity for all Zimbabweans whilst leveraging own

resources. Whilst many policies have been made from the time of independence to the present;

their success has been varied due to a number of factors.

Zimbabwe identifies itself as a constitutional democracy, (Parliament of Zimbabwe

2017).Political parties are active players in the policy making processes of many constitutional

democracies around the world. Their manifestos speak of various policies which they intend to

implement for the development of their respective nations. In Zimbabwe, the political landscape

has been dominated by the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF).The

party has been in power since independence in 1980.The largest opposition party, the Movement

for Democratic Change (MDC) emerged in 1999.The party has participated in elections and

currently have a sizeable number of seats in parliament. From 2008-2013, the party shared power

with ZANU PF as Government of National Unity (GNU). There are also many other political

parties in Zimbabwe, only a few of them currently have seats in the parliament. ZANU PF as the

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ruling party since independence has taken up the leadership role in policy making. The parties

through their manifestos speak of various policies which they intend to implement to foster

development. However it can be noted that the role played by these political parties is not clear

when it comes to public policy making. In Zimbabwe most of the political parties focus on

winning elections but are not active after the elections. This makes one to question if the

members of these political parties understand their role in a democratic state. When politics is

mentioned, it is presented as something external to the public policy process, an idea which

needs to be managed and corrected. This attitude grows out of a long tradition of believing that

the winning party should do everything alone including public policy making. Such a treatment

of politics is unrealistic as in reality, policy making can never be extricated from politics and also

undesirable as political parties participation adds value to policy making.

No modern democratic state exists without political parties. If one takes a critical look on the

politics and governance in Africa, two factors become apparent. Firstly, in some parts of the

continent, democracy is slowly becoming the only form of governance in places such as

Botswana, Mali, Ghana, and South Africa, (Olayele, 2014). These countries are working to

honor political freedom, inter and intra party competition, press freedom, civil liberties, and the

growth of civil society. Democratic and participatory processes make political parties stronger,

more capable of dealing with negotiation, debate, and nation building. These political

organizations define public problems, propose aggregate citizens' policy preferences, mobilize

voters, make demands of elected officials, communicate information about government action to

their supporters and the larger public, and make relatively coherent legislative action possible. In

modern days, parties are expected to propose views on domestic and foreign policies, economic

and social policies, and youth and civil policies. This will help to articulate and aggregate social

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interests and also promote the participation of citizens. However, in Zimbabwe there is still a

challenge in the participation of political parties in policy making. A politics of ‘us’ and ‘them’

is the mode of political engagement and contestation. This has resulted in a crisis and general

catastrophic governance systems. If political parties are to contribute to finding a lasting solution

to the impasse in Zimbabwe, they will have to do it democratically. Hence this research focuses

on analyzing the role played by political parties in public policy making and ways in which

public policy making can be improved in Zimbabwe.

1.2 Statement of the problem

The political landscape of Zimbabwe is dominated by two political parties, the Zimbabwe

African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change

led by Morgan Tsvangirai (MDC-T). Whilst these and many other political parties identify

themselves with democratic principles, a number of them do not fully understand their role in

public policy making. It can be noted that the policy making process in Zimbabwe is not

inclusive. In most cases, the ruling party comes up with policies for the people and on the other

hand, the opposition party opposes almost everything that the ruling party says. Political parties

do not play an active role in policy making as they have a limited understanding in appreciating

their role within a democracy, (Olaleye, 2004). Most citizens and voters tend to associate parties

with elections. However they have a limited understanding of the duties of these political parties

after winning the elections. Although many policies have been put in place, their ability to meet

the intended targets has largely been questioned mainly due to lack of economic development in

recent years. Whilst many researchers have focused on analyzing government policies, there

have been limited research on who really participates in the policy making process. In most

cases, policies which are crafted by few individuals in the ruling party are implemented by the

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government at national level. This undermines the role of the political parties in public policy

making. It also undermines the democratic principle which Zimbabwe identifies itself with.

According to Robert Dahl, (1989) Democracy means participation in various state activities

including policy making. The research explores how these political parties are involved in policy

making and also assess some of the policies which these parties propose.

1.3 Research Objectives

(i) To explore how the government formulates policies

(ii) To assess the alternative policies provided by political parties and how they differ from those

provided by the government

(iii) To recommend various ways of improving policy making in Zimbabwe

1.4 Research questions

(i)How does the government of Zimbabwe formulate its policies?

(ii) What alternative policies do political parties in Zimbabwe offer to the government?

(iii) How can policy making be improved in Zimbabwe?

1.5 Assumptions of the study

The research was based on the following assumptions:

(i) There is an existing gap in the public policy making process in Zimbabwe which is resulting

in the failure of some policies.

(ii) The respondents in this research will be interested in taking part in the study.

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(iii) The researcher also assumes that the respondents will answer in an honest and objective

manner.

iv) The researcher also assumes that he will get responses from both political parties, ZANU PF

and MDC-T for the study to be a success.

(v) It is the hope of the researcher that this study will be helpful in improving public policy

making in Zimbabwe.

1.6Justification of the study

The role of political parties is crucial to democracy and speaks directly to Africa`s future.

Political parties play varying roles in parliament, on behalf of their constituency, in policy

development and implementation, and accounting for projects implementation, (African

Democratic Institute, 2016). The research intends to explore how the government of Zimbabwe

makes its policies. It will also identify the gaps in the policy making process and suggest

possible solutions to improve the public policy making process. Political parties, strengthen

democracy by suggesting different public policies, promoting and stimulating debates in

parliament and hold governments accountable. As such, the study also explores the policy

making process in the political parties and identify some of the policies which these parties

suggest and how they differ from the existing policies of the government of Zimbabwe. These

suggested policies might be possible solutions to the economic and social problems which

Zimbabwe is currently facing. The research seeks to explore how the government engage

different political parties in coming up with national policies. This will help in fostering

improvement of the quality of policy outcomes and at the same time enhancing the involvement

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of interested parties and the citizens at large. This will lead to the formulation of sound policies

which are sustainable and can lead to economic development. Active participation by political

parties in the making of public policy is an important ingredient for effective, efficient and good

governance in Zimbabwe. It is against the above background that this thesis will focus on the

role of political parties in the making of policies in Zimbabwe.

1.7 Significance of the study

The findings of this study will help to improve the public policy making process by the

government of Zimbabwe. It will highlight how the participation of different political parties and

other stakeholders can yield better results in the crafting of policies. The study will also highlight

how participation of different parties in the policy making process strengthens democracy in

Zimbabwe, as democracy involves the consultation of various individuals. The findings of the

study will also be utilized by different entities including the government, political parties, the

civil society, the public and private sector.

1.8 Delimitation of the study

Public policy is a broad area which covers issues such as public policy making and policy

implementation. However, this research will only focus on policy making as it is the starting

point in designing sustainable policies. The research is also limited to public policy making due

to the limited time of the study. There are many political parties in Zimbabwe that include the

People’s Democratic Party, the National People’s party and the Movement for Democratic

Change led by Welshman Ncube (MDC-N). However, this research mainly focuses on two

political parties; Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) and the

Movement for Democratic Change led by Morgan Tsvangirai (MDC-T). The study will focus on

these two parties as they dominate the political landscape in Zimbabwe. ZANU (PF) is the ruling

20
party whilst MDC-T is the largest opposition political party which has been in existence since

1999. The MDC-T has also been part of the government of national unity from 2008-2013.The

study will specifically be conducted in Harare where these political parties have their

headquarters. Parliamentarians of these parties, ZANU (PF) and MDC-T will be the unit of

analysis. These are contacted as they are part of what Anderson (2006) cited as primary policy

makers; those who have direct constitutional authority to act. The chief whips of these parties

may be contacted as key informants on public policy making issues.

1.9 Limitations of the study

This research focuses on the participation of political parties in policy making. However, it is

not examining in detail the participation of citizens in general, the civil society, the churches, the

business community and other interest groups yet they are also essential in public policy making.

These groups are not examined due to the limited time of the research. A number of researches

have also been conducted highlighting the role of the civil society and citizen participation. The

researcher is not going to interview members from other political parties other than ZANU PF

and MDC T whilst they are also important in the policy making process. These political parties

are not approached because most of them do not have parliamentarians whom the researcher is

using as respondents. Nevertheless, the research on these two political parties will give a general

overview of the role of political parties and other stakeholders in public policy making in

Zimbabwe.

1.10 Structure of the Study

This research is divided into five chapters. Chapter 1 serves as a basis for the subsequent

chapters and is introductory in nature. It gives the background of the study, the statement of the

problem and the justification for carrying out this research. This chapter also highlights the

21
research objectives and the research questions to be addressed by this study. It also clarifies the

delimitation of the study and identifies the possible limitations to the study. Chapter 2 of this

thesis will explore literature related to the study of political parties’ influence to policy making

process. It highlights literature from various books and articles and also explains the theoretical

framework related to this study. Chapter 3 of this research highlights the research methodology.

As such, it explains various tools used by the researcher in carrying out the study. The chapter

gives clarity of the population under study, data collection tools among other things. Chapter 4 of

this thesis explains the research findings and presents data collected. Research findings are

presented in thematic areas as the research is qualitative in nature. Chapter 5 comprises of

summary, concluding remarks and gives recommendations. This concluding chapter is based on

the findings from the research. It also outlines some recommendations for further research of the

area.

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CHAPTER 2 REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

2.1 Introduction

Literature on policy making explains the meaning of public policy and the policy making

process. It also highlights different stakeholders involved in public policy making .The literature

also explains how participation of these stakeholders including political parties, the civil

society and the citizens is essential in formulating sustainable policies. However, in Africa there

are still some challenges in the participation of citizens in general in the policy making process.

Government officials make policies on their own on behalf of the citizens without consultations.

This chapter also explains Stephen Lukes’ theory of power and how it is relevant to public policy

making. It is essential to analyse what literature says about public policy making which is a

baseline for coming up with sustainable policies.

2.2 Theoretical Framework

Power and Powerlessness: The three faces of power

The theory of three faces of power was propounded by Steven Lukes. He borrows from scholars

such as Robert Dahl who explains the first face of power and Bachrach and Baratz who

explained the second face of power. The basic principle is that the power and consequent

effectiveness of a group is based on three distinct aspects. The first face, as proposed by such

theorists as Dahl explains power as a 'relation among people'. It portrays politics as multiple

groups competing for power and these groups are led by elites. According to Robert Dahl, in a

society, people organise themselves into groups to influence politics, and each significant group

has some resources. Generally each group relies on either money or numbers of people. Power is

thus based on the ability of one group or individual to achieve compliance by others and change

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their behavior as a result of the power being exerted. This can be seen as an 'open face', where it

is clear who influences and wins over key issues in visible competition among people involved

in politics.

