THE LIFE OF MUHAMMAD A TRANSLATION OF ISHAQ’S SIRAT RASOL ALLAH WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY A. GUILLAUME OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESSOXFORD ‘UNIVERSITY PRESS ‘Great Clarendon Steet, Oxford on Gor ‘oxford Universiy Press is a department of the Univerdy of Oxford, Ie furthers the Cniversiy’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, ‘and education by pabliching worldwide in Oxford New York ‘Auckland Bangkok Busnos Aires Cape Town Chennai ‘Dar os Salaam Delhi Hong Kong Isanbu! Karacli Rotkata ‘Busts Lampar Madrid Metbourae Mexico City Murnbat ‘Sdo Puulo Shanghal Talpei Tokyo. Toronto Oxford isa registered trade mark of Oxford University Press ‘in the UK and in certain other countries “This honk is © Copyright under the Berne Convention: “The moral-righta of the author have been asserted intt published 1955 -Keisaed in Pakistan 1967 _Allrighte reserved. 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ISBN 0 19 696038 1 Seventeenth Impression 2005 bi Printed in Pakistan by Mas Printers, Karachi Published by ‘Ameena Saiyid, Oxford University Press Plot No. $8, Sector 15, Korangi Industrial Area, FO Box 8214 ‘Karachi-74900, Pakistan, ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Ir is 2 pleasure to acknowledge the debt that I owe to the friends whom Thave consulted in the many and various dificulties which beset a trans- lator of such a long text as the Sira on which there is no commentary ‘worthy of the name. My thanks are especially due to my old friend Pro- fessor A. A. Affifi of Alexandria, Professor A. Kh. Kinani of Damascus, Dr. Abdullah al-Tayib of Khartoum, Dr. M. A. Azzam of Cairo, and Professor A. K. 8, Lambton of London. Particularly 1 would thank Dr. ‘W. Arafat for his self-sacrificing labour in reading the whole of my transla~ tion ia manuseript, and for bringing its shortcomings to my notice. If, with reference to this book of mine, I am ever able to solace myself with the words kafa'l-mar'a fadlan an in'adda ma'éyibah, it will be in great ‘measure due to his ready help and eagle eye. Last, but not last, I gratefully acknowledge the generosity of the School of Oriental and African Studies in meeting the cost of production. Without this help it would have been impossible to publish the book. I hope that in the years to come it will stand as a modest tribute to the School's great interest in Oriental studies and also help to further co-operation and friendliness between my country and the Islamic world.CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS INTRODUCTION ‘The Author ‘The Stra ‘The Editor Iba Hisham A Pragment of the Lost Book of Misa b. "Ugbs Part I BE ali ‘THE GENEALOGY OF MUHAMMAD; TRADITIONS PROM THE PRE-ISLAMIC ERA; MUHAMMAD'S CHILDHOOD AND EARLY MANHOOD Genealogy “The soochtayers Shiga and Satih ‘AbO Karib’s expedition to Yathuib Dhis Nui ‘Chiatianity in Najran “Abdullah b, al-Thimnit and the Christian marys “Abysrinian domination of the Yoran “Abraha's abortive attack on Mecca Persian domination of the Yaman “The descendants of Nici b. Ma'add Origin of idolatry among the Araba Arab taboos ‘The descendants of Mogar "The digging of Zamaam Kinane and Khuai’a expel Jurbum and oosupy the Ka’ba ‘The haji inthe Jahilya Quraysh predominate in Mecca Taternal dissensions The wells of Mecca ‘Atdu'-Mutfalb vows to sacrifice his son “Abdullah father of the prophet Arming mother of the prophet His birth and fostermother His mother's death Death of ‘Abdu’l-Muttalib and legis thereon [Aba Tilib becomes Muhammad's guardian ‘The monk Bahia 45 fetContents ‘The sacrilegious war ‘Mulammad morries Khadija Jews, Christians, and Arabs predict Muhamroad’s mission ‘Salrnin the Persien Early monothei ‘The Gospel prophecy of the sending of ‘the Comforter! Pare 11 MUHAMMAD'S CALL AND PREACHING IN MECCA ‘His call and the beginning of the Quran Khadija accepts Islam Prayer prescribed ‘Alt the first male Muslim, then Abi Bakr and his converts ‘Muhammad preaches and Quruysh rejeet him Aba Talib protects hitn from Quraysh Persecution of Muhammed Kamza accepts Telarn “tba attempes a compromise Conference with Quraysh leaders. The chapter of The Cave ‘Abdullah b, Mas'td recites the Quran publicly ‘Meccans persecute Muhammad’s followers ‘The first emigrants to Abyssinie Quraysh try to get them sent back How the Negus gnined his throne “Umar accepts Islam ‘The document proclaiming a boycott Active opposition to Muhammad His temporary concession to polytheism ‘The return of the first emigrsnts “Urhnin b. Mar'n and Aba Bakr renounce thelr protector Annulting of the boyeott Tufayl b. ‘Amr accepts Tslam. Abi JahPs dishonesty Ruksna wrestles with Muhanomad Some Christians accept Istam ‘Soras 108 and 6 ‘The night journey and the ascent to heaven Allah punishes the mockers ‘The story of Abdi Uzayhie Desth of Abi Talib and Khadie ‘Muhammad preaches in al-T3'if 109 m4 18 130 231 132 333 ur 43 146 150 153 359 s6r 165 167 169 175 8 9 180 18 187 187 191 192 Contents ‘Muhammad preaches to the Beduin 4 yas accepts Islam 107 ‘Beginning of Islam among the Helpers 197 “The frst pledge at at"Aquba 198 Tnaicution of Friday prayers in Medina 199 ‘The second pledge at al-’Aqaba ‘Names of the twelve leaders 204 *Ame's idol 207 Conditions of the pledge and names of those present 208 ‘Allah orders Mohamened to fight 312 ‘The Emigrants 10 Medina 213 ‘Those with whom they lodged. 28 Parr TI MUHAMMAD'S MIGRATION TO MEDINA, HIS WARS, ‘TRIUMPH, AND DEATH 219 ‘Muhsmmed’s bij ‘He builds @ mosque and houses in Medina aa Covenant with the Jews and men of Medina 331 Brotherhood between the Emigranta and the Helpers 2a ‘The Call to Prayer 235 Aba Gays 26 Jewish opponents 239 “Abdullah b, Salim accepts Islam. 249 Jews joined by hypocrites among the Helpers a Disaffected rabbis 246 ‘The chapter of The Cave and Jeuish opposition " Deputation from the Christians of Najran pe "The disaffected an Fever in Medina 279 Date of the hijea Bt ‘The frat raid: on Weddin 8 Hamas's raid to the coast 283 Raid on Buwat 285 Raid on al-Ushayra 285 Reid on al-Kharrar 286 Raid an Safawin 286 ‘Fighting in the sacred month 286 ‘The change of the Qibla 89 Bartle of Badr 289 Zayoab sets out for Medina 314 Aba')-Ag accepts Islart 316 “Umaye b. Wah accepts Islam 38 ‘The chapter of The SpoilsContents ‘Names of the Emigrants who fought at Badr ‘Names of the Helpers who fought at Badr ‘Names of the Qurayth prisoners “Verses on the baile Raid on B. Sulaym Raid called a!-Sawig Raid on Dha Amarr Raid on al Fura’ Amick on B. Qaynug’ id on al-Qarada Killing of Ka'b b, aleAshraf ‘Muhayyiga and Elowayyien Barete of Ubud "Phe Quran on Ubud ‘Names of the Muslim slain at Uhud [Names of the polytheists alain at Upud ‘Yeres on Uhud ‘The day of al-Rak? Poems thereon “Dreachery at Bi'r Ma‘tina B. al-Nagis exiled Poetry thereon Raid of Dhatu'-Rici* Last expedition to Badr Raid on Damoatu'-Jandal Battle of the Ditch Arack on B. Qurayaa Poetry thereon Killing of Sallim “Amr b. alvAs and Khalid b. al-W Areack on B. Libyan “Attack on Din Qarad ssceept Islan ‘Those let helpless ‘Woren who migrated ater the armistice Expedition to Khaybar slAnwad the shepherd Division of the spoils of Khaybar ‘i of Fas ames ofthe Diriyon Return of the secon batch of emigrants —————————————— 27 330 338 342 360 362 303 363 es a4 369 301 4 43 4 46 9 433 437 439 44s 47 “9 436 460 470 82 84 485 336 490 493 499 509 sar 523 523 536 “The fulfied pilgrimage Raid on Mu'ta "Phe occupation af Mecca Khalid followed by ‘Ali go forth as missionaries, Khilid destroys ale W223. ‘Rattle of Hunsyn, ‘Verses thereon Cepture ofa Division of the spoils of Hawézin Ka'b b. Zahayr His ode Raid on ‘Tubok ‘The opposition mooque ‘Those who hung back frotn the raid on ‘Tube Dexeruction of al-Lat ‘Abt Bakr leads the pilgrimage ‘Hiassin’s odea on the campaigns ‘The Year of the Deputations ‘The B. Tarnion ‘Kir b. alPufayl and Arba b, Qaye Deputation from B. S2'd ‘Deputation from ‘Abdu'-Qays Deputation from B. Hanifa Deputation from Tey ‘Ady b: Hitin Deputation of Parwa Deputation from B. Zubayd ‘Deputation from Kinda Deputation from al-Azd Depatation from Himyar Farwa b. ‘Amr accepts Islam B. Barith accept Islam ‘The false prophets Musaylima and al-Aswad ‘The farewell pilgrimage Usima's expedition to Palestine Muhammad? missions to foreign rulers ‘of Muhammad's raids and expeditions “Abdullah b, Unayo’s raid to Kill Khalid b. Sufysin “Uyayna's raid on B. ol~’Anbar ‘Ghilib’s raid on B. Murra ‘Arar b, al'Aa's raid on Dhitu'-Salisil 530 sar 540 sor S65 366 572 387 so 597 508 60a 610 6x5 617 627 68 63 64 635 6536, 637 637 639 6a 642 baz 645 648 Gs 652 652 650 660 662 664, 665 666 667 667 668,xii Contents Ton Aba Hadrad’s raid on Tdam. His raid on al-Ghiba *“Abdu’I-Rabmin’s raid on Damatu'l-Jandal Abii “Ubayda’s raid to the coast Salim b, "Umeyr’s raid to kill Aba ‘Afak “Umayr b. ‘Adiy’s raid to kill ‘Asma Coprure of Thumima b. Athal “Algam’s raid Kore's raid on the Bafits “Ali's mid on the Yarman Beginning of Muhammad’ illness His death ‘The meeting in the hall of B, SWida Preparations for burial Haseii’s panezytic IBN HISHAM’S NOTES ADDENDA INDEXES Proper Names Tend Books cited Subjects Gor 799 Bor 810 84 81s INTRODUCTION ‘THE AUTHOR ‘Munson, on of Ishig, son of Yeeds, was bom in Medina about ‘A. 85 and died in Baghdad in 25x." His grandfather Yastr fell into the hands of Khalid b, al-Walid when he captured ‘Aynu'I-Tasr in At. 12, having been held there as a prisoner by the Persian king. Khilid sent him ‘with a number of prisoners to Abi Bakr at Medina, ‘There he was handed ‘over to Qays b. Makhrams b, al-Muttalid b, ‘Abdu Mandf asa slave, and ‘was manumitted when he accepted Islam. His family adopted the family ‘name of theit patrons. His son Ishaq was bom about the year 50, his mother being the daughter of another freedman, He and his brother “Misd were well-known traditionists, so that our author's path in life was Prepared before he reached znanhood.