Journal of Latinos and Education

ISSN: 1534-8431 (Print) 1532-771X (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hjle20

Cultural code-Switching and Chicana/O post-

secondary student persistence: A hermeneutic
phenomenological analysis

Velia Rincón & Leah Hollis

To cite this article: Velia Rincón & Leah Hollis (2018): Cultural code-Switching and Chicana/O
post-secondary student persistence: A hermeneutic phenomenological analysis, Journal of Latinos
and Education, DOI: 10.1080/15348431.2018.1499516

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15348431.2018.1499516

Published online: 24 Jul 2018.

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JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION
https://doi.org/10.1080/15348431.2018.1499516

Cultural code-Switching and Chicana/O post-secondary student

persistence: A hermeneutic phenomenological analysis
Velia Rincóna and Leah Hollisb
a
Department of Social Sciences, Pueblo Community College—Fremont Campus; bDepartment of Advanced
Leadership & Policy,Morgan State University

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
This hermeneutic phenomenological study investigated the lived experi- Chicano student retention;
ences of 12 Chicana/o students who completed a baccalaureate degree at a student identity;
majority school. The strategies and experiences that Chicana/os used in code-switching
persisting through a majority college environment were examined.
Theoretically, cultural code-switching is considered as a strategy that
Chicana/os can use to maintain cultural pride to resist mental colonization.
To this purpose, the study analyzed the participants’ code-switching as a
strategy to persist through the educational environment. Four themes
emerged: (1) family support; (2) sense of belonging; (3) belief in a better
quality of life and family values; and (4) code-switching behaviors.

Investigating Chicana/o graduates’ academic identity aligns with Bailón and Fregoso’s (2016)
recommendation to decolonize education and resist the European educational oppression. Post-
secondary hierarchical structures stifle Chicana/o students’ inclusion, legitimacy, and persistence
(Acuña, 2009). As Carrasco-Nungaray and Peña (2012) stated, “Chicanos/as are one of the most
underrepresented groups in higher education and least likely to complete a baccalaureate degree” (p.
44). To progress through an oppressive culture that ignores them, ethnic minorities at times employ
cultural code-switching as a strategy to navigate a dominant culture (Ideh, 2012; Kumar & Narendra,
2012). Nonetheless, Chicana/os and code-switching remain understudied. Hence, the following
should offer insight into the Chicana/o students’ ability to address post-secondary education, as
well as consequent social, economic, and political upward mobility.
Cultural code-switching within the more dominant culture requires the code-switcher to blend
practices and define the individual’s ability to negotiate the dominant system’s values. Molinsky
(2007) asserted that learning code-switching behavior created successful navigation through cultural
norms while staying true to one’s own values.
Throughout this article, the format or the term is combined as “Chicana/o” or “Chicanos.”
Chicana (feminine term) or Chicano (masculine term) is an individual who self-identifies as a
person of Mexican origin born in the United States. Other synonymous terms used to self-identify
a person of Mexican origin include, but are not limited to, Mexican American, Hispanic, and Latino.

Background
For the purpose of this research, cultural code-switching is used to describe the ability of an individual to
adapt to and move through the culture without assimilating (Ideh, 2012; Kumar & Narendra, 2012). The
hermeneutic approach to this phenomenological analysis strives to uncover the individual perceptions of
code-switching. Therefore, examining Chicana/o student behavior is a significant social concern, given the

CONTACT Leah Hollis leah.hollis@morgan.edu Department of Advanced Leadership & Policy, Morgan State University,
200 B Banneker Hall, Baltmore, MD 21251, USA
© 2018 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
2 V. RINCÓN AND L. HOLLIS