The second face-Agenda setting

The second face, as proposed by theorists such as Bachrach and Baratz, explains that some

important issues are kept out of politics and some people are excluded from the decision-making

process. In this situation, power is not just about making decisions, but also about setting the

agenda that leads to decisions. In other words, if you can control the context within which

decisions are made, then you can influence those decisions. The powerful control the political

agenda, making sure that their goals are addressed and their grievances aired while other issues

are ignored. The powerful create or reinforce barriers to the airing of grievances, limiting what is

heard and often creating a fear of reprisals. Anyone who raises issues that threaten the interests

of the powerful faces sanctions and punishment, so they decide not to raise them or fight and

conflict disappears. This means that some important issues are left unaddressed, even those

issues that might be important to large numbers of people. For example, trillions of dollars are

spent to combat terrorism and leaders focus on trade negotiations while there is little substantial

action on poverty, HIV/ AIDS or education. Policy discussions are largely limited to issues that

are important to the powerful. People are discouraged or prevented from participation because of

explicit rules or they are defeated in most policy outcomes. Non participation by the people due

to the barriers created by the elites will determine policy outcomes. This can be seen as a

'secretive face', where real decisions are made in secret conferences and it is not clear who is

making the decision.

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The third face- Manipulation

Steven Lukes argues that there is a third face of power that of an aspect of manipulating the

psychology of anyone and everyone affected. This third face of power assumes that the

powerless are unaware of their true interests. This view can be seen as similar to the Marxist

view of ideological power, where the ability to control what people think of as being 'right' can

lead to acceptance of biased decisions without question. In the Third Face of Power, the people

are in a state of powerlessness for so long that grievances become invisible and the powerless

become unaware of their best own interests. They either internalise their powerlessness or the

powerful manipulate their consciousness through propaganda. Lukes argues that the third face of

power creates a culture of silence and there will be will be acceptance of injustice, internalized

negative identities of self-blame, and low efficacy with no sense that action will result in

improvement. This can be seen as a 'deceptive face', where trickery and psychological methods is

the primary tool in shifting values and changing what people consider to be important.

2.3 Relevance of theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework is relevant to this study in a number of ways. The first level of power

explained in the theory explains how policy decisions are made basing on individuals’ ability to

control others. Politicians with power and money can manage to control their subordinates to act

in the ways they want. The subordinates will act only in a way that appeases the bigwigs. This

highlights how those with power in political parties get support from the policy makers within

the ranks of that political party. In governmental power, this can be seen when the government

makes a decision, typically through law-making, that requires obedience by the broader

25
population. Such decisions may be debated in parliament and with some public consultations.

Despite this openness, the focus is still on decision and those in power can make their own

decision and be obeyed with little question.

The second level of power also explains how policies are made. It is those with the power to

control agenda setting who control how public policies are made. It will not be so clear who is

making the decisions as most of the policies will be issued by the Executive In such contexts,

power is held by officials who are at the apex of the government, usually cabinet ministers

together with those in their inner circles. As such most policies are made to suit the needs of

certain few individuals.

The third face of power of Manipulation as explained by Lukes is also relevant to this study as it

explains how policy decisions are manipulated by politicians and their parties. In governmental

power, this appears in propaganda, spin and crafting of speeches that are deliberately designed to

change minds before the decision is announced. For example if legislation against the civil

society is planned, then a provocative rhetoric of how the society causes problems may be started

some time beforehand. Any civil society action then plays directly into the government's hands.

However, this method works only to suit the needs of the elites who manipulate people to back

their beliefs.

2.4 The meaning of Public policy

The economic development of a country depends on the quality of its policy framework, the

decisions taken, especially the processes involved in formulating each decision. It is clear also

that developing countries throughout the world vary considerably in their ability, and perhaps

their willingness to formulate and implement policies that will generate improved development

26
performance (Hai, 2017).According to Fox, Bayat and Ferreira (2006) Public Policies present

themselves in many forms. Public Policy may take the form of written statements, or it may

consist of past actions or inactions. For example in particular matters, there may be informal

although binding, there may be policy expressions in the form of customs and conventions that

affect the conduct of a society or communities, bodies and groups within that society. Policies

may be public in the form of white papers that are not incorporated into legislation in its entirety.

The participation of a policy community is really essential in the public policy making process.

A policy community is a network of individuals, groups, government departments, organizations,

and agencies that dominate decision making in a specific policy field. According to Fox, Bayat

and Ferreira (2006) in democratic societies, governments and their institutions make policies in

terms of mandates they receive from voters. In order to gain voter support, a political party

present voters with manifestos about policies and programmes to be instituted should they

govern. Anderson (2006) notes that public policies usually emerge as a response to policy

demands which means a claim for action or inaction on some public issue .This will see policies

being made in the form of promulgation of statutes, issuing of executive orders and some judicial

interpretations of the law. The involvement of businesses and civil society - consumers, private

entrepreneurs, employees and citizens and community groups, NGOs in designing public policy

is critical if the Government of developing countries are to improve the transparency, quality and

effectiveness of their policies as well as establishing the legitimacy of the public policy . The

strength of policy making is integral to the strength of government as a whole, and that of the

country at large. According to Hai (2010) the dominant model of policy formulation in

developing countries is the bureaucratic politics process. One of the most important stages in the

policy making process is policy formulation. In public policy world, the policy formulation is

27
part of the pre-decision phase of policy making. This task includes the crafting identification of a

set of public policy alternatives to address the socio-economic problems, and selection process

by narrowing that set of solution in preparation for the final policy solutions for the next stage. In

Cochran and Malone (1996), the policy formulation is to deal with the problem, goals and

priorities, solution options for the achievement of policy objectives, cost benefit analysis,

negative and positive externalities are associated with each alternative. It is apparent that

identifying the policy actors, understanding their beliefs and motivations, their judgments of

feasibility, and their perceptions is important for successful policy making. The key to improving

policy making is to construct a more realistic process that is resilient to the pressures on both

ministers and civil servants, and which enables them to achieve the right blend of politics and

technocracy in making policy.

2.5 Public policy making theories

In the formulation of policies, policy makers usually follow a model on how to come up with

decisions. Some of the policy making models include the political systems theory, group theory,

elite and rational choice theory.

2.5.1 Political systems theory

It entails that public policies are made as a political system’s response to an arising demand for a

policy. Political systems theory depicts government’s response to a call for action by individual

citizens or groups in its environment.

2.5.2 Group theory

Anderson (2006), Groups theory entails public policy made as a result of group struggle. Groups,

according to Anderson entail a collection of individuals in the society who on the basis of their

28
shared attitudes of interests make claims upon other groups in a society. As such, groups

compete to have access to shape governmental decisions, thus public policy at any given time

reflects the interests of those who are dominant.

2.5.3 Elite theory

It assumes that public policies are not determined by the demands and actions of the masses.

Instead, they are a reflective of the needs and values of the governing elite which they carry into

effect, Anderson (2006).According to Dye in Anderson (2006), the elite are a small governing

minority who shares a consensus of basic beliefs and values of the social systems. Thus they

make policies which favor their dominance and preservation of the system.

2.5.4 Rational Choice theory

The theory assumes that political actors act rationally in pursuing their own self –interest.

According to Buchanan in Anderson (2006) politicians are guided by their self-interest rather

than by an altruistic commitment to such goals as statesmanship or the national interest.

Individuals who are engaged in decision making have preferences that vary from person to

person. As rational thinkers, they rank their preferences from most to least desired and these

preferences guide them in making public policies

2.6 Policy making process

The policy making function is one of the most important functions in governance as all

government functions and services originate from a policy. Policy is more than just a decision, as

the policy making process involves a series of decisions such as decisions as to which policy to

formulate and how to formulate that policy. Zimbabwe Economic Policy and Research Unit,

ZEPARU (2012) explained the policy making process starting with defining the problem, agenda

29
setting, going through the policy formulation to its adoption. They noted that a policy is adopted

when it has passed by the relevant authority which in Zimbabwean context is the Cabinet. The

policy making process should involve various stakeholders including those who will be affected

by the policy. Implementation of a policy would also involve carrying out activities and action

points that are set out in the policy. However in Zimbabwe, the policy making process is

characterized by lack of extensive consultations among all key stakeholders in order for the

policy to be very inclusive (ZEPARU, 2012). Only a few individuals make policies on behalf of

the masses.

Anderson (2006) explains the policy making process starting with the problem identification.

This entails identifying a situation that produces a human need, deprivation or dissatisfaction for

which relief is sought. Problems may include unemployment, crimes, or a health hazard where

there is need for the government to provide solution. It is those situations that have broad ranging

effects including consequences for persons not directly involved that become public problems.

After problem identification there is need for agenda setting. For problems to be placed on an

agenda they have to seek serious attention from the policy makers. Usually problems achieve

agenda status depending on the political leadership, power, status and number of people affected

by it. When the agenda is set, there will be need for policy formulation and adoption. Policy

formulation involves the development of pertinent and acceptable proposed course of action for

dealing with public problems. Policy proposals will be made and a policy will be adopted if the

policy proposals are acceptable to the people who make policy decisions.

A good policy making process should be inclusive. The most efficient way of ensuring that this

is done is by ensuring that a wide range of stakeholders, including those who will be affected by

30
the policy, service providers, academics and civil society organizations, are involved in the

policy process (ZEPARU, 2012). They will be involved through participation during the policy

making process as well as being consulted during the different phases of the policy cycle.

Participation by a range of stakeholders would ensure that the policy takes into account any

impact on other stakeholders as well as ensuring that it meets their needs. Inclusiveness would

thus give policy makers the opportunity to gain a deeper understanding on how the policy will

work on the ground from the point of view of the user, which also reduces the likelihood of

unintended consequences. Inclusivity also enhances ownerships and eases implementation, as

stakeholders feel that they are part of the process (ZEPARU, 2012)

2.7 Factors that influence the policy making process

The policy making process can be influenced by a number of factors such as: economy, political

parties, views of political office bearers, needs and expectations of the society, activities and

representations of interest groups as well as research and new developments in technology.

These factors may also affect the implementation of the policies as well as the outcomes of those

policies.

2.7.1 Economy

One of the factors is the state of the economy which is influenced by positive and negative

effects from national and international changes. When an economy is facing challenges, it might

not make new policies as some policies might need many finances especially when they reach

the implementation phase.

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2.7.2 Political parties

According to Fox, Bayat and Ferreira (2006) political parties also affect policy making. In most

democratic countries, there are two or more opposing political parties in continuous rivalry to

gain power. The parties base their claims to power on their respective views concerning various

policy matters, and these views may fundamentally affect the activities of the executive

institutions. When a new party comes to power, it will introduce policy changes, and the

activities of the various government departments will change depending on the views of the

political party in power.