* ‘He associated with the second generation of traditionists, notably sl-Zuhsi, ‘Agim b, ‘Umar b. Qaida, and ‘Abdullah b, Aba Bakr. He must have devoted himself tothe study of apostolic tradition frora his youth, for at the age of thirty he went to Egypt to attend the lectures of Yaatd b. ‘AbO Habib.’ ‘There he was regarded a an authority, for this sarae Yaatd ‘afcerwards related traditions on Ibn Ishiq's authority. On his return to ‘Medina he went on with the collection and arrangement of the material he had collected, Al-Zuhsi, who was in Medina in 123, is reported to have ssid that Medina would never lack itm as long as Ibn Ishq was there. and Ihe eagerly gathered from him the details of the prophets wars, Unfortu nately Ibn Ishig excited the enmity of Malik b, Anas, for whose work he showed his contempt, and it was nat long before his own writings and is ‘orthodoxy were called in question. Probably it was out cuthor’s fort book ‘of Sunan* which excited Mdlik’s ire, for it would have been in the feld ‘of law based on the practice of the prophet that diferences would be most Keeenly felt. He was accused of being a Qadarl and a Shi. Another man attacked his veracity: be often quoted Fatima, the wife of Hishim b. “Urwa, as the authority for some of his traditions, The husband was annoyed and denied that he had ever met hia wife; but as she was nearly forty’ yeare Ton Ishiq's senior it is easily eredible thet they often met ‘without occasioning gossip. Tt is not known whether Thn Ishq was com- pelled to Icave Medina ot whether he went away voluntarily. Obviously he could not have the same standing in a place that housed his chief © 18. hp. * Gn Mint and Ishiq see J. Fic, Muhanad im hd, Frenkfor . M. 1925, p28. » See Bicerapien von Gevalromdmern der Ton shag ed. Fschet, Leiden, iyo. ‘Wich ll dhe whone death-ates runged from hat. 47 to 458 be wat in somtact pesooaly or at second hand "Wasteafeld i. vi rom Lal-Najitr and Fock, 0, * Haji Khali i, 1008xiv The Life of Muhammad informants as he would hold elsewhere, and so he left for the east, stopping in Ria, al-Jazira on the Tigris, and Rey, finally settling in Baghdad. While ‘Manga wasat Hishimiya he attached himself to his following and presented hhim with a copy of his work doubtless in the hope of a grant from the caliph, ‘Thence he moved to Ray and then to the new capital of the empire. He died in 150 (or perhaps 151) and was buried in the cemetery of Hayzuran. THE SIRA Tis certain that Tbn Tsbiq’s biography of the prophet had no serious rival; but it was preceded by several maghdsi books. We do not know when they were first written, though we have the names of several frst-century ‘worthies who had written notes and passed on their knowledge to the rising generation. ‘The first of these was Abin the son of the caliph "Uthman. Fe was born in ¢. 20 and took part in the campaign of ‘Talha and Zubayr against his father’s slayers. He died about 100. The language used by al Waqidi in reference to Tba al-Mughira, ‘he had nothing written down bout hadith except the prophet's maghdzis which he had acquired from ‘Abin’, certainly implies, though it does not demand, that Ibn al-Mughira ‘rrote down what Abin told him. Ivis strange that neither Iba Ishq nor aL-Wagidt should have cited this man who must have had inside knowledge ‘of many matters that were not known to the public; possibly as a follower Of Ali he preferred to ignore the son of the man the Alids regarded as a tisurper. However, his name often appears in the imads of the canonical collections of hadith. (The man named in Tab. 2349 and LS. iv. 29 is ‘Abin b. ‘Uthman al-Bjali who seems to have written a book on maghdsi.") ‘A man of much greater importance was ‘Urwa b. al-Zubayr b. al- “Awwim (23-94), a cousin of the prophet. “Urwa's mother was Abit Bakr's daughter Asml’. He and his brother ‘Abdullah were in close con- tact with the prophet’s widow ‘AVisha, He was a recognized authority on the carly history of Islam, and the Umayyad caliph ‘Abdu'l-Malik applied to him when he needed information on that subject. Again, it is uncertain ‘whether he wrote a book, but the many traditions that are handed down in his name by LLL and other writers justify the assertion that he was the founder of Islamic history.? ‘Though he is the earliest writer whose notes have come down to.us, [have not translated the passages from Tab. which reproduce them because they do not seem to add anything of importance to the Siva. ‘They form part of a letter which ‘Urwa wrote to “Abdu [-Malik who wanted to have accurate knowledge about the prophet’s career. Much of his material rests on the statements of his aunt ‘Aisha, £ B. Suchau, LS. mt mf 2 Fuck 8 ns yr and eet J, orovite in Islam Cutan, 1927, 538+ [Sp Tab acd Ba, are heal indebted to hi. oy tatay ayer 1284, t634, B64, 167 177% il 2458, CE TH. 754, Introduction. x Like ILL. he was given to inserting poetry in his traditions and justified the habit by the example of ‘A'isha who uttered verses on every subject that presented itself’ He was a friend of the erotic poet ‘Umar b. Rabi‘a, but thought very little of the prophet’s poet Hassan b. Thabit.* Of Shurahbil b. Sa'd, a freedman, presumably of South Arabian origin, lite is known beyond the fact that he wrote a maghdsi book. L.. would have none of him, and he is seldom quoted by other writers. He died in 124, and as he is said to have known Ali he must have died a centenarian. He reported traditions from some of the prophet’s companions, and ‘Mast b, ‘Ugba? records that he wrote lists of the names of the emigrants and the combatants at Badr and Ubud. In his old age he was discredited because he blackmailed his visitors: if they did not give him anything he ‘would say that their fathers were not present at Badr! Poverty and extreme age made him centankerous. ‘The victims of his spleen doubted his veracity, though those best qualified to judge regarded him as an authority. ‘Another important Tabi’ was Wahb b. Munabbih (34-110), a Yamanite of Persian origin. His father probably was a Jew. He is notorious for bis interest in, and knowledge of, Jewish and Christian scriptures and tradi- tions; and though much that was invented later was fathered on him, his K. al-Mubtada’ lies behind the Muslim version ofthe lives of the prophets and other biblical stories. With his books on the legendary history of the ‘Yaman, on aphorisms, on free will, and other matters preserved in part LHs K. al-Tijdn we are not concerned; but the statement of Haj Khalifa that he collected the maghéstis now confirmed by the discovery of a fragment of the lost work on papyri written in 228, Unfortunately this fragment tells us little that is new; nevertheless, its importance is great because it proves that at the end of the first century, or some years before ‘A. 109, the main facts about the prophets life were written down much 1s we have them in the Inter works. Further it shows that, like the other carly tradtionists, he had little or nouse forisnads. Miss Gertrud Mélaméde* has compared the account of the mecting at ‘Aqaba (cf. i. H. 288, 293, 299) ‘with the literature on the subject and her criticism, literary and historical, leads her to some important conclusions which do not concern us here. An interesting detail is that Muhammad speaking to ‘Abbiis calls Aus and Khazraj ‘my and your maternal uncles’, ‘Abbis throughout runs with the hare and hunts with the hound ‘A little later comes ‘Agim b. ‘Umar b. Qatida al-Ansitt (d, ¢ 120). He lectured in Damascus on the campaigns of the prophet and the exploits of his companions and seems to have committed his lectures to writing. ‘He too is quite inconsistent in naming his authorities: sometimes he gives an imndd, more often he does not. He rewmed to Medina to continue his ‘work, and LI. attended his lectures there, Occasionally he inserted verses in his narrative, and sometimes gave his own opinion, Fischer, Asad 46. ) LHe, Takai 2 961 2 Horovits, op. ct ast. + Le Monde Ortotale, xxii 1934, 17-38.wi The Life of Muhammad ‘Muhammad b. Muslim . ...b. Shihab al-Zuhri (51-124) was a member of 4 distinguished Mccean family, He attached himsclf to ‘Abdu'l- Malik, Misham, and Yasid, and wrote down come traditions for hie princely pupils. "He was the forerunner of the later traditionists in that he took ‘extraordinary puns imesrogate people, young aul okt of bath seara, who might possess knowledge of the past. He left a history of his own family and a book of maghdai. Most of his traditional lore survived in the notes ‘of his lectures that his pupils wrote down quoting his authority for the traditions they record. He spent some years in Medina as a young man, LI. met him when he came south on pilgrimage and he is often named as an authonty in the Siva. He was the most important traditionist of his generation, and his influence is to be seen in all collections of canonical hadith. (See further J. Horovitz, Islanie Culture, i. 33 ff.) ‘Abdullah b. Aba Bakr b, Muhammad b. ‘Ame b. Hazen (4. 