Religiosity and Food Waste Reduction Intentions

Accepted Article Title:
Religiosity and food waste reduction intentions: A conceptual model
Running title:
Religiosity and food waste reduction
Authors:
Sayed Elhoushy, M.S. (Corresponding author)
Department of Management,
Ca’ Foscari University of Venice,
Cannaregio 873, Fondamenta San Giobbe,
Venice, Italy, 30121.
E-mail: sayed.elhoushy@unive.it
Phone: (039) 324-0536128
ORCID iD: 0000-0003-3434-8171
SooCheong (Shawn) Jang, Ph.D.

Professor
School of Hospitality and Tourism Management,
Purdue University
Marriott Hall, 900 W. State Street, West Lafayette IN 47907, USA
E-mail: jang12@purdue.edu
Telephone: 765-496-3610
This article has been accepted for publication and undergone full peer review but has not been
through the copyediting, typesetting, pagination and proofreading process, which may lead to
differences between this version and the Version of Record. Please cite this article as doi:
10.1111/IJCS.12624
This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved
Conflicts of interest: the authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or
Accepted Article
personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.
Funding: this research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public,
commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.
Ethical Statement: this material is the authors' own original work, which has not been previously
published elsewhere.

Accepted Article
DR. SAYED ELHOUSHY (Orcid ID : 0000-0003-3434-8171)
Article type : Original Article
Religiosity and Food Waste Reduction Intentions:

A Conceptual Model
Abstract
Are religious consumers less wasteful? If so, to what extent and by what mechanisms does
religiosity motivate consumers to reduce food waste? To address these questions, this study
proposes a conceptual model and evaluates it empirically using PLS-SEM and data from 583
consumers. The results reveal that religiosity encourages food waste reduction. Specifically,
religiosity is positively related to consumer attitudes, activism and personal, and subjective
norms to reduce food waste. Consumers’ activism and personal norms are significant
mediating mechanisms that convey the impact of religiosity on food waste reduction
intentions. Interestingly, however, consumers’ attitudes and subjective norms show no
significant effects on their food waste reduction intentions. In addition, perceived behavioural
control (PBC) appears to be an important determinant of consumer intentions, but it plays a
direct rather than a moderating role. These results extend the previous literature by (a)
proposing novel intervening mechanisms to explain the understudied religiosity–consumer
behaviour relationship and (b) shedding light on the controversy regarding the additive versus
moderating effect of PBC. Ultimately, this study provides a basis for religious-based
interventions for policy makers and marketers as well as ideas to motivate food waste
reduction at the consumer level.
Keywords: Religiosity; food waste reduction; consumer intention; theory of planned

behaviour; perceived behavioural control; PLS-SEM

1. Introduction
Accepted ArticleFood waste reduction is a hot issue around the globe (UNDP, 2020). Increasing levels of
household food waste have attracted the attention of researchers and policy makers. Among
the motives for reducing food waste, the role of religion has gained attention even though this
area of research is still in the beginning stages. Religion provides teachings that focus on
waste reduction and using only what is necessary. For example, the Holy Quran states that
“…and eat and drink, but do not waste; surely [Allah/God] does not love the wasteful”
(Quran 7:31). Likewise, the Holy Bible states “Do not join those who drink too much wine or
gorge themselves on meat, for drunkards and gluttons become poor, and drowsiness clothes
them in rags” (New international version-Proverbs 23:20–21). Given that Holy statements
dictate specific teachings concerning food and waste, it could be argued that religion
influences believers’ conceptions of food waste. Yet, this influence is subject to one’s
religiosity, which reflects an individual’s commitment to following the teachings of God
(McDaniel & Burnett, 1990).
Researchers have studied the role of religion in shaping different consumption
behaviours (see: e.g., Casidy & Arli, 2018; Garay-Quintero et al., 2018; Mumuni et al., 2018;
Siyavooshi et al., 2018). Specifically, a growing number of studies have examined the impact
of religiosity on sustainable consumer behaviours (e.g., Abdelradi, 2018; Bhuian et al., 2018;
Minton et al., 2018; Pichon et al., 2007; Raggiotto et al., 2018). This growing interest is
understandable given that most of the world’s population affiliates with a religion (Skirbekk
et al., 2015). In addition, religious beliefs span geographic boundaries, which makes them
appealing to marketers (Minton et al., 2015). Yet, prior studies have found mixed results. For
example, Martin and Bateman (2014) found that religious commitment is negatively related
to consumers’ ecocentric attitudes, but positively related to their sustainable behaviours (e.g.,
buying recycled materials). These effects, however, disappeared when socio-demographic
variables were controlled (see: Martin & Bateman, 2014). Furthermore, Minton et al. (2018)
revealed positive relationships between religiosity and general sustainable consumption. Yet,
in special food consumption contexts, Minton et al. (2019) found a negative link between
religiosity and choosing sustainably-minded foods (i.e., natural or organic). Interestingly, the
exact theoretical role of religiosity in shaping sustainable consumer behaviours has not been
consistent either (Elhoushy & Lanzini, 2020). Some studies supported the moderating effects
of religiosity on the relationship between established antecedents and several sustainable
consumer behaviours, such as buying organic products (Bhuian et al., 2018; Minton et al.,
2015). Another line of studies supported a direct link between religiosity and sustainable

consumption practices, such as green purchase (Martin & Bateman, 2014; Minton et al.,
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2018). In contrast, other studies conceptualized the indirect effect of religious beliefs and
values on food waste and green purchase behaviours (Abdelradi, 2018; Ghazali et al., 2018).
This inconsistency continues to motivate further theoretical and empirical studies in this area.
The food waste literature has revealed some established factors that affect consumer
food waste reduction, including positive attitudes (e.g., Graham-Rowe et al., 2015; Stancu et
al., 2016), favourable subjective norms (e.g., Graham-Rowe et al., 2015; Stancu et al., 2016),
perceived behavioural control (PBC: Karim Ghani et al., 2013; Russell et al., 2017), and
personal norms (e.g., Pakpour et al., 2014; Quested et al., 2013). Researchers have further
underlined the importance of an individual's activism (i.e., a distinctive type of attitude
towards the public well-being) as a determinant of sustainable consumer behaviours
(Elhoushy, 2020; Elhoushy & Jang, 2019). However, Zamri et al.'s (2020) recent synthesis of
the literature reveals that food waste reduction programs have been focused on environmental
and economic-based approaches, while the religion-based approach has so far been relegated
to a negligible role. Porpino (2016) also highlighted a gap in knowledge regarding the role of
religion in shaping consumer food waste.
The current study addresses this gap and argues that religiosity can indirectly influence
consumer intentions, where the impact of religiosity is mediated by the aforementioned
established factors. This proposition is based on the reasoned action approach in which
religion, among other factors, is considered a background variable that influences behaviour
through the original predictors of the theory of planned behaviour (TPB: Ajzen 1991;
Fishbein & Ajzen, 2010). Furthermore, a controversial view regarding the role of PBC in the
TPB framework has recently been emphasised. Ajzen and Kruglanski (2019) pointed out that
PBC is assumed to have a moderating (rather than direct) effect on the attitudes-intention and
subjective norms-intention links. This contradicts the typical application of the TPB as an
additive (linear) model in the sustainable consumer behaviour literature (e.g., Arli et al.,
2018; Elhoushy, 2020; Graham-Rowe et al., 2015; Karim Ghani et al., 2013; Russell et al.,
2017). Although no previous studies, which examined the interaction model in this literature,
could be found, a lack of empirical results does not preclude such potential interactions.
Therefore, the current study takes a step forward by shedding light on this controversy.
Overall, this study contributes to the literature on sustainable consumer behaviours with
a focus on food waste reduction at the household level, which is defined as consumers’
intentions to engage in minimizing waste from all food prepared for human consumption
(Abeliotis et al., 2014; Visschers et al., 2016). Specifically, the current study addresses three

