En: Pizarro, Cynthia (ed.) 2016. Bolivian Labor Immigrants` Experiences in Argentina: IX-1. Maryland.

Lexington
Books. ISBN 978-1-4985-1416-3.

Introduction

Cynthia Pizarro

The growing restrictions on immigration in developed countries lead us to examine

migrations between southern ones. Compared to south-north flows, they usually involve

shorter distances and rather impoverished populations (Bologna 2010). People have moved

to, from and within the Southern Cone of South America since the formation of the nation-

states in the 19th Century. During the 1980’s, a new migration phase began as a result of

socioeconomic and political crisis in many Latin American countries (Massey et al. 2005),

stimulating vast amounts of population to emigrate to the developed ones and, to a lesser

extent, to other countries of the region (Cerrutti 2009).

The acceleration of Latin American migrations is also part of a broader context.

International movements of people have acquired specific features in the current framework

of globalization, capital accumulation (Harvey 2004) and transnationalism (Glick Schiller,

Basch, and Szanton Blanc 1999; Guarnizo 1999; Sassen 1991). Increasing interdependence of

the world economy and technological advances in communications and transportation are

leading to free acquisition of goods and flow of information between countries. On the

contrary, highly controlled international borders and impassable social boundaries are

proliferating in the contemporary world, and their effects are very often violent and

exclusionary especially among labor migrants (Cornelius, Martin, and Hollifield 1994;

Kearney 2008; Velez Ibañez 2010). At the same time, “borders react to diverse kinds of

migrant subjectivities and thereby operate to produce differentiated forms of access and

rights” (Casas-Cortes et al. 2015, 58, emphasis in the original).

1
 Immigration has emerged as a hot issue in many Western states (Silverstein 2005) and

as a source of friction in the international arena (Albarracín 2004). Global migration

governance is a topic of the political agenda at national and regional levels, inspiring debates

about the so-called “problem of migration”. In the late 1990s, the State Parties of the

Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR)1 became concerned about the advantages and

disadvantages of migrations from and within the region. On one hand, they asserted that

northern receiving countries should develop more inclusive immigrant integration policies

(Stuhldreher 2014). On the other hand, they fostered the improvement of what was (and still

is) considered a migration governability crisis within the region. In December 2002, the

presidents of the MERCOSUR State Parties announced that they would allow free movement

of people within the region.

Therefore, some of the member countries are reconsidering their migratory policies.

Argentina is the only one that has already made a substantial change. As Albarracín (2004)

says, immigration has strongly shaped Argentine history. Between 1830 and 1850, 8,2

million European immigrants arrived in the country, being the United States the only one that

received more international migrants. By 1914, one third of the Argentine population was

foreign born, mainly in Italy and in Spain. Migrations from western European countries were

encouraged by the government, in an attempt to construct a modern, white and civilized

society according to the imagined national community.

Although after the 1950s most of the immigrants were from the Southern Cone of

South America, migration policies continued giving preference to those who came from

overseas while those coming from neighboring countries were discriminated or just tolerated.

There was a significant change in 2004 when a new National Migration Law was enacted,

recognizing the importance of those coming from the State Parties of the MERCOSUR

(Novick 2008; Pacecca and Courtis 2008).

2
 In spite of this rhetoric of inclusion (Domenech 2009), the change in the Argentine

migration policy does not go so far as to establish a genuine migration without borders

scenario (Maguid 2007). On the contrary, disguised state control techniques and technologies

are still at use mainly aiming to regulate labor migrations. Although according to the National

Migration Law 2004, legal residence and human rights are guaranteed to the citizens of the

State Parties of the MERCOSUR, labor migrations proceeding from those countries are still

being controlled in many formal or informal ways (Courtis and Pacecca 2007).

During the 1990s, the increase of migrants moving within the Southern Cone of South

America brought about changes in the proportions of migratory flows in several countries2.

Argentina ranked third in the world as a host country receiving Latin American immigrants.

Most of them –about 90 percent– came from the State Parties of the MERCOSUR.

Longstanding Bolivian and Paraguayan immigration flows significantly increased during the

last decades of the 20th Century. In 2001, Paraguayans ranked first over intraregional

immigrants (35 percent) followed by Bolivians (25 percent), Chileans (23 percent),

Uruguayans (13 percent) and Brazilians (4 percent).