130 oF 138) was one of L.'s most important informants. His father had been ordered by ‘Umar b. ‘Abdu'l-'Aziz to write a collection of prophetic hadith, especially what ‘Amra d, ‘Abdu'-Rabman ssid. ‘This latter was a friend ‘of ‘Aisha and she was the aunt ofthis AbG Bakr. Already i the time of his son ‘Abdullah these writings had been lost. Though we have no record of a book by ‘Abdullah, its substance probably once existed in the maghazi of his nephew ‘Abdu'l-Malik, As one would expect, the iendd is a matter of indifference to ‘Abdullah; he stood too near the events among many who ‘knew of them to need to cite his authorities. ‘Tab. (i, 1837) contains an interesting note on how I.I, got his information. ‘Abdullah told his wife tell him what he knew on ‘Amra’s authority. ‘Aswad Muhammad b, ‘Abdu’I-Rahman b. Naufal (d. 131 oF 157) left a maghdet book which sticks closely to ‘Urwa’s tradition.” ‘Contemporary with our author in the third generation was Misa b. “Uqha (c. 55-142), a freedman of the family of al-Zubayr. A fragment of his work has survived and was published by Sachau in 1904." As it once rivalled LLL’s work and is one of our earliest witnesses to the Sira I have given a trandlation of the extant traditions.? Although Malik b. Anas, al-Shafi'i, and Ahmad b. Hanbal—an impressive trio—asserted that his book was the most important and trustworthy ofall, posterity evidently did not share their opinion or more of his work would have survived.* LL. never mentions him. One cannot escape the conviction that petty Professional jealousy wes as rife in those days as how, and that scliolars deliberately refrained from giving their predecessors credit for their achievements, Misi leaned heavily on al-Zuhr, He seems to have carried farther the process of icealiring the prophet! He is freely quoted by al-Wagiai, I. $3'd, al-Baladhuri, Tabasi, and 1. Sayyidut-Nis. He gave * See Fleck, 17 * S.BB.A. 3. 3 Stkwhers same doubtu'shout the authenticity of some of them ex ted. * Goldater, MLS: i 207, shows tat i was in ctculon at Ite a8 the end ofthe oth cxnsiry a Fach 22. Introduction awit lista of those who went to Abyssinia and fought at Badr. ‘The latter ‘Milk regarded ss authoritative. He generally gives an ind, though it is not always clear whether he is relying on a written or an oral source. Once at least he refers to a mass of records let by Ibn “Abbas (ILS. v. 2161. Occasionally he quotes poems, ‘Apart from the fragment of Wahb b. Munabbih’s maghtsi the Berlin ‘MS, if itis authentic, is the oldest piece of historical Kteraturein Arabiein existence, and if only for that reason deserves moze than a passing not here. It fs of importance also because it carries back some of the traditions {in Bukhiei (d. 256) more than a century. Other maghdsi works were produced in Iraq, Syria, and the Yaman during the second century, but none of them is likely to have inftuenced LL. and they ean safely be disregaeded.' What is of significance is the great interest in the life of the prophet that was shown everywhere during this century. But no book known to the Arabs or to us can compare in comprehensiveness, arrangement, or systematic treatment, with L.'s work which will now be discussed The Sira ‘The titles The Book of Campaigns or The Book of Campaigns and (the prophet's) Biography or The Book of the Biography and the Beginning and the ‘Campaigns* are all to be met with in the citations of Arabic authors. Al-Bakka', a pupil of I, made two eopies ofthe whole book, one of which mutt hae reached 1H, (4.218) whose text, abbrevite annotate, and sometimes altered, is the main source of our knowledge of the original = ae eee principles underlying ILH.’s revision are set out in his Introduction. Sachau suggests thatthe copy used by’[. was made when LI. was in Ray by Salama b. Fadl al-Abrash al-Angisi, because T, quotes LI. according to I, Fadl’s riwwdya. A third copy was made by Yunus b. Bukayr in Ray. ‘This was used by I. al-Athir in his Usde'/-Ghaba, A copy of part of this reeegion extn the Qarayin mosueat Fez. ‘The et, which cons me important additions to the reecived text, I hope to publish shortly. A fourth copy was that ofthe Syrian Tirin b. Abs'Tsa, ‘These last two copies were used by I. Sad Taetly the Fibritt mentions the edition of al-Nufaylt (4! 254). It must not he supposed that the book ever existed in three separate parts: ancient legends, Muhammad's early ife and mission, and his wars ‘These are simply sections ofthe book which contained T.l‘a fetures, For the Mubtada’ (Mabda’) we must go to T'e Tafar and History. The first quotation from it in the latter® runs thua: ‘I, Hamid said, Salama b, al-Padl told us that LI. said: “The first thing that God ereated was light * See Nékste, Gach, Or. 129,221 Sta oe "Fie, ta, biii The Life of Muhammad and darkness, ‘Then He separated them and made the darkness night, black exceeding dark; and He made the light day, bright and luminous." From this it is clear that ‘Genesis’ is the meaning of the title of the first section of the book. IH. skipped all the intervening pages and began with ‘Abraham, the presumed ancestor of Muhammad. Al-Azragt quotes some passages from the missing section in his Akbar Mecea and a few extracts are given by al-Mutahhar b, Tahir.’ "The Mubtada’ in so far a it lies outside LH1's recension is not our concern, though it is to be hoped that one day a scholar will collect and publish a text of it from the sources that survive so that L.'s work can he read in its entirety as its importance warrants, In this section L1. relied on. Jessish and Christian informants and on the book of Aba ‘Abdullah Wahb }, Munabbih (34-110 of 114) known as K. al-Mubtada’ and also al-Isrd~ ilfyat of which the original title was Qisayut-Anbiya’. To him he owed the history of the past from Adam to Jesus* and also the South Arabian legends, some of which IH. has retained. ‘This man also wrote a maghdst ‘book, and a fragment of it has survived.’ LI. cites him by name only once.* X is natural that a book about Muhammad, ‘the seal of the prophets’, should give an account of the history of the carly prophets, but the ory, or legends, of South Arabia demand another explanation. As Goldziher showed long ago,* it was in the second half of the first century that the antagonism of north and south, ie, Quraysh and the Angir of Medina, fret showed itself in literature. The Ansir, proud of theirsouthern origin and of their support of the prophet when the Quraysh rejected him, smuarted under the injustice of their rulers and the northerner’s claim to superiority. One of the ways in which their resentment manifested itself was in the glorification of Himyae’s great past. LI. as a loyal son of ‘Medina shared the feelings of his patrons and recounted the achievements of their forefathers, and 1.H., himself of southern descent, retained in the ‘Sira as much of the original work as he thought desirable, ‘To this accident that LH. was a Himyari we owe the extracts from stories of the old South jbian kings, LH, devoted a separate book to the subject, the KC. al- sma'rifati mulitki zaman (fi akhbari Qaktan).* "The second section of the book which is often called al-Mab'ath begins with the birth of the prophet and ends when the first fighting from his base jn Medina takes place. ‘The impression one gets from this section is of hazy memories; the stories have lost their freshness and have nothing of that vivid and sometimes dramatic detail which make the maghdst stoties— especially in al-Wagidi—so full of interest and excitement. ‘Thus while the Medinan period is well documented, and events there are chronologi- fanged, no such accuracy, indeed no such attempt at it, can be cally dc and tr Cl Har, Pu, de Pole det lame ne, 4.3, sol avi, ivi, Pais 18g on, i nnmary af the contents is given in Ts See 4 p20. + MS 86-98 6 Figydarsbad 1342 Introduction xix claimed for the Meccan period. We do not know Mukammad’s age when he first came forth publicly as a religious reformer: some say he was forty, others say forty-five; we do not know his precise relation to the Band Naija; the poverty of his childhood if fts the assertion that he belonged to the principal family in Meeca. ‘The story of those years is filled out with legends and stories of miraculous events which inevitably undermine the modern reader's confidence in the history of this period as a whole. In this section particularly, though not exclusively, TI. writes historical introductions to his paragraphs. A good example is his foreword to the account of the persecution the prophet endured at the hands of the Meccans: ‘When the Quraysh became distressed by the trouble caused by the enmity between them and the apostle and those of their people who accepted his teaching, they stired up againat him foolish fellows who called him a Tir, insulted him, and accused him of being a poet, a sorcerer, a diviner, and of being possessed. However the apostle continued to pro- claim what God had ordered him to proclaim, concealing nothing, and exciting their dislike by contemning their religion, forsaking their idols, and leaving them to their unbelie.t This is not a statement resting on tradition, but a concise summary of the citeumstances that are plainly indicated by certain passages of the Quran which deal with this period. (Of the Maghaai history ttle need be said. For the most part the stories rest on the aecount of eyewitnesses and have every right to be regarded as ‘trustworthy. Characteristics “Thecpinionsif Muelim critics on 1.1’s trustworthiness denerve a special paragraph ; but here something may he said of the author's caution and his fairness. A word that very frequently precedes a statement is sa’ama or za‘ami, ‘he (chey) alleged’. T+ carries, with it more than a hint thet the statement may not be true, though of the other and it may be sound, “Thus thece are fourteen or more orrurrences of the caveat from p. 87 t0 48 alae, besides a frequent note that only God knows whether a parti- ‘culer statement ig true or not. Another indication of reserve if not scepti cism underlies the expreseion ff md dhukira F, a8 in the story of the jinn “who listened to Mubaromad a he prayed; Muhammad’s order to “Uraar ‘ta kill Suwayd; one of Gabtie’s visits to Muhammad; the reward of two martyrs to the man killed by awontan.