objectives: (1) to clarify the impact of religiosity on consumer intentions to reduce food
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waste, (2) to examine the mediating roles of personal norms, activism, attitudes, and
subjective norms in the religiosity-consumer intentions relationship, and (3) to investigate the
direct versus moderating effects of the PBC construct in light of the proposed model.
2. Review of literature
2.1.Religiosity and sustainable consumer behaviours
Religion is a multi-dimensional concept (Mathras et al., 2016; Tan & Vogel, 2008). For
example, Tan and Vogel (2008) indicated that religion has three core dimensions: religious
beliefs, experience, and rituals. Likewise, Mathras et al. (2016) proposed that religion has
four dimensions: beliefs, rituals, values, and community. However, in some Muslim
communities, like Egypt, directly addressing religious affiliation or rituals is very sensitive
(Rice, 2006). In this regard, Mathras et al. (2016) claimed that religiosity can predict the
centrality of the different dimensions of religion in one’s life. Martin and Bateman (2014)
also underlined the importance of treating religion as a multi-item construct rather than as a
categorical variable designated by religious affiliation. The current study, therefore, takes an
intrinsic perspective and focuses on religiosity, which reflects one’s belief in God and his or
her commitment to living by and complying with religious teachings (McDaniel & Burnett,
1990).
Throughout history, religion has influenced the behaviours of individuals, particularly
their moral behaviours. For example, Vitell et al. (2018) argued that religiosity affects
consumers’ behaviours in situations that involve ethical issues. Similarly, Siyavooshi et al.
(2018) found a positive association between awareness of religious duties and green purchase
intentions. Likewise, Bhuian et al. (2018) found that religiosity positively moderates the link
between pro-environmental behaviours and environmental attitudes, concerns, knowledge,
and values, respectively in terms of importance. In the context of food waste, Abdelradi
(2018) also found a significant positive link between religious beliefs and environmental
awareness, which in turn influences food waste behaviours. Taken together, these studies
provide evidence of the role of religiosity in influencing food waste reduction. Furthermore,
given the general tendency to prepare and cook meals at home recently due to COVID-19 and
an inclination towards spirituality (Zwanka & Buff, 2020), focusing on religiosity is a timely
and relevant aspect to consider.

2.2. Theoretical background and hypotheses development
Accepted Article As indicated earlier, TPB positions religion as a background variable that influences
behaviour indirectly through a causal chain of relationships (Fishbein & Ajzen, 2010). The
present study argues that religiosity plays a central role in food waste contexts. The logic
behind this proposition is twofold. First, one’s belief system represents a basic foundation for
his or her behaviours (Fishbein & Ajzen, 2010). Ajzen (1991) proposed three categories of
beliefs, namely behavioural, normative, and control beliefs, which affect the behaviours of
individuals through other predictors. Several studies have also indicated that religion
represents a fundamental belief system for believers (Mathras et al., 2016; Minton et al.,
2019; Tan & Vogel, 2008). However, compared to attitudinal beliefs, religious beliefs are
more generalized across locations, times, and behaviours (Minton et al., 2015). Second, since
food waste reduction can be interpreted as an order from God, it can be assumed that people
who believe in God will exhibit familiarity with and acceptance of food waste restrictions.
For example, Minton et al. (2019) found that religious restrictions were associated with food
intake. However, this form of doctrine does not imply that individuals will blindly follow it
without mentally processing (reasoning) the action. That is, an individual’s degree of
religiosity would affect his or her values and, consequently, way of reasoning. Put another
way, it is assumed that religious thoughts activate food waste reduction tendencies due to an
intervening cognitive association. As such, the impact of religiosity on food waste reduction
intentions is presumed to occur through activating certain cognitive mechanisms, such as
personal norms, activism, attitudes, and subjective norms. These mechanisms were identified
based on the prior literature in order to create a conceptual model (Figure 1) and test its
validity.
**INSERT FIGURE 1 AROUND HERE**
2.2.1. Mediating effects of personal norms

Personal norms refer to an individual’s perceived moral obligations to act in a pro-
social or pro-environmental way (Stern et al., 1999). Previous studies have consistently
supported the positive impact of personal norms on intentions to reduce food waste (Graham-
Rowe et al., 2015; Pakpour et al., 2014; Quested et al., 2013). This study extended this link
by proposing personal norms as an explanatory variable that mediates the religiosity-
intentions link. This decision is based on contemporary studies which confirmed that
religiosity promotes altruistic values, such as concern for others and generativity (Siyavooshi

et al., 2018; Ysseldyk et al., 2010). Moreover, religious teachings imply reinforcement or
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punishment that could foster moral behaviours in general and waste reduction in particular.
For example, Muslims may recite a saying of the Prophet Mohammad, such as, “Not a
believer who sleeps and his neighbour is hungry.” Accordingly, people may feel obligated to
share leftovers with the poor or less fortunate instead of throwing them away. In addition,
previous studies (e.g., Quested et al., 2013; Stangherlin & de Barcellos, 2018) indicated that
wasting food generates feelings of guilt and regret. In this regard, religious people may feel
guilty when food is wasted due to breaking God’s teachings. In short, religion prohibits
wasting food and promotes altruistic values of sharing. Doing the former is considered a sin
that disregards the blessings of God, while doing the latter is a virtue that complies with
God’s orders. Therefore, religious individuals are expected to maintain greater moral
obligations, which, in turn, can trigger their food waste reduction intentions. Based on the
above rationale, this study proposed the following hypothesis:
H1. The relationship between religiosity and consumer intentions to reduce food
waste is mediated by personal norms, such that religiosity influences personal norms
and, ultimately, intentions.
2.2.1. Mediating effects of activism