Maguid (2007) remarks that regional migration did not reach large proportions after

the Argentine economic and financial crisis of 2001, though it kept going on steadily and

there were no massive returns. Nevertheless, the sharp reduction in employment, the increase

in poverty, and the end of currency convertibility encouraged many Latin American people to

migrate to other countries, mainly to Spain (Gadea, Benencia, and Quaranta 2009).

Many authors say that international migrants coming from impoverished social

contexts usually integrate into marginal segmented labor markets3. In Argentina, there are

specific informal sectors intended for regional migrants such as construction, agriculture,

small-scale industry, and domestic service4. Labor informal agreements bring about lack of

access to social security and healthcare services as well as fewer possibilities of education for

3
children and young people. Unlike nationals, these foreign workers usually accept to live and

work under extremely bad conditions.

Labor flexibility and ambivalence between enduring and resisting oppression might be

due to their migrant condition (Sayad 1998), as I have found in my ethnographic research on

Bolivian laborers in Argentina5. One of the reasons why they bear physical and psychological

suffering is that they lack of social networks that would sustain them if they happened to lose

their jobs. On the contrary, their relatives frequently expect them to send money back home.

Therefore, they work in harsh and bad paid activities that nationals would not. They also

achieve certain competitiveness and become so good at their jobs that employers prefer to

hire them rather than local people. As Wolf (1993) and (Sayad 1998) have remarked a long

time ago, racializing and ethnicizing discourses frequently naturalize and justify labor market

segmentation, and legitimize the fact that immigrants, especially irregular ones, accept to

work long hours in harsh conditions and to earn very low wages.

I found that Bolivians coming from poor indigenous-peasant households usually

regard themselves not as immigrants but as workers, coinciding with the study of Dandler

and Medeiros (1988). This may be due to the very popular and long-standing tradition among

Bolivians of moving around the international border region between Bolivia and Argentina.

Many Bolivian labor migrants had unexpectedly left their homes without thoroughly thinking

about that decision beforehand, and do not know how long they are going to stay in

Argentina.

The continuity of regional immigration to Argentina despite the recent crisis shows

that people do not only migrate because of economic factors but also due to cultural and

social ones that influence their decisions, trajectories and experiences6. As many authors say7,

other issues shape Bolivian international migrations such as the age of the flow, longstanding

networks, social and economic capital, imaginaries about the places of destiny, and ancient

4
traditions of territorial mobility. Other intertwined conditionings are the cycle and structure

of their families, marital status, age, possibilities of socio-economic upward mobility and

education, and utopias of ameliorating gender, class or race-ethnic inequalities, among others.

This book explores recent Bolivian labor immigration to Argentina. Before the nation-

states formation in the mid-19th Century, people used to move within a unique colonial

territory, and they kept on doing so after the international border was established.

Until the 1950s, men coming from Bolivian Andean rural households moved around

the international border region looking for seasonal jobs in agriculture. After 1960, industrial

modernization attracted Bolivian families southwards to the cities of Buenos Aires, Mendoza,

Tucumán and Córdoba. In the 1990s, a steady macroeconomic context, comparatively high

salaries, and imaginaries about Argentine modern and urbanized way of life made the country

more attractive to Bolivians.

Since then, they have spread all around Argentina (Benencia 2009, 2012), taking low-

skilled jobs in labor-intensive sectors of the economy. While men usually work in

construction, agriculture and textile manufacturing, women are employed in informal street

trading, textile manufacturing, agriculture and domestic service. Although their impact on

unemployment is minimal, racializing and ethnicizing stereotypes make Argentines feel

threatened.

Even when Argentine economy deteriorated during the 2000s, Bolivians kept on

migrating. Nowadays, such territorial mobility takes place in a contradictory scenario of free

flow of capital, goods and services together with various state control techniques and

technologies of the international borders and social boundaries. Nevertheless, as we have said

before, current Argentine migration policy is certainly less restrictive than it was before.