* An expression of similar import is Sim balegharni® ‘Very seldom does LI. make any comment of his own on the traditions he records apart from the mental reservation implied in these terns ‘Therefore when he does express an opinion it is the more significant, In his neeount of the night journey to Jerusalem and the ascent into heaven 2 py e8gy ae ano 187, et penn 2 po. 281,336, 357,308 Fagor age 1 pete. Extrove enationintoauce the Jeger of she Ht at the prophets th foe= The Life of Mukanmad hhe allows us to see the working of his mind. ‘The story is everywhere Inedged with reservations and terms suggesting caution to the reader. He ‘begins with a tale which he says has reached him (balaghani} from several narrators and he has pieced them together from the stories these people heard (dhukira), The whole subject is a searching test of men’s faith in ‘which those endowed with intelligence are specially concerned. Ft was certainly an act of God, but exactly what happened we do not know, ‘Thie opinion of his is most delicately and skilfully expressed in the words hayfa sha'a, ‘how God wished to show him’, I. Mas'id’s words are prefaced by fi md balaghani 'anka. There is nothing in the story to indicate ‘that it isa vision, Al-Hasan’s version is much more definite, for he asserts ‘that when Muhammad returaed to Mecca he told the Quraysh that he had ‘been to Jerusalem and back coring the night and that this so etrained the credulity af some ofthe Muslims that they gave up thei faith in his revels ‘tions although he was able to give an accurate description of Jerusalem. Tt is therefore most surprising that al-Hasan should end his story by quoting Stra 13. 62 ‘We made the vision which we showed thee only for a ‘est to men’ in this context. ‘The whole point of al-Hasan's story is thereby undermined, fr ifthe experience was visionary, then there was nothing at all incredible about it "Then follows ‘Ashes statement, eported by ‘one of her father's family, that it waa only the apostfe’s spirit that was transported; his body remained where it was in Mecca. Another tradi- tion by Mu‘awiya b. Abi Sufyan bears the same meaning. The fact that he had been asked whether it was a physical or a dream journey shows that the ‘subject was debated before 1.1.’s day. Here I.1. makes a profound observa- ‘tion which in effect means that it was immaterial whether the experience ‘was real or visionacy because it came from God and just as Abraham made ‘every preparation to slay his son Isaac in consequence of what he had seen in a dream! because he recognized no difference between a divine command given at night during eleop and an order given hy day when he was awake, £0 the apostle’s vision was just as real as if it had been an actual physical ‘experience. Only God knows what happened, but the apostle did see what de said he saw and whether he was avake or asleep the result is the same, “The description of Abraham, Moses, and Jesus which purports to quote ‘Muhammad’s words is prefaced by sa'ama'l-Zuhri, not, os often, by the ordinary term haddathani, Now as al-Zuhri and S.1. knew each other ‘well and must have met quite often, we must undoubtedly infer from the fact that I. deliberately substituted the verb of suspicion for the ordinary term used in traditional matters that he means us to take this tradition with ‘a grain of salt. Itis a pity that the excellent impression that one ‘of the author's: inclgene and seins perzpionehold be mare by the cochng paragraphs on ts abject of the ssa! in heaven Which incidentally thas had far-reaching results on European literature through the Divine * anim, * pair, Introduction wai Comedy.t Tt rules out absolutely any but a physical experience and ought ‘to have been recorded with its cautionary note before LT. mate ‘observations. Possibly the reason for its being out of place is that itis an ‘excerpt from his lecture notes; but whatever the explanation, it mara the effect of his statement of the evidence." ‘The phrase ‘God knows best’ speaks for itself and needs no comment. Tr js sometimes weed when the author records two conflicting traditions and is unable to say which is correct. Another indication of the author's serupulousness is the phrase ‘God preserve me from attributing to the spostle words which he did notuse’. His report of Muharamad’s frst public address at Medina and his order to each of bis companions to adopt another as a brother ate prefixed by these words and hedged hy ji ma balaghani> ‘The author doce not often give us rival versions of traditions from “Medina and Mecca: thus the account of 'Umar’s conversion in interesting. It illustrates the thoroughness of our author in his search for information about the early days of the prophet's ministry. ‘The first account he says i based on what the traditioniats of Medina said: ‘Umar was heutal to sister and brother-in-law who had accepted Islam, but feeling some remorse when he saw blood on her face from the viotent blow he had dealt her, and impressed by her constancy, he demanded the leaf of the Quran than she was reading, Having read it he at once accepted it as inspired and ‘went to the prophet to proclaim his allegiance, "The Meccan, “Abdullah b. Abii Najih, on the authority of two named companions or an anonymous natrator, gives another version in “Umar’s ‘own words to the effect that his conversion was due to his hearing the prophet recite the Quran while praying at the Ka'ba one night. Zn both srarratives it was the Quran which caused his conversion. In the first ‘version ‘Umar was affected by the bearing of his sister and secured a part of ‘the Quran to read himself; in the second he was affected by the private devotions of the prophet. The first story is prefixed by fi md balaghan®, but this is cancelled as it were by the express statement that it was the current belie of the people of Medina. I. concludes by saying that only God knows what really happened, ‘A rather difficult problem in iterary and historiesl criticism is posed by the rival traditions? collected by the indefatigable 'T. from two of 11's pupils, Yiinus b. Bukayr and Salama b. al-Fadt, the latier supported by another pupil of L.1’s named Ali b. Mujdhid. ‘The fist had attended bis Joctures in Kiifa; the other two his lectures at Ray. All three claim that they transmit what LI. told them on the authority of a certain “Afi. I do ‘not know ofa parallel in L.'s work toa contradiction resting on the authority of the same oricinal narrator. Different traditions from diferent riels from different sources are to be expected in any history; but here the samne Gente ac fn moe he at be? 2 ppage and ea, Ve es. STi rnba, Sennby. 2xl ‘The Life of Mubanvmad ‘man is introduced as the authority for conflicting traditions such as are to ‘be found in the later collections of hadith. “The first tradition is suspect because it requires us to believe that from. ‘the earliest days of his ministry before he bad any following apart from a wife and a young nephew Mubammad prophesied the Arab conquest of the Byzantine and Persian empires in the Near East, Nothing io his life gives the slightest support to this claim, though it was to be made good soon after Wis death. ‘The second contains no reference to later conquests and may be trust- worthy. It definitely fixes the scene at Ming, which is about three miles distant from Mecca. "The first accouat suggests though it doesnot asert, that the prophet was in Mecca, a he turned to face the Ka'ba when be prayed. Would he have done this had he been in Mina? Would he not rather have turned in the direction of Jerusalem, his first gibla? LAL. cxpresely affirms elsewhere! that while he was in Mecca Muhamauad when praying turned his face towards Syria, "The second account says nothing bout the dieeton of his prayer. On the whole, then, the second tradition ts transmitted by Salama must be given the preferene Tis quite easy to see why LH century later omitted both traditions; they were offensive to the ruling house of ‘Abbas as they drew attention to-an unhappy pist which the ruler, now champions of orthodoxy, would fain have forgotien. But why did Ld. report them both, if infact he did? On the whole it seems most reasonable to suppose that he fat dicated the tradition which Yanus heard in Koa, notorious for its attachment to the Alid party, and that he afterwards dropped it and substituted the second version which Salama heard in Ray some year later before be went on to Baghdad. ‘T. with his woul thoroughness reported both traditions. ‘The only alternative is to suppose that the reference to the conquests is an interpolation. ‘There is a subtle difference between these two variants which ought not to be overlooked. At first sight it would seem to be a mere detail that in the frat tration ‘ATif wished that he ad een the third to pray the Muslim prayer. Now there were already three—Muhammad, Khadija, and Ali. in ‘the second tradition he wished that he had been the fourth, If this latter ia the original form of the tradition it means simply that he wished that he had been the first man outside the prophets family circle wo accept Islam, Tut the frst tradition means more than this: by eliminating, a it were, ‘Muhammad himsel from the to it means that Ali was the as¢ond hurman being and the first male to accept Islam and to