Some studies have revealed positive associations between activism (operationalized as a
function of involvement in certain pro-environmental actions) and sustainable consumer
behaviours (DiPietro et al., 2013; Filimonau et al., 2020; Lee, 2014). For example, a
consumer who engages in buying green products at home will show greater intentions to
reduce food waste when eating out at restaurants (see: Filimonau et al., 2020). Instead of
focusing on other pro-environmental actions, Elhoushy and Jang (2019) defined activism as a
distinctive type of attitude that reflects an individual’s intentional mindset and characteristic
tendency to contribute to the public well-being and recognize the value of doing so. This
definition sheds light on the different roles played by an individual (e.g., consumer,
colleague, family member, etc.,) and underlines the possible transfer of effects across these
roles. For example, at the household level, the family composition implies that elders, usually
parents, intentionally disseminate knowledge and counsel to other family members (e.g.,
children). As such, it could be argued that religious people will be motivated to
share/advocate waste reduction clues (e.g., God prohibits food waste) with others, and this

active role would increase their commitment towards sustainable consumption behaviours
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(e.g., food waste reduction).
The logic behind this religiosity-activism link is twofold. First, religious people are
expected to follow religious beliefs and recommend virtuous behaviours. For example, Allah
says in the Holy Quran, “The believing men and believing women are friends of one another.
They enjoin what is right, forbid what is wrong, perform the prayers, practice charity, and
obey God and His Messenger. Those - God will have mercy on them. Indeed, God is Nobel
and Wise” (Quran 9:71). Given this, religious people are assumed to have a sacred duty to
endorse and communicate environmentally friendly behaviours driven by their religious
intent. In support of this claim, Rice (2006) found a positive link between religiosity and
activist pro-environmental behaviours (e.g., recommending environmental actions). Second,
Blogowska and Saroglou (2011) indicated that the desire of religious people to be seen, both
by themselves and others, as altruistic can trigger their environmental activism. This active
(public) role is expected to strengthen a consumer’s (personal) commitment towards
sustainable behaviours (Elhoushy, 2020), due to the human need for consistency and the
desire to avoid negative feelings associated with inconsistencies across perceptions and
actions (Blogowska & Saroglou, 2011; Thøgersen, 2004). Based on the above rationale, this
study proposed the following hypothesis:
H2. The relationship between religiosity and consumer intentions to reduce food waste
is mediated by activism, such that religiosity influences activism, which in turn
influences intentions.
2.2.2. Mediating effects of attitudes

Attitudes refer to the overall evaluation of expected behavioural consequences expressed
in positive or negative terms (Ajzen, 1991). The importance of attitudes in shaping our
behaviours is well explained by reasoned action theories (Fishbein & Ajzen, 2010). In food
waste contexts, empirical studies have generally supported the positive link between attitudes
and intentions to reduce food waste (Graham-Rowe et al., 2015; Stancu et al., 2016). This
finding was attributed to the benefits associated with reducing food waste, such as saving
money and avoiding food shortages (Quested et al., 2013). Thus, based on the findings of
previous studies, consumers’ intentions to reduce food waste are expected to be influenced by
their attitudes. Importantly, religion represents a key determinant of the values that influence
consumer attitudes. For example, Martin and Bateman (2014) found that consumers with high

intrinsic religiosity also showed greater environmental attitudes. Similarly, Ghazali et al.
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(2018) found that religious values have a positive impact on environmental concerns, green
purchase attitudes, and green purchase intentions. The current study argues that religiosity
can influence attitudes towards food waste reduction because, apart from the extrinsic
benefits (e.g., saving money), avoiding food waste can be associated with intrinsic benefits
(e.g., feeling contented due to following God’s orders). Such benefits can trigger an overall
positive inclination towards food waste reduction. Overall, the existing evidence generally
supports that attitudes may intervene between religiosity and consumer intentions. Thus, the
following hypothesis was proposed:
H3. The relationship between religiosity and consumer intentions to reduce food waste
is mediated by attitudes, such that religiosity influences attitudes, which in turn
influences intentions.
2.2.3. Mediating effects of subjective norms

Another predictor of intentions to reduce food waste is subjective norms, which reflect
perceived social pressures to engage in or refrain from certain behaviours (Ajzen, 1991).
Empirically, several studies have supported the positive association between subjective
norms and intentions to reduce food waste (Graham-Rowe et al., 2015; Stancu et al., 2016).
Other studies, however, claimed that social pressure could have less effect on household food
waste compared to more visible behaviours (Quested et al., 2013; Schanes et al., 2018).
Related to this last claim, the subjective norm construct was found to be the weakest among
other predictors (Karim Ghani et al., 2013; Visschers et al., 2016). This finding underlines the
need to consider documented refinements of this construct (Manning, 2009; Rivis & Sheeran,
2003). For example, Rivis and Sheeran (2003, p. 219) distinguished injunctive norms, which
capture a person’s perception of “what significant others think the person ought to do,” from
descriptive norms that captures a person’s perception of “what significant others themselves
do.” Most empirical investigations, however, have focused on injunctive norms per se. It is
worth noting that the results of the current study showed that the subjective norm construct is
a second-order factor with two significant first-order dimensions of injunctive norms and
descriptive norms.
Religiosity can further expand this normative component in the context of food waste.
Simply put, God’s rules can be considered as an important ‘reference’ for individuals’
decisions. The rationale for this argument is that Holy books state that the environment is
God’s creation and should be protected. Religion also stresses the fact that God sees, hears,

and knows everything an individual does and he or she will be held accountable for his or her
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actions (Rice, 2006). Hence, people who consider God as an important reference for their
actions will be concerned about whether their behaviours follow God’s orders. Moreover,
religion helps meet individuals’ needs for affiliation and belongingness (Greenfield & Marks,
2007; Ysseldyk et al., 2010). For example, Norenzayan and Shariff (2008) indicated that
religion promotes pro-sociality in situations that require maintaining a favourable ingroup
social reputation. Thus, religious people can be motivated to reduce food waste from a
compliance perspective, through meeting religious expectations and/or imitating the
behaviours of religious people. Based on that, this study proposed the following:
H4. The relationship between religiosity and consumer intentions to reduce food waste is
mediated by (a) injunctive norms and (b) descriptive norms, such that religiosity
influences perceived norms, which in turn influences intentions.
2.3. Moderating effects of PBC

