TRAUMA,

Barnett / WHY
VIOLENCE,
BATTERED
& ABUSE
WOMEN/ January
DO NOT2001
LEAVE

WHY BATTERED WOMEN DO NOT LEAVE, PART 2

External Inhibiting Factors—Social Support and
Internal Inhibiting Factors

OLA W. BARNETT
Pepperdine University

This article is Part 2 of a review of factors hindering battered women’s chances of

leaving violent relationships. Part 1 covered major external inhibiting factors
(e.g., women’s economic dependency and the shortcomings of the criminal justice
system). Part 2 centers on additional external inhibiting factors, such as inade-
quate social support from workplaces and community agencies, and addresses
internal inhibiting factors, including the processes and effects of socialization, psycho-
logical and victimization events, and victim traits. Evidence suggests that work-
places, health care practitioners, clergy, and social service agencies fail to provide
the level of social support needed by battered women to leave. This article also docu-
ments a number of internalized socialization beliefs (e.g., acceptance of partner
abuse) that affect battered women’s decisions not to leave. Finally, several psycho-
logical processes (e.g., fear) and traits of victims (e.g., depression) complicate bat-
tered women’s efforts to leave.

Key words: battered women, social support, socialization, fear, victimization

EXTERNAL INHIBITING FACTORS— no written policies covering issues relevant to

LACK OF SUPPORT FROM WORKPLACES,
PRACTITIONERS, AND COMMUNITIES
Lack of Support in the Workplace
Some battered women do not leave because
they lack support in the workplace. Only a scat-
tering of corporations and businesses have
sponsored programs to benefit battered women.
Most executives and managers in corporations
have not addressed the effects of intimate part-
ner violence (IPV) on employees (V. Bryant,
Eliach, & Green, 1991; Issac, 1998). Counselors
working in employee assistance programs
(EAPs) lack training in IPV. EAPs usually have
TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE, Vol. 2, No. 1, January 2001 3-35
© 2001 Sage Publications, Inc.
IPV, and they have failed to offer employee
awareness education (Magee & Hampton,
1993). Increasingly, however, states are passing
employment regulations to benefit battered
women. As one example of federal laws, a seri-
ously injured woman might be able to take time
off under the Family and Medical Leave Act
(Runge & Hearn, 2000).
Inadequate Support From
Health Practitioners
IPV causes women to suffer numerous physi-
cal and mental health problems that make it
even more difficult for them to leave (Attala,

3
4 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2001
KEY POINTS OF THE
RESEARCH REVIEW
Societal agents who ought to assist battered
women are likely to display attitudes and behav-
iors that are negatively influenced by patriarchy
and sexism.
Employers may ignore signs of abuse and fail to
offer supportive services.
Health practitioners generally avoid screening
women for abuse and for follow-up with sup-
portive services.
Mental health counselors may be sexist in their
interactions, use inappropriate treatments, and
fail to address safety concerns.
Social support research does not provide consis-
tent findings about the levels of support received
by battered women, their perceptions of support,
or what kind of support battered women desire.
Child protective services (CPS) may threaten bat-
tered women by unfairly blaming them for their
male partners’ abuse of the couples’ children.
Children exposed to interparental violence suffer
many negative effects.
Religious doctrines tend not only to promulgate
male dominance in the home but also tolerate
husbands’ violence toward wives.
Clergy frequently lack expertise in family vio-
lence, do not value training in the subject, over-
look the danger involved, and fail to address
safety concerns.
Research on the amount of social support re-
ceived by battered women and their openness to
social support is insufficient.
Gender-role socialization works against
women’s economic and emotional independence
and advances ideas of masculinity that harm men
emotionally and contribute to their violence.
Most battered women initially believe the vio-
lence in their relationships is normative rather than
abusive.
Research has failed to consistently illuminate bat-
tered women’s attributions for the violence in
their relationships.
Weaver, Duckett, & Draper, 2000; J. C. Camp-
bell & Soeken, 1999; Ellsberg, Caldera, Herrera,
Winkvist, & Kullgren, 1999; Humphreys, Lee,
Neylan, & Marmar, 1999; Koss, Koss, & Wood-
ruff, 1991; Weaver & Clum, 1995). Some injuries
are very debilitating and permanent. Recently,
two researchers found a 35% prevalence rate of
head injury during IPV (Monahan & O’Leary,
1999). According to Barbara Seaman of the Na-
tional Council on Women’s Health (Focus—Call
for Help, 1994), the health care system should be
Battered women hold many values similar to those
of other women: They love their partners, accept
the ideal of a two-parent family, are committed to
the success of their relationships, and continue to
hope for the best over a long period of time.
Battered women appear to use several psycho-
logical processes that allow them to remain in
their relationships: denial, rationalization,
minimization of the abuse, and attributions of
blame on alcohol and drug use.
Battered women’s victimization often creates
traumatizing levels of chronic fear and stress that
contribute to post-traumatic stress disorder
(PTSD).
Battered women’s victimization adversely affects
some of their problem-solving and coping skills.
Application of learning principles gleaned from
laboratory research to the behavior of battered
women, although controversial, offers a scientific
framework that enhances understanding of fear,
entrapment, learned helplessness, effects of pun-
ishment, frustration, and the occurrence of am-
bivalence and avoidance.
Negative childhood experiences have the poten-
tial for long-lasting harm. Battered women’s ex-
periences are: equivalent to other women’s in
terms of childhood physical and sexual abuse
and more extensive than other women’s in terms
of exposure to interparental violence.
Growing evidence suggests that any victimiza-
tion experience contributes to increased future
vulnerability and that the effects of trauma are
cumulative.
Research uniformly reveals that battered women
are depressed, and some evidence suggests that
they suffer from low self-esteem and some types
of psychopathology. Experts believe these charac-
teristics, when present, are related to victimization.
A number of subpopulations of battered women
have unique challenges: women with partners in
the military, teen victims, abused elders, lesbians,
women living in rural areas, disabled women,
minority women, and immigrants.
the first entry point for societal intervention.
The medical community can play a pivotal role
by assessing, intervening, and appropriately re-
ferring battered women (Naumann, Langford,
Torres, Campbell, & Glass, 1999; Schornstein,
1997; Thurston, Cory, & Scott, 1998). Without
this support from health practitioners, battered
women may not be able to leave.
Instead of using women’s visits to medical
facilities as opportunities to help battered
women, practitioners do little to offer sup-