stand with Khadija at the ‘head of all Muslims in the order of priority. ‘This has alvays been the claims of the Shi'a and to this day the priority of Ali in this respect is hotly disputed. “RD in a Biciha,tese-5, Ce Lib 9 " " Fntroduction aati Intrinsically as we Inve argued, the second tradition has the better claim to authenticity. If that is admitted it follows that either I. or his ‘avet adapted it in the interest of the Alid cause. In view of the accusation Of partiality towards the Shi'a which was levelled against 11.' it seems probable that he himself gave a subtle twist to the tradition that had come Gown to him from ‘Afif, and afterwards played for safety ‘As one would expect of a book which was written in the eighth century about a great religious reformer, miracles are accepted as a matter of course. It does not matter if a person’s alleged power to work miracles takes his early sufferings and failures unintelligible, nor does it matter if ‘the person concerned exprecely disclaimed all such powers apart from the recitation of the Quran itself ‘The Near East has produced an enormous number of books on the miracles of saints and holy men and it would be strange indeed if Tslam had not followed in the footsteps ofits predecessors in glorifying the achievements of its great leader at the expense of his human, greatness. Here we are concerned simply with the literary form of such Stories, the authorities that are quoted for them, and the way in which our author deals with them, ‘To mention a few: the prophet summoned a tree to him and it stood before him. He told it to go back again and back it went, It is interesting to ~otice that the person for whose benefit this miracle was wrought regarded it as sorcery. ‘The author's father, Ishaq b. Yasir, is responsible for the tale. Another tradition from ‘Amr b.*Ubayd, \who claimed to have had it from Jabir b. ‘Abdullah via al-Hasan, is merely a midrash composed to explain Sia s, 4 where it is said that God kept e hands of Muhammad's enemies from doing him violence. ‘The story of the throne of God shaking when the doors of heaven were opened to reecive Sa'd shows how these stories grew in the telling. Mu'adh b. Riff'a al-Zuraqi reported on the authority of ‘anyone you like among my clan’ that when Sa'd died Gabriel visited the prophet and asked him who it ‘vas that had caused such commotion in heaven, whereupon Muhammad, knowing that it must be Sad, hurried off at once to find that he had died. However, more was said on the subject: ‘Abdullah b. Aba Bakr from ‘Amra d, “Abdu'l-Rabmn reported that ‘A’isha met Sa'd’s cousin outside Mecca and asked him why he did not show more grief for one whose arrival had shaken the very throne of God. An anonymous informant claimed to have heard from al-Hagan al-Bagti that the pallbearers found the corose of this fat. heavy man unexpectedly light, and the prophet told them that there were other unseen bearers taking the weight with them and aguin it is repeated that the throne shook, Suhayii has a fairly long ‘passage on the tradition which goes to show that serious minded men did not like this story at all. Some scholar tried to whittle away the meaning by suggesting that the shaking of the throne was a metaphor for the joy ts Smo 96'Am Lanting bra hares mesenger and 3.4 3 bei as8, 63, 698, 1. Honovie, Der Flam, v 19:4, pp. 40-53, tas caiecte ad iss ‘case tei orth and anecedenas in the hagioogy ofthe Bastaxiv The Life of Mukammad in heaven at Sa'd’s arrival; others claimed that the angelic bearers of the throne were meant. But Suhayl will have none of this. ‘The throne is 2 reated object and so it can move. Therefore none has the right to depart from the plain meaning of the words. Moreover, the tradition is authentic while traditions like that of al-Barri? to the effect that it was Sa'd's bed that shook are rightly ignored by the learned. Te goes on to point out that al-Bukbatt accepted the tradition not only on the authority of Jabir but also on the report of a number of other companions of the prophet—a further indication of the snowball growth of the legend, §, finds it most surprising that Malik rejected the hadith and he adds naively from the point of view of later generations that Malik would not have it mentioned despite the soundness of its transmission and the multitude of narrators, and he ads that it may be that Malik did not regard the tradition as sound! The passage is instructive in that it shows how far I could go in the face of one of the most learned of his contemporaries in Medina. Posterty haa sided with LI. on this matter. but Malik clearly had many on his side at the time, men who ould not take at its face value a story which they ‘ould not reject out of hand, as he did, with the weight of contemporary ‘opinion behind it Another feature that stands out clearly from time to time isthe inertion of popular stories on the Goldilocks model. For the sake of the reader have rendered these stories in accord with modern usage, asthe repetition of the same words and the same answer again and again is intolerable-to the modern adult. Such stories are the stock-in-trade of the Arabian gasp and the storyteller all the world over and invariably Iead up to the climax which it is the speaker's intention to withhold until he has his audience on tiptoe. A good example of such stores is the narrative of ‘Muhammad's arrival in Medina and the invitation of one clan after another, always declined with the same words." After giving due weight to the pressure of hagiology on the writer and his Ieaning towards the Shi‘a one must, I think, affirm that the life of Mubam- mad is recorded with honesty and truthfulness and, too, an impartiality which is rare in such writings. Who can read the story of al-Zabir,? who ‘was given his life, family, and belongings but did not want to live when the best men of his people had been slain, without admitting that here we have 2 true account of what actually happened? Similarly who but an impartial would have included verses in which the noble generous character of the Jews of the Hijar was landed and lamented? The scepticism of carlicr writers secms to me excessive and unjustified. We have only to compare later Lives of Muhammad to see the difference between the Distorical and the ideal Muhammad? st 2 p.sgr, 2 Roidce, Ion, 946 fan den nteion to ty een sd chaatestn of she Seah dt Rn be vented ahd whic stow ate ote Introduction ay The Poetry Doubte and misgivings about the authenticity of the poems in the Sira sre expressed s0 often by ILH. that no reference to them need be given here. Nevertheless, one should be on one’s guard against the tendency to condemn all the poetry out of hand, What IH. says about the poetry of those who took part in the battle of Badr, whether or not it includes the verses of Hassin b, Thabit, namely “These verses (of Aba Usima) are the ‘most authentic of those (attributed to) the men of Bad’ (p. 534), casts grave doubt on the authenticity of a large section of the poetry of the ‘Sira, Nevertheless LI. is not to be blamed for the inclusion of much that is undoubtedly spurious without a thorough investigation which has not yet been undertaken. ‘The poems he cites on pp. 284 and 728 he got from ‘Asim b. QatSca, while those on pp. 590,789, and 793 come from ‘Abdullah b, Aba Bakr.! We know, too, that Miisi b. 'Ugba cited verses.? ‘An early critic of poetry, al-Jumahi? (d. 231), though perhaps rather ‘one-sided and ill balanced in his judgement on I.., makes some observa- tions which cannot fail to carry conviction. He says: ‘Muhammad b, Tshq was one of those who did harm to poetry and corrupted it and passed on all sorts of rubbish. He was one of those Iearned in the biography of the prophet and people quoted poems on his authority. He used to excuse himself by saying that he knew nothing about poetry and that he merely passed on what was communicated to him, But that was no excuse, for he ‘wrote down in the Sira poems ascribed to men who had never uttered a line of verse and of women too. He even went to the length of including poems of ‘Ad and ‘Thamid! Could he not have asked himself who had hhanded on these verses for thousands of years when God said: “He destroyed the first ‘Ad and Thamid and left none remaining”* while of "Ad he said “Can you see anything remaining of them?"