The PBC construct reflects an individual’s perceived ability to engage in a given action
taking into account both facilitating and hindering conditions (Ajzen, 1991). For example,
limited kitchen skills and time needed to prepare shopping lists or repurpose leftovers are
essential barriers to reduce consumer food waste (Kim et al., 2020). Dobernig and Schanes
(2019) also underlined the importance of contextual aspects, such as shopping routines and
infrastructure in shaping consumer food waste. Generally, if someone considers repurposing
leftovers as easy, then he or she is more likely to form positive intentions to do so compared
to those who consider it difficult. Empirical findings have supported this claim, where PBC
was found to be positively associated with intentions to reduce food waste (Graham-Rowe et
al., 2015; Russell et al., 2017). However, as indicated earlier, there has been growing
popularity in the use of linear models in which PBC is theorized to influence intentions
and/or behaviour directly (e.g., Graham-Rowe et al., 2015; Karim Ghani et al., 2013; Kautish
et al., 2019; Russell et al., 2017). In contrast, Ajzen and Kruglanski (2019) emphasised that
PBC is a theoretically necessary condition. That is, “a favourable attitude and a supportive
subjective norm are said to lead to the formation of favourable behavioural intentions to the
extent that people believe that they are capable of performing the behaviour in question”
(Ajzen & Kruglanski, 2019, p. 776).
This contingency approach, which may serve as an alternative framework to determine
more effective conditions for engaging in sustainable consumption, has rarely been used.
Only a few studies have tested this interaction effect in the contexts of road violations

(Castanier et al., 2013), smoking behaviours (Hukkelberg et al., 2014; Yzer & van den Putte,
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2014), and use of cannabis (Conner & Mcmillan, 1999). Albeit interesting, the previous
findings are still inconclusive. For example, Castanier et al. (2013) revealed the usefulness of
employing PBC as a conditional variable, yet this moderating effect was not consistent across
different road violations. Focusing on intentions to quit smoking, Yzer and van den Putte
(2014) supported the interaction model by showing that in situations of high PBC, the
attitude-intention and subjective norm-intention relationships for quitting smoking was
stronger. Conner and Mcmillan (1999) and Hukkelberg et al. (2014) emphasised the
importance of this interaction model by identifying boundary conditions for predicting
intentions. For example, in the current context, an interaction effect indicates that a lack of
control over waste reduction may diminish the impacts of consumer attitudes on intention.
Conversely, strengthening control can enhance the impact of social pressure on consumer
intentions to reduce food waste.
Overall, although this interaction perspective is theoretically appealing, limited studies
have investigated this effect in general, and studies are particularly lacking in the sustainable
consumption literature. The absence of studies, however, does not preclude the possibility
that PBC may work as a moderator. As a step in this direction, this study tests the two
competing paths, direct effect (H5) and moderating effects (H6), in the context of consumer
food waste. Accordingly, the following hypotheses are proposed:
H5. PBC is an additive factor and directly associated with consumer intentions to
reduce food waste.
H6. PBC moderates the (a) attitudes-intention relationship, (b) injunctive norms-
intention relationship, and (c) descriptive norms-intention relationship.
3. Methodology
3.1. Sample
A convenience sample of 3100 individuals in Egypt was invited to participate in this
study. The choice of Egypt as a geographical setting was deliberate in that it complements the
extant literature given that the food waste literature has mainly focused on developed
countries (see: Gaiani et al., 2018; Schanes et al., 2018). In addition, according to some
estimates, the vast majority of the people in Egypt (around 94.9%) are officially designated as
Muslims and around 5.1% are recognized as Christian, while all others, including unaffiliated
people, account for less than 0.1% (Skirbekk et al., 2015). The constitution declares Islam to

be the state religion and an individual’s religious affiliation is stated on their local identity
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cards. Several signs of religious practices (e.g., five prayers per day, Mosques are
everywhere, Holy Quran is broadcast on TV and radio in the streets, stores, etc.,) can also
easily be seen throughout society. These signs, among many others, paint a picture of this
community from a religious lens, which is the focus of the current study. Nevertheless,
according to a report by the Barilla Center for Food and Nutrition (BCFN, 2016), Egypt is
among the countries creating the greatest amounts of food waste at 73 kilograms per capita.
This tension makes Egypt an interesting setting to understand the role of religiosity (if any) in
mitigating food waste.
An online invitation containing the survey link (using www.qualtrics.com) was sent to e-
mails or social networks of potential respondents. The link included a brief cover letter
stating the study purpose and assuring confidentiality. It also provided details about the
identity of the researcher (e.g., full name and affiliation) to guarantee that the link was not a
hacking attempt. In total, 589 responses were received, which makes a response rate of 19 per
cent. To be included in the survey, respondents needed to be (a) 18 years old or older and (b)
participating in buying or cooking food at their households. These inclusion criteria ensure
that each participant is at least, in part familiar with food waste and other relevant activities,
such as food purchasing and cooking. A total of six cases (1 case with extreme missing data,
2 cases were under 18 years, and 3 cases showed disengagement as evidenced by completing
the survey in less than 3 minutes) were excluded from the analysis. Thus, the remaining 583
cases were used for further analysis.
As summarized in Table 1, the majority of participants were female and between 18 and
34 years old. More than half held a bachelor’s degree, while others ranged from at least high
school to higher education. It is worth noting that the sample’s skewed age is not so different
from the general composition of the Egyptian population. As reported by the Central Agency
for Public Mobilization Statistics (CAPMAS, 2020), around 74.1% of the Egyptian
population are less than 40 years old. Furthermore, the female majority represents an accurate
depiction of the situation because females are still mostly responsible for handling food and,
thus, food waste in consumer households. This is also consistent with studies conducted in
other socio-cultural contexts (see: e.g., Di Talia et al., 2019; Mallinson et al., 2016). As for
income, the largest group earned less than 5000 Egyptian Pound (E£), followed by higher
income groups. This is comparable with Egypt’s minimum wage salary of 2000 E£ per month
and the average household income of 4,904.5 E£ per month (CAPMAS, 2020). The majority

of participants had 4-5 members in their household, which is consistent with the average
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household size of 4.2 (CAPMAS, 2020).
**INSERT TABLE 1 AROUND HERE**
3.2. Survey and measures