port. Untrained doctors tend to blame victims,
avoid screening women for IPV, and fail to fol-
low through with effective mandatory report-
ing even where required (Lund, 1999; Nayak,
2000; Sloat, 1998). Battered women’s reluc-
tance to disclose IPV further erodes doc-
tor-patient communications. Victims suffer
from intense feelings of shame, fear of the
abuser, and apprehension about the listener’s
reactions (Hamberg, Johansson, & Lindgren,
1999). A doctor’s silence not only ignores obvi-
ous signs of IPV, it tends to reinforce society’s
general acceptance of IPV.
Another missed opportunity to help bat-
tered women is the response of out-of-hospital
personnel (e.g., ambulance personnel). Their
failure to screen women for IPV is reflected in
transport-to-hospital data. An analysis of 876
medical charts documented a significantly
higher rate of refusals to go to the hospital by
battered women compared with nonbattered
women (Husni, 2000).
Mandatory reporting by health practitioners
to law enforcement agencies is another unre-
solved issue. Debate has focused on the ques-
tion of breaking patient confidentiality (Rodri-
guez, McLoughlin, Bauer, Paredes, & Grumbach,
1999). Very little empirical information about
possible benefits of mandatory reporting is avail-
able. Some data suggest that medical personnel
and law enforcement have not found acceptable
lines of communication that would improve ac-
tion when IPV is reported (Hyman, 1996; Lund,
1999). It is interesting to note that 81% of 161 bat-
tered women in one survey approved of laws
mandating health practitioners to report IPV
(Malecha et al., 2000).
Inadequate Counselors
Battered women may not leave because the
services provided by professional counselors
are inadequate. Sexism seems to flourish even in
mental health professionals (Eisikovits &
Buchbinder, 1996; Ross & Glisson, 1991). Just as
people in the general public value masculine
traits more than feminine traits (Broverman,
Vogel, Broverman, Clarkson, & Rosenkrantz,
1972), so do therapists (Swenson, 1984). Gender
Barnett / WHY BATTERED WOMEN DO NOT LEAVE 5
bias also can affect a therapist’s ability to recog-
nize IPV (Petretic-Jackson & Jackson, 1996).
Therapists seldom screen for IPV, and they may
not understand how serious and dangerous it is.
Consequently, they may fail to address even the
most basic of concerns
about victim’s safety A doctor’s silence not
(Ackerman & Ackerman, only ignores obvious
1996; Hansen, Har- way, signs of IPV, it tends to
& Cervantes, 1991). Many reinforce society’s
traditional therapists also general acceptance
have lacked awareness of IPV.
about the impact of gen-
der on their choice of therapies and have im-
posed a patriarchal view as the standard of nor-
mal family functioning (LaViolette, 1991; Trute,
1998).
Many therapists lack specialized training in
IPV. A survey of 415 licensed Illinois mental
health professionals disclosed that about 40%
had no specific training (R. Campbell, Raja, &
Grining, 1999). Untrained therapists may fail to
realize that battered women’s symptoms stem
from abuse and, as a result, misdiagnose the
problem (Browne, 1993). Therapists also might
erroneously label battered women’s compli-
ance with their batterers as codependency
(Grigsby & Hartman, 1997). Finally, it is critical
for therapists to attribute a battering problem to
the person who batters, not to the couple or to a
family as a whole (Gondolf, 1998a; Hansen et
al., 1991; LaViolette, 1991; Trute, 1998).
Inadequate Social Support From
Families and Community Agencies
Given the difficulties facing battered women,
it is clear that many of them cannot leave with-
out adequate and available social support sys-
tems (Ellsberg et al., 1999; Short, et al., 2000).
This is especially true because batterers tend to
isolate their victims from common sources of
social support (Wetzel & Ross, 1983).
Ordinarily, social support enables individu-
als to reappraise the factors that are causing stress,
alter their moods, improve feelings of control,
raise their self-esteem, and increase their level
of productive behaviors (Bates & Toro, 1999).
Social support is extremely important for recov-
 6 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2001
ery from chronic abuse (Chang, 1989; Fawcett,
Heise, Isita-Espejel, & Pick, 1999; Kemp, Green,
Hovanitz, & Rawlings, 1995). In one review,
63% of battered women who had little or no
support returned to their abusers. In contrast,
only 19% of those who had strong support sys-
tems returned (I. M. Johnson, 1988). The support
a woman receives at work can be a crucial sur-
vival factor, possibly because it lessens the bat-
tered woman’s economic, social, and emotional
dependence on her husband (M. N. Wilson,
Baglioni, & Downing, 1989; also see Browne,
Salomon, & Bassuk, 1999).
The information available cannot definitively
establish the degree of social support received
by battered women. One
Battered women may investigation assessed
be unable to leave three areas of social sup-
because reporting port: family, friends, and
their own special persons. A com-
victimization might parison of battered wo-
trigger an men’s perceptions with
investigation by child those of two nonbattered
protective services groups disclosed that bat-
(CPS). tered women reported re-
ceiving the least social
support (Barnett, Marti-
nez, & Keyson, 1996). In an inquiry of English
crime victims, gender was the key variable af-
fecting kinds and levels of support offered vic-
tims. Whereas male victims generally found
their bosses sympathetic and their colleagues
jokingly accepting, battered women experi-
enced pay suspensions and bosses who were
characteristically unsympathetic and victim
blaming (Shepherd, 1990). To add to the uncer-
tainty of findings, a large national survey of
both men and women established that victims
of IPV received no less actual social support
than nonvictimized individuals (Zlotnick,
Kohn, Peterson, & Pearlstein, 1998).
Despite considerable evidence that battered
women are active helpseekers, they may not
be very open to support when offered. Bat-
tered women may be so humiliated or stressed
that they ignore or pull away from agencies or
individuals offering social support (Clarke,
Pendry, & Kim, 1997). Gondolf (1998b), for ex-
ample, ascertained that very few battered
women involved in court cases were willing to
accept support services from a shelter outreach
program. Of the 1,012 victims reached by phone,
644 refused services (e.g., 12-session support
group, individual counseling, and weekly
phone counseling). Almost half of those who re-
fused help did so because they “did not need it.”
Some women were already in counseling, some
had scheduling problems, some had left their
abuser, and a few had no transportation.
Problems With Child
Protective Services
Battered women may be unable to leave be-
cause reporting their own victimization might
trigger an investigation by child protective ser-
vices (CPS). A conflict between CPS workers and
battered women’s advocates has surfaced over
the proper course of action in cases of co-occur-
ring mother and child abuse. The primary direc-
tive for CPS workers is to safeguard children or
to act in the best interest of the child (Edleson,
1998). Consequently, workers may feel obliged
to remove a child if a mother is unwilling or un-
able to protect her children from her violent
male partner (Berliner, 1998). The effect of cur-
rent practices is to simultaneously hold a bat-
tered woman criminally responsible (i.e., a per-
petrator) for her male partner’s child abuse
while classifying her as an assault victim
(Davidson, 1995; Sierra, 1997)! Conversely, a fa-
ther who fails to protect his children from a
child-abusing mother is rarely, if ever, held re-
sponsible (National Council of Juvenile and
Family Court Judges, 1994).
Fortunately, IPV may serve as an impetus for
some battered women to mobilize their re-
sources in defense of their children (Levendosky,
Lynch, & Graham-Berman, 2000). The assump-
tion that women can protect their children or
can do so simply by leaving their batterers,
however, is not borne out by the facts. Women
who try to leave may place their own lives and
those of their children at risk (Morton, Runyan,
Moracco, & Butts, 1998), and no government
agency can guarantee their safety (Epstein,
1999; Goodman, Bennett, & Dutton, 2000;
Hofford & Harrell, 1993). CPS may threaten to

remove the children if a woman does not leave,
and her abusive partner is threatening to ab-
scond with the kids or worse if she does leave
(Tatum, 2000). Furthermore, assuming that bat-
tered women are able to leave ignores the dele-
terious effects that victimization has had on
them (D. Ellis, 1992; McMurray, 1997).
Failure to resolve the conflict between CPS
workers and shelter advocates is of grave con-
cern because the overlap between IPV and child
abuse is substantial. Empirical evidence over-
whelmingly shows that in households where
women are frequently beaten, children are as
well (Edleson, 1999; Gibson & Gutierrez, 1991;
Hughes, Parkinson, & Vargo, 1989; Kolbo, 1996;
McGee, 1998; Morton et al., 1998; O’Brien, John,
Margolin, & Erel, 1994; Peled, 1993; Suh & Abel,
1990; Wilt, Illman, & Field, 1997). An analysis of
more than 6,000 American families showed that
50% of men who assaulted their female part-
ners also assaulted their children (Straus &
Gelles, 1990). Although the co-occurrence esti-
mates range from 6.5% to more than 97%, Appel
and Holden’s (1998) review of 31 studies sug-
gests that a conservative estimate of the overlap
is 40%.
Not only do children in such households of-
ten suffer direct physical or sexual abuse, or
both, they are also exposed to interparental vio-
lence. Research consistently demonstrates that
such exposure is very damaging in and of itself
(for a review, see Holden, Geffner, & Jouriles,
1998). It is also important to note that a number
of children may have been damaged even be-
fore birth by abuse of pregnant mothers (e.g.,
low birth weight and premature delivery) (J. C.
Campbell et al., 1999; Curry, Doyle, &
Gilhooley, 1998; Grimstad, Schei, Backe, &
Jacobsen, 1999; Shumway et al., 1999). More-
over, some evidence indicates that effects of ex-
posure to IPV and effects of direct child abuse
interact to increase the negative impact
(Feerick & Haugaard, 1999). Although parent-
ing styles can mediate the effects of IPV on chil-
dren, battered mothers’ ability to parent is
compromised (Herman, 1992; Holden, Stein,
Ritchie, Harris, & Jouriles, 1998; Lehmann &
Mathews, 1999; Levendosky & Graham-
Berman, 2000; McCloskey, Figueredo, & Koss,
1995; Stephens, 1999; Zeanah et al., 1999).
Barnett / WHY BATTERED WOMEN DO NOT LEAVE 7
Lack of Support From Religious Leaders
Battered women may not leave because the
reactions of their religious leaders are
unsupportive. This is especially true of funda-
mentalist clergy who hold ultraconservative at-
titudes about marriage and sex roles. Because
the church, temple, mosque, or synagogue may
be the first societal institution in which a bat-
tered woman in crisis seeks help, clergy have an
opportunity to intervene.
Many thinkers have concluded that tradi-
tional Judeo-Christian precepts have affected
IPV by advocating patriarchy as God’s will
(R. E. Dobash & Dobash, 1979; D. Martin, 1978;
Pagelow, 1981b; Star, 1980; Walker, 1979; Whipple,
1987). Some current doctrines continue to rob
women of equality by going so far as to incorpo-
rate male dominance into their bylaws (Niebuhr,
1998). Most denominations also condemn ho-
mosexuality, thus complicating helpseeking for
battered lesbians (Lacayo, Barovick, Cloud, &
Duffy, 1998). On a more positive note, trauma-
tized sheltered women in one evaluation
judged spiritual beliefs to be beneficial and im-
portant (J. Humphreys, Lee, Neylan, & Marmar,
1999).
According to some re- An emphasis on the
ligious leaders, a few slaps sanctity of marriage
and pushes (or even regardless of the cost
socks) or male domina- to individual family
tion of a wife and children members appears to
do not constitute an ade- be a tenet of many
quate rationale for break- conservative religious
ing up a home (Alsdurf & and political groups
Alsdurf, 1988). An em- espousing their
phasis on the sanctity of version of family
marriage regardless of values.
the cost to individual
family members appears to be a tenet of many
conservative religious and political groups es-
pousing their version of family values (Marano,
1997; Whipple, 1987; A. D. Wood & McHugh,
1994). Clergy tend to blame victims for being
sinful or for provoking the abuse (A. D. Wood &
McHugh, 1994). All too often, clergy recom-
mend that battered women pray to God to end
the abuse, remain with the abuser, and change
their own behaviors to be more submissive to
their husbands (Alsdurf & Alsdurf, 1988; Hor-
8 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2001
ton, Wilkins, & Wright, 1988; J. M. Johnson &
Bondurant, 1992; Whipple, 1987).
In one study of battered women who sought
help from clergymen, only 14% of religious
women and 3% of nonreligious women rated
the responses received as helpful. Reactions by
clergy rated as helpful included validating and
supporting women’s reports and emphasizing
safety issues even if divorce might result (Hor-
ton et al., 1988; Miles, 1999). In another survey,
however, a majority (70%) of 143 clergy did offer
some secular remedies such as furnishing infor-
mation about treatment programs and shelters
(A. D. Wood & McHugh, 1994). Clergy infre-
quently addressed safety issues or intervention
by the criminal justice system (S. E. Martin,
1989; A. D. Wood & McHugh, 1994). Although
ministerial training about IPV has increased in
the last decade (J. M. Johnson & Bondurant,
1992), some clerics refuse to get such training
(Reyes, 1999).
INTERNAL INHIBITING FACTORS:
SOCIALIZATION EFFECTS,
PSYCHOLOGICAL PROCESSES, AND
VICTIM/PERPETRATOR TRAITS
Socially and Individually
Learned Behaviors and Beliefs
A number of behaviors and beliefs that make
it difficult for women to leave violent partners
are those learned through normal socialization
processes. Although some culturally prescribed
behaviors may be detrimental to nearly all
women, they can be especially detrimental to
women victimized by IPV.
Gender-Role Socialization
Feminists have long speculated that female
gender-role socialization is a major predispos-
ing factor in women’s subsequent victimization
by IPV. Society values male traits more than fe-
male traits (Myers, 1995) and teaches female
gender devaluation, gender-role restrictions, and
gender-role violation (Murphy & Meyer, 1991;
Nutt, 1999). Instead of learning to value per-
sonal occupational success, women learn to fo-
cus on achieving affiliation with a male partner
(Ferguson, 1980; Woods, 1999). This process be-
comes very apparent in the teen years when
women start to lose self-confidence and self-es-
teem as they become more focused on seeking
approval from peers and boys (DuBois, Bull,
Sherman, & Roberts, 1998). Pipher (1994) re-
ferred to the process as the silencing of the self.
An adult woman’s sense of well-being may
depend on her relationship with her partner
(Mookherjee, 1997). The threat of a rupture in
her relationship, fear of isolation from her part-
ner, or rejection by her partner may cause her to
believe that leaving is worse than sporadic
physical aggression (Frisch & MacKenzie, 1991;
Landenburger, 1989; Vazquez, 1996). She also
may think that her partner’s violence represents
a failure in her ability to maintain a relation-
ship, rather than a flaw in his behavior (Towns &
Adams, 2000).
Beliefs, Perceptions, and Attributions
Battered women may hold beliefs that echo
societal attitudes and hold other beliefs that dif-
ferentiate them from nonbattered women. At
the very least, victims are likely to suffer from a
number of dysfunctional thought patterns that
tend to entrap them in the relationship (M. A.
Dutton, 1992).
One reason individuals remain in abusive re-
lationships is that they do not recognize or de-
fine their ongoing interactions as abusive. Stu-
dents, for instance, mistakenly accept
unhealthy behaviors such as jealousy as just a
common aspect of dating (Laner, 1990). Battered
women falsely assume that other women have
problems, such as mutual trust and love, that
are comparable to their own (Ellard, Herbert, &
Thompson, 1991).
Battered women may not leave because, simi-
lar to others in society, they believe IPV is com-
monplace. Society has generally regarded hit-
ting a spouse as acceptable and a private matter,
although the same action perpetrated by strang-
ers would be termed unacceptable, if not crimi-
nal (R. P. Dobash & Dobash, 1992). In 1995, about
a fifth of Americans did not think IPV was very