* and “Only God knows ‘Ad and hamid and those who eame after them.” © Some ofthese poems are quoted by T.7 1. al-Nadim® goes farther by suggesting that J.T. was party to the fraud: the verses were composed for him, and when he was asked to include them in his book he did so and brought himself into ill repute with the thapso- dlists, Occasionally LI. says who the authority for the poetry was.? ‘Obviously at this date criticism of the poetry of the Sira can be based only on historical and perhaps in a lesser degree on literary and stylistic grounds, Some of the poetry dealing with raids and skirmishes, tribal boasting, and elegies scems to come from contemporary sources, and no reasonable person would deny that poetic contests between Meccan and ‘Medinan poets really took place: everything we know of ancient Arab + Cf. dhe coneaponding pangs nT. 1732, 1735. ewes, sri eam er Leelee can mee sang = bane VatRlonstaae + probavi The Life of Muhammad society would require us to look for such effusions. As Horovitz pointed: out, in pre-Islamic poetry these poetical contests are frequent, and it ‘ight be added that in early Hebrew history verses are frequently inserted in the narratives and often put into the mouths of the hetoes of the hour, ‘Thus, apart {rom those poems which undoubtedly were called forth by the eventa they comamemorated, poetry was an integral part ofa racial conven- tion which no writer of history could afford to ignore. Probably if all the ‘poetry Which LT, included in the Sira had reached that standard of excel Jnnce which hie readers were accustomed to expect, none of these charges ‘would have been levelled against him. But when he included verses which ‘were palpably banal, and were at the saine time untrue to. circumstance, ‘uninsoired and trivial. as many undoubtedly are. the develoned aesthetic sense of the Araba which is unost delicate where portry is concerned rejected what he wrote. As akJumnabt atid, he brought poetry itself into disrepute: ‘ny the balderdash he admitted into his otherwise excellent work, Andit did ‘not imprave matters thar much that was goot vas mingled with more that, ‘was bed. I€ ig more than likely that I. himself waa conscious that all was aot well with this poetry, for the general practice of writers ia to put the ‘verse into the narrative at the crucial moment (as TAI. at times docs), ‘whereas after the prose aecount of Badr and Ubud he lumps together a ‘whole collection of verse by various ‘poets’, It is as though he were silently saying “This is what has been handed on to me. I know nothing about puctry unc! you must make your own anthology."" Even so, whatever his shortcomings were, itis only fair to bear in mind that [LH. oftea inserts {note tv the effect that the text before him contains lines or words which Ihave not TI's suthority. “The subject is one that calls for detailed and careful literary eriticsm, The history of the clichés, similes, and metaphors needs investigation by a scholar thorougnly grounded in the poetry of the pre-Islamic and Umay- ‘ad eras, Until this preliminary work has been successfully accomplished st would be premature to pase judgement on the poetry of the Sira axa ‘whole. Ancient poetry has suffered greatly at the hands of forgcrs, plagiarste, and philologists, and the diwans of later ports have not escaped. ‘the dishonest rae, Hassan b. Thabit, the prophet's own poet, has many poems to his name which he would be astounded to hear, and there are: comparatively few poets of whom it could bc scid that the divans bearing theit names contained nothing for which they were not responsible." © And this was precisely his atode if Joma nto be believed + Tihould hardly care to go vo fara 0 assert tat the fith-centary post ‘Amc b, Qani's tas exerted a direct nfvence onthe porry ofthe Sa; but the fact emai at here is ‘geet sinilriy. Ht neal this the themes of Arsh vere should ree constantly Dedun le vara Wale fom generation to geoertion, "Thee bosizon was bounded by deers, apd conseqenly cama and horsey war and it weapons, hoes and bl Pride were constantly mentioned ia song. Te trace thea themes ck to thet Bt singers ‘ould bis ak shat would lave He laure for ore proGable oie; but nevetblesy i worth noting that the following themes recur in ‘Amr and te Sta: the generous am to saughters camels for the hungry gucn in winter when nine deprive cw the rich of Introduction sail Since these words were written two theses have been waitten in the University of London: the first by Dr. M. A. ‘Azzara deals with the style, Innguage, snd authenticity of the poetry contained ia the Sira; the second by Dr. W ‘Arafat with the Dizdn of lassin b, Thabit. A brief summary of sheit findings will not be out of place here. Between the period covered hy the Sira sud the editing of the book itself loom the two tragedies of Karbala’, when al-Husayn and his followers ‘were slain in 63, and the sack of Medina in an. 63 when some ten thousand cof the Angir including no less than eighty of the prophet’s companions. dae ssid to have been put to death, Much of the poetry of the Sira was: facant to be read against the background of those tragedies. Tis aim is to zt forth the claims of the Ansir to prominence in Islain not only as men vehn supported the prophet when the Quraysh opposed him, but a9 men descended from kings. The prophet was the grandson of ‘Abéu'l-Muj- ib, who wes the oon of Hashim and a woman of the B. al-Najr, and so -af Yamant stock. “Your mother was of the pure stock of Khuzwa, .. Ta “the heroes of Saba” her line zoce back’, says the poet in his elegy on ‘Abdu't- “Moggalib.* “Apart from their great service to the prophet in giving him ahome when Qureysh eax him out, the Angi long before had been partners with Quraysh, for was it not Iizah, the half-brother of Qusayy, who came to the aid of the ancestors of Qurayeh from the Yamen? Hed it not been for the “Angir there would have beea no Istamn: hed it not been fur their ancestors, the poet implies, Quraysh would not have been established in Mecca. ‘On p. 28 there is thinly disguised Ansér-Shi'a propaganda: ‘The one ‘you killed was the best of us. ‘Ihe ote who lived is lord over us and all of ‘You are lords’ would be recognized by many as a reference to the kilhng of al-Husayn and the ‘lords’ would be the Umayyads. The account af the: “Tubba's march ggainst Mecca and bis great respect for its sauctity ctands dn clear contrast with the treatment it received from the Umayyads when al-Hajitj bombarded it. wealth, when even Koken refuse their hep; the man who enethics when the camel Ue we dry te enulron fll othe ham an ino the acy tone who devote the (ume of maye'e hospitality, dstbuting the charge szvong themseives ae the arows dice Arey she mil of war, wat ail cel war Geawing blood like buckets fromm well « ‘Morning drug of the rame; the sword blade polished by the armouter; journeys in noon {Dy eat er ven the locust recay the hore that can outrun the will ay the fash of the sun ont heli ofthe warsore the ran armour shining ke aripling pol: However {Mteroing tis cormparion magi pave to be, te prsence of these ele and tery in ‘tice pow males Hazardous tosses tha “Amar had pede ‘ver, wht we srk te poeudo-port of Umayyad time: andere bint thrown out ‘Dit eSbcuve: Des bulla a ayy tbe fee tat the portey af he Stra ad thst in W's Sm lery eas if Slloted wp wos probably en wo Sore fteenting Ui ovens LHL's notes wold be found eteestng in this connerin. On 790 e points Sethe words‘ We ve ght yu het ep we ah Atvine engi’ wore opoken by ‘Amste busi in rctorence t enther bat [Si Sul sothare besotted By “Abdullah bab se song f Mee, beens the ocean beng pegann did not believe inthe Quran, 20 that thers was no question of & val nerpetatio. tps ing influence, Norsav The Life of Muharamad After a careful study of the language and style ofthis verse Dr, ‘Azzam comes to the conclusion that comparatively tle of it dates from the time of the prophet. De. ‘Arafat comes to much the same conclusion with regard to the verse attributed to Hassin. A few of the outstanding arguments will be given here. He finds that the eulogy on the Angir (p. 893) which is attri- buted to Ka'b b. Zuhayr isin the same thyme and metre as the poem of al-Akhfal' which was written at the instigation of Yazid. ‘There we find the words ‘Baseness is urider the turbans of the Ansir’. A careful com- parison of the relevant passages inthe two poems shows thatthe one in the ‘Sra is the answer to the one in the Agha. Abdullah b, Abi Bakr is reported to havo eid: “The Ansir were respected and feared until the batle of Harra; afterwards people were emboldened to atack them and they occupied a lowly place.’ Tt is in these cizeumstances, not those of the prophet’s companions daily increasing in power and prestige, that we must look forthe background of “You will find that none ill uses or abuses us but a base fellow who has gone astray" (p. 626). On p. 474 a poem which LH. attributes to Hassin's son, ‘Abdul-Rah- rin, obviously detes fromm a later generation: “My people are those who sheltered the prophet and believed in him when the people ofthe land were cunbelicvers except for choice ouls who were lorerunnets of righteous men sand who were helpers with the helpers.” What can this mean but thet sorse- ‘one is speaking of the past services of his people to the prophee? Further, itis strange language to impute to Hassin, 1: was he who called the new ‘comer: vagrants jalakib and regarded ther as an unmitigated muisance. ‘He did not house any of the mukdjirin, nor was he a ‘brother’ to one of them, A sil clearer reference to a former generation is co be found on ‘p. 927 (ogain LHL, attributed it to Abdu’l-Rabmin) which says: "Those ‘eopt reve the prophet’ helpers and they ar my peopl: them I come when T relate my descent ‘Dr, ‘Arafat notes that in the Sira there are seventy-eight poems attri= ‘buted to Hessin; the authenticity of fifteen of them is questioned or denied outright. ‘The text of the poem on.p. 738 in ta rival forms iflusrates the ‘way in which verses attributed to Ifaexin were interpolated and additional verses fabricated, Here TT. gives only the first five verses; the Ding tea two verses after the first line and adds two at the end. On the ocher hand, thc last three verses in the Sira are not to be found in either of the other authorities. In the Agidni* the poem is still longer and secording £0 the rietya of Musab but without al-Zuhris authority. ‘The facts which emerge from 2 study of the cicurnstances which surround this “Poem are: 1, Hassia resented the growing numbers and influence of the Muslim refugees. 7150. CE. 159, where the sorter version of T. is given. Introduction xxix 2. After the attack on B, al-Mustaliq a quarrel arose between the Mezcane and Medinans about the use of a well. “Abdullah b, Ubayy said: “They rival our numbers Adthara:’ he called them jalabib and threatened thar when they got back to Medins the stronger a'azx ‘would dive out the weaker. ‘The words italicized are the very words ‘used by Hassin in this poem. From this it is clear that Hassin is ezpresing not onty his own opinion about the Muslims but that of “Abdullah b. Ubayy and his party. je Te was during this journey that the scandal about ‘N'isha arose. 