The survey was first developed in English based on the above-mentioned literature.
Then, it was translated to Arabic using the back-translation technique. The translated survey
was reviewed by three native Arabic speakers to ensure that it fits the Egyptian dialect.
Finally, the survey was reviewed by twenty individuals, including academic researchers (to
check content validity) and non-academic household members. They were asked to assess the
clarity of the survey and report any ambiguities. Following this step, slight modifications
were made to the wording of some questions.
The final survey includes questions on the study’s eight constructs–namely, attitudes,
injunctive and descriptive norms, activism, PBC, personal norms, food waste reduction
intentions, and religiosity. All measures are based on previously validated scales. As for
attitudes, a five-point bipolar scale ( =.87) was adopted from the work of Graham-Rowe et
al. (2015) on household food waste reduction in the UK. Furthermore, injunctive norms (four
items;  =.94) was adopted from Karim Ghani et al.'s (2013) study on food waste source
separation in Malaysia, descriptive norms (three items) was based on Ajzen (2002), and
activism (four items;  =.80) from Elhoushy's (2020) work on sustainable food choices in
Egypt. Based on the work of Visschers et al. (2016), which studied household food waste
among the Swiss-German population, measurement items were adopted for food waste
reduction intentions (four items;  =.82), personal norms (four items;  =.78), and PBC (five
items;  =.71). Finally, religiosity was measured using ten items ( =.90) from the work of
Bhuian et al. (2018) on pro-environmental consumer behaviours in Oman. The validity of
these scales was further checked in the current study (see Table 2).
All items were answered on a 5-point scale format (1 = “strongly disagree,” and 5 =
“strongly agree”). The main reason for using a 5-point answer format was to ensure that the
survey is easy and more user friendly. The extant psychometric literature indicated that the
use of a 5-point scale has its own merits. For example, Babakus and Mangold (1992)
indicated that a 5-point scale (compared to 7-point format) helps respondents avoid
frustration and ensures better response rates and response quality. These advantages appeared

very relevant to the community under investigation in which some household members may
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be less familiar with surveys and scales in general. This issue was raised by some academics
and household members who participated in the pre-test, indicating for example that the 7-
point scale makes the survey more difficult and the choices appear to be similar in some
cases. It is also true that a 5-point scale is more user friendly for “online surveys” than a 7-
point scale, especially on phones compared to a desktop. Yet, the former is widely used on
surveys. Overall, the advantages of keeping the survey easier to manage appear to outweigh
any possible small differences between a 5- and 7-point response format. Additionally, the
current study adopted multi-item measures for all of its constructs, which is assumed to
mitigate possible differences between scale points.
3.3. Data analysis
Initially, SPSS v. 26 was used for data screening. Missing data in columns accounted
for less than 2%. Thus, items with missing data were imputed using the median of all nearby
points. To examine the Common Method Bias (CMB), a principal component analysis was
conducted. This analysis revealed 8 distinct factors explaining 69.20% of the variance, with
the largest factor accounting for only 26.72% of the variance. Accordingly, CMB is not a
critical issue with this data (Podsakoff et al., 2003). Moreover, Variance Inflation Factors
(VIF) were examined. According to Kock (2015, p. 7), a VIF above 3.3. cut-off is considered
a sign of multicollinearity and an indication of CMB as well. In this study, the inner VIF
values were all below the 3.3 threshold, which indicates the absence of multicollinearity and
provides additional evidence for the absence of CMB.
The skewness and kurtosis statistics showed acceptable values for the majority of the
survey items. However, few items had kurtosis above 0.3 and skewness above -0.3, which
violates normality criteria (Kline, 2011). In this regard, two points are worth noting. First, the
behaviour of reducing waste is a virtuous act. As such, obtaining skewed or kurtoses answers
is not surprising because most individuals see food waste reduction as positive. Second, this
study applied Partial Least Squares-Structural Equation Modelling (PLS-SEM), with
SmartPLS v. 3.0., which is considered an appropriate choice for non-normal data (Hair et al.,
2019). In addition, according to Hair et al. (2019, p. 5), PLS-SEM is a good choice, “when
the research objective is to better understand increasing complexity by exploring theoretical
extensions of established theories.” Thus, the use of PLS is considered convenient for this
study given the complexity of the proposed relationships. Additionally, most previous studies
used linear regressions or path analysis. The current study, however, used PLS-SEM, a
variance-based approach that has become common among scholars. As such, another

implication of this study is the application of the PLS technique to research on consumer food
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waste. With this being said, the analysis was conducted following the two recommended
steps of SEM, starting with measurement model assessment, then structural model
assessment and finally, hypotheses testing (Hair et al., 2013; Hair et al., 2019).
The extant literature referred to the possible impact of socio-demographic variables on
sustainable consumer behaviours, including gender, age, education, income, and family size
(e.g., Fami et al., 2019; Martin & Bateman, 2014; Stefan et al., 2013). Therefore, a model in
which these variables are included as controls was assessed. This alternative model supported
the robustness and consistency of the effects of the model’s main constructs while control
variables did not contribute much to the improvement of the model. Thus, the control
variables were excluded from the final hypotheses testing model reported here to keep
appropriate parameters-to-observation ratios.
4. Results
4.1. Measurement model
To assess the measurement model, several indices were examined—namely, factor
loadings, Composite Reliability (CR), Cronbach alpha (), Average Variance Extracted
(AVE), and heterotrait-monotrait (HTMT).
As Table 2 shows, all factor loadings exceeded the recommended value of 0.6 (Chin et
al., 2008), except for five items that were dropped from analysis due to poor loadings.
Loadings of the retained items ranged from 0.625 to 0.917, and each loading was significant
at the 1% level (p<.001). As evidence of internal reliability, the CR values of all constructs
exceeded the suggested 0.6 value (Bagozzi & Yi, 1988). Furthermore, convergent validity for
each construct was realized as evidenced by AVE values above 0.50, which indicates that the
construct explains at least 50 per cent of the variance of its items (Hair et al., 2019). The PBC
construct had a slightly lower AVE value. However, as explained by Malhotra and Dash
(2011, p. 702), “AVE is a more conservative measure than CR. On the basis of CR alone, the
researcher may conclude that the convergent validity of the construct is adequate […].” In
addition, discriminant validity was examined in two ways. The square root of AVE for each
construct was compared with inter-construct correlations as suggested by Fornell and Larcker
(1981). As Table 3 shows, the square root of the AVE for each construct was greater than its
correlation with any other construct. Additionally, Table 4 displays the HTMT ratio
(Henseler et al., 2015), which provides further support for discriminant validity, where the

upper bound of the 95 per cent confidence interval of HTMT was lower than 0.85 (Hair et al.,
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2019).
**INSERT TABLE 2 ABOUT HERE**
4.2. Structural model and hypotheses testing

Since the measurement model met all the requirements, the second step of assessing
the structural model was pursued. In this regard, the structured model was examined using
several criteria, as suggested by Hair et al. (2019), including the statistical significance of
path coefficients, the coefficient of determination (R2), effect size (f2), predictive relevance
(Q2), and the standardized root mean squared residual (SRMR) as a measure of overall model
fit (Benitez et al., 2020).
First, the path coefficients were examined. Religiosity had a significant impact on
personal norms (β = 0,403, t = 6,857, p < .001), activism (β = 0,349, t = 6.161, p < .001),
attitudes (β = 0,246, t = 4.190, p < .001), injunctive norms (β = 0,175, t = 4,306, p < .001),
and descriptive norms (β = 0,338, t = 6,885, p < .001). Furthermore, the results revealed
significant coefficients between personal norms and intentions (β = 0,297, t = 4,245, p <
.001), activism and intentions (β= 0,346, t = 6,479, p < .001), and PBC and intentions (β =
0,281, t = 3,672, p < .001). The other three paths of attitudes (β = 0,064, t = 1,102, p > .05),
injunctive norms (β= -0,006, t= 0.034, p > .05), and descriptive norms (β = 0,054, t = 0,477, p
> .05) were not significant.
Second, regarding the R2 of endogenous variables. In total, 62% of the variance was
explained by the main predictors of intentions. This substantial variance confirms the strong
predictive power of the model. As Table 5 shows, the potential mediator variables had weak
to moderate R2. However, R2 is a positive function of the number of predictors (i.e., the more
predictors, the higher the variance). Thus, the variance explained is considered satisfactory
given that this study had only one predictor variable (i.e., religiosity).