important or that public intervention was nec-
essary unless an injury occurred. Even then,
those who approved of intervention did so only
as a means of protecting children, not women
(Klein, Campbell, Soler, & Ghez, 1997).
Battered women may not leave because they
attribute the abuse to their own behaviors
(Prange, 1985). When women in one study at-
tributed causality and responsibility for the vio-
lence to their partner, it affected their intentions
to leave (Pape & Arias, 2000). Battered women
may feel they should be able to transform their
partner’s IPV through love (Barnett & Lopez-
Real, 1985; Towns & Adams, 2000). Self-blame
attributions are especially disturbing when one
considers that none of a wife’s behaviors may
successfully suppress IPV once it has begun (Ja-
cobson et al., 1994).
Examinations of battered women’s attribu-
tions of responsibility for IPV have yielded mixed
results. Andrews and Brewin (1990) found that
53% of battered women still involved with the
perpetrator experienced self-blame for causing
the violence compared with 35% of those who
were no longer in the relationship (M. A.
Dutton, Burghardt, Perrin, Chrestman, & Halle,
1994). In another comparison, 31 battered
women reported significantly higher levels of
self-blame than two groups of 62 nonabused
women (Barnett, Martinez, & Bleustein, 1995).
In this study, battered women blamed them-
selves for such behaviors as talking about their
partner’s personal problems or being too afraid
to leave. In contrast, J. C. Campbell (1990) deter-
mined that only 20% of the battered women in
her study reported feeling responsible for IPV
(also see M. A. Dutton et al., 1994; Holtzworth-
Munroe, 1988). Finally, two research groups es-
tablished that battered women blamed their
husbands more than themselves (Cantos,
Neidig, & O’Leary, 1994; McClennan, Joseph, &
Lewis, 1994).
Some battered women find it difficult to leave
because they want to provide a two-parent fam-
ily for their children. They do not perceive that
how the father treats the mother is more impor-
tant than having him in the home. There is no
longer any doubt that children exposed to IPV
are learning harmful lessons about interper-
sonal relationships that may be passed down to
Barnett / WHY BATTERED WOMEN DO NOT LEAVE 9
the next generation (Holden et al., 1998). These
children are actually being exposed to a form of
psychological maltreatment or trauma accord-
ing to most experts (Barnett, Miller-Perrin, &
Perrin, 1997; Kilpatrick, Litt, & Williams, 1997;
Somer & Braunstein, 1999; Tomkins et al., 1994).
A battered woman may not leave her abusive
partner partly because she has adopted socially
approved attitudes of love, hope, and commit-
ment to her relationship (Barnett & Lopez-Real,
1985; Goldner, Penn, Sheinberg, & Walker, 1990;
I. M. Johnson, 1988; Short et al., 2000). She loves
her partner and she hopes the violence will end
(Barnett & Lopez-Real, 1985; Jackels, 1997;
Moss, Pitula, Campbell, & Halstead, 1997;
Muldary, 1983; Pagelow, 1981b). Although she
is aware of the discrepancy between her actual
marital relationship and her ideal relationship
(Shir, 1999), she has come to believe that she
should stay through thick and thin (Short et al.,
2000; Towns & Adams, 2000). She is committed
to her partner and she believes that she can and
should help him change (Carlisle-Frank, 1991;
Strube & Barbour, 1983, 1984; Vaughn, 1987;
Walker, 1984). When the relationship is not go-
ing well, frustration (as described by learning
researchers) (Amsel & Rousel, 1972; Hull, 1952;
Spence, 1956) may motivate her to try even
harder to work things out (see LaViolette &
Barnett, 2000).
When a batterer enters counseling, logic sug-
gests that IPV will be abated and the victim’s
safety enhanced. All too often, however, coun-
seling fails to end IPV while keeping the victim
entrapped (Healey, Smith, & O’Sullivan, 1998;
for a review, see Dunford, 2000). Because her
batterer’s participation in counseling allows her
to hope again (Okun, 1983), she may either de-
cide not to leave or she may return if she has al-
ready left (Gondolf, 1988). The batterer’s coun-
seling probably functions as intermittent
reinforcement (i.e., reward) that helps to main-
tain her persistence in the relationship. Even
when a batterer does not change his behavior or
drops out of counseling, battered women seem
to maintain hope (Gondolf, 1998d). In one com-
parison, 95% of the battered women inter-
viewed believed their partners would complete
their court-ordered counseling although less
than half did so (Gondolf, 1998c).
 10 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2001
Psychological and Victimization
Processes and Their Effects
Scholars have proposed a number of victim-
ization processes that help account for battered
women’s inability to leave violent relationships.
Battered women may not leave because they
have found a way to explain away the very ex-
istence and causes of IPV. Some women have
developed strategies that allow them to view
their intimate relationship in a positive light
despite IPV (Herbert, Silver, & Ellard, 1991).
Processes of denial, rationalization, and
minimization allow them to blame some agent
other than the abuser for the aggression (D. G.
Dutton, 1998; Ragg, Sultana, & Miller, 1999).
Battered women often deny that they are in dan-
ger or that their mates intended to or actually
did harm them (Hebbert, Silverm, & Ellard,
1991; Towns & Adams,
An analysis of 2000). Some common ra-
telephone calls to the tionalizations are that his
National Domestic
a g g re s s i o n h a p p e n e d
Violence Hotline when he was “not him-
revealed that more
self,” “temporarily out of
than half of the control,” a “victim of child
callers cited
abuse,” “an alcoholic,” or
apprehension about “unemployed.” She may
retaliation as their
even claim that his vio-
principal reason for lence was her fault (Ragg
remaining with an
et al., 1999; Varvaro, 1991).
abusive partner. Society as a whole and
battered women in par-
ticular find it convenient to blame drunken-
ness as the major precipitant of IPV (Katz, Arias,
Beach, & Roman, 1995). Overall, research sug-
gests that alcohol enhances aggression only
when other factors are also present such as
holding certain expectations about alcohol’s
effects, being in a certain setting (e.g., bar or
home), and having already developed a pattern
of drinking (Roth, 1994; also see Abram, 1990;
Bushman & Cooper, 1990; Cadoret, Leve, &
Devor, 1997; L. Ellis, 1998). Research does not
support the notion that batterers are out of con-
trol when they assault their partners or that
drug-induced disinhibition prompts IPV
(Bennett, 1998; Bennett, Tolman, Rogalski, &
Srinivasaraghavan, 1994).
The role of alcohol in IPV remains unclear. By
one account, marital assaults by batterers with
alcohol problems tend to be more frequent and
serious than assaults by men free of alcohol prob-
lems (Browne, 1987). A different study uncov-
ered no relationship between alcohol use and
injury (Forjuoh, Cohen, & Gondolf, 1998). Yet
another investigation established that battered
women are more likely to use police services
when they perceive their partners to be intoxi-
cated (Hutchison, 1999). Several studies have in-
dicated that battered women drink more alco-
hol and use illegal drugs more often than non-
battered women (Gleason, 1993; Wall, 1993), and
one has shown that battered women frequently
drink after a battering episode (Barnett & Fagan,
1993).
Battered women may not leave because their
abuse has led to crippling fear (Gore-Felton, Gill,
Koopman, & Spiegel, 1999; Healey, 1995; Short
et al., 2000), and leaving a batterer may not put an
end to fear-provoking events. As one example,
batterers use child custody and visitation issues to
continue terrorizing their families (“California
Panel Urges Reforms,” 1990; Shalansky, Ericksen,
& Henderson, 1999; Zorza, 1998). An analysis of
telephone calls to the National Domestic Violence
Hotline (Danis, Lewis, Trapp, Reid, & Fisher, 1998)
revealed that more than half of the callers cited ap-
prehension about retaliation as their principal rea-
son for remaining with an abusive partner (also see
Barnett & Lopez-Real, 1985; J. C. Campbell &
Soeken, 1999; Jacobson, Gottman, Gortner, Berns,
& Shortt, 1996). Fear is usually a learned emotion
(J. B. Watson & Raynor, 1920) that has immediate as
well as long-lasting effects on the brain and behav-
ior (“Emotional Judgments Seek Respect,” 1999).
One reason that IPV generates so much fear is
that the possibility of another assault is always
present (M. A. Dutton et al., 1994; Langford,
1996). Even nonphysical forms of abuse can cre-
ate a high level of foreboding (Jacobson et al.,
1996). During fear conditioning, changes in the
brain occur that offer an explanation for repeated
fear responses to specific stimuli and recurrence
of trauma symptoms (Killcross, Robbins, &
Everitt, 1997; McKernan & Shinnick-Gallagher,
1997; Rausch, van der Kolk, Fisler, & Alpert,
1996; Rogan, 1997). Aversive cues such as yell-