4. Safwan struck Hassdn with his sword. According to the introduction to the poem in the Dindn Safwin attacked Kassin because he had acre him of epening the night wits "Risha. But in the Aghant Safwan w ‘Hassin at the instigation of the prophet becavae This house was the contze of disaffection egainst the Muslims. ‘The ‘other explanation ofthe attack on Hassln is added in al Aghinf aa an afterthought. However, there is n0 reason why both versions should ‘not be correct. Hassin’s most dangerous offence was his complaint against the Muslim intruders; but when he slandered ‘AVisha he provided the prophet with an admirable reason for punishing him severely for an offence which would not engoge the sympathies of the Ansitis. Whether loyal or disaffected, they could hardly support theie comrade in such a matter. “With the further ramifications of the otory we are not concerned sufficient has been said to show that the poem so far as verse 5 is genuine and is directed aolely ageinst the Muslim refugees whose presence had ‘become a nuisance to assis. In this poem he says nothing at all about Safwan, ‘The last three lines have doubtless been added to whitewash ‘Hassin, As poetry they will not bear comparison with the genuine verses and TY, was thoroughly jusifed in discarding them. “Another epecimen of the spurious poetry fathered on Hassin is to be. found on p. 936 which belongs to a later generation. Here it is not the “prophet who is praised bat his ‘house’: “How noble are the people (goun) whose pany (us'a) is the prophet! . . . They are the beat of all living creatures.’ When we remember the resentment with which the Angir in general and Hassin in particular felt when they got no ehare in the booty ‘of Hunayn, the line “Take from them what comes when they are angry snd set not your hearts on what they withhold is singularly inept. ‘Another point which militate against the authenticity of poems stri- buted to Hassin is the prominence which is often given to the Avs. Tt cannot be supposed that a Khazrajte would ignore the achievements of his ‘awn tribe or pat them in the second place as.on p. 48§ when we remember ‘that the hostility between the two tribes persisted long after Islam was sestzhfished. A plain example of a later Anght'a work is given on . 711, “where the poem begins: ‘O my people is there any defence against fate and weal peewax The Life of Muhanenad ccan the good old days return? an impossible attitude fora Muslim to take during the prophets lifetime, ‘Agtin, when HasaBn is seported to have said “The best of the believers have followed ane another to death’ (p. 799), itis sufficient to remember ‘hat practically all the prophet's principal companions survived Ubud, But when this careless forger wrote all the best Muslims kad fong been dead. Hosvever, we have not got to his main point which is to glorify the house of Hishim: “They are God’s near ones. He sent down His wisdora upon them and among them is the purified bringer of the book.’ Here the Alids are the ‘fefends' ox ‘saints’ of God and Muhammad is letle more than a member of their family. Divine wisdom is given to them. “These two studies lay bare the wretched language in which many of these poems are written and incidentally bring out the difficulties which a ‘translator has to cope with when the rules of Arabic syntax and the mor- phology of the language are treated with scant respect, In fine it may be stid that their well-documented conclusions mace it abundantly clear that the judgement of the ancient crities—particularly al-Jurahi—is justi+ fied up to the ilk. The partial restration ofthe lost original Once the original text of LL. existed in at least fifteen ricodyas: +, Ibrahim b, Sa'd, 110-84 Medina 2. Ziyld b. ‘Abdullah al-Bakha'i, &. 183 Kf 4. ‘Abdullah b. Tels al-Andt, 15-92 “ 4 Yainus b, Bukayr, 4. 199 5 ‘Abda b. Sulayrnta, d. 187/8 6. ‘Abdullah b. Numayr, 115-99 7. Yahya b, Sa'td al-Umawi, 114-94 8. Jaric b. Hizien, 85-179 9. Haran b, Ab Isa x0, Salama b. al-Fadl al-Abrash, 4. 191 1 Alb. Majahid, d. e. 180 3a, Ibrahim b, aleMubete rg, Std b. Bazi sq. “Uthmin b. 83) 1g, Muhammad b. Salama al-Herrint, d. 191 It has been my aim to restore so far as is now possible the text of LT. as it left his pen or as he dictated it to his hearers, from excerpts in Tater texts, disregarding the Mada’ section ae LH did and for at least one of * See further A. Gilles, “The Biogrpy of the Prophet in Recent Research’ amie Quarter Revie, 1954 TT have adopted the st gen by Fock in hie admieale monograph, p. 44 where full aie are tobe ound, The towns ae thove at which the individeals named estes biog heard Ee nnn eee Introduction wai his reasons. At first I was tempted to think that a great deal of the original hhad been lost—and it may well be that it has been lost—for itis clear that the scurrilous attacks on the prophet which ILH. mentions in his Introduc- tion ate not to be found anywhere. But on the whole J think itis likely that we have the greater part of what LI. wrote, Doubtless more was said for Ali and against ‘Abbi, but itis unlikely that such material would add much to our knowledge of the history of the period. Possibly to us the most interesting excisions would be paragraphs containing information which LI. gathered from Jews and Chri nut in all probability the Mabda’ contained most of such passages. Still itis unlikely that those passages which have been allowed to remain would have excited the annoyance that some of his early critics express on this score. Thnu'l- Kalbt’s K. al-Asndm gives a warning against exaggerated hopes. Yaqit had made copious extracts from it in his Geographical Dictionary, s0 interesting and eo important for our knowledge ofthe old Arabian heathen- jam that the great Néldeke expressed the hope that he would live to see the text of the lost original discovered. He did; but a collation of the original ‘work with the excerpts made by Yaqit shows that practically everything of value had been used and nothing of real significance was to be fearned from the discovery of the mother text. However, in a text of the nature of the Sira it is just possible that a twist may be given to the narrative by an editor such 35 LH The writers from whom some of the original can be recovered are: 1. Muhammad b, ‘Umar al-Waqidi, d. 207 ‘Abi'l-Walfd Muhammad b. Abdullah al-Azragi from his grand father (d.¢. 220) Muhammad b. $a'd, d. 230 ‘Abi ‘Abdullzh Muhammad b, Muslim b. Qutayba, d. 270 or 276 Abmad b. Yaby® al-Baladhuri, d. 279 9. Aba'l-Hasan ‘Alb. al-Athir, d. 630 10, Yaisuf b. Yahya al-Tdall known as I, al-Zayyat, d. 627 a1, Tsma‘il b. ‘Umar b, Kathir, d. 774 12, Aba'l-Fadl Ahmad b, ‘AI. .. b. Hajar al-'Asqalini, d. 852/1449. Por our purpose one of these has the importance of T. whose text rests on the rizdya of Salama end Yinus b, Bukayr. Besides the important textual variants which will be found in the translation from time ta time, he ic is who reports from Ll. the prophet's temporary concession to poly- ‘theism at Mecca (1190 f.) and the captore of ‘Abbas at Badr (1441). raqidi. Only the Maghdzt has survived from the very large number of his writings. A thied of it was published by von Kremer in 1836 from a poor manuscript, and until the work has been edited its valuexaxii The Life of Mubammad eannot be accutately assessed.” "The abridged translation by Wellhavsen” sgives the reader all the salient facts, but his method of epitomizing enabled him to avoid difficulties in the text which call for explanation. Wigit makes no mention of I. among his authorities. The reason for this ddoubeles in that he did not want ta refer to a man who already enjoyed great reputation as an authority on maghdet and so le it seem that his own ‘book was a mere amplification of his predecessor's. Tt is by no means certain that he made use of L.'s book, oF traditional iore, for he quoted his authorities, .g. l-Zuhrl, Ma'mar, and others, directly. On the otber hhand, he did not belittle 1]. of whom he spoke warmaly as a chronicler, ‘genealogist, and traditionist, who tranemitted poetry and was an indefit sable searcher of tradition, a man to be trusted.? Te follows that strictly WAgid! ia not a writer from whom in the present state of our knowledge we can reconstruct the original of the Sira; but as his narrative often runs parallel with L.'s work, sometimes abridging, sometimes expanding, his stories itis a valuable if uncontrolled supporter thereof. Not until his Maghdzi has been published and studied as it deserves to be can a satisfactory comparison of the two books be made. (One thing is abundantly clear, namely that Wagidi often includes stories Which obviously come from eyewitnesses and often throw valuable light fon events which are obscure in II. Indeed it ought to be said that the ‘ira is incomplete without Wagidi- 2, Al-Azragj's Akhbar Makka is of great value in matters archaeological. His authority is “Uthman b. 8 3. I. Sal's Abibdr’l-Nabt is more or less as he communicated it to his pupils. This was afterwards combined with his Tabagat in 300 by I Ma'rif, Volumes Ia, 5 and Ia, b in the Berlin edition deal with the former prophets, Muhammad’ childhood, his mission, the hija, and his ‘campaigns, ending with his death, burial, and elegies thereon. 