disproportionate numbers of Chicana/o dropouts. Latinos accounted for more than half of the United
States’ population growth between 2000 and 2014 (Stepler & Hugo-Lopez, 2016). “In 2003, Latinos became
the largest ethnic group in the United States. And by 2009, as a result of their having the highest
immigration and fertility rates,” (Contreras, 2011, p. 10), Latinos represented 17.4% of the US population,
or 55.4 million residents (Manuel- Krogstad & Hugo-Lopez, 2015). Nonetheless, the disparity continues to
exist for Latinos in four-year colleges (Rodríguez, Mosqueda, Nava, & Conchas, 2013). Further, approxi-
mately 60% of the US Latino population is of Mexican origin, yet still denied equitable social, economic,
and political access (Massey & Pren, 2012). Less than half of Latino students graduated from high school
and only 8% of Chicanos earned a four-year degree (Adam, 2012; Yosso, 2006; Yosso & Solorzano, 2006).
Within this context, this cultural code-switching study can inform Chicana/os about this form of
resistance to mental colonization. Many studies have focused on linguistic code-switching that addresses
the “alternating use of two (or more) languages in the speech of bilingual individuals. . . earning some-
what derogatory labels such as ‘Tex-Mex’ or ‘Spanglish’” (Montes-Alcalá, 2013, p. 125). While linguistic
code-switching is used by bilingual speakers “who switch language in response to a change in linguistic
context,” cultural code-switching is more in depth (Montes-Alcalá, 2013, p. 125). A cultural code-
switcher can “switch between comprehensive and potentially conflicting value systems” (Morton,
2014, p. 259).
Chicana/o students in Colorado have a unique historical significance of living in what was the
former northernmost border between the United States and Mexico before the Cession of 1848.
Chávez-Reyes (2010) described the impact on later generations of Chicana/o students in relation to
ethnicity, race, and class through the lens of assimilation. The research affirmed Chávez-Reyes’
(2010) findings of academic neglect.
One of the participants from our research remarked, “[S]o you really start to see blatant racism,
undercurrent racism, and just things like that.” Another participant’s narrative depicted the internal
conflict she experienced attending college in Ft. Collins, Colorado: “I wasn’t used to being a minority
so a lot of my struggles have to do with just finding acceptance.”
Similarly, Chicana/o researchers’ narratives have required readers from different levels of leader-
ship to examine structure, culture, and agency (Rodríguez et al., 2013), and consider how to de-
colonize these systems. Both the Chicano Movement and the American Indian Movement of the
1960s began to codify the lived experiences of Chicana/o students.
The study participants’ resistance to structural realities emerged from their narratives as college
students in Colorado; as one participant stated, “I think I downplay a lot of what I’ve been through
when I went to college and what it took me to get there.” The cultural mismatch of “con ganas, sin
guidance” explained by Chávez-Reyes (2010, p. 31) represents that desire alone does not translate to
the cultural capital of spaces associated with higher education.

Problem statement
The disparity in degree completion between underrepresented groups and Whites has persisted for
decades (Camera, 2015); further, Chicana/o students typically exit college before degree completion.
Garcia and Okhidoi (2015) noted that minority-serving institutions enrolled 3.5 million students of
color, or over 40 million college students, calling for educators to have culturally informed practices
that avoid educational oppression.
Therefore, the general problem is the national dropout rate of minority groups from four-year
institutions of higher education. An analysis of 255 institutions showed an overall graduation rate of
62%, in which 64% of Whites graduated and only 50% of underrepresented minorities graduated
(Camera, 2015). The specific problem is an approximate 70% dropout rate of Chicanos from four-
year institutions of higher education (Yosso, 2006; Yosso & Solorzano, 2006). Hence, this research
will address this gap in the literature regarding the cultural code-switching for Chicana/o students.
Considering Chicano/a student navigation through a dominant educational culture, this
 JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION 3

hermeneutic phenomenological study investigates code-switching as a strategy that Chicana/o

graduates used to resist educational colonialism.

Significance
The study informs the discourse on Chicana/os’ abilities to resist dominant cultural expectations in a
majority post-secondary environment. This research may support cultural preservation and the
inclusion of the Chicana/o student population. Educational leadership in the twenty-first century
requires awareness of ideologies and politics, as well as shifting economic and social conditions, to
meet changing demographics (Cunningham & Cordeiro, 2006). Developing a greater understanding
of minority–majority relations could provide leaders with solutions to address the disparity.