2.7.3 Views of political office bearers

Fox, Bayat and Ferreira (2006) noted that political office bearers may influence the policies of

the institutions entrusted to them and they have the final say in policy matters. They use the

information and advice given to them by departmental or administrative officials with regard to

changing and adapting policies.

2.7.4 Needs and expectations of the society

Public institutions are created to satisfy the needs and the justified expectations of the society

they serve. For government institutions to fulfill these needs and expectations, the community

first needs to become aware of the need for a particular policy.

2.7.5 Activities and representations of interest groups

Fox, Bayat and Ferreira (2006) noted that activities of various associations such as trade unions

also affect the policy making process. These groups also want to be included in the policy

making process and want their voices to be heard. The representations intend to secure

32
substantial benefits for their members and where these interest groups have the vote, they are a

force to be reckoned with due to the pressure they can bear on the legislature.

2.7.6 Research and new developments in technology

Research and technology can have an influence on policy making. The society may be faced with

new needs which need new policies to be crafted relating to time and technology. Anderson

(2000) however noted that, most executive office bearers are bureaucratic and adhere to their

political culture. When there are differences in political culture with other stakeholders, there

might be delays in policy making.

2.8 Who participates in public policy making?

There are a number of actors involved in the public policy making process. Some of the actors

are the legislators, political parties, public office bearers and the public at large (Fox, Bayat and

Ferreira: 2006)

2.8.1 Legislators

Anderson (2006) notes that the legislators are the primary law makers in a country and they have

the legal authority to participate in the policy making process. They are so much involved in the

allocation of resources at national level representing their areas .As such they are supposed to be

aware of the real needs of the citizens. However, it can be noted that legislators usually represent

a political party. As such they advocate for policies which are in favor of the political parties

they represent. According to Mboweni (1994) in Fox, Bayat and Ferreira (2006) many a times,

legislators think that they can make policies on behalf of the people, yet it is supposed to be an

inclusive process. Legislators are supposed to be in constant touch with the people they represent

in parliament.

33
2.8.2 The citizens

There are a number of ways in which the citizens participate in the policy making process. One

of the most popular ways for citizens’ participation is through voting in an election Voting

empowers the citizens with a chance to accept or reject policies presented by a certain political

party. However, according to Fox, Bayat and Ferreira (2006) some citizens do not understand

their role in policy making. Some choose not to participate in an election. That however has a

consequence that a governing party that has different beliefs and values with them may take up

public office. The public can also participate in the policy making process though signing of

petitions. The citizens can come up together and sign a petition which they submit to a public

office bearer or institution. They can also form pressure groups. Meyer and Cloete (2000) in

Fox, Bayat and Ferreira (2006) notes that pressure groups have strength that they normally

restrict themselves to some specific areas such as health and safety or labor and they can

mobilize their members easily if there is need of a change or crafting of a policy in their areas of

interest.

2.8.3 International Institutions

International institutions can provide policies and legislative frameworks that must be observed

by states. Institutions such as the United Nations (UN) for example can prescribe rules that must

be followed by states. These may cover economic issues, political as well as social. These can

also be drivers for development. However sovereign states give some recommendations and

considerations when these policies are being crafted. Regional blocs such as the African Union

(AU) and sub regional groups such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC)

also have influence. These bodies’ influence transcends national boundaries and can have an

effect on policy making in member countries.

34
2.9 Role of political parties in policy making

Worldwide governments are shifting towards more participatory models of policy development.

Participatory models of policy development are those in which a broad population, such as party

officials, members, supporters and even external groups, has influence in policies proposed and

advocated by a particular party (National Democratic Institute, 2011).These can include a wide

range of topics, from the national budget and economic development to education and health

care; from infrastructure and transportation to childcare and parental leave; from private sector

development and jobs programs to even a party’s core values and beliefs(National Democratic

Institute, 2011)

Olaleye (2004)defined political parties as distinctive forms of organizations designed to acquire

and exercise political power to articulate and aggregate different views of interest, operate as a

system for selecting cabinet members and for organizing individuals in relation to public policy

formulation and implementation. The main objective of any political party is to gain control,

either by its unaided efforts or in collaboration with other parties, of the government

administration in relation to public policy. Hence, the political party thus serves as an important

mechanism for the articulation and final inclusion of the needs and demands of public in the

policy agenda (Babooa, 2008).In every democracy, political parties have some influence on the

shape of public policy, and in many democracies, they have more direct and obvious influence

than any other groups. Democratic governance in Zimbabwe would not be possible if the

political parties are not competitive (Olaleye, 2004).Ake in Olaleye also noted that the critical

aspect of true democracy is not multiparty elections but the assurance of popular (mass)

participation within African political system. However the contribution of parties to democratic

development remains obscure in the Zimbabwean context.

35
According to Fox, Bayat and Ferreira (2006) political parties with representatives in legislative

institutions can have numerous opportunities to influence government policies. These

opportunities include political campaigns where there is a dysfunctional situation. Thus they can

make a call for the elimination of such a condition by formulation of new policies or provision of

goods and services. Political parties running for public office can also play a role by educating

the communities on political affairs and policy issues.

Opposition parties can contribute to development of policies through opposing government

policies that they see as beneficial only to a small portion of the population.(Fox, Bayat and

Ferreira, 2006).This will force the ruling government to craft policies which favor the public as

all the parties will be competing for public office. This will foster development in a country.

Opposition parties should however guard against opposing government policies merely for the

sake of opposing. They should adopt policies which they hope will win them elections and

popularity, at the same time fostering development of a country.

2.10 Participation and Democracy

A holistic concept of democracy is underpinned by the presence and participation of the people

in a society. According to Lamprianou (2013) as cited by Maphosa, Tshuma and Maviza (2015)

political participation pertains to the essential act of democratic citizenship. Political theorists

such as Robert Dahl argue that it has become unquestionable that broad participation in the

decision making processes is prerequisite for proper democratic governance. Dahl (1989) notes

that throughout the process of making binding decisions citizens ought to have an adequate

opportunity, and an equal opportunity, for expressing their preferences as to the final outcome.

They must have adequate and equal opportunities for placing questions on the agenda and for

expressing reasons for endorsing one outcome rather than another. According to the Human

36
Rights Bulletin (2011), participation involves engagement by citizens in the public affairs which

can be political economic, social or cultural. Jonathan Moyo (1992) notes that democracy’s

guiding principle is that of citizenship and it involves both the right to be treated by fellow

human beings as equal with respect to the making of collective choices and the obligation of

those implementing such choices to be equally accountable and accessible to all members of the

polity. According to Fox, Bayat and Ferreira (2006) Democracy is possible only if individuals

are regarded as the center of political behavior. Democracy should assume a state where action is

not taken on behalf of citizens but in conjunction with them. The citizens thus should participate

in the policy making processes as individuals or through their representatives. Participation is the

core of human rights based approach to development. There is need for participation by citizens

in the mainstream decision making processes for them to access basic services to which they are

entitled. Political parties are crucial actors in bringing together diverse interests, recruiting and

presenting candidates, and developing competing policy proposals that provide people with a

choice. Participation in policy making process is important as it enables collective responsibility,

promotes accountability and transparency and also fosters legitimacy of decisions made by

people from different sections of the society.

According to Hallsworth (2011), good policies emerge from a combination of the political

(mobilising support and managing opposition, presenting a vision, setting strategic objectives)

and the technocratic (evidence of what works, robust policy design, realistic implementation

plans).For the right balance to be achieved, ministers and civil servants need to recognise these

roles and create effective working relationships that respect and value the contributions both can

bring. Masango (2002) in Fox, Bayat and Ferreira (2006) notes that research has shown that

37
policies formulated without public consultations lead to policy problems and rejection of the

policy by the community at the implementation stage.

Translating policies into tangible improvements for citizens highly depends on the degree and

timing of participation in the different steps of the policy cycle (Open government).It can be

noted that, for a government to realise the maximum benefits of participation in policy making, it

should first remove the barriers to participation. The government should create an enabling

environment which ensures that people could participate if they wanted to. Barriers of public

awareness and lack of faith that government will listen are some of the barriers which should be

worked on so as to foster inclusive participation in policy making. The atmosphere should be

motivational; ensuring that participation in policy making has greater appeal and offers greater

benefits to all participants. Participation is closely linked with empowerment. Empowering

participants represents advancement in democratic governance.

2.11 Policy making in Zimbabwe

The Zimbabwean constitution guarantees the Zimbabwean citizens and political parties the right

to participate and influence the policy making process. Section 67 (2) (d) of the Zimbabwean

constitution guarantees Zimbabweans the right to participate, individually or collectively, in

gatherings or groups or in any other manner , in peaceful activities to influence, challenge or

support the policies of the government or any political or whatever cause (Government of

Zimbabwe, 2013). Policy making is a fundamentally political process that is subject to many

competing interests and motivations. In some cases, the ideal ‘policy process’ can be subverted,

undermined, or in some cases entirely skipped in favor of a single pronouncement from a senior

political figure. However such actions result in policy failure as some policies are rejected by the

public since it does not involve their views.

38
2.12 Zimbabwean Political parties on policies

Political parties in Zimbabwe take different perspectives regarding policies in Zimbabwe. On

economy, ZANU PF’s policy is that of indigenization and empowerment. The party intends to

acquire 51%equity in foreign owned companies .It also intends to empower the local people

through the creation of new enterprises. It intends to indigenize about 1138 foreign companies

and the program is hoped to create about 2265 000 jobs from 2013-18 (ZANU PF, 2013).The

MDC economic policy is anchored on Jobs, Upliftment, Investment Capital and the Environment

(JUICE) which it hopes to create 1 million jobs by 2018(MDC,2013)

The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) also offers some alternative policies. The party has two

policy documents which are; Holistic Program for Economic Transformation (HOPE) and the

Agenda for the Restoration and Rehabilitation of Electoral Sustainability (ARREST). HOPE is

the PDP’s economic blueprint which speaks of some possible solutions to the challenges that

Zimbabwe is currently facing, among them being the general economic meltdown, joblessness,

deindustrialization and infrastructural decay (People’s Democratic Party, 2013).

2.13 Gender and policy making: role of women in Zimbabwe

There is a number of international and local legislations which support active participation of

women in policy making .These statutes include the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,

The Beijing Declaration of 1995,The SADC gender protocol , The Zimbabwean constitution

and The Zimbabwe National Gender Policy. However, an African study of women’s

participation in policy making shows that , they are lowly represented in policy making bodies

of various political parties; and national bodies such the parliament and cabinet. In August

2007, for example, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Declaration on

Gender and Development reaffirmed a minimum goal of 50 percent women’s representation in

39
parliament. Despite ongoing public support for these sorts of measures, however, the status of

women, particularly in areas of politics and governance, has seen only nominal improvement. In

Botswana and Lesotho, women represent only 11.1 and 25 percent of parliamentarians,

respectively, which places them toward the bottom rankings for SADC countries (National

Democratic Institute, 2017). This problem exists primarily because political parties, which play a

central role in identifying and training political leaders, do not see the value in women assuming

party leadership positions or running for elected office. Zimbabwe among other countries has

taken a number of measures to close the gap between men and women in decision making.