1S. has sch more to say on some matters than LI. eg. letters and embassies, and the prophets ast illness, while he shows n0 interest in pre-Islamic Arabia, For the Maphsi Wigidt is his main authority. ‘The Zabagét deals with the ‘prophet’s companions and the transmittors of tradition, including the Labi ans 4. 1 Qutayba's K. al-Ma’érif contain a few short and inexact citations, 3. Al-Balidhur?’s Furdiu'l-Buldan adds very litte to our knowledge. De Gorje's index gives twelve references. ‘The first two! which De Gorje, followed by Noldeke,? notes as not being in the Sira would never * medion from fro MSS. tn the BM. a being prepared by mycazague Mr. J.M. B. 7B Ytahonmod in Mating, Basin, 883. i See further Horovitz, op. et, and Oma Lawn, Dax Clartenbuch des Ibn Sa'd, Lipa, Mp, Tora taof nonin fm TH weal, GAC as pte 1 G.Q.it 19. i Introduction. wail have found a place there as they obviously belong to I.L’s lost book on Jig. They deal with the question of how much water a man may retain ‘on his land before he lets it ow down to his neighbour's gronnd. ‘The last five citations belong to the age of the caliphs and need not concern us. ‘The remainder have a slight value for textual criticism, Sometimes they lend support to ‘T's version, and once at least a citation proves that the tradition was not preserved orally because the variant readings could only have come about through a transfer of a dot from the first to the second letter with the consequent misreading of the third. ‘The citations are brief and concise: they tell all the truth that the writer needed for his purpose but not the whole truth, which would have been irrelevant, 6. Tabari. A list of the additions to ILH.’s recension has been given by Nildeke! and enough hae been oaid about his value as a witness to ie original text of the Sira. No attempt has been made to recover the lost Patt of the Mabda’ from his Tafsir. Where his variants are merely stylistic and do not affect the sense of the passage I have ignored them. Practically all of them will be found in the footnotes to the Leyden edition, He wa familiar with four of the recensions, numbers 4, 7, 9, and 10 on the list given above, much the most frequently cited being Yénus b. Buks ‘one occasion (1074. 12) he remarks that I.I.’s account is ‘more satisfactory than that of Hisham b. Muhammad’ (al-Kalbi d. 204 or 206]. LH. he ignores altogether and he omits 2 good deal of the poetry now in the Sira. ‘Whether his selection was governed by taste, whether he thought some of it irrelevant, or whether he regarded it as spurious I can find no indication, He often gives the ind which is lacking in LI. (ef. 1794. 12). On one oceasion at least (cf. W. 422 with ‘T. 1271) it looks as if the narrative has been deliberately recast. T. frequently omits the tasliya and tardiva as ancient writers did.* LH. omits Ka'b’s poem and the mention of its pro- voking a killing, ef 651 with TT. 1445. AlsStraft contributes an inceresting addition to W. 882. 8, Al-Mawardt has nothing of importance to add. 9. I. al-Athir in his Kamil is prone to throw his authorities together and produce a smooth running account from the sum of what they all said, dropping all subordinate details. However, he quotes 1.1, ten times. 0. I. al-Zayyat, see on p. 640 (W.). 1. I. Kathir sometimes agrees with LH. verbatim, Sometimes he quotes Ibn Bukayr where he offers what is in effeet the same stories in different words. 1 propose to devote a special study to this rimaya. 12. Ibn Hajar. Again little of importance 160. i 108 che autograph MS. of a-Shat's secretary. ‘The oceurrence ofthe daa sven ‘ut in fal ten tines oF more om wsingls page oa modern edidon snmeke of serlitysathet ‘han reverence, and is en innovation? a seta eaterion {or Gating a MS. bute vars Wa 0 ‘header of @ modern puted test, 26.0.4 “ Froirsor Krenkov sald in a ter thatthe Mustadrak of ab Hakim al-Nayraba con- ‘wins exacts fom ILL vin Vos b. Bekaye, but at this enormous work isnot indesed 1 aoaThe Life of Muhammad Tm lope rojutation “TUnforminately for our purpose which is te sevord the oninina of our author's co-religionists on hia trustworthiness as a historian, their judge~ “ment is affected by his othe: writings, ane of which called Sunan is men~ sioned by Haijt Khaltfa.‘ This was freely quoted by Abu Yusuf (4, 382),* ‘but failed to hold it own and went out of circulation comparatively carly. Tf we knew more about the contents of this book, which hy reason of ita ‘early date presumably would have had 2 omsidersble influence on the daily life of Munlims had it been allowed t continue to challenge other reporters of the apostk’s deeds and words, we should be the hatter able to saves the value and relevance of eatly Mustim criticism on LI, whea it Wwas Tmnst definitely hoetile, It is not always his book the Sira which is ‘bur the man himself, and if his sitina watk ran counter to the schools of Law that were in process of development the author could not ‘hope to escape strong conderonation, It is most important that thie fact should not be overlooked. In the paseage Wustenfeld quoted? from “Abo'L-Path M. b. M. b. Sayyidw'l-Nis al-Ya'mari al-Andalunt (1. 734? 11934) the distinction between teaditions of « general nature and twadifions about the prophet's sanna ia clear and vnmistakable. Abmad b. Hanbal's stated that his father included I.L's hadith in his Mumad, Sut refused ‘to regard him oan anthority on sunan. ‘While it is trae that there are a few stories in the Sira which report the prophet’s practice in certain ‘matters anil so provide an authoritative guide for the tuture behaviour of ‘the faithful in simila: circumstances, and while its ako trae that n one oF ‘two instances the principle underlying these actions is in confit with the findingo of lates lawyers, they form an insignificant part of the Sira, and it may safely be concluded that I, Hanbel’s objection to Li's authority applies almost exclusively to his lost work, the Suan. “Apostolic uadition in Istam, as Goldziher showed long ugo, is the ‘battlefield of warting sects sziving for the mastery of men’s minds and the contzol of their behaviour with all he weight var Muhusamad's presumed or fabricated example could bring to bear, ‘The earlier the tradition, o collection of traditions, the Jess this tendency i in, evidence; but we have already secn that IJ. occasionally succumbed to the temptation to glosify ‘Aliat the expense of “Abs. ‘This would veem to be supremely unneces- ‘sary when one ean read exactly what ‘Abbis's position was: at first hostile; ‘secondly neutral; and lastly, when the issue was no longer in doubt, ‘professed Muslim. Obviously since no attempt is made to conceal or ‘Biminish the affectionate loyalty of Abii Bakr or the staunch championship ‘of "Umar, our author was no unbalanced fanatical supporter of the claims of Ali Ali appears as the great warrior when zival champions fought not Been ele to ena the paasagen ith oe txt of the Sire, Sce sso what hes Seon Shout enaneps fn Snore RausUL-Ung under LH. 7 inant, rpys 1008. 3 See Fic, 18. Introduction wee etween the opposing tanks, but the inestimable services of his wu senior contomporaries are never thrus: into the background. ‘In the history of tradition in the technical sense, that is to eay“in the corpus of hadith venerated by Sanus everywhere, Ll. takes a minot position in spite of his great and obvious merits 23 an honest, stright- Forward collector uf all the informatioa that was known about Muhammad. “There ate several reasons for this: the principal reason is that he had na information to give on all the everyday matters which fill the canonical ‘books of tradition, or when he had he pat them in bis Suna. If he reported ‘Muharnsnad’s words it was in refereace to a particular event in the narrae tive he recorded; they were evoked naturally by the circumstances, ‘Thus al-Bukhar, though he often mentions LL. in the headings of his chapters, hardly if ever cites him for the matter of a tradition, unless that tradition 4s supported by another dnd. Mustim, sho cnwsifes traditions ws gemuine, ood, and weik, puts TL. in the second category. ‘To anyone with an “historical sense this was 4 monstrous injontice, but it must be remembered ‘that by the middle ofthe thi century the forme of a hadith mattered. ‘han its substance, and provided that the chain of guarantors was un- exceptionable anything could be included. ‘The best and most comprehensive summary of Muelim opinion of LT. is ‘that of T. Sayyidu’I-Nis in his “Uyin al-Athor ft fanéni'-maghisi wa'l- sham wal Leiyar. We collceted all ve seferenees to our author that he -tould find, both favourable and unfavourable, and then ansered the stecks that had been made on him, ‘The relevant paseago will be found in [We with ons in German. ‘The following i a short summary of ‘this account: {a} Those favourable to Lf, were: “The best informed man about the pophee LsacZaish Koomedge wil remein sm Meine ax Shuts, 8-360: Truth in tion the em of rons because Sufyin b. “yzyna, 107-98: T sat with him some seventy years? and nioté of the Medinans suspected him or spoke dieparagingly of him, Aba Zur’, d. 281: Older scholars drew from him and. professional traditionists tested him and found him truthful. When he reminded Duhaym of Malik’s distrust of 1.1. he denied that it referred to his veracity as a traditionist, but to his qadarite hereay Aba Hatim: His traditions are copied down (by others). I, al-Maumi: Apostolic tradition originally lay with 6 men; then it ‘became the property of 12, of whom LI. is one, al-Sbafi't: He who wants to study the maghdai deeply eas shit: ws leeply est consult 11, ‘Aim b"Umarb, Oud: nose wl remain unig eas ng 8 "a west, As Medd (as wae npoeble