ing, breaking things, drinking heavily, and par-
ticular facial expressions that preceded an ear-
lier assault generalize to current situations so
that many battered women live in a chronic state
of fear (Nurius, Furrey, & Berliner, 1992; M. N.
Russell, Lipov, Phillips, & White, 1989). It is not
too surprising that only women find IPV scary
(Jackson, Cram, & Seymour, 2000).
Battered women may not leave because they
have become debilitated by excessive stress.
The concept of stress incorporates psychologi-
cal reactions to stress(ors) as well as physiologi-
cal ones. There is ample evidence that marital
discord and IPV produce stress (J. C. Campbell,
1990; J. C. Campbell & Soeken, 1999; Langford,
1996; O’Leary, Malone, & Tyree, 1994; Uchino,
Uno, & Holt-Lunstad, 1999; Weaver & Clum,
1995). Psychological reactions to stressors in-
clude cognitive impairment (e.g., confusion and
poor test performance) and emotional re-
sponses (e.g., anxiety, anger, aggression, and de-
pression) (Selye, 1946). Acute stress reactions
can lead to post-traumatic stress disorder
(PTSD) (Gore-Felton et al., 1999).
Falling victim to IPV-induced post-traumatic
stress disorder is another factor hindering bat-
tered women’s efforts to leave. PTSD is a pro-
longed reaction to a traumatic event. The symp-
toms are so long-lasting and chronic because a
specific brain structure (amygdala) responds in
a recurrent fashion (Rausch et al., 1996). Some of
the symptoms are reexperiencing the trauma in
painful recollections, numbing of responses, an
exaggerated startle response, disturbed sleep,
difficulty in concentrating or remembering, an-
ger, and avoidance of activities that call the trau-
matic event to mind (Goldenson, 1984;
Gore-Felton et al., 1999). In an English investiga-
tion of both male and female victims of violent
assaults (including battered women), the most
common behavioral change was avoidance of
the location where the attack occurred (Shep-
herd, 1990). Other symptoms were physical
problems and emotional distress (also see
Hraba, Lorenz, Pechacova, & Bao, 1999).
The extent and severity of abusive behaviors
are significantly correlated with severity of
PTSD symptomatology in battered women
(Astin, Lawrence, & Foy, 1993; Houskamp &
Foy, 1991). In a sample of 210 women drawn
Barnett / WHY BATTERED WOMEN DO NOT LEAVE 11
from clinics, advocacy groups, and college, the
number of different types of victimizations
(child sexual abuse, adult sexual assault, and
spouse abuse) was significantly related to the
level of trauma symptoms in adulthood (Follette,
Polusny, Bechtle, & Naugle, 1996). None-
theless, subjective factors such as one’s percep-
tion of the degree of threat and level of self-
blame may contribute more to the magnitude of
psychological distress than objective factors
such as physical injury (M. A. Dutton et al.,
1994; Weaver & Clum, 1995).
Recent research has shown that assaultive vi-
olence, contrasted with other traumatic events
such as car accidents or the death of a loved one,
is the most destructive form of violence
(Breslau, Chilcoat, Kessler, & Davis, 1999). Some
experts consider female victims of sexual as-
sault (including sexually
assaulted wives) and Recent research has
other assault victims to shown that assaultive
be th e large st maj o r violence, contrasted
group of PTSD victims with other traumatic
(Foa, Olasov, & Steketee, events such as car
1987; Riggs, Kilpatrick, & accidents or the
Resnick, 1992). Almost death of a loved one,
every published study is the most
has determined that bat- destructive form of
tered women as a group violence. Some
suffe r fro m PTSD. experts consider
Ho uskamp an d Fo y female victims of
(1991) indicated that 45% sexual assault
of their sample of bat- (including sexually
tered women met full cri- assaulted wives) and
teria on the Diagnostic and other assault victims
Statistical Manual of Men- to be the largest
tal Disorders (DSM-IV) for major group of PTSD
PTSD (also see Astin, victims.
Ogland-Hand, Coleman,
& Foy, 1995; Gleason,
1993). Kemp et al. (1995) revealed that 81% of a
physically abused group of women and 63% of
a verbally abused group also met PTSD criteria.
Learning experiments with animals offer an
explanation for some PTSD-associated behav-
iors. In escape and avoidance learning, animals
must learn to make responses to escape or avoid
pain (Bolles, Stokes, & Younger, 1966; Brown &
Jacobs, 1949; Sidman, 1953). One of the most re-
markable characteristics of responses learned
12 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2001
through avoidance conditioning techniques is
their persistence (failure to extinguish) (Solo-
mon, Kamin, & Wynne, 1953).
Battered women may persist in carrying out
certain behaviors (e.g., never leaving the house)
to the point of inflexibility. Enacting the behav-
iors avoids both the fear of an actual beating and
the beating itself; therefore, avoidance is rein-
forcing. Battered women may come to rely on
these behaviors and to use them even when no
beating is imminent (for animal analogs, see
Mowrer, 1947; Rescorla & Solomon, 1967). More-
over, environmental stimuli (e.g., yelling) can
trigger avoidance behaviors and other symp-
toms for many years (Amick-McMullen, Kilpat-
rick, Veronen, & Smith, 1989; Hraba et al., 1999;
Langford, 1996; Shepherd, 1990).
Battered women may not leave because their
problem-solving abilities have diminished. One
cause is postconcussion syndrome resulting
from injuries to the head, neck, and face (Coffey-
Guenther, 1998). Another cause is cognitive dis-
tortions associated with PTSD. Fear reactions
have metamorphosed into a response pattern
t ha t i s emot i onal l y based rat h e r th an
cognitively based (Claerhout, Elder, & Janes,
1982; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; MacNair &
Elliott, 1992). Although first and foremost they
need to focus on how to escape, they may (mis)
focus their efforts on how to change the batterer.
Problem-solving deficits seem to be situation
specific. In a study of everyday problems, such
as what to do if someone cuts in front of you in a
long line, battered women selected and gener-
ated fewer effective solutions (Launius &
Jensen, 1987). In another inquiry involving a hy-
pothetical abuse situation, however, battered
women solved a higher number of relationship
problems than did nonbattered women (J. C.
Campbell, 1989). From this perspective, the bat-
tered woman’s attention and problem-solving
abilities seem to be pointed in the practical di-
rection (J. C. Campbell, 1989).
Trimpey (1989) speculated that a battered
woman’s inability to effectively generate solu-
tions to some problems is caused by the anxiety
associated with IPV. M. N. Russell et al. (1989)
noted that abused women were significantly
more anxious, confused, and fatigued than
nonbattered women. In an important longitudi-
nal comparison, battered women’s self-care was
similar to that of other adult women but wors-
ened over 3½ years for those still involved in
IPV (J. C. Campbell & Soeken, 1999). Finn (1985)
and Maertz (1990) demonstrated that problem-
solving deficits were not solely a consequence of
abuse but also an outcome of the stress induced
by unsuccessful problem-solving attempts. De-
pressed and anxious subjects in other popula-
tions also manifest problem-solving deficits
(Gotlib & Asarnow, 1979; Nezu & Ronan, 1986).
Battered women may not leave because the
abuse has diminished their ability to cope effec-
tively (Anson & Sagy, 1995; Kemp et al., 1995).
Battered women seem less apt to use active cop-
ing strategies (e.g., obtaining social support) but
significantly more prone to use passive strate-
gie s (e .g., fan tasizin g an d avo id ance )
(Bernhard, 2000; Finn, 1985; Nurius et al., 1992;
Valentiner, Foa, Riggs, & Gershuny, 1996).
Avoidance coping is quite common (Gellen,
Hoffman, Jones, & Stone, 1984; Kemp et al.,
1995; Sutliff, 1995).
Battered women may not leave because they
have become entrapped in the relationship
(Landenburger, 1989; Woods, 1999). Learning
variables such as intermittent reinforcement
(i.e., rewards) and intermittent punishment
tend to lock in behavior patterns, make them re-
sistant to change (D. G. Dutton & Painter, 1993a;
Long & McNamara, 1989; Rhodes & McKenzie,
1998; Wetzel & Ross, 1983).
Both intermittent punishment (abuse) and in-
termittent reinforcement (apologies and honey-
moon behaviors) occur in Walker ’s (1979)
well-known cycle of violence. This cyclical pat-
tern of IPV actually increases the female part-
ner’s dependency and diminishes her resolve to
leave (Long & McNamara, 1989; Towns & Ad-
ams, 2000). Along similar lines, D. G. Dutton
and Painter (1981) proposed attachment theory
(traumatic bonding), a pattern of cyclical IPV
combined with imbalances in marital power.
Traumatic bonding heightens persistence in the
relationship (D. G. Dutton & Painter, 1993b).
The Stockholm Syndrome is also explicable
through a combination of intermittent kindness
(reinforcement) and sporadic violence (Avni,