However, research shows that there is still gender disparity in Zimbabwe, women being on the

losing side.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) articles 2 and 21 state that everyone has a

right to partake in the government of his/her country without discrimination on the basis of sex

(United Nations, 2015).The SADC Gender Protocol in article 12, paragraph 1 calls for a 50%

threshold of women in decision making positions (SADC, 2015). Locally, the 2013 Zimbabwean

constitution stipulates that women should have equal opportunities as those of men in all spheres

including in political participation. The Constitution of Zimbabwe makes a firm commitment to

gender equality as it calls for gender mainstreaming. Chapter 2 Section 17 (1) indicates that the

State must promote full gender balance in Zimbabwean society, and in particular, the State must

promote the full participation of women in all spheres of the Zimbabwean society on the basis of

equality with men (Government of Zimbabwe, 2013).The Zimbabwean constitution also states

that, the State must take all measures, including legislative measures, needed to ensure that both

genders are equally represented in all institutions and agencies of government at every level .The

State is also supposed to ensure that women constitute at least half the member of all

40
commissions and other elective and appointed governmental bodies. Section 56 (2) of the

Zimbabwean constitution also emphasize gender equality as it states that women and men have

the right to equal treatment, including the right to equal opportunities in political, economic,

cultural and social spheres.

In 2001, the Zimbabwean parliament launched the Parliamentary women Caucus (Parliament of

Zimbabwe). The parliamentary women Caucus was launched in response to the SADC

Parliamentary Forum initiative. The aim of establishing a Women’s Parliamentary Caucus was

for women parliamentarians to rise above party politics and address issues of common concern

as women. The objectives of the Caucus are to:

(a) Advocate for legislation on gender mainstreaming;

(b) Facilitate the effective implementation of the national gender policy;

(c) Provide a Forum for discussion on matters affecting women in the country, regionally and

internationally across party lines;

(d) Develop and establish norms and standards that promote the effective participation of women

in Parliament;

(e) Promote and help sensitize all Parliamentarians to the principles of gender equality in the

country, regionally and internationally;

(f) Facilitate networking with other organisations and institutions within and outside the country,

in activities aimed at promoting gender equality and participation ( Parliament of Zimbabwe)

The Caucus has made a number of achievements among them increasing the number female

legislators. According to the parliament of Zimbabwe records, women representation rose from

41
10.6% at the formation of the Caucus to the current 34% representation. Women

parliamentarians also participate actively in Pan African parliament which comprises of

representatives from African Union member states. The women parliamentarians were also

active in the 2013 constitution making process. They established a pressure group known as the

G20 which lobbied for women’s rights .That resulted in the establishment of a new gender

sensitive national constitution.

However, though significant improvements have been made in the representation of women;

statistics in Zimbabwe shows that much needs to be done to achieve the SADC gender protocol

and Zimbabwean constitution’s 50% representation of women in the political space. After the

2013 elections in Zimbabwe, women comprised 124 of the 350 Members of Parliaments; 60 of

the seats having been reserved for them in line with the Zimbabwean constitution. This shows

that there is still a gap in achieving fifty percent representation of women. The system of

reserved seats for women is expiring in 2023 as stated by the Zimbabwean constitution, thus the

number of women representatives in parliament may drop if measures are not taken to address

gender disparities. A study of other regional countries also shows that there is still low

participation of women in politics and policy making. According to Munu (2017), women are

making up only 16 percent of approved candidates for parliamentary seats in Liberia in 2017,

and out of 20 presidential candidates, only 1 is a woman. This gives a picture that more needs to

be done in Africa so that women are active and equally represented in policy making spheres.

42
2.14 Policy making in regional countries: Cases of Botswana and Lesotho

2.14.1 Public Policy Making in Botswana

The participation of political parties in policy making is a global phenomenon which fosters

development. According to the National Democratic Institute (2011), public consultation is

becoming a universal standard in governance and governing bodies have an obligation to consult

publicly particularly on policy. Using public consultation to develop policy and legislation

ensures that policy proposals are technically viable and practically workable. Good consultations

help to improve the quality of the policy outcomes and it also enhances the involvement of

interested parties and the public at large.

Public policy making in many African countries has long been dominated by a ‘top-down

approach’ which is came as a result of either the long period of military dictatorship in many of

the countries or from the authoritarian one-party system in some of them. Many existing

participatory mechanisms only provide symbolic weak systems of representative democracy.

However, according to Obasi and Lekorwe (2014) Botswana to a large extent is an exception as

decentralized planning is a priority in the governance process with its citizen engagement

process rooted in the consultative framework of traditional democratic system of governance.

Although active participative form of citizen engagement is yet to be fully achieved, Botswana’s

existing citizen engagement mechanisms are no doubt a model for other African countries to

emulate.

The success of Botswana in this is usually not attributed to the advent of independence in

Botswana but rather, it had always been part of the culture of the people (Obasi and Lekorwe,

2014).Two systems of democracy exist in Botswana namely the direct democracy model of

43
kgotla and the modern representative democracy. The Kgotla system is an age-long popular

participatory system where village public gatherings are utilized for both political and

administrative purpose. The kings took account of the opinions expressed at village meetings and

rarely did the kings go against the people. However traditionally, women did not sit at the

traditional assembly except when specifically asked to testify or to give evidence in a case.

Although kings could be autocratic, they employed a certain degree of democracy by consulting

their councilors and elders before implementing major decisions affecting their people. In

modern day Botswana, the kgotla has come to signify the embodiment of good governance

measured by popular participation, consultation, accountability, transparency, and rule of law.

Two principal features of the kgotla system are part of modern day public policy process. The

first is the creation of ‘freedom squares’ which are ‘open spaces set aside for public meetings of

a political nature’ and they ‘exist in every residential area and village and are open to whatever

political party applies for a permit to use them. Ministries hold kgotla meetings as a part of the

policy process for consultation purposes and to present progress report on their service delivery

and performance. The second is the use of these open spaces to disseminate information to the

people as well as to consult them.

Consequently, decentralization is a national priority in Botswana and bottom-up planning is

accepted by both the government at central and local levels as well as by the people (UNDP,

2002). Decentralisation is well formulated in the Constitution as well as in other policy

documents, such as the National Development Plans. There are therefore institutionalized

structures in place to facilitate its process at both the district and village levels as

administratively, Botswana is divided into districts (sub-districts) and villages which are

coordinated by the central government. The government of Botswana also conduct question and

44
answer sessions whereby Ministers, members of parliament and top public servants interact with

the public or other lower level public servants and answer questions as well as gathered

information towards solving their problems.

2.14.2 Public policy making in Lesotho

A case study of the participation in policy making in Lesotho shows that there is less

participation of political parties in policy making. Eighteen political parties registered with the

Electoral Commission in Lesotho still face challenges which affect their ability to work as

effective instruments for policy making and democracy (Motlamelle, 2003). Parties are formed

by political elites as instruments for accessing Parliament and the lucrative benefits associated

with it. The political parties in Lesotho are characterised by incessant intra-party and inter-party

conflict and feuding sparked by power struggles. When policies and laws are formulated, public

consultation takes place merely on the basis of willingness on the part of the government. The

literature on political parties in Lesotho points to a lack of internal democracy even within

parties. Ordinary members of political parties in Lesotho have little or no input in the

development of policy by their respective parties. The exercise remains the responsibility of the

leaders and their National Executive Committees (NECs) (Motlamelle, 2003).Thus one can see

that there is a general crisis in Africa with regards to the participation of political parties in

policy making. As such, the literature will be a baseline for researching how Zimbabwean

political parties are being involved in policy making.

According to Herbst (1990), in most African countries, ruling parties formulate the policies for

the government. For example the Tanzanian constitution gives more decision making powers to

the ruling party and in Algeria as well, all decision making powers are linked to the ruling

government.

45
2.15 Summary of the literature review

The above literature shows that participation of political parties in policy making is a worldwide

phenomenon which fosters development. However, in most African countries, the policy making

process is usually done by members of the ruling party only. This can be recognized in countries

like Lesotho. However, Botswana is one of the few countries which has an inclusive policy

making process. As such, the above literature is a baseline for the researcher so that he can

analyze how political parties are being involved in and also identify the misnomers in the policy

making process in Zimbabwe.

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CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

This chapter provides a description of the methods used in conducting the research. The chapter

starts by highlighting the data collection approaches, techniques, sources of data and the

reliability of the data. As the researcher intended to obtain in-depth, explorative information of

how political parties participate in policy making in Zimbabwe, a qualitative design was

employed. Purposive sampling method was used in which the researcher’s discretion to choose

respondents was initiated. Also literature relating to the study was reviewed as a way of

uncovering relevant data from published literature relating to policy formulation in Zimbabwe.

Data management techniques and empirical tools of analysis are also discussed in which content

thematic analysis was employed. The researcher used semi structured interviews as a research

tool in order to obtain detailed information from the respondents. Ethical considerations during

the research process are also discussed in this chapter.

3.2 Research design

According to the SAGE encyclopedia of social sciences (2004) research design is a master plan

which specifies the methods and procedures for collecting and analysing the needed information.

It is a “blueprint” for empirical research aimed at answering specific research questions or testing

specific hypotheses, and must specify at least three processes: (1) the data collection process, (2)

the instrument development process, and (3) the sampling process. In addition, the research

design must ensure that the information collected is appropriate for solving a problem. This

research was grounded on Qualitative research method. This method allowed the researcher to

explore in-depth information of how political parties are being involved in policy making in

Zimbabwe. In qualitative research, the samples are small in scale and purposively selected on the

47
basis of salient criteria. Qualitative research usually uses data collection methods which involve

close contact between the researcher and the research participants, so as to allow close

interaction such that developmental and emergent issues will be explored. Therefore, as the

researcher intended to gain in-depth information on public policy making in Zimbabwe, the

research was qualitative in design. All respondents were contacted physically so as to interact

with them.

The researcher conducted semi structured interviews to gain in-depth information from the

respondents. According to the SAGE encyclopedia of social sciences (2004), semi-structured

interview are those interviews with predetermined questions, but order can be modified based

upon the interviewer's perception of what seems most appropriate. Question wording can be

changed and explanations given; inappropriate questions for a particular interviewee can be

omitted, or additional ones included. The semi-structured interview is a qualitative data

collection strategy in which the researcher asks informants a series of predetermined but open-

ended questions. The researcher has more control over the topics of the interview than in

unstructured interviews. Semi structured interview is a tool widely used for qualitative research

and it helps to make the respondents express themselves without being limited by the researcher,

thus enhancing the gathering of qualitative data. A semi structured interview will help the

researcher to probe for more questions in line with what the researcher would have responded.