Conceptual framework
Theoretically, this analysis reflected on early constructions of Freire (1974), Bandura (1977), and
Barrera (1979) when rationalizing both the practicality and significance of Chicana/o college
students’ post-secondary educational experience. Social learning theory and critical theories reveal
behavioral patterns of cultural code-switching in this study. Critical theory, Latino critical theory,
and Chicano cultural theory each reflect the institutional patterns of inequity and how those
institutions strive to undermine the cultural pride of the minority (Barrera, 1979; Freire, 1974,
2004; Hollis, 2016).
Freire’s (1974) theories of education and socio-economic development extended from historic
colonization and the exploitation of labor in the United States. Freire (2004) applied the concept of
colonization to the consciousness of educators and students. In this colonization frame, students
were presumably blank slates, without culture or background. Oppressive educational processes
reduced them to repositories, accepting that the dominant educational culture will be poured into
them without consideration for that student’s pre-existing culture. In short, education potentially
colonized the mind and erased the ethnic self. The conscientious Chicano/a and other minorities are
left resisting an educational system designed to strip them of their cultural base, leaving them with
an endless sense of inferiority (Freire, 1974).
Cultural code-switching counters the notion that education should colonize the mind. Instead, a
student can step between two cultures to excel in both cultural domains while maintaining his or her
own cultural identity (Morton, 2014). Therefore, scholarship is not dichotomous, but instead
requires alternative viewpoints. Critical theories further support cultural code-switching behaviors.
Decoding a situation, as it exists, allows awareness that creates a double consciousness (Freire, 2004).
One’s self-determination is embedded within cultural code-switching. Such engagement from stu-
dents in the margins creates a dual experience for those students (Freire, 1974). In this duality, with
one eye on self and one eye on the dominant culture, Chicana/os can participate as their authentic
and culturally constructed selves, while navigating the dominant culture (Freire, 2004). Such
behavior helps the oppressed transcend the dominant culture’s indoctrination and benefit from
education without losing the self.
Within the dominant culture’s framework, potentially successful students construct their learning
by active participation and observation without compromising the cultural self, using cultural code-
switching. Bandura (2002)broadened the scope of cultural code-switching analysis through his social
cognitive theory: “Human behavior is socially situated, richly contextualized, and conditionally
expressed” (Bandura, 2002, p. 276). Social cognitive theory blends personal, proxy, and collective
agency (Bandura, 2002). Each mode differentiates the abilities to develop, adapt, and change as an
individual, through others or collectively (Bandura, 2002); in turn, students create opportunity in
education by the resisting of educational colonization. Such resistance attempts to remove socially
constructed obstacles that erode cultural pride (Hollis, 1998; Mithaug, 1996). Examining cultural
code-switching delineates how Chicana/o students make meaning of the culture, resist colonization
4 V. RINCÓN AND L. HOLLIS

of the mind, and then strategize to persist through their respective post-secondary environments. In
short, they are in an educational environment, not being erased or assimilated by that educational
environment.

Research design
The lead researcher used a hermeneutic phenomenological process to gather and analyze data on the
lived experiences with code-switching for Chicana/o students. An in-depth, semi-structured inter-
view of individuals who had direct experience with code-switching and a willingness to share
personal incorporation of the phenomenon into resistance strategies provided meaning to a range
of experiences within a majority post-secondary educational environment (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010).
Data collection required note taking and audio recording to maintain data authenticity. Consistent
with Sandoval (2000), this study strives to report otherwise silenced Chicana/o voices. Sium, Desai,
and Ritskes (2012) wrote that decolonization is “a messy, dynamic, and contradictory process” (p.
II), because the decolonization process can be subject to different meanings. In turn, the following
research question was formulated to uncover Chicana/o’s individual code-switching strategies: How
are cultural code-switching strategies woven into Chicana/o college students’ experiences while
persisting through a majority four-year college environment?