1991; D.L.R. Graham, Rawlings, & Rimini, 1988;
Rawlings, Allen, Graham, & Peters, 1994).
Battered women may not leave because they
have become immobilized through learned help-
lessness conditioning. Learned helplessness is an-
other construct emanating from animal research
(Maier & Seligman, 1976) that has also been
demonstrated in college students (Hiroto, 1974).
Gerow (1989) defined learned helplessness as “a
condition in which a subject does not attempt to
escape from a painful or noxious situation after
learning in a previous, similar situation that es-
cape is not possible” (p. 193).
According to Seligman (1975), there are three
components to learned helplessness: (a) motiva-
tional impairment (passivity), (b) intellectual
impairment (poor problem-solving ability), and
(c) emotional trauma (increased feelings of help-
lessness, incompetence, frustration, and depres-
sion). Although some of the behaviors of bat-
tered women seem explicable by the learned
helplessness model, reinforced passivity may
be a better interpretation of the data (Peterson,
Maier, & Seligman, 1993). Many elements of fe-
male socialization, for example, include rewards
for being passive (Eagly & Johnson, 1990).
Whether application of the learned helpless-
ness model to battered women is appropriate
cannot be determined on the basis of current re-
search (for a review, see Rhodes & McKenzie,
1998). Both Walker (1977) and Hendricks-
Matthews (1982) suggested that learned help-
lessness prompts battered women to make
causal attributions (e.g., self-blame) that tend to
keep them entrapped in the relationship. Others
view battered women’s helpseeking attempts as
evi dence ag ai nst l earned hel pl e ssn e ss
(Wauchope, 1988) and cite the substantial evi-
dence that battered women rank high on help-
seeking behaviors (J. C. Campbell, Rose, Kulb, &
Daphne, 1998; Goodman et al., 2000; Grisbach-
Smith, 1998; J. Hathaway et al., 1998; Hutchison &
Hirschel, 1998; Keilitz, Davis, & Eikeman, 1998;
Lempert, 1996; Sullivan, 1991b). Hamby and
Gray-Little (1997) disclosed that abused women’s
responses became more active as the level of IPV
directed against them increased.
One team of investigators concluded that
helpseeking behavior and helplessness are not
Barnett / WHY BATTERED WOMEN DO NOT LEAVE 13
equivalent or mutually exclusive. In fact, they
theorized that women who are severely abused
become helpless, believing that the only avenue
of escape is through the assistance of others;
thus, they seek help (K. Wilson, Vercella, Brems,
Benning, & Renfro, 1992). Certainly, society’s re-
sponses may contribute to feelings of helpless-
ness. As noted previously, criminal justice per-
sonnel may disparage victims, blame them, side
with the batterer, trivialize their abuse, and fail
to tailor their responses to the needs of individ-
ual women. Such approaches leave some
women feeling helpless and depressed (Erez &
Belknap, 1998). It is also probable that learned
helplessness is situation specific, a finding con-
sistent with the animal studies (Maier &
Seligman, 1976), or may change over time.
The effects of abuse (i.e., punishment) on bat-
tered women are quite variable. One inquiry
found no relationship between degree of injury
and living apart (Forjuoh et al., 1998). Some evi-
dence suggests that women who leave are those
who report more intense IPV than women who
stay (Butehorn, 1985; Frisch & MacKenzie,
1991). Other evidence indicates the reverse: The
less severe a woman’s injuries, the sooner she
leaves (Pagelow, 1981a). A particularly interest-
ing finding in this latter comparison was that se-
verity, frequency, and degree of pain suffered
from the beatings increased over the duration of
the relationship.
Most relationships do not start out with seri-
ous IPV. Although findings are inconsistent, the
onset of IPV is often gradual and subtle (Fagan,
1989; Keilitz et al., 1998; Pagelow, 1981b; Roy,
1977; Walker, 1979). Other patterns have occurred
(Aldarondo, 1996; D. G. Dutton, 1998; Folling-
stad, Hause, Rutledge, & Polek, 1992; O’Leary et
al., 1989). Differences in the participants tested
and data collection methods employed may
have caused these disparities.
In animal studies, punishment (i.e., shocks)
generally reduces (suppresses) responses, but
variables such as timing, intensity, delay, and
scheduling of punishers modify their effective-
ness (Skinner, 1938). Research has established
that the gradual escalation of punishment leads
to continued responses (i.e., adaptation) rather
than to suppression (Sandler, Davidson,
Greene, & Holzschuh, 1966). Extrapolation of
 14 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2001

these findings to humans suggests that those onstrated that physical abuse in one generation
battered women subjected to escalation of predicts physical abuse in the family two gener-
abuse will adapt and remain in the relationship. ations later (Doumas, Margolin, & John, 1994).
When IPV first erupts in an intimate relation- Correlational data from a wide variety of stud-
ship, the involved indi- ies have shown that regardless of gender, any
viduals tend to think of it form of abuse (physical, sexual, psychological,
The combination of
as a behavioral aberration or exposure to interparental violence) is linked
benefits (love and
(Douglas, 1991). They do with later problems with violence and psy-
economic support)
not perceive the aggres- chopathology. In addition, children who experi-
and costs (fear and
sion as the first step to- ence one type of abuse are likely to experience
degradation)
ward IPV. several other types (for a review, see Sappington,
inherent in most
Approach-avoidance 2000). Data from a convenience sample of 155
battering
behavior, one type of con- Australian women revealed that a set of child-
relationships leads to
flict demonstrated in the hood traumas was related to victimization in
ambivalence,
learned behavior of rats adulthood (Irwin, 1999).
conflict, and
(Miller, 1959), is relevant More research is needed to clarify whether
frustration. A battered
to comprehending the specific types of abuse are generally related to
woman becomes
reasons why battered specific types of victimization (also see Wieder-
trapped in a double
women do not leave. The man, Sansone, & Sansone, 1998). In a commu-
approach-avoidance
combination of benefits nity sample of 596 Australian women, any type
conflict. She wants to
(love and economic sup-
approach the love of abuse (physical, sexual, or emotional) was as-
port) and costs (fear and
and run from the sociated with problems in adulthood, but the
degradation) inherent in
abuse. She wants to trend was toward specific links between child
most battering relation-
retain her relationship victimization and adult problems (Mullen, Mar-
ships leads to ambiva-
but be safe. tin, Anderson, Romans, & Herbison, 1996).
lence, conflict, and frus-
Nonetheless, a progression from childhood
t rat i on. A batte re d
abuse to adult involvement in violent relation-
woman becomes trapped in a double approach-
avoidance conflict. She wants to approach the ships is not inevitable (Sappington, 2000; J. P.
love and run from the abuse. She wants to retain Smith & Williams, 1992). Explanations for dif-
her relationship but be safe. For a while, the con- ferences may rest with the presence of mediat-
flict is reflected by her ambivalence about stay- ing mechanisms (e.g., low self-esteem, coping
ing or leaving (Henderson, Bartholomew, & style, and attachment style) or moderating vari-
Dutton, 1997). ables (e.g., supportive relationship with non-
abusive adult) (Henderson et al., 1997; Irwin,
1999; Malinosky-Rummell & Hansen, 1993;
Prior Victimization Effects
Sappington, Pharr, Tunstall, & Rickert, 1997).
A number of battered women may not leave Furthermore, retrospective studies have not un-
because prior victimizations have made them covered uniform differences between battered
vulnerable to continuing abuse. From a learning and nonbattered women in terms of childhood
theory perspective, it is logical to expect that experiences (Astin et al., 1993; Bergman, Larsson,
women (or men) who experience any form of Brismar, & Klang, 1988; Hotaling & Sugarman,
abuse during childhood would have an in- 1990; O’Leary & Curley, 1986).
creased risk of becoming involved in adult IPV The most common finding about exposure to
(Kalmuss, 1984; Owens & Straus, 1975). Women interparental abuse is that it is a risk marker for a
mistreated in childhood, for instance, might have number of adverse effects during childhood
difficulty judging the trustworthiness of others, and later in adulthood (e.g., aggression, self-
or they might come to believe that there is no es- esteem problems, sexual assault, substance abuse,
cape from violence (Grigsby & Hartman, 1997). and PTSD) (Blumenthal, Neemann, & Murphy,
One inquiry supporting a learning model dem- 1998; Cummings, 1998; Edwards, 1998; Farris &