Third, effect size (f2) is a measure of the magnitude of an effect that is independent of
Accepted Article
sample size (Benitez et al., 2020). According to Cohen (1988), values higher than 0.02, 0.15,
and 0.35 represent small, medium, and large effect sizes, respectively. The effect size values
for most links fell between 0.02 and 0.35, thus the effect sizes had small to medium powers.
As for predictive relevance (Q2), values higher than 0, 0.25, and 0.50 represent small,
medium, and large predictive relevance, respectively, of the PLS-path model (Hair et al.,
2019). Results in Table 5 show that all Q2 values were larger than zero (ranged from 0.019 to
0.308) for each endogenous variable, which reflects the predictive accuracy of the model.
Lastly, the SRMR was approaching the suggested threshold of 0.080 (Henseler et al.,
2014), indicating an overall acceptable model fit. Taken together, these results suggest that
the proposed structural model is well suited for explaining intentions to reduce food waste.
Accordingly, the proposed hypotheses were tested. Results supported that religiosity has
a significant influence on intentions mediated by personal norms (β = 0.119, t = 3.635, p <
.001) and activism (β = 0.121, t = 4.631, p < .001). Thus, H1 and H2 were supported. These
findings indicate that personal norms and activism mediate the positive effect of religiosity
on intentions to reduce food waste. However, attitudes (β = 0.016, t = 0.884, p < .05),
injunctive norms (β = -0.001, t = 0.024, p < .05), and descriptive norms (β = 0.018, t = 0.421,
p < .05) had non-significant mediating effects. Thus, H3, H4a, and H4b were not supported.
PBC was significantly and directly associated with intentions (β = 0.281, t = 3.672, p < .001)
and, thus, H5 was supported.
4.3. Moderation analysis of PBC

This study hypothesized that PBC plays a conditional role in the attitudes-intention and
subjective norms-intention relationships. Moderation analysis was conducted by applying the
PLS product-indicator approach. As stated by Chin et al. (2003), PLS can give more accurate
estimates of moderator effects by accounting for errors that attenuate the estimated
relationships and, thus, improve the validation of theories (Henseler & Fassott, 2010). As
Table 5 shows, the estimated standardized coefficients for the PBC-attitude interaction (β = -
0,053, t=0,494, p < .05), PBC-injunctive norms interaction (β = -0,078, t=0,130, p < .05), and
PBC- descriptive norms interaction (β = 0,121, t= 0,223, p < .05) were not significant. Thus,
H6a, H6b, and H6c were not supported. Figure 2 shows a graphical summary of the results.

**INSERT FIGURE 2 ABOUT HERE**
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5. Discussion and implications
This study examined the impacts of religiosity on the intentions of consumers to reduce
food waste. Drawing upon previous literature, personal norms, activism, attitudes, and
subjective norms were identified as potential mediators conveying the influence of religiosity
on food waste reduction intentions. In addition to the commonly tested direct prediction, PBC
was examined as a moderator conditioning the attitudes-intention and subjective norms-
intention relationships.
5.1.Theoretical implications
The results support the indirect impact of religiosity on intentions to reduce food waste.
This underlines the reasoned action approach, where religion is presumed to affect
behavioural intentions mediated by other predictors (Fishbein & Ajzen, 2010). This result
also agrees with the views of Abdelradi (2018), where religious beliefs can affect food waste
through increasing an individual’s environmental awareness. Furthermore, results show that
personal norms and activism are significant intervening variables that convey the impact of
religiosity on consumer intentions. This means that higher religiosity was associated with
stronger moral obligations and engagement in activism to reduce food waste, which, in turn,
affected food waste reduction intentions. These results are in line with previous research
findings that supported the link between religiosity and moral values (Minton et al., 2019;
Siyavooshi et al., 2018), as well as studies that revealed the positive effects of personal norms
on food waste reduction (Graham-Rowe et al., 2015; Pakpour et al., 2014; Quested et al.,
2013). The results obtained by the current study also support the proposed logic behind
activism as a vital intervening variable. Namely, that religion motivates people to actively
endorse and recommend environmentally friendly behaviours, such as waste reduction,
which, in turn, energizes personal intentions to reduce food waste motivated by the need for
consistency across cognitions (Thøgersen, 2004). This result is also consistent with the role
of activism in shaping sustainable food choices (Elhoushy, 2020) and underlines the
importance of consumer-to-consumer communications in motivating food waste reduction
(Närvänen et al., 2018).
The results also reveal the significant impact of religiosity on attitudes and subjective
norms about food waste reduction. This indicates, as expected, that higher religiosity leads to
more positive attitudes and favourable subjective norms to reduce food waste. However,

consistent with Russell et al.'s (2017) study, attitudes have an insignificant impact on food
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waste reduction intentions. Likewise, the obtained results support previous claims regarding
the limited role of subjective norms in the context of household food waste (Quested et al.,
2013; Schanes et al., 2018). Therefore, the data do not support the proposed mediating effects
of attitudes and subjective norms in the religiosity-intention linkage. This indicates that, in
the specific context of food waste, factors such as personal norms and activism overtake the
original reasoned action predictors. Accordingly, it can be concluded that food waste
reduction is not necessarily a function of the extrinsic benefits of saving money, or
compliance with “others.” It is, rather, a moral-driven action based on what individuals
consider to be correct behaviour. This adds to the literature by questioning the capacity of the
original reasoned action predictors to explain food waste reduction intentions in non-western
cultures like Egypt. Furthermore, this study lends support to the usefulness of the religiosity
concept in depicting the different dimensions of religion (Mathras et al., 2016).
Another important contribution of this study is navigating the controversy regarding
the moderating versus additive effect of PBC in shaping consumer intentions. The results
support the additive capacity of the PBC, where it appeared to be independently conducive to
food waste reduction intentions. This is consistent with previous studies in this stream (e.g.,
Graham-Rowe et al., 2015; Karim Ghani et al., 2013; Russell et al., 2017). In contrast, as a
contingency variable, the results do not support the moderating effect of PBC on the
attitudes-intention or subjective norms-intention links. These findings favour the additive
over the interaction model (cf. Ajzen & Kruglanski, 2019). Only the interaction effect of
PBC-descriptive norms was positive with a reasonable coefficient, indicating that “what
others do” exerts a greater influence on intentions when a consumer maintains high PBC.
Yet, this effect was not statistically significant. Although some previous studies found
significant interaction effects, the values reported were small (see: Castanier et al., 2013;
Yzer & van den Putte, 2014). Prior studies have also examined smoking and road violation
behaviours and, thus, the findings are not necessarily transferable to sustainable consumption
behaviours. Importantly, the current results emphasise that the relative importance of the
interaction model is likely to vary from one behaviour to another (Castanier et al., 2013). As
such, there is a need to consider different behaviours independently.
5.2. Practical implications