Therefore the tool was appropriate in getting adequate information from the respondents. The

researcher guided the interviews when some of the respondents went off track. The researcher

utilized the tool for probing as some of the respondents had limited understanding of the policy

making process.

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The researcher also made observations of the nonverbal expressions of the respondents in an

attempt to explore and understand how political parties are being involved in policy making in

Zimbabwe.

The researcher also conducted secondary data analysis. It is an analysis of data that has

previously been collected and recorded by other sources. Secondary data analysis may be an

effective means of research where primary data collection is too costly or infeasible, and

secondary data is available at a level of analysis suitable for answering the researcher’s

questions. Thus, the researcher read various books, journal articles and newspapers related to

participation in policy making and it helped to have an overview of the policy making process in

Zimbabwe.

3.3 Population

According to Bailey (1982), a population is the sum total of all the objects of the study.

Generally, these objects are the individual persons, but may also include a club, an industry, a

city, county, or state .In this case the population refers to all the members of parliament which

are 270.From this population ,the researcher then selected a sample of 20 legislators. Thus

legislators from both ZANU PF and MDC were approached. The researcher targeted this group

as they are involved in the national policy making process, thus most of them have in depth

information of how their parties are being involved. A number of them are also in decision

making structures of their parties. Thus, these legislators were the unit of analysis. The

researcher also conducted a semi structured interview to the acting speaker of parliament of

Zimbabwe. This is a key informant who has in- depth information on policy making who

interacts with members of different political parties when they report for parliament sessions.

49
This helped to achieve the main objective of understanding how political parties are being key

players in policy making in Zimbabwe.

3.4 Sample

According to Mugo (2017), sample can be defined as a set of respondents (people) selected from

a larger population for the purpose of a survey or research. Sampling can therefore be described

as the act, process, or technique of selecting a representative part of a population for the purpose

of determining parameters or characteristics of the whole population. Purposive sampling was

used to come up with the sample. According to the SAGE encyclopedia of social sciences (2004)

Purposive sampling in qualitative inquiry is the deliberate seeking out of participants with

particular characteristics, according to the needs of the developing analysis and emerging theory.

Researchers who use this technique carefully select subjects based on study purpose with the

expectation that each participant will provide unique and rich information of value to the study.

As a result, members of the accessible population are not interchangeable .The researcher

targeted the ‘rich’ source of data, the legislators. Types of purposive sampling are nominated or

snowball sampling (in which participants are referred by members of the same group who have

already been enrolled in the study) and theoretical sampling (in which participants are

deliberately sought according to information required by the analysis as the study progresses). In

nominated or snowball sampling, the researcher locates a “good” participant and, at the end of

the interview, asks the participant to help with the study by referring the researcher to another

person who may like to participate in the study. Given such a scenario, Members of the

parliament from ZANU PF and MDC were selected as they are involved in formulation of

national policies. They are therefore the better informed group on the issue of participation of

political parties in policy making. The researcher made use of snowballing to reach the

50
respondents as they are not easy to reach due to their busy schedules and protocol. The method

also helped the researcher to gain information from legislators who are based in different parts of

the country but being members of either ZANU PF or MDC. Therefore, the method helped the

researcher to gain qualitative information from respondents with different backgrounds. The

researcher managed to physically contact them when they were in Harare for parliamentary

session.

3.5 Data collection Instruments

The collection of data refers to the gathering of information relevant to the subject matter of the

study from the units under investigation. It depends mainly upon the nature, purpose and the

scope of inquiry on one hand and the availability of resources and time on the other (SAGE

encyclopedia of social sciences, 2004).As the primary focus of this research were to analyse the

role of political parties in influencing policy making, interviews were deemed appropriate for

this research. The researcher conducted semi structured interviews to legislators from ZANU PF

and MDC. Interviews were used as they are fast as compared to other methods such as the

questionnaire where the respondent has to take time writing responses. The researcher was also

guided by previous related researches whereby respondents did not like to answer a lot of

responses though a questionnaire especially if they have limited time. Physical contact with the

respondents was made so as to facilitate the access of qualitative information. The researcher

wrote some field notes in all interview sessions and coded them which helped in analyzing the

information. All the data collected was analyzed thematically based on the objectives and

findings of the study.

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3.6 Analysis and Organisation of Data

The researcher presented the findings and analysed them simultaneously to avoid repetition.

During the research, the researcher collected some field notes which he coded guided by the

interview questions and the responses. The responses were then arranged in themes for easy

analysis. The researcher also identified some emerging issues from the responses of the

participants, which he presented and analysed in the next chapter.

3.7 Ethical consideration

The researcher upheld the principles of objectivity, confidentiality, honesty and social

responsibility. He avoided leading questions as most questions were open ended giving the

respondents liberty to respond in their own ways. He respected the views of the respondents and

will keep the secrecy of the names of the respondents. Consent was sought from all respondents

before the start of every interview.

The researcher was guided by the Belmont report. According to Cassell (2000), the Belmont

report was made primarily for medical research, created in reaction to previous human subject

violations. However, it explains the basic ethical principles in conducting a research in any

sphere. The three basic principles are respect for persons, beneficence and justice. In ensuring

respect for persons, the report emphasizes researchers to seek consent from the respondents

before undertaking the research. Therefore, the researcher introduced himself to the respondents

before the start of each interview session. He also informed the respondents about the purpose of

the research and sought their voluntary participation. The researcher gave the respondents an

informed consent form which they signed before the start of each interview. The report also

seeks researchers to treat people as autonomous (having the right to self-govern) .The Belmont

52
report also emphasized the need to protect those who have diminished autonomy (vulnerable

populations) such as children, prisoners, and the elderly. Therefore the researcher conducted the

study taking note of these principles. The researcher also recognized the principle of beneficence

which is emphasized by the Belmont report. Beneficent (or benevolent) actions or behaviors are

those that actively do well or that actively protect from harm. The principle emphasize not to

harm and to maximize the benefits of the research. Thus, the researcher was trustworthy and

careful, treating information from the respondents with confidentiality. The researcher also

recognised the principle of Justice. The report advised researchers to avoid exploitation of

vulnerable populations. Thus all respondents were treated with respect and fairness.

3.8 Summary

The chapter highlighted the methodology which the researcher used in carrying out the research.

The population and sample of the study were also discussed. The chapter also discussed the

method of data collection which was used and why he preferred to use interviews. There was

also an explanation of ethical considerations which were made in conducting the research.

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CHAPTER 4 DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTEPRETATION

4.1 Introduction

This chapter presents, interprets and discuss the findings collected by the researcher on the study

of the role of political parties in influencing public policy making in Zimbabwe. The data was

analysed and presented using various themes relating to the findings.

4.2 Response rate

The researcher managed to contact twenty (20) members of parliament from ZANU PF and

MDC-T which was his target. The researcher also managed to strike a balance between

respondents from ZANU PF and MDC-T; 50% of them drawn from each party respectively.

However, the researcher didn’t manage to contact the chief whips of either of the parties as they

were all unreachable. Thus the response rate was almost 91%.The researcher then contacted the

acting speaker of parliament as a key informant on public policy making issues.

4.3 Socio Demographic data of the respondents

Of the (20) members of parliament contacted, (11) of them were females; making them 55%.This

was impressive to the researcher as he targeted to strike a gender balance. There were more

female respondents than men despite their low numbers in decision making bodies. This shows

that, though women are underrepresented in decision making, they are willing to participate in

public policy making.

The respondents were all adults above eighteen (18) years of age as all legislators in Zimbabwe

are adults. Only four (4) of the (20) respondents were between eighteen (18) and thirty five (35);

which is the age group defined as youths in Zimbabwe. This shows that there are very few

54
youths involved in policy and decision making in Zimbabwe despite the country having over

65% of its population as youths.

4.4 Data Presentation

4.4.1 How the government of Zimbabwe makes policies

The researcher started by asking all respondents about their understanding of public policy

process. Almost 75% of the respondents had an idea of what public policy making is. Some

defined it as what the government intends to do or not to do, some explained it as what the

governments actually do in response to a problem in the society and some explained it as

anything that is done by the government to foster development in political, economic and social

spheres. The fact that a large number of the respondents had an idea about public policy making

can be attributed to their involvement in policy making as parliamentarians. However, around

25% of the respondents professed ignorance of the public policy making process .The researcher

found out during discussion that some of these legislators only had primary education as their

highest qualifications. This explains why they do not understand policy making. This also

reflects a gap on the caliber of policy makers in Zimbabwe.

4.4.2 Formulation of policies in Zimbabwe

The researcher also solicited information on how the government of Zimbabwe formulates its

policies. At least 70% of the respondents showed that they have an understanding of how the

government of Zimbabwe makes policies. Most of the respondents said the policies in Zimbabwe

are formulated by the Executive. They also said that policy issues are sometimes discussed in

parliament before the cabinet makes a decision. However 30%of the respondents were not sure

about how the government policies are made. They just assumed that it is either the executive or

55
ministries which make the policies. However 10% of the respondents expressed total ignorance

of how the policies are made. They assumed it is the responsibility of the President to make

policies. This shows that some of the legislators and policy makers in Zimbabwe lack knowledge

of policy making despite them being primary policy makers and representatives of the

constituencies. This explains why some policies fail because of some ignorant people who are

involved in policy making.

4.4.3 Views on the policy making process in Zimbabwe

The researcher also asked the respondents on their views on the public policy making process in

Zimbabwe. Generally, respondents from both ZANU PF and MDC-T expressed dissatisfaction

with the current policy making process in Zimbabwe.60% of the respondents from ZANU PF

argued that the policy making process in Zimbabwe is too much dominated by the Executive.

They argued that the Executive undermine the role of the legislators, citizens and other interest

groups. They argued that they consult the parliament on their will and rarely goes to the public.

The respondents also said the legislators are consulted just to rubberstamp a decision they had

already made. One of the respondents argued that even when some ZANU PF legislators are

dissatisfied with a proposed policy, they cannot challenge it as they fear to be labeled sellouts.

Another respondent noted that at times they have to support an idea which they don’t fully

understand just because some bigwigs from ZANU PF are supporting the idea. Two (2) of the

respondents from ZANU PF pointed that in the policy making process, the legislators undermine

the role of the citizens as they think they can make all decisions on behalf of the citizens as most

of the times legislators approve amendment of policies and the constitution without consulting

the public. However, (4) of the (10) ZANU PF respondents expressed satisfaction with the

current policy making process. They argued that the Executive should make some policies

56
without consulting other stakeholders to avoid delays in the implementation of the policy. They

also argued that the policy making process is fair as the parliament is consulted when necessary.