Gibson, 1992; Fergusson & Horwood, 1998;
Graham-Bermann, 1998; Kramer & Green, 1991;
Widom, 2000; Widom & White, 1997; Wieder-
man et al., 1998, 1999). Many studies have
shown that exposure to interparental violence is
a risk factor for involvement in adult IPV
(Choice, Lamke, & Pittman, 1995; Downs &
Miller, 1998; Giordano, Millhollin, Cernkovich,
Pugh, & Rudolph, 1999; Henning, Leitenberg,
Coffey, Turner, & Bennett, 1996; Hotaling &
Sugarman, 1990; Maker, Kemmelmeir, & Peter-
son, 1998; McNeal & Amato, 1998; Sappington
et al., 1997; Silvern et al., 1995). One explanation
for these findings comes from a qualitative anal-
ysis. Battered women’s exposure to interparen-
tal violence in childhood was detrimental to
their ability to detect violent male partners in
adulthood (Short et al., 2000; also see Wyatt,
Axelrod, Chin, Carmona, & Loeb, 2000).
Most research evidence suggests that the
negative effects (e.g., delinquency and alcohol-
ism) of childhood physical abuse (PCA) also
extend into adulthood (Thornberry, 1994;
Widom, 2000). Several studies have linked
PCA to later involvement in IPV (Briere & Runtz,
1990; Kunitz, Levy, McCloskey, & Gabriel, 1998;
Langhinrichsen-Rohling, Neidig, & Thorn,
1995; Malinosky-Rummell & Hansen, 1993;
Sappington et al., 1997; Wyatt et al., 2000),
whereas others have not (Hotaling & Sugarman,
1986). A few retrospective cross-sectional com-
parisons have shown that battered women were
more abused as children than nonbattered wo-
men (Doumas et al., 1994; Nurius et al., 1992),
but a 1990 multivariate analysis of almost 700
women respondents in the first Family Violence
National Survey (Straus & Gelles, 1976) failed to
find a significant difference (Hotaling & Sugar-
man, 1990). According to one review, the incon-
sistency of research findings does not allow a
conclusion as to whether battered women have
been more abused in childhood than nonbattered
women (Holtzworth-Munroe, Smutzler, &
Sandin, 1997).
Childhood sexual abuse (CSA) has many
devastating effects on adult relationships such
as sexual dysfunction, problems with intimacy,
partner discord and violence, and alcohol use
(Clark & Foy, 2000; for a review, see Davis &
Petretic-Jackson, 2000). Studies have routinely
Barnett / WHY BATTERED WOMEN DO NOT LEAVE 15
shown CSA victims to be at greater risk for a va-
riety of physical and sexual assaults by partners
and other men (Gold,
Sinclair, & Balge, 1999; Studies have routinely
Kingma, 1999; Merrill shown CSA victims to
et al., 1999; Messman- be at greater risk for a
Moore & Long, 2000; variety of physical and
Neumann, Housekamp, sexual assaults by
Pollock, & Briere, 1996; partners and other men.
Nishith, Mechanic, &
Resick, 2000; Nurius et al., 1992; Sanders &
Moore, 1999; Wyatt, Guthrie, & Notgrass,
1992).
Depending on research samples, levels of
CSA in battered women have varied from very
high rates of 49% to 66% (M. A. Dutton et al.,
1994; I. M. Johnson, 1988; Kemp, Rawlings, &
Green, 1991) to lower rates equivalent to those
detected in general population surveys (Berg-
man et al., 1988; Landenburger, 1989). Direct
comparison of sheltered and nonsheltered
women yield only slight differences (Landen-
burger, 1989). Taken together, the incidence of
CSA in battered women does not consistently
differentiate them from women in the general
population (Holtzworth-Munroe et al., 1997).
Convincing evidence from a methodologi-
cally sound longitudinal comparison suggests
that battered women have experienced back-
grounds that differ significantly from those of
nonbattered women (Magdol, Moffitt, Caspi, &
Silva, 1998). A birth cohort survey of approxi-
mately 425 New Zealand women currently 21
years of age identified several family background
factors that were risk markers for involvement
in IPV. These factors were as follows: (a) nega-
tive mother-child interaction at age 3, (b) harsh
discipline at ages 7 to 9, (c) family conflict at age
15, and (d) weak parent-child attachment at
age 15 (also see Graziano, Lindquist, Kunce, &
Munjal, 1992; Magdol et al., 1997; Thornberry,
1994; von der Pahlen, Ost, Lindfors, & Lindman,
1997; Wall, 1993).
A slightly different type of research has fo-
cused on repeat victimization following assault.
Kingma (1999) was one of the first to document
this phenomenon in a 25-year retrospective in-
vestigation of 9,301 victims of violence visiting
emergency rooms. In this sample, 11.3% were
repeat victims. It is also probable that effects of
 16 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2001
victimizations are cumulative and that multiple
assaultive events are more damaging than sin-
gle assaultive events.
Repeated victimization effects seem most ex-
plicit in cases of sexual abuse. Although there
are different pathways that link CSA with adult
sexual revictimization (Mayall & Gold, 1995), it
may be the psychological consequences of pre-
vious traumas that increase the likelihood of
further traumatic experiences (Sanders &
Moore, 1999). Several inquiries have shown that
CSA victims are likely to suffer sexual revictim-
ization as adults (Gold et al., 1999; Gorcey, Santi-
ago, & McCall-Perez, 1986; Messman-Moore &
Long, 2000). One comparison of 1,887 female
Navy recruits revealed that rape was 4.8% more
likely to occur in CSA victims than in nonvic-
tims (Merrill et al., 1999).
Traits of Victims
It is probable that battered women’s deci-
sions not to leave are only minimally affected by
individual traits and much more influenced by
economic and relationship factors (Phillips,
1993; also see Mitchell & Hodson, 1983; Straus,
1987; Sullivan, 1991a). There does not appear to
be a psychological profile that predicts a
woman’s likelihood of choosing an abuser for
an intimate partner (for a review, see Rhodes,
1992). Trying to explain male violence by focus-
ing on women’s behavior is misplaced
(Hotaling & Sugarman, 1986) and lends itself to
victim blaming. Although
Trying to explain there are some character-
male violence by istics of battered women
focusing on women’s that differ from those of
behavior is nonbat t ered wo me n ,
misplaced and lends many d i spari tie s are
itself to victim readily explainable as
blaming. Although consequences o f I PV
there are some (M. A. Dutton et al., 1994;
characteristics of Golding, 1999; for a com-
battered women that prehensive review, see
differ from those of Hol t zwort h- Mun ro e
nonbattered women, et al., 1997).
many disparities are Many battered women
readily explainable are so immobilized by de-
as consequences of pression that leaving their
IPV. violent partners or mak-
in g an y c h an ge s in th e ir live s s e e m s
unattainable. Depression is the primary emo-
tional response to abuse (McCauley et al., 1995;
Saunders, Hamberger, & Hovey, 1993), and
about 60% of battered women report depression
(Gleason, 1993; also see J. C. Campbell, Kub,
Belknap, & Templin, 1997; Cascardi & O’Leary,
1992; Christian, O’Leary, & Vivian, 1994; Sato &
Heiby, 1992). Physical victimization by an inti-
mate partner is positively related to levels of de-
pression in both men and women (Zlotnick
et al., 1998) and in both lesbian and heterosexual
victims (Tuel & Russell, 1998). Women who
have been severely abused suffer four times the
rate of depression, psychosomatic complaints,
and suicide attempts of nonbattered women
(Stets & Straus, 1990; also see Cascardi,
O’Leary, & Schlee, 1999; Kaslow et al., 1998;
M. P. Thompson et al., 1999).
High levels of depression are also associated
with low levels of self-esteem. The majority of
recent studies have established that battered
women compared with nonbattered suffer from
low self-esteem (Aguilar & Nightingale, 1994;
J. C. Campbell & Soeken, 1999; Cascardi &
O’Leary, 1992; Woods, 1999). Experts believe
that battered women’s low self-esteem, when
exhibited, is the outcome of IPV, certainly not
the cause of it (Aguilar & Nightingale, 1994; for
a review, see Holtzworth-Munroe et al., 1997).
In a sample of severely battered women,
Cascardi and O’Leary (1992) ascertained that as
the frequency, form, and consequences of physi-
cal aggression increased, the level of self-esteem
decreased (also see Woods, 1999).
Battered women may not leave because they
are hindered by mental health problems. The
most convincing evidence that battered women
suffer from mental health problems comes from
a New Zealand cohort study (Danielson,
Moffitt, Caspi, & Silva, 1998). The research team
used the Diagnostic Interview Schedule of the
National Institute of Mental Health (Robins,
Helzer, Croughan, & Ratcliff, 1981) to assess
women at age 21. Of 461 women, the 55.7% who
were victimized by any IPV had some type of
disorder, and 64.8% of those who were severely
victimized met DSM-III-R criteria for one or
more disorders (mood, eating, substance abuse,
antisocial personality disorder, and symptoms