This volume focuses on the experiences of Bolivian laborers in Argentina. Most of

them were born in impoverished indigenous-peasant Andean areas. The book gathers

5
research results of specialists who have studied the various ways in which these immigrants

integrate into segmented labor markets in different urban and rural areas of Argentina. It

examines their projects, trajectories, everyday lives and future prospects; and the influence of

the juxtaposition of inequalities based on gender, generation, class, ethny-race, nationality,

and migratory and legal status. It highlights the way in which racializing and ethnicizing

mechanisms naturalize their harsh working and living conditions. It refers to those

stereotypes that confine them to the lower hierarchies of the hegemonic cultural classification

not only in Argentina but also in northern countries such as Spain. It also compares the south-

south labor migration from Bolivia to Argentina, with the north-north one from Tajikistan to

the Russian Federation, remarking certain similar features that may be generalized to other

current labor migrations.

Foner, Rumbaut, and Gold (2000) have emphasized the need of more comparative

studies on migrations beyond North Atlantic countries. South-South migrations are scarcely

known in the North Hemisphere, and specialized scientific literature in English rarely

mentions Bolivian migrations. Although there is a significant amount of research on

international migrations to Argentina, and in particular on Bolivian ones, those studies

seldom go beyond the limits of Latin America.

Research on Bolivian migration to Argentina has focused on the main regions of

destiny until the end of the 20th Century8. This book opens new horizons regarding novel

migratory territories recently built by Bolivian laborers in Argentina. It collects the results of

longstanding anthropology studies in different Provinces: Buenos Aires, Córdoba, Mendoza,

Río Negro, Salta and Tierra del Fuego.

Verónica Trpin and Ana Ciarallo analyze the participation of Bolivians in the

horticulture labor market in the Middle Valley of the Río Negro during the harvest season.

They remark that the primary chains of these productive enclaves are supported by the use of

6
vulnerable migrant labor force, referring to the informality of work contracts and the frequent

fraud that these workers endure. They conclude that these labor markets are highly segmented

on the basis of ethnic and nationality classifications which operate organizing these intensive

agriculture chains.

Soraya Ataide and Roberto Benencia focus on the participation of Bolivians in the

horticulture labor market in the Province of Salta. They concentrate in the identity processes

that naturalize and justify their oppressive work conditions. They analyze local classification

matrices of the Otherness and the ways in which these immigrants are looked down as

foreigners. The authors are also interested in the ways in which Bolivian laborers question,

resist and reproduce these identities and social positions.

Martha Silvia Moreno Fiore and Cynthia Pizarro study the ways in which Bolivian

women supply the demand of seasonal workers in horticulture harvests in the Province of

Mendoza. They focus on the impact that the intersection of inequalities has on their migratory

and work trajectories. But, at the same time, they remark the social agentivity of these labor

migrants, who give different imprints to their lives according to the sense in which they

interpret their own migration and labor experiences.

Cynthia Pizarro analyzes Bolivian women’s associational migration to the outskirts of

Buenos Aires and Córdoba cities, also from a gender perspective. These laborers work with

their families in horticulture fields and bricks-manufacturing sites. She does not only study

the impact of the intersection of different inequalities in their migratory trajectories, working

conditions and family life. She analyzes as well how other factors intertwine, such as

migratory networks and human and social capital, state control mechanisms in the borders,

previous work experiences, marital status, structure of the domestic groups, and traditional

familiar and gender ideologies.

7
 María José Magliano and Ana Mallimaci Barral go deeper into gender issues referring

to the migration of Bolivian women to Córdoba and Ushuaia cities. They analyze the

implications of family migration on the itineraries of these migrants, focusing on their labor

experiences in both destination places. They remark that the relationship between Bolivian

women and work goes through their lives, affecting their experiences and decisions, and

becoming a key factor for their migration project.

Mariana Ferreiro, Cynthia Pizarro and Lourdes Basualdo change the focus to the

practices of resistance of Bolivian migrants. They study the family ties and transnational

networks of young laborers in a brick-manufacturing site in the outskirts of Córdoba city.

They highlight the ways in which their expectations, memoirs, and mementos help them to

endure extremely precarious living and working conditions. They analyze some practices of

resistance that are inscribed in their memoirs and re-signified in their narratives.

Roberto Benencia is also concerned about the practices of resistance of Bolivian

migrants. He studies the experiences of those who returned to Buenos Aires after living for

over a decade in a complex and changing European context. He analyzes the ways in which

certain practices of resistance have allowed them not only to survive but improve their

economic situation. He studies how these fact made it possible for them to decide whether to

stay in Spain or to return to Bolivia or Argentina after the European crisis of 2008 and the

development of renewed ways of xenophobic discrimination against Latin-Americans.