Religiosity, personal norms, activism, and PBC are all important determinants of food
waste reduction. Compared to alternative conclusions that religious messages may have less

value in some sustainability contexts (Martin & Bateman, 2014), the Egyptian community
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appears to be very receptive to religious cues in the food waste context. Thus, it is reasonable
to suggest that consumer-based strategies to reduce food waste need to include religious cues.
Marketing campaigns can start with communicating religious-based messages to activate
and/or cultivate religious beliefs that motivate food waste reduction. In support, Siyavooshi et
al. (2018) confirmed the primacy of religious messages in advertising responsible purchasing.
Importantly, Närvänen et al. (2018) suggested that focusing on positive meanings, such as
creativity, and the ethics of food waste is more effective than negative themes. Similarly,
Pichon et al. (2007) indicated that positive religious words had a stronger impact on pro-
social behaviours. Accordingly, from a practical side, religious-based campaigns need to
focus on ‘food waste reduction as a virtue’ instead of ‘food waste as a sin’.
Furthermore, given the primacy of the “dissonance-based interventions” in the context
of food waste (see: Pelt et al., 2020), the current results suggest windows of religious-based
interventions that can drive behaviour change. Interventions, for example, can be focused on
highlighting the gap between an individual’s religiosity and his or her involvement in putting
religious teachings into practice, or an individual’s activism (e.g., public expression of
environmental/religious thoughts) and his or her actual household food waste. In addition, the
strong additive power of PBC highlights the importance of educating people on food waste
reduction practices (e.g., planning meals, repurposing leftovers). Thus, educational
institutions need to consider waste reduction as an intended learning outcome of existing
courses, such as Home Economics. Television cooking shows can also provide simple waste
reduction practices that consider consumers’ time and enhance their cooking skills. Another
viable strategy is to use the physical spaces and rituals (e.g., Friday and Sunday prayers) of
mosques and churches as a platform to educate people on the consequences of food waste.
However, religious institutions will need to collaborate with environmental organizations to
develop a mutual and contemporary understanding of environmental problems.
5.3. Limitations and future research directions

This study encountered some limitations. Given the sensitivity of the question about
one's religious affiliation, this study took an intrinsic perspective of religiosity. Thus, there is
a need to consider other dimensions of religion (e.g., religious affiliation) in future studies.
The current study also used self-reported measures and disregarded actual food waste
behaviours. As such, future studies can address this limitation.

Although the sample characteristics are in line with population estimates by age group
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for Egypt (the majority are young people), generalizing the findings to other age groups in
other cultural contexts should be done with caution until these results are replicated. In
addition, this sample focused on Egypt where the dominant religion is Islam. The
implications of the results are meaningful in so far, more than nine-in-ten people were
Muslim, in the Middle East and North Africa, as of 2010 (Skirbekk et al., 2015). However,
the current results are not necessarily transferable to other communities. This study also
disregarded the potential differences between rural and urban areas. Thus, given its centrality
in the Egyptian community, future studies can provide comparisons.
Religiosity showed positive effects on food waste reduction. Yet, some countries, such
as Saudi Arabia and Egypt, are among those contributing the most to food waste. Moreover,
food waste increases and reaches its highest levels during the Holy month of Ramadan (Aktas
et al., 2018). Thus, future studies need to address this tension not only from a socio-
psychological perspective but also from a biological perspective to explain how anticipated or
actual feelings of hunger during Ramadan affect purchasing and cooking behaviours, which,
in turn, affect food waste. It is also important to determine whether other variables not
included in this study (e.g., habits) affect food waste and could diminish the role of
religiosity. Finally, more empirical studies are needed to better understand the interaction and
direct effects of the PBC across sustainable consumer behaviours.
6. Conclusions
This study extended prior literature by incorporating established antecedents of
sustainable consumer behaviours and religiosity into a coherent model. The results
contributed to the vast literature documenting the effects of culture–of which religion is
certainly a very important component–on sustainable consumer behaviours–of which food
waste reduction is a particularly pressing issue. Compared to the many previous applications
that focus on TPB’s direct predictors of intentions, the current paper examined and supported
the importance of the specific background variable of religiosity. Accordingly, scholars need
to focus not only on the direct predictors of consumer intentions and behaviours but also on
the underlying variables that shape those direct predictors. Further, the current study applied
an extended TPB model that includes personal norms and activism. These added constructs
showed better prediction for intentions in the context under investigation. Thus, scholars
should consider that mainstream reasoned action variables are not necessarily better, while
normative-based predictors may be more relevant, as in this case. Conclusively, despite the

limited use of the religion-based approach (Zamri et al., 2020), the current study emphasised
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its importance in guiding food waste reduction interventions. To the best of this study’s
knowledge, this paper was the first in the sustainable consumer behaviour literature to
examine both the direct and moderating functions of the PBC. Scholars can advance this
stream of knowledge through further investigations of interaction effects in this domain.
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TABLE 1 Characteristics of respondents
Characteristics N= 583 %
Gender
Male 129 22.1
Female 454 77.9
Age
18-34 478 82.0
35-54 93 15.95
55- and above 12 2.05
Education
High school 29 5.0
Bachelor 303 52.0
High studies (Master, PhD) 149 25.5
Currently at college 102 17.5
Monthly income (E£) *
Less than 5000 319 54.7
5000-9999 205 35.2
10000-14999 36 6.2
Above 15000 23 3.9
Household size
Small (1-3 members) 124 21.3

Medium (4-5 members) 400 68.6
Accepted Article Large (above 6 members) 59 10.1
Note. *USD1.00 = E£17.24 as of March 20, 2019 (Source: Central Bank of Egypt).
TABLE 2 Measurement model evaluation
Constructs and measurement items Loading Alpha CR AVE