of schizophrenia) (also see Golding, 1999; Rob-
erts, Williams, Lawrence, & Raphael, 1998).
Rhodes’s (1992) study using a comparison
group of nonbattered women from a clinical
population indicated that battered women
scored substantially higher on the Psychopathic
Deviate score of the Minnesota Multiphasic Per-
sonality Inventory (MMPI) (S. R. Hathaway &
McKinley, 1967). Using the MMPI-2 (Green,
1991), Khan, Welch, and Zillmer (1993) identi-
fied elevations in scales associated with depres-
sion, anxiety, and subjective distress. C. G. Wat-
son et al. (1997) uncovered similar results using
the DSM-III-R. A final inquiry revealed that the
severity of both psychological and physical
abuse was significantly correlated with MMPI-2
scores (Rollstin & Kern, 1998).
Problems of Special Populations
In addition to the multitude of reasons listed
thus far, battered women who are members of
special populations may not leave for reasons
unique to their situation.
Women connected to American armed forces
may find it difficult to leave because programs
specifically developed to combat IPV are inef-
fective (Dunford, 2000). Only a handful of stud-
ies of IPV in the armed forces are available, and
these have generally been contradictory. Ac-
cording to one report, the $150 million a year
spent on family advocacy and counseling has
received little support from base commanders.
Authorities seem routinely to disregard threats
and evidence of abuse. Soldiers are able to avoid
court-ordered counseling by claiming work-
related assignments (Hewitt, 1999). Neverthe-
less, a comparison of more than 34,000 military
offenders and 13,000 civilian offenders revealed
significantly lower recidivism rates for the mili-
tary offenders (McCarroll et al., 2000).
A major factor in the hesitancy of teenage vic-
tims of IPV to leave is that they do not generally
define or recognize IPV as abusive or illegal
(Levy, 1993; Parrot & Bechhofer, 1991). Some
teenage women in South Africa have come to
believe that beatings and sexual assaults are a
sign of love (K. Wood, Maforah, & Jewkes, 1998).
Levy (1990) summarized several problems
faced by teenage victims: (a) pressures, insecuri-
Barnett / WHY BATTERED WOMEN DO NOT LEAVE 17
ties, and romanticism of adolescence; (b)
misperceptions about jealousy and control
as loving behaviors rather than unhealthy
behaviors; (c) conformity
to traditional gender Levy (1990)
roles; and (d) lack of summarized several
e x p e rie n c e (also se e problems faced by
Bethke & De Joy, 1993; teenage victims:
Lloyd, 1991). Peer pres- (a) pressures,
sure and attitudes sup- insecurities, and
portive of male violence romanticism of
also play a role in teenag- adolescence;
ers’ reluctance to leave (b) misperceptions
(Avery-Leaf, Cascardi, about jealousy and
O’Leary, & Cano, 1997; control as loving
O’Keefe & Treister, 1998; behaviors rather than
Th o rn e -Fin c h , 1992). unhealthy behaviors;
Teenage victims who (c) conformity to
would like to leave meet traditional gender
with legal stumbling roles; and (d) lack of
blocks that endanger experience.
them. For the most part,
IPV laws do not cover
teens because of legal requirements for adult
and marital status (Brustin, 1995; Kuehl, 1991;
Suarez, 1994).
Some experts believe that older abused
women do not leave because of real or assumed
financial dependence (Pillemer & Finkelhor,
1989). There may not be a single community
agency in charge of assisting abused elders.
Older IPV victims also do not leave because
their plight is seldom recognized by profession-
als. University courses on family violence have
failed to include the topic of elder abuse (Otto,
2000), and service providers have rarely re-
ceived training. Nationwide, few shelter pro-
grams have geared up to meet the needs of older
battered women (American Association of Re-
tired Persons, 1994; Boudreau, 1993; McFall,
2000; Vinton, 1998; Vinton, Altholz, & Lobell,
1997).
Only recently have personnel from various
community agencies tried to combat elder abuse
through collaborative efforts (Nerenberg, 1996;
Sanderson, 2000; Vinton, 1998). One innovative
approach is the formation of multidisciplinary
community teams (Hwalek, Williamson, & Stahl,
1991; Nachman, 1991; Nerenberg et al., 1990).
Using a team approach not only improves vic-
 18 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2001
tim identification but also allows for joint deci-
sion making about which agency and type of in-
tervention is best suited to the task (Matlaw &
Spence, 1994).
Lesbians may not leave because of sexual ori-
entation prejudice. Little is known about bat-
tered lesbians because researchers, advocates,
and the criminal justice system have tended to
marginalize them (Levy, 1997; Margolies &
Leeder, 1995). Family and peers also have
tended to isolate lesbians and assault them ver-
bally, physically, and sexually (Boxer, Cook, &
Herdt, 1991; D’Augelli, 1992; Rotheram-Bokes,
Rosario, & Koopman, 1991). Resources such as
access to experienced therapists are sparse
(Leeder, 1988; Los Angeles Department of Pro-
bation, 1998). Seeking help is akin to coming out
for closeted lesbian victims, thus risking isola-
tion and rejection (Levy, 1997). Isolation and
lack of social support, in fact, appear to be the
major reason lesbians do not leave battering re-
lationships (Renzetti, 1989).
Although empirical studies of battered rural
women are almost nonexistent, it is obvious that
they face overwhelming obstacles if they choose
to leave. Even prevalence assessments are un-
avai l abl e. Batte re d
Battered women
women living in rural ar-
living in rural areas
eas (population 2,500 or
(population 2,500 or fewer) usually lack the
fewer) usually lack critical resources needed
the critical resources for leaving such as access
needed for leaving to transportation and ac-
such as access to cess to physical and men-
transportation and tal health providers. Local
access to physical law enforcement is so
and mental health much a part of the tight
providers. Local law community structure that
enforcement is so criminal justice system
much a part of the (CJS) interventions are ex-
tight community tremely rare. All these fac-
structure that criminal tors and others such as
justice system (CJS) high unemployment al-
interventions are most totally isolate these
extremely rare. victims (K. D. Thompson,
1995; Websdale, 1995b).
Disabled abused women are another group
of victims that must overcome insurmountable
odds to leave. Experts believe that disabled
women are at high risk for IPV (Carlson, 1997;
Sundram, 2000). Prevalence of IPV in various
disabled populations, however, is unknown.
One national survey of physically disabled
women found no significant differences be-
tween abled and disabled groups in terms of re-
ported IPV (Nosek, Howland, & Young, 1997).
Studies of IPV in women with severe psychiatric
disorders (e.g., schizophrenia) disclosed rates
varying from 21% to 75% (Briere, Woo, McRae,
Foltz, & Sitzman, 1997; Carmen, Ricker, & Mills,
1984; Cole, 1988; Lipschitz et al., 1996). Mentally
ill women are also at risk for sexual coercion
(Weinhardt, 1999). Physical handicaps such as
deafness, unclear articulation, nonaccess to
court buildings, and lack of transportation have
all contributed to a particularly inadequate CJS
response (Reyna, 1999).
Only recently have researchers begun to in-
clude certain ethnic groups such as Native
American Indian women and migrant women
in their studies. The plight of minority women
who would like to leave their violent partners is
similar to that of rural women but complicated
by language and cultural barriers (Burt,
Newmark, Olson, Aron, & Harrell, 1997; Jackels,
1997; also see Krishnan, Hilbert, VanLeeuwen,
& Kolia, 1997; Websdale, 1995a, 1995b). Because
a disproportionate number of minorities suffer
economic deprivation (Sullivan & Rumptz,
1994), self-support may pose an extreme chal-
lenge to women wishing to leave. Racial and
ethnic minorities may not know about or may
find it more difficult to obtain assistance from
helping agencies (Krishnan et al., 1997). It is
also conceivable that the unavailability of male
partners in the African American community
contributes to the decision not to leave (James,
Tucker, & Mitchell-Kernan, 1996; Wyatt et al.,
2000).
Immigrant women face extreme problems in
leaving because of language barriers, elevated
unemployment, diverse cultural beliefs, isola-
tion, and immigration status itself (“Board of
Immigration,” 2000; Chin, 1994; Huisman,
1996). Agencies such as legal aid, welfare, fam-
ily counseling, community mental health, and
even the police have frequently been unavail-
able (Bonilla-Santiago, 1996; Orloff, Jang, &
Klein, 1995).