Cynthia Pizarro and Sergey Ryazantsev compare the trajectories and lives of workers

who have migrated from Tajikistan to the Russian Federation and from Bolivia to Argentina.

They analyze the similarities and differences of both migratory flows. They study the

trajectories of Tajik and Bolivian laborers, focusing on their motivations, projects and

decisions. They concentrate in their daily lives, referring to the way in which their living and

working conditions affect their family relations and prospects of future. They are concerned

8
about the reasons why these labor migrants tolerate harsh working and living conditions and

analyze certain contingent utopias which allow them to endure a distressing present.

In brief, this book highlights key issues regarding the structural factors that pattern the

integration of Bolivian immigrants in certain labor markets segmented by inequalities based

on class, gender, ethny-race, nationality and migratory and legal status. It provides

ethnographic insights about the various ways in which they experience harsh living and

working conditions. Finally, it helps to understand that these men and women are capable of

dealing with oppressive situations and of performing particular ways of resistance.

The focus on labor migrants does not lead to a reductionist economic analysis of their

trajectories, experiences and prospects for the future. On the contrary, they are studied from a

holistic anthropological approach, considering that migrants make sense of their territorial

mobility from complex points of view anchored in their life experiences (Tarrius 2000).

Therefore, the authors of this book consider that migration is a total social fact (Sayad 1998).

As (Lara Flores 2010) says, labor migrations are mobility facts because they comprise

economic, social, cultural and politic dimensions.

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Notes

1
Member countries: Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay and Venezuela. Associated

parties: and Chile, Colombia, Peru, Ecuador, Guyana and Surinam.

2
Bologna (2010); Castillo and Gurrieri (2012); Lattes and Recchini de Lattes (1994);

(Maguid 2007); and (Pacecca 2009).

3
Breman (1985); Fernández Kelly (1983); Gomberg Muñoz (2011); Griffith (2006); Griffith

and Kissam (1995); Herrera Lima (2005); Holmes (2007); Johnson Webb (2003); Lara Flores

(2006); Lynn (2007); Marrow (2011); Martin (1996); Morberg (1997); Murphy, Blanchard,

and Hill (2001); Nash and Fernández Kelly (1983); Orner (2008); Ortiz (2002); Pérez Crespo

(1991); Piore (1979); Portes (1995); Pries (1998); Rothenberg (1998); Sassen (1990); Sayad

(1998); Teixedó, Baer, and Pérez Vichich (2003); Torres, Popke, and Hapke (2006); and

Wilkerson (1989), among others.

4
See: Bologna (2010); Cerrutti (2009); Courtis and Pacecca (2010); Maguid (1995, 2007);

Marshall (1981); and Pacecca (2009).

5
Pizarro (2009a, 2009d, 2009c, 2009b, 2011b, 2011a, 2012a, 2012d); Pizarro and Trpin

(2012); Pizarro (2012b, 2012c, 2013, 2014).

21
6
Guarnizo (1999); Herrera (2005); Levitt (2010); Pedone (2006); Portes (1995); and Quesnel

(2010), among others.

7
Bjerga (2013); Carmona (2008); Cerrutti (2009); Dandler and Medeiros (1988); De la Torre

(2006); Hinojosa Gordonava (2009); Jones and de la Torre (2008); Marshall and Orlansky

(1983); Pacecca (2009); Parella Rubio and Calvacanti (2010); Pérez Crespo (1991); Price

(2007, 2011, 2012); Price and Whitworth (2004); Whitesell (2008); and Yarnall (2008).
8
Albarracín (2004); Ardaya Salinas (1978); Balán (1990, 1995); Bastia (2007, 2013);

Belvedere et al. (2007); Benencia (2012, 2009); Castillo and Gurrieri (2012); Dandler and

Medeiros (1988); Maguid (1995); Marshall (1979, 1981); Pacecca (2009); Pacecca and

Courtis (2008); Pizarro (2011a, 2012d); Sana (1999); Sassone (2009); Villar (1984); and

Whiteford (1975, 1981).

22