Attitudes 0,895 0,890 0,672
Accepted Article
Harmful-beneficial
Pointless-worthwhile.
0,778
0,874
Unenjoyable-enjoyable. 0,913
Bad-good. 0,696
Injunctive norms 0,909 0,913 0,726
My family thinks I should reduce food waste. 0,707
My neighbours think I should reduce food waste. 0,917
My colleagues think I should reduce food waste. 0,876
The community in the area I live think I should reduce food waste. 0,891
Descriptive norms 0,821 0,828 0,618

Most people who are important to me reduce food waste in their households. 0,824
The people in my life whose opinions I value reduce food waste in their 0,856
households. 0,665
Many householders like me reduce their food waste.
Activism 0,843 0,843 0,574

I am someone who makes extra efforts to reduce environmental problems. 0,686
I actively try to persuade others to reduce food waste. 0,763
I advise my family to engage in environmentally friendly behaviours when 0,814
buying or consuming foods.
Even if my action will result in a small change, I do what I should do. 0,761
Personal norms 0,791 0,791 0,558

I feel bad when I throw food away. 0,754
I feel obliged not to waste any food. 0,758
It is contrary to my principles when I have to discard food. 0,728
PBC 0,674 0,674 0,408

I find it difficult to prepare a new meal from leftovers. ® 0,627
I find it difficult to make sure that only small amounts of food are discarded in 0,625
my household. ®
I find it difficult to plan my food shopping in such a way that all the food I 0,663
purchase is eaten. ®
Intention 0,858 0,858 0,603

I plan to waste no food at all. 0,867
I intend to eat all purchased foods. 0,702
I intend to produce only very little food waste. 0,791

I aim to use all leftovers. 0,736
Accepted Article
Religiosity 0,934 0,931 0,604
My faith involves all of my life. 0,873
In my life, I experience the presence of God. 0,785
I am religious person and I let religious considerations influence my everyday 0,773
affairs.
Nothing is as important to me as serving God as best as I know how. 0,747
My religious beliefs are what really lie behind my whole approach to life. 0,875
I try hard to carry my religion over into all my other dealings in life. 0,885
One should seek God's guidance when making every important decision. 0,689
Religion is the most important thing in life. 0,673
Religion is important to lead a moral life. 0,650
Note: ® reverse coded items
TABLE 3 Discriminant validity-Fornell-Larcker Criterion
Activism Attitude Descriptive Injunctive Intention PBC Personal Religiosity

norms norms norms
Activism 0,757
Attitude 0,180 0,820
Descriptive
0,333 0,068 0,786
norms
Injunctive norms 0,189 -0,057 0,461 0,852
Intention 0,630 0,268 0,363 0,132 0,777
PBC 0,410 0,224 0,473 0,180 0,600 0,639
Personal norms 0,445 0,282 0,224 0,040 0,616 0,491 0,747
Religiosity 0,349 0,246 0,338 0,175 0,417 0,436 0,403 0,777
Note: Bold values are the square root of AVE.

Accepted Article
TABLE 4 Heterotrait-monotrait (HTMT)
Activism Attitude Descriptive Injunctive Intention PBC Personal Religiosity

norms norms norms
Activism
Attitude 0,176
Descriptive norms 0,335 0,068

Injunctive norms 0,186 0,072 0,467
Accepted Article
Intention
PBC
0,628
0,410
0,263
0,220
0,359
0,472
0,130
0,180 0,602
Personal norms 0,444 0,283 0,222 0,064 0,616 0,490
Religiosity 0,344 0,242 0,338 0,177 0,412 0,431 0,398
Note: Shaded boxes are the standard reporting format for the HTMT procedure.

Accepted Article
TABLE 5 Structural model evaluation and hypotheses testing results
Hypothesized Paths Standardized T- P-values Decision

estimates values
H1: Religiosity -> Personal norm -> Intentions 0,119 3,635 0,000*** Supported
H2: Religiosity -> Activism -> Intentions 0,121 4,631 0,000*** Supported
H3: Religiosity -> Attitude -> Intentions 0,016 0,884 0,377 Not supported
H4a: Religiosity -> Injunctive norm -> Intentions -0,001 0,024 0,981 Not supported
H4b: Religiosity -> Descriptive norm -> Intentions 0,018 0,421 0,674 Not supported
H5: PBC -> Intentions 0,281 3,672 0,000*** Supported
H6a: PBC X Attitude -> Intentions -0,053 0,494 0,621 Not supported
H6b: PBC X Injunctive norm -> Iintentions -0,078 0,130 0,896 Not supported
H6c: PBC X Descriptive norm -> Intentions 0,121 0,223 0,823 Not supported
2 2
R Q
Intention = 0,620*** 0,308
Personal norms = 0,162 *** 0,079
Activism = 0,122** 0,061
Attitudes = 0,061* 0,035
Injunctive norms = 0,031** 0,019
Descriptive norms = 0,114*** 0,061
Note: *** p<.001; ** p<.01; * p < .05.

ijcs_12624_f1.docx
Accepted Article Personal

norms
H1
Activism
H2
Food waste
Religiosity
reduction intentions
H5
Attitudes
H3
Subjective Perceived
norms behavioral
H4a, H4b control
FIGURE 1 A Conceptual model for religiosity and antecedents of food waste reduction intentions.
Note: Dashed arrows represent the potential moderating effects.

ijcs_12624_f2.docx
Accepted Article
R2 =.162
Personal
norms
R2 =.122
Activism
R2 =.620
2
R =.061
Food waste
.246*** .064 reduction
Religiosity Attitudes
intentions
R2 =.031
Injunctive .281***
norms
R2 =.114
Descriptive Perceived
norms behavioral
control
Significant links Not-significant links
FIGURE 2 Schematic representation of structural model results.

Note: *** p<.001; ** p<.01; * p < .05.

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Accepted Article Title:

Religiosity and food waste reduction intentions: A conceptual model

Religiosity and food waste reduction

SooCheong (Shawn) Jang, Ph.D.

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Article type : Original Article

Religiosity and Food Waste Reduction Intentions:

Keywords: Religiosity; food waste reduction; consumer intention; theory of planned

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2.2.1. Mediating effects of personal norms

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2.2.1. Mediating effects of activism

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2.2.2. Mediating effects of attitudes

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2.2.3. Mediating effects of subjective norms

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2.3. Moderating effects of PBC

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3.2. Survey and measures

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4.2. Structural model and hypotheses testing

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4.3. Moderation analysis of PBC

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5.2. Practical implications

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5.3. Limitations and future research directions

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TABLE 1 Characteristics of respondents

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TABLE 2 Measurement model evaluation

Constructs and measurement items Loading Alpha CR AVE

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Descriptive norms 0,821 0,828 0,618

Activism 0,843 0,843 0,574

Personal norms 0,791 0,791 0,558

PBC 0,674 0,674 0,408

Intention 0,858 0,858 0,603

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Activism Attitude Descriptive Injunctive Intention PBC Personal Religiosity

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