SUMMARY
Generally, communities and community
agents have not devised systems for responding
appropriately to battered women. This lack of
support constricts women’s options for leaving
battering relationships. Overall, corporations
and businesses have offered little assistance to
battered women and have discriminated
against them. Medical practitioners have gener-
ally ignored the problems of battered women
and have therefore missed numerous important
opportunities to offer assistance. Mental health
practitioners are not always sufficiently trained,
and they may further be sexist and overly tradi-
tional in their therapeutic approaches. Commu-
nity agencies have failed to develop a unified
community response to intimate partner vio-
lence. They seldom collaborate in ways mean-
ingful to battered women. Untrained child pro-
tective services personnel have failed dismally
to grasp the predicament of battered women
and have frequently contributed to their fear
and isolation. Conservative clergy have ignored
IPV and have often given advice that fails to
support battered women or take their safety
into account.
Socialization customarily teaches women
that success in intimate relationships should be
their top priority. They learn to invest much of
their emotional energy in commitment to an in-
IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE, POLICY, AND RESEARCH1
External Inhibiting Factors—
Problems With Social Support
Employers can play a key role in helping women escape
from abusive relationships by:
• helping them to achieve economic independence,
• reducing their isolation,
• boosting their self-confidence,
• making allowances for their difficulties, such as
permitting them to have time off for court.
Corporations should spearhead efforts to assist victims
and to educate their own employees.
Counselors within employee assistance programs
(EAPs) should obtain information about how best to
help intimate partner violence (IPV) victims and per-
petrators.
Barnett / WHY BATTERED WOMEN DO NOT LEAVE 19
timate relationship. Women do not sufficiently
prepare themselves for economic independ-
ence. They may not even acknowledge that their
partner’s behavior is abusive. They accept the
predominant social attitudes that tolerate men’s
abuse of women while placing the blame on
women. The batterer’s cyclical bouts of affection
and aggression keep the victim in a hopeful state.
Intimate partner violence involves a number
of victimization processes. Women minimize
the abuse and adopt excuses for their partner’s
behavior. They become very fearful and
stressed, and they frequently develop symp-
toms of post-traumatic stress disorder. These
processes in turn seem to trigger many adverse
reactions including difficulties in problem solv-
ing and adequate coping styles. Experts have
used a number of theories to explain these pro-
cesses such as learning and the effects of prior
victimization and cumulative trauma.
As an apparent result of intimate partner vio-
lence, battered women develop a number of
traits that further reduce their chances of escap-
ing. In particular, they suffer from depression
and low self-esteem, and some manifest symp-
toms of psychopathology. Finally, several
groups of victims have unusual challenges.
These include women associated with the mili-
tary, elderly and teen women, and lesbians, ru-
ral, disabled, minority, and immigrant women.
Health practitioners should:
• receive broad, mandatory IPV education;
• know how to screen women for IPV;
• alter any negative attitudes toward battered
women that they are harboring;
• broaden screening efforts to incorporate addi-
tional groups of health practitioners: (a) pediatri-
cians, (b) out-of-hospital personnel (e.g.,
ambulance medics), and (c) nurses dealing with
homeless women;
• evaluate and modify various protocols used for
identifying family violence;
• evaluate various techniques for helping victims
of domestic abuse (e.g., referrals);
• validate women’s abuse and offer support;
• use advocates;
20 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE / January 2001
adopt a patient-centered approach tailored to spe-
cific victim’s needs;
comply with mandatory reporting laws and coll-
aborate with law enforcement agencies to make
their reports effective in combating IPV;
seek support from medical emergency room ad-
ministrators for ongoing screening and treatment
of battered women.
Mental health practitioners should:
examine their biases to avoid sexist attitudes and
sexist clinical treatments;
screen clients for IPV involvement, including
special precautions for mentally retarded and
psychiatric populations;
seek out opportunities for continuing education
about family violence and appropriate treatment
methods and apply their new knowledge;
consider using support groups for battered
women because they are effective;
address sexual coercion with retarded and psy-
chiatric populations;
avoid making custody evaluations that do not
take IPV into account;
increase collaboration with other community
agencies;
improve services to crime victims.
Child protective service workers should:
see both the woman and her children as clients
who need protection;
adopt innovative approaches that include
cross-agency collaborations with police, shelters,
and courts;
hold abusers, not victims, accountable for IPV.
Religious leaders should:
address belief issues by reframing certain Biblical
writings and by placing them within a broader
context;
first consider a victim’s safety;
believe battered women and encourage them to
seek additional resources.
Clergy should include family violence as a topic for ser-
mons to educate the congregation.
Researchers should study:
effects of screening in health care settings;
effectiveness of various advocacy approaches;
effectiveness of responses of physical health and
mental health practitioners.
Advocates need to:
keep abreast of research findings about the entire
field of family violence;
reevaluate feminist approaches to batterer treat-
ment and consider the possible advantages of
cognitive-behavioral counseling concurrent with
alcohol abuse;
adopt culturally sensitive protocols for assessing
battered women;
be more available for one-on-one counseling if
working in a shelter.
Counseling should include:
attending to safety issues first;
working with battered women, as needed, in the
remaking of their belief systems;
addressing both environmental barriers and indi-
vidual beliefs that keep women bound to abusive
partners;
helping women define the meaning of the IPV,
what caused it, and what role it plays in their lives
now;
helping battered women stop believing that they
caused or can stop the abuse;
helping battered women deal with the effects of
victimization, such as fear, stress, PTSD, avoid-
ance, frustration, and inadequate problem-solv-
ing and coping strategies;
helping battered women deal with the effects of
prior victimizations (e.g., childhood sexual
abuse);
helping battered women with practical issues: to
find employment, learn how to seek appropriate
support services in the community, learn options
for dealing with the inadequacies of the medical
and criminal justice system responses, improve
their self- agency strategies, and grieve the loss of
their abusive partner and the loss of their dreams
and hopes.
Community agents should:
join forces to develop a systemic response to re-
duce IPV;
use the community checklist of important steps to
take to end IPV devised by the Advisory Council
on Violence Against Women;
collaborate to find ways of alerting the public to
the early warning signs of IPV;
make parenting classes available and point out
the harmful effects of IPV on children;
routinely evaluate their services to pinpoint areas
in which services need fine-tuning to make them
effective for battered women.
Shelters should:
provide transitional, low-cost housing whenever
possible;
expand their services to meet the needs of minor-
ity, immigrant, and lesbian women as well as the
special needs of disabled women and older
women;
include special telecommunication devices for
hearing-impaired callers.
Legislators should:
devise laws that ensure the safety of battered teens,
expand provisions that allow battered immigrant
women to assert their rights more independently.
Researchers should expend more effort on studying
underserved populations.

NOTE
1. Information for Implications for Research, Policy, and Prac-
tice was obtained from the following references, which are repre-
sentative but not exhaustive: Ackerman and Ackerman (1996);
Advisory Council on Violence Against Women (1996); Alpert and
Cohen (1997); Alpert, Tonkin, Seeherman, and Holtz (1998); Aron
and Olson (1997); Barkan and Gary (1996); Barkley (1997); Belknap
et al. (1999); Berlin and Fowkes (1983); Boles and Patterson (1997);
Brannen, Bradshaw, Hamlin, Fogarty, and Colligan (1999);
Brookoff (1997); R. A. Bryant (2000); D. W. Campbell, Campbell,
King, Parker, and Ryan (1994); J. C. Campbell (1998); Caterino,
VanHorn, Harrigan, Ananth, and Vintzileos (1999); Chalk and
King (1998); Connelly, Newton, and Landsverk (1999); Coo-
per-White (1996); Curry (1999); Daigle (1998); Dalton (1999);
Danis, Lewis, Trapp, Reid, and Fisher (1998); Davidson (1995); M.
A. Dutton (1992); D’Zurilla (1986); Fanslow, Norton, and Robin-
son (1999); Ferraro (1979); “Fighting Discrimination Against Bat-
tered Victims” (1996); Findlater and Kelly (1999); Frank and
Rodowski (1999); Garanzini (1988); Gerbert, Abercrombie,
Caspers, Love, and Bronstone (1999); Gerlock (1997); Goelman
and Valente (1997); Goldman, Horan, Warshaw, Kaplan, and
Hendricks-Matthews (1995); Gondolf and Fisher (1988); Gordon
(1996); C. M. Graham, Tsuge, and Soucar (1998); Hamberger,
Ambuel, Marbella, and Donze (1998); Hamberger, Saunders, and
Hovey (1992); Hansen, Harway, and Cervantes (1991); Harwell et
al. (1998); Hoff (1990); Huisman (1996); Husni (2000); “Improving
Victim Services” (1999); Issac (1998); Kahan et al. (2000); Koss et al.
(1994); Linares et al. (1999); Lombardi (1998); Lund (1999); Malloy
(1986); McDonald (1990); McFarlane and Wiist (1997); McKay
(1994); Mills (1996); Mohr (1999); Nayak (2000); Nettleback, Wil-
son, Potter, and Perry (2000); Orava, McLeod, and Sharpe (1996);
Peled, Eisikovits, Enosh, and Winstok (2000); D. S. Phillips (1998);
Pollack (1999); Poteat, Grossnickle, Cope, and Wynne (1990);
Reyna (1995); Robrecht and Anderson (1998); Rotherly, Tutty, and
Weaver (1999); Ruether (1983); B. Russell and Uhlemann (1994);
Segall, Lonner, and Berry (1998); Shalansky, Ericksen, and
Henderson (1999); Short, Cotton, and Hodgson (1997); Short et al.
(2000); Sleutel (1998); P. H. Smith, Danis, and Helmick (1998);
Solender (1998); Sullivan (1991b); Sundram (2000); Tutty (1996);
Tutty, Bidgood, and Rothery (1993); Tutty, Weaver, and Rothery
(1999); Ulrich (1991); Urban and Bennett (1999); Valencia and Van
Hoorn (1999); Varvaro (1991); Vaughn (1987); Walker (1984); Wan
(2000); Warchol (1998); Webb (1992); Wetzel and Ross (1983);
Whipple (1987); M. N. Wilson, Baglioni, and Downing (1989);
G. G. Wood (1992); Wuest and Merritt-Gray (1999); Zorza (1997);
Zorza and Schoenberg (1995).
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SUGGESTED FUTURE READINGS
Goetting, A. (1999). Getting out: Life stories of women who left
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Sourcebook on violence against women. Thousand Oaks,
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Schornstein, S. L. (1997). Domestic violence and health care:
What every professional needs to know. Thousand Oaks,
CA: Sage.
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nity responses to domestic violence. Thousand Oaks, CA:
Sage.
Ola W. Barnett is a professor emerita of
psychology at Pepperdine University, Malibu,
California. She received her doctorate at the
University of California, Los Angeles, special-
izing in learning. Her major research and pub-
lication areas have been the characteristics of
interpersonally violent men, the assessment of
marital violence, and battered women. Currently, she is
conducting a longitudinal study of sheltered battered
women. She is the recipient of the Harriet and Charles B.
Luckman Distinguished Teaching Fellows Award. She has
coauthored (with Cindy L. Miller-Perrin and Robin D.
Perrin) a best-selling text, Family Violence Across the
Lifespan (Sage, 1997), and another best-selling book
(with Alyce D. LaViolette) It Could Happen to Anyone:
Why Battered Women Stay (Sage, 1993, 2000).