On the other hand, all the MDC-T respondents expressed dissatisfaction with the current policy

making process in Zimbabwe. They argued that ZANU PF Executive members dominate the

whole process. Most respondents cited that ZANU PF party policies ultimately become

government policies without consulting various stakeholders including other political parties the

civil society and the citizens. One respondent gave reference to Zimbabwe Agenda for

Sustainable Socio Economic Transformation (ZIMASSET) a ZANU PF policy document which

ultimately became a national policy. The respondent argued that the government only informed

people that they have adopted ZIMASSET but it was never debated or public consultations made

concerning the policy. As such the policy faced rejection is some sections of the society and

quite a number of people do not understand it let alone knowing what the acronyms ZIMASSET

stands for. They argued that they rarely consult the parliament and other interest groups. They

also argued that the parliament is only consulted for rubberstamping the policies as their views

are not seriously considered. Four (4) of the respondents from MDC also argued that at times the

Executive members from ZANU PF propose good policies but as members of the opposition

party they have to oppose everything from the ruling party.

From the responses, the researcher can deduce that there is lack of consultations in the policy

making process in Zimbabwe. The process is influenced by one’s level of authority with the most

marginalized group being the citizens. This shows that most members of political parties who are

into policy making are not satisfied with the current system. However, some do not understand

their role as they just support or oppose ideas to please some powerful politicians.

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4.4.4 How political parties contribute to policy making

The researcher also asked the respondents how political parties are contributing to public policy

making. There was a general response that most political parties contribute to public policy

making through their members of parliament. All the respondents from ZANU PF expressed that

the parliament has a big role to play in policy making as articulated in section 119 of the

constitution of Zimbabwe. They noted that the constitution in section 119 (3) gives the

parliament the powers to oversee all institutions and agencies of the State and government at

every level, thus giving legislators a mandate to fully participate in policy making. The

legislators engage in parliamentary debates on proposed bills and various issues. Most

respondents from ZANU PF expressed that since ZANU PF is the party with the majority in

parliament, their voice in policy making is usually heard.

On the other hand respondents from the MDC-T expressed that their party mostly contribute to

policy making through the parliament. They participate in parliamentary debates and other

proceedings. However, 80% of the MDC-T respondents expressed that their participation is

undermined by their less numbers in parliament. Therefore, they are always on the losing side,

ZANU PF dominating the process. They argued that most times their views are ignored by the

Executive. They argued that the government only seriously engaged them during the government

of national unity between 2008-2013 where they governed as equal partners.20% of the

respondents from MDC-T expressed that at times their views in the parliament are seriously

considered by the government and their contribution to public policy making is relevant.

One respondent expressed that the government does not make efforts to hear views from some

political parties. Those political parties which do not have representatives in parliament are not

contributing to policy making. The respondent expressed that the government does not provide

58
much platforms for different parties to come together and have dialogue on policy issues. Rather

it is mainly through the efforts of non-governmental institutions such as the Mass Public Opinion

Institute and the SAPES Trust which call different parties for debates and dialogue. However, the

government does not take serious resolutions from such gatherings as they are mostly labeled to

have a ‘regime change’ agenda. As such it can be noted that there is a gap when it comes to

discussions about policy issues. For the system to function very well, policy issues should be

discussed and debated on various platforms.

One respondent also highlighted that political parties also participate in public policy making

through parliamentary portfolio committees. These committees are composed of policy makers

from different political parties who work together in areas of same expertise and interest. The

composition of portfolio committees helps them to make contributions to areas they have some

knowledge and they hold state institutions and parastatals accountable. This promotes better

governance and improved policies.

From the responses, the researcher can make an analysis that the major political parties are

influencing the policy making process mainly through their parliamentary activities. The main

political parties compete for dominance in the parliament. However there are limited platforms in

Zimbabwe for discussion of policy issues by different parties.

4.4.5 Contribution of citizens and other interest groups to public policy making

The researcher also asked the respondents how the citizens, the civil society, academic

institutions and other interest groups are contributing to public policy making in Zimbabwe.80%

of the respondents expressed that in recent years, the citizens contribution to policy making was

mainly through the constitution making process which resulted in the adoption of a people driven

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constitutions in Zimbabwe in 2013.However there were mixed feelings on how they are currently

contributing to policy making.

70% of the respondents from ZANU PF expressed that the citizens are contributing to public

policy making through their representatives in parliament. Most of them argued that it was not

possible to consult every citizens to contribute to public policy making.30% of the respondents

from ZANU PF expressed ignorance of how the citizens are contributing to public policy

making.

On the other hand, most respondents from MDC-T expressed that the citizens are also

contributing to policy making through their representatives in parliament.60% of the MDC-T

respondents echoed that the citizens’ views are not so heard as some expect their views to be

expressed by opposition legislators, yet the opposition legislators are ignored. 20% of the

respondents from MDC-T expressed ignorance of how the citizens are contributing to public

policy making and the other 20% of the respondents noted that the citizens are not contributing at

all as all decisions are made by the Executive.

A number of respondents from both ZANU PF and MDC-T expressed that citizens are also

contributing to public policy making through public hearings which are conducted by the

parliament of Zimbabwe. However, eight (8) of the respondents argued that, though the

parliament conduct public hearings, it is mostly those citizens from towns who participate,

neglecting citizens from the rural areas, thus the process is selective. A number of the

respondents also argued that the public hearings are marred by manipulation by members of

different political parties mainly ZANU PF and MDC-T. They argued that the parties bus people

from their towns to attend the hearings from one area to another thus disadvantaging the locals of

60
that area. At times the political parties bribe the locals to speak their views. Most of the

respondents argue that the government also does not consider the views gathered from public

hearings when making policies as exemplified by how the constitution is neglected and slow

progress in the alignment of policies to the new constitution. One respondent noted that the

constitution of Zimbabwe gives citizens the right to access government information and section

149 gives the citizens the right to petition the parliament. However, most citizens do not have

access to the constitution, thus they do not know their rights and most government offices are not

accessible as there is public harassment which stifles citizen participation. Another respondent

highlighted that most government institutions are not available on social media such that the

public can be aware of policy developments.

Almost all the respondents argued that the civil society is contributing to public policy making

mainly through petitions and demonstrations, as the constitution of Zimbabwe guarantees them

the right to do so. However, 50% of the respondents across the political divide expressed that the

demonstrations are usually thwarted by the police and petitions are not taken seriously.25%

argued that the government considers views of the civil society especially those which addresses

social issues such as rape, labour and education. However, views concerning economic failure

are usually ignored. The respondents also expressed that the civil society mainly through the

agencies of the United Nations partner with the government in various projects thus contributing

to policy making. One respondent gave example of how the United Nations partnered the

government to come up with the 2017 National gender policy. Another respondent noted that the

civil society always send representatives during public hearings and organisations such as the

Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZIMRIGHTS) and the Zimbabwe Election Support

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Network (ZESN) are active on election issues and are currently participating in the ongoing voter

registration exercise.

The researcher can therefore make an analysis that the constitution of Zimbabwe guarantees

public participation in policy making. However the public is not aware of their rights as there is

minimum dissemination of information. The civil society is equally represented in the policy

making process though there is need for more space and platforms for dialogue and negotiation

with the government and other policy stakeholders.

4.4.6 The gendered nature of public policy making

The respondents expressed that there is gender disparity in public policy making in Zimbabwe.

Most of the respondents highlighted that the policy making process in Zimbabwe is dominated

by men and all respondents from ZANU PF concurred with this view. There are more men in

ZANU PF decision making bodies such as the Central Committee and the Politburo. All female

respondents from ZANU PF expressed that there is male dominance because men fear being

challenged. One female respondent cited that in 2013, Zimbabwe adopted a constitution which

promotes gender equality in all spheres. However, a year later, a female vice president was

dismissed from ZANU PF and government and replaced by a male, a sign of men’s

unwillingness to let females be in positions of decision making. The ZANU PF Executive does

not have a female at the moment. Four (4) out of the six (6) female respondents from ZANU PF

expressed that ZANU PF has more male parliamentarians even though 60 parliamentary seats

were reserved for women and shared using proportional representation. They argued that the

process of choosing proportional representation legislators is led by men and thus, it is not a fair

process. Some respondents argued that most of the proportional representation legislators are

elected based on loyalty to the party, bribes and favors not on merit and ability to present facts,

62
thus most of them are backbenchers in parliament. However, two (2) of the six (6) respondents

believed that though there is gender disparity in policy making, they are satisfied with the current

setup and they believed ZANU PF always increases female representation each year. They also

argued that ZANU PF has a women’s league which is a powerful wing in ZANU PF policy

making.

Three (3) out of the four male respondents from ZANU PF argued that the party is striving to

achieve gender parity and elect women in decision making positions, but at times the women

hesitate to take up positions. One of the four male respondents blamed men for acting otherwise

yet it is possible to elect women in decision making positions. He argued that the constitution of

the country and that of ZANU PF speaks about promoting gender equality but there is lack of

goodwill on the part of men to elect women into decision making positions. This is culminating

in continued marginalization of women despite having various legislations and a National

Gender commission that speak of gender parity.

On the other hand, all of the MDC-T respondents also acknowledged that there is male

dominance in policy making. Three (3) out of the five (5) female respondents from MDC-T

believed that there is male dominance in MDC-T decision making bodies, the National Council

and the National Executive Council. They suggested that there is lack of goodwill on the part of

men to achieve gender parity. One of them argued that at some point, MDC-T had one female as

deputy president and the male president Mr Tsvangirai felt challenged and appointed two(2)

more male deputy presidents to neutralize the powers of the female vice president. Two (2) out

of the five(5) female respondents from MDC-T expressed satisfaction with the current setup

arguing that MDC is almost achieving 50-50 gender representation in its internal decision

making bodies and the representatives in parliament. However one of the respondents said

63
though males and females are almost equally represented in the National Council, females are

mostly deputising men.

Male respondents in MDC-T also acknowledged that there is gender disparity in policy making.

60% of male respondents attributed the less representation of females to fear on the part of

females to take up positions. They also argued that female by their nature cannot participate in

some tasks which requires at times working at night and going to some remote areas away from

family.40% of male respondents noted that the gender disparity in policy making can be

attributed to males’ fear of female dominance. They noted that the selection of proportional

representative legislators in MDC-T is led by men and mostly loyal and passive females are

rewarded with a post. They noted that some of the appointments are not through merit, but

females have to offer sexual favors or a bribe to a dominant man so as to become a legislator, a

councilor or any influential position. The respondent noted that the system of reserved seats for

women seems not to have improved the voices of the women as most of the legislators who

come through reserved seats are usually silent due to fear of contradicting those who fostered

their elevation. They also occupy the positions just to earn a living as evidenced by their demand

of a Constituency Development Fund despite not representing any constituency.

The responses generally showed that that there is gender disparity in policy making in

Zimbabwe. The disparity can be more attributed to males’ unwillingness to offer women

positions of influence. However, though there is gender disparity, there is general improvement

in female representation in Zimbabwe as compared to the past 5 years. Zimbabwe is also doing

much better as compared to other regional countries. However there are also some emerging

issues such as the extent to which proportional representation is enhancing the voices of women

in policy making.

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Most women across the political divide also expressed that as women in parliament they were

working together on many issues despite different political affiliations. They said they have a

women caucus which speaks with one voice on many women issues such as gender violence,

rape and women empowerment. Most females also expressed satisfaction with the caliber of

some women legislators, a number of them being well educated, something which helps them to

articulate their views in policy making. However, one respondent noted that there is tendency of

ignoring other women especially the rural women as female legislators tend to think and speak

on behalf of all women. However there are some issues which are peculiar to rural women which

do not affect urban women who make up most of female policy makers.

4.4.7 Role of the youths in policy making

There was a general response that youths are underrepresented in public policy making. Almost

70% of the female respondents in ZANU PF noted that the youths is the most marginalized

group in policy making in ZANU PF and at government level .They noted that less than 5% of

the Central Committee and Politburo members in ZANU PF are youths. They also noted that the

youths have the least number of representatives in parliament. One youth female respondent

noted that a new wave of disparity which is being ignored is that of the older people and the

youths in decision making. The respondent noted that in ZANU PF the youths are most included

only when there is an act of violence. The respondent noted that in ZANU PF there is a feeling

that those with liberation war credentials should be policy makers yet no youths fit into that

category. One respondent noted that in ZANU PF a youth you find in policy making body is

somehow a relative of a bigwig in the party. Almost 30% of the respondents acknowledged that

there is marginalization of the youths in policy making; however they argued that the youths

were supposed to learn and be nurtured by the older people before they could be accommodated

65
in policy making bodies. One respondent expressed that the war veterans should have the sole

responsibility of policy making as they had fought for that in the liberation struggle. Male

respondents in ZANU PF also pointed that there was marginalization of the youths in policy

making. However three (3) out of the four (4) male respondents expressed satisfaction with the

system arguing that the youths still have to be groomed. However, one of the male respondents

expressed dissatisfaction with the current marginalization of the youths as he argued that youths

makes almost 68% of the Zimbabwean population yet less than 10% of the parliamentarians are

youths. He attributed the marginalization to greediness by the older generation in political parties

who take advantage of their liberation war credentials on the expense of the youths.

On the other hand, MDC-T respondents also expressed that there is marginalization of the youths

in policy making even at party level. They noted that only a small number of the youths are in

the MDC-T national executive. There is also less representation of the youths in the parliament,

especially the females. Most of them also attributed the marginalization to greediness of those in

power in MDC-T. One female respondent argue that, when selecting proportional representative

women, mostly the elderly are chosen despite the MDC having some educated youths. This is

because the males and some powerful females in MDC-T fear being challenged by the educated

youths, thus they want to maintain their dominance.

Though there is a general marginalization of the youths, the youthful respondents across the

political divide expressed that as youth legislators they work together and speak with one voice

on matters concerning the youths. They however said that political parties without

representatives in parliament are neglected as their participation is mostly through the

parliament. They expressed that their meeting as youthful representatives is usually through the

efforts of civil society organisations such as SAFAIDS not the government

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4.4.8 Alternative policy suggestions

The researcher asked the respondents if they have some alternative policy suggestions which

they think will foster development. Alternative policy suggestions from the respondents were

based on individual thoughts. 70% of the respondents from ZANU PF expressed that the existing

policies are good and can foster development, however many policies fail on implementation.

Some of the policies are never implemented, and those which need much finances usually

fail.30% of the ZANU PF respondents however noted that the existing policies are good but

there are some policy gaps which needs to be filled to foster development. Some of the policy

suggestions from the respondents include setting aside land for students in agricultural colleges.

One respondent argued that many of the current crop of farmers do not have much knowledge of

agriculture, thus allocating land to agricultural experts will retain Zimbabwe’s breadbasket status

and also create employment. Another ZANU PF respondent suggested that cabinet ministers

should be experts in the areas they lead .The respondent was worried about some cabinet

ministers who have served since independence moving from one ministry to another. One

respondent suggested pegging of limited qualifications for public office bearers such as

councilors, legislators and cabinet ministers. The argument was hinged on the non-performance

of some policy makers due to lack of policy making knowledge. Therefore he suggested a

minimum of five (5) Ordinary level passes. Another youthful respondent suggested reservation

of seats for the youths in parliament and government boards. The respondent was worried by the

continued marginalization of the youths.

On the other hand, respondents from MDC-T had their suggestions on alternative policies which

they assume might foster development in Zimbabwe. Most of their suggestions were hinged on

the MDC-T policy document JUICE. One respondent suggested setting aside of government

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farms in every province with specialized production. This was a suggestion to curb food

shortages and boosting the agricultural sector. Another respondent suggested that the government

reduce retirement age for civil servants to about fifty (55) years of age to allow the youths to

drive the economy. There was also a suggestion for declaration of assets by all government

officials to curb corruption.

Respondents from the two political parties were making suggestions which they mainly thought

would foster economic growth and curb societal problems. Most of the respondents were

concerned about agriculture as it is the backbone of Zimbabwe’s economy. The responses

showed that political parties including the ruling party members have some alternative policy

suggestions which they think can foster development. However there might be limited platforms

and limited understanding on how to present such policy ideas.

4.4.9 Government attempts to improve public policy making

The researcher also asked the government of Zimbabwe has attempted to improve public policy

making over time.60%of the respondents stated that there have been efforts on the part of the

government to improve policy making in recent years. Most respondents cited the adoption of

the new constitution in 2013 as a major attempt to improve policy making. The new constitution

was adopted after nationwide public consultations. The process was led by a committee

(COPAC) which comprised of individuals from different political parties, thus the process was

inclusive. However 40% of the respondents expressed ignorance of any attempt by the

government to improve public policy making.

A respondent from ZANU PF cited that the government has decentralized in recent years. Local

authorities have been given authority to run councils and formulate their policies. Another

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ZANU PF respondent also noted that the government through the parliament of Zimbabwe has

established Parliamentary Portfolio Committees. These committees compose of members of

different political parties who have same expertise and areas of interests. Heads of government

institutions and parastatals are sometimes called to speak before these committees and some

resolutions and recommendations are made which lead to formulation of sound policies.

On the other hand, most respondents from the MDC-T also expressed knowledge of some

government attempts to improve public policy making. Whilst most of them cited the adoption of

the new constitution as the major attempt, most of them highlighted that the constitution is

usually ignored. One of the respondents highlighted that the government of Zimbabwe through

the parliament now makes public consultations .The parliaments moves around the country

making public hearings before and incorporate some of the findings in a policy. The parliament

has also been opened to the public and has become active on social media allowing people to

make comments and suggestions on parliamentary proceedings. Whilst these are commendable

efforts, only a few urbanites have access.

4.4.10 Suggestions for designing effective and sustainable public policies

Most respondents highlighted that there were some gaps in the formulation of policies in

Zimbabwe. Therefore they made some suggestions for designing effective policies which can be

sustainable over time.

One of the suggestions which were given by most respondents from both ZANU PF and MDC-T

was enhancement of public consultations. Most respondents cited that effective policies can only

be made if various stakeholders including the citizens are consulted. They noted that most

policies are made by the Executive, thus they face public rejection. Another responded from

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ZANU PF cited that effective policies can be made by revisiting some of the policies and make

necessary adjustments. The respondent referred to the abortion policy which she argued was put

in place in 1941 during the colonial era. However, the policy should be revisited to suit the

current environment where illegal abortion cases have increased and lives lost whilst people

perform abortion using unsafe methods. Another respondent cited that effective public policies

can be made if the government makes effort to curb corruption as no policy become successful in

an environment where corruption reigns.

Respondents from MDC-T also made some suggestions on designing effective public policies.

Most of the respondents cited respect of the constitution as the supreme law of the land. They

argued that the constitution in Sections 1 to 3 explain the supremacy of the constitution and the

founding values and principles of Zimbabwe but it is always ignored by government officials and

they make policies which suit their own needs. One of the respondents cited that section 59 of

the constitution of Zimbabwe guarantees the citizens a right to peaceful demonstrations and

petitions, however most demonstrations are thwarted by the police and dismissed by the

government as regime change agendas. Another respondent cited dialogue as the major input

which can foster the formulation of sustainable policies. Different stakeholders such as the

citizens, the churches, and the civil society should be consulted. Another respondent cited that

those affected by a policy should always be consulted before a policy is crafted. The respondent

suggested that if an economic policy is being crafted, the business community and even external

investors which are usually concerned with the policy should be involved.

4.5 Summary

It can be noted from the findings that political parties are participating in public policy making

mainly through their representatives in parliament. However there exists some gaps as the

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processes used by political parties in choosing policy makers are not ethical. It can also be noted

that despite some international and local efforts to promote gender equality, there is still a margin

between men and women in policy making. There is also a growing trend of disparity which is

that of the older citizens and the youths. These challenges need to be addressed so as to improve

policy making process in Zimbabwe.

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CHAPTER 5 SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1 Introduction

This chapter gives a summary of the whole research. The conclusions which are discussed in this

chapter are mainly based on the findings of the study which were discussed in the previous

chapter. Recommendations to the government, political parties, the civil society and the citizens

are also discussed. The chapter ends up by giving suggestions for further study on policy making

in Zimbabwe.

5.2 Summary

The research investigated the role of political parties in policy making in Zimbabwe. The

research was in form of a comparative analysis of two political parties in Zimbabwe, ZANU PF

and MDC-T. These are the leading political parties, one being the ruling party and the other

being the main opposition party. The research was done in a bid to understand how the

government of Zimbabwe formulates policies, how parties participate in the policy making

process and to suggest ways of improving policy making in Zimbabwe. The sample composed of

20 respondents drawn from ZANU PF and MDC-T. The respondents were legislators, a group

which is involved in policy making at national level. The researcher also solicited information

from the acting speaker of parliament who is a key informant on policy making issues and

engages members of different political parties.

The research was prompted by stagnancy in terms of development and failure of so many

policies in Zimbabwe which might be a result of poor processes in policy making. The research

was also fostered by lack of literature and limited research on policy making in Zimbabwe. The

passivity of political parties and many citizens on the issue of policy making and rather more talk

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about policy implementation prompted the research on the role of political parties in policy

making. This showed that there is lack of knowledge on the role of political parties in policy

making.

The research was qualitative in design as it intended to gather in-depth information on how

political parties influence public policy making. The researcher conducted semi structured

interviews with the respondents. Purposive and random strategic samplings were used in the

selection of respondents. The sample was chosen using snowballing method whereby the

researcher contacted respondents through referrals by one respondent. The researcher read

related literature which explains about policy making, the stakeholders in policy making, the role

of political parties and other interest groups and how participation strengthens democracy. The

literature was a baseline for the study and it guided the researcher on understanding the policy

making process in Zimbabwe. The findings of the research were analysed, interpreted and

presented thematically. Tables were also used to present some findings.

The researcher had assumed that there will be 100% response rate as he anticipated gathering

information from legislators and the chief whips of ZANU-PF and MDC-T. However, he could

not contact the chief whips and then contacted the acting speaker of parliament as a key

informant on policy issues. Consent was sought from all respondents. Most respondents were

cooperative despite their busy schedules. However some respondents were skeptical about the

study, assuming that it was politically linked. The researcher managed to interview them after

explaining to them that it is purely an academic study.

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5.3 Conclusions

Referring to the findings of the research, the researcher can conclude that political parties have a

big role to play in public policy making. However, in Zimbabwe the public policy making

process is usually done by the Executive. Legislators and political parties are consulted on some

policy issues; however the citizens are rarely consulted. It can also be noted that political parties

are mainly influencing policy making through their legislators in parliament. There is lack of

participation by those political parties who do not have representatives in parliament.

It can also be noted that there is a knowledge gap in public policy making in Zimbabwe. A large

number of policy makers lack knowledge on the formulation of policies. The researcher found

that a number of legislators, many of them who are also involved in policy making in their

parties are not so educated and lack knowledge of policy issues with some expressing total

ignorance of what the area is all about. Some have a limited understanding, however failing to

differentiate between laws and policies. This will affect the quality of policies and also affect

their implementation. Therefore, a number of policy makers, specifically legislators in

Zimbabwe from different political parties hold the positions as a means of sustaining their

livelihood and not fostering policy development in the country.

The researcher can also conclude that political parties in Zimbabwe have biased means and

processes of choosing legislators and policy makers in their respective parties. Most respondents

professed that the selection process is mostly guided by years of existence in the party and

loyalty to party leaders. Some members are also selected through links to party leaders, bribes

and offering sexual favors. However this results in the selection of some policy and decision

makers who do not have any knowledge about policy making.

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It can also be noted that there have been efforts by political parties to increase the number of

women in decision making positions in line with global trends. However there is still gender

disparity in party and government levels. Whilst most women blame the disparities on men who

want to control and lead, men also blame women for their passivity and lack of leadership skills.

Thus, there is need to work on closing the gap between men and women in decision making

positions. It can also be concluded that women in political parties are working together on many

issues especially issues which mostly affect women such as gender based violence, rape and

human trafficking. These are commendable efforts which can help to foster development in the

country.

The researcher can also conclude that there is marginalization of the youth in policy making.

Respondents from both ZANU PF and MDC-T noted that there are very few youths in the policy

making structures of their parties. They also noted that there were very few youths in the

parliament. This is a worrying situation in a country where the youths consists the largest

population in the country. Some of the reasons for the marginalization of the youths include

unwillingness to offer them positions by the older leaders and lack of interest on the part of the

youths to be involved in policy making. It can also be concluded that the citizens are not so

actively participating in public policy making as they are usually not consulted by the Executive

and the parliamentarians in policy making.

It can be noted that the government of Zimbabwe has been making some efforts to enhance

participation in policy making. The major effort has resulted in the adoption of a new

constitution in 2013. However, there is an outcry that the constitution is usually neglected. The

government has also made efforts to improve policy making by making the parliament accessible

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to the public and making some public hearings so as to enhance public participation. However

there are still limited platforms for discussing national policy issues.

5.4 Implications

The research highlighted how public policies are formulated in Zimbabwe. Most respondents

showed that it is usually the Executive that makes policies with the occasional consideration of

the parliament, and rarely the public. This highlights a major gap in the policy making process

which needs to be attended .If there is lack of participation in policy making, there will be

continued policy rejection by the public and this will affect development in Zimbabwe.

There is also existence of gender disparity in policy making, women being the victims. This

gender gap can stall progress in the empowerment of women which will see Zimbabwe lagging

behind other regional countries like Botswana and Rwanda if the gap is not closed. There is also

a growing trend of the marginalization of the youth. This can result in inter generational conflicts

if the youths are not given a chance.

The research highlighted some of the policy suggestions by members of different political parties

in Zimbabwe. These policy suggestions can be utilized by policy makers, by analyzing them and

identify if they can foster development in Zimbabwe.

5.5 Recommendations

Basing on the conclusions, the following recommendations can be made:

Political parties have to improve their participation in public policy making. Political parties

should also move from the politics of ‘us’ and ‘them’, and work together with other political

parties to foster development in the country. Political parties should move from the politics of

opposing whatever the ruling party suggests.

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Political parties should improve the selection process of their policy makers including councilors

and legislators. They should avoid situations whereby people get positions basing on bribes and

favors; rather it should be based on merit. They should also elect knowledgeable people, at least

ordinary level passes being minimum level of education. This level of education with some

training will enable the policy makers to grasp issues of policy making

Political parties and the government of Zimbabwe should create smart partnerships with

academic institutions so that they receive trainings on governance and public policy issues. This

will improve how policy makers understand policy issues and will result in better governance.

The government of Zimbabwe should regularly improve the policy making process, which

should be an inclusive process. All rightful citizens of Zimbabwe should not be left out, the rural

populace and marginalized groups such as the disabled must be included. This would enable

people to understand policy making and be part of the whole process.

The government of Zimbabwe should work to achieve transparency, accountability and good

governance at large. It should make efforts to improve trust even with those within the ruling

party and not be a government associated with corruption. There should be more focus on policy

development and ultimately implementation.

Government of Zimbabwe offices should promote e- governance, be accessible and its policy

documents should be accessible, downloadable and readable by an ordinary person. Government

ministries should be accessible online and the ministers should at times meet the citizens for

general suggestions on improvement on policies. They should not only be associated with high

offices.

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The civil society should engage itself in policy making issues. However it should prove its

disassociation with regime change agendas through fostering developments. The citizens of

Zimbabwe should participate in policy making issues and the government should enhance public

awareness of policy issues.

There should be efforts from the government, the political parties and the citizens to improve

gender parity in policy making. All stakeholders should respect section 17 of the constitution of

Zimbabwe which promotes full gender balance in Zimbabwe.

Political parties and the government of Zimbabwe are also recommended to promote the

participation of the youths in policy making issues. The current wide gap between the youths and

the older people should be closed.

5.6 Suggestions for further research

Considering that the research focused on the participation of political parties, particularly the

ruling party and the main opposition party, it will be ideal to further the research and study the

participation of minority political parties in policy making in Zimbabwe. This will help to

establish whether those political parties which are not represented in parliament are contributing

to policy making in any way.

The researcher suggests a further research on the contribution of the civil society, the citizens

and other stakeholders in public policy making. This will help to identify some gaps, so as to

improve policy making, adoption and implementation in Zimbabwe.

The researcher also suggests further research on why some policies succeed and some fail in

Zimbabwe. This will help to adopt corrective measures which will help to foster development in

Zimbabwe

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LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix i: Interview guide for legislators

What is your understanding about the public policy making process?

How do you view the policy making process by the government of Zimbabwe?

How are political parties in Zimbabwe contributing to public policy?

How are the citizens and other interest groups contributing to policy making in Zimbabwe?

What is the gendered nature of the policy making process? How are women in political parties

contributing to policy making?

What alternative policies does your party suggest to the government?

How does the government engage different parties in policy making?

How has the government of Zimbabwe attempted to improve policy making over time? If there

are attempts, what are the impacts they have produced?

What are your suggestions for designing effective public policies and sustaining them over time?

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Appendix ii: Interview guide for key informant

How do you perceive public policy making?

Can you explain how public policies are made in Zimbabwe?

Do you see any gaps in the current process?

How do you view the participation of political parties and other stakeholders in policy making?

How do you manage to maintain neutrality when engaging policy makers from different parties?

What is the parliament of Zimbabwe doing to enhance the policy making process? How are

different stakeholders responding?

What is the relationship between participation in policy making and gender?

What are you suggestions for a sustainable public policy making process?

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Appendix iii: Informed consent form

Introduction

My name is Maporisa Charles, a final year graduate student from Africa University, Mutare.I am

carrying out a study on “The role of political parties in policy making in Zimbabwe: A

comparative analysis of the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) and

the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T)”.I am kindly requesting you to participate in

the study by responding to a semi structured interview.

Purpose of the study:

The purpose of the study is to examine the role played by the political parties in influencing the

policy making process in Zimbabwe.This study is just for academic purposes.You were selected

for the study because you fit in well in the group of members of political parties who are

involved in national policy making.

Procedures and duration

Altogether, a total of 20 respondents will be interviewed. If you decide to participate you will be

expected to respond to a semi structured interview and it is expected to last 30 minutes or less.

The interview will take the form of a discussion where the interviewer will pose questions and

follow up on the question if necessary.

Risks and discomforts

85
It is possible that the interview will go beyond the foreseen 30 minutes; however, all efforts will

be used to ensure that the interview does not exceed the approximate time. More importantly,

you reserve the right to end your participation in the study at any point you deem necessary.

Benefits and/or compensation:

The research is intended to further academic knowledge in the area of policy making in

Zimbabwe. It is anticipated that policy makers in the public and private sectors will take up some

recommendations from this study.

.Confidentiality:

The participant should note that the highest standards of confidentiality will be maintained

throughout the study and any information obtained through the study will not be disclosed to any

other party without the consent of the participant concerned. Names and any other identification

particulars solicited by the researcher during the one on one in depth interviews will be solely for

researcher’s ease of reference and not for unauthorised publication.

Voluntary participation:

Participation in this study is voluntary. If participant decides not to participate in this study, their

decision will not affect their relationship with, the researcher, and Africa University .

Additionally, if you decide to terminate your participation you will not be penalized in any way.

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Offer to answer questions

Before you sign this form, please ask any questions on any aspect of this study that is unclear to

you. You may take as much time as necessary to think it over.

Authorisation

To the extent that you have decided to participate in this study please sign this form in the space

provide below as an indication that you have read and understood the information provided

above and have agreed to participate.

------------------------------------------------------- ---------------------------------

Name of Research Participant (please print) Date

If you have any questions concerning this study or consent form beyond those answered by the

researcher including questions about the research, your rights as a research participant, or if you

feel that you have been treated unfairly and would like to talk to someone other than the

researcher, please feel free to contact the Africa University Research Ethics Committeeon

telephone (020) 60075 or 60026 extension 1156 email aurec@africau.edu

Name of Researcher ---------------------------------------------

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