Research method: Hermeneutic phenomenology

Mental colonization has been at the heart of several researchers’ writings, such as Aimé Cesaire
(1972), Ivan Van Sertima (1991), Edward Said (1993), and Eduardo Galeano (2010), to name a few.
A dominant culture’s control of the mind and society has a deleterious impact on those subjected to
cultural and community erasure that favors the hegemony. The healing process to transcend such
colonization requires one to be understanding and accepting of one’s authentic self, beyond accept-
ing the self or persona assigned to one through colonization.
Africa, Asia, and Latin America have been subjected to mental and physical colonization
(Abdi, 2012). Such colonization included “the physical and mental colorizations of the indigenous
peoples of the Americas. . . in full force [for over 400 years]” (Abdi, 2012, p. 3). More contem-
porary methods were multi-faceted and inclusive of slavery, mis-education, domination, destruc-
tion, and denial of advancements in engineering, medicine, art, agriculture, and government
(Abdi, 2012). Resistance can often come from a culturally informed education that strives to
minimize colonialism’s deformation. Hermeneutic approaches consider the individual weaving
between a colonized culture and the authentic/indigenous culture; this study’s approach seeks to
uncover and champion the genuine and specific individual vantage, not the dominant culture that
has been imposed upon the individual.
This approach differs from semiotic phenomenology that studies the symbols or writing on a
particular topic (Sloan & Bowe, 2014). Further, the hermeneutic approach requires that the parti-
cipants have an understanding of self (Malet, 2013). Consequently, the Chicana/o students in this
study had a sense of cultural pride and understanding of self and family. This sense of the Chicano/a
self allowed for the authentic and culturally based experiences to emerge. Therefore, in the research
approach for this study, “hermeneutics describes how one interprets the ‘texts’ of lived experience”
(Sloan & Bowe, 2014, p. 10), because this experience and behavior are a result of the phenomena
under investigation. This study strives to reveal the de-colonized Chicano/a self.
As Sloan and Bowe (2014) posit, phenomenology is an examination of the human experience and
subsequent behavior. In this vein of the hermeneutic phenomenology, the researcher reviewed text
or interview transcripts from participants in the study to develop themes regarding the participants’
lived experiences (van Manen, 2007).
Hermeneutic phenomenology is a departure from previous qualitative works, as this approach
considers individual lived experiences. The focus is to understand experiences from the personal vantage
 JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION 5

point (Kafle, 2011). By truly focusing on the personal experience, the voices in the analysis are being freed
from colonialized and oppressive structures. Phenomenology privileges a focus on the phenomena, the
events being examined, and the nature of their meaning (Finlay, 2009; Kafle, 2011).
Borrowing from Abdi (2012), this project, through a hermeneutic phenomenological approach,
strives to appropriately contextualize the Chicana/o knowledge and how that knowledge is considered.
Further, by asking participants about their authentic individual experiences, their voices help to re-cast
experiences which were deemed inferior by the dominant culture, and instead offer such as resistance,
developing a culturally informed practice for other Chicana/os reading the study. Lastly, these voices will
hopefully yield “non-alienating schemes of learning,” which reintroduce strategies and meaning from the
Chicana/o experience (Abdi, 2012, p. 6). The hermeneutic approach strives to transcend the historically
oppressive structures and rise above mental and psychological colonization.

Population
The literature has several studies about Latinos and Hispanics, explored interchangeably as an ethnic
group. The terms used were general and do not distinguish Chicana/os as a separate group identity
with a distinct history, culture, and social situation that emerged from the Americas. Chicana/os
refuse to be invisible, despite hegemonic frameworks (Acuña, 2009; Ek, Cerecer, Patricia, Alanis, &
Rodriguez, 2010). Inclusive organizational practices in higher education underscore a need to
identify minority–majority relationships and recognize these differences in national origin.

Sample
The population for the study was from Chicana/o graduates who earned a bachelor’s degree from
the 13 four-year public college institutions in Colorado between 2010 and 2015 (Colorado
Department of Higher Education, 2014). Of the 13 four-year institutions, 7,403 bachelor’s degrees
were awarded to in-state Hispanics from 2010 to 2013 in Colorado, among 76,857 total in-state
bachelor’s degrees (Colorado Department of Higher Education, 2014), yet it is unknown how
many of these recipients self-identify as Chicana/o. Yosso and Solorzano (2006) estimated that
eight of every 100 Chicana/o students in the educational pipeline will graduate with a bachelor’s
degree. Within this population, the sample of 12 self-identifying Chicana/o four-year graduates
from Colorado were recruited using non-probability, purposive, snowballing techniques
(Emerson, 2015). The sampling frame has a minimum of four colleges within four different
communities in Colorado to represent a diverse pool of Chicana/o college students. Interviews
were conducted until saturation of data was reached. The research examined the lived experiences
of those self-identifying as Chicana/os and did not intend to minimize the relevance of other
student populations, but instead narrowed the investigation scope.

Data collection
With the data collection occurring in the Fall 2015, sample selection began by asking college student
groups and professors for referrals. The lead researcher was a Chicana woman, which potentially
added to the rapport needed between researcher and study participants. Face-to-face interviews
averaged one hour using a pre-determined interview script. After the researcher clarified the
definition of code-switching for this study, a semi-structured interview was preceded by a discussion
of protocol and disclosures. A total of 12 in-depth interviews were analyzed to determine if code-
switching was a participant’s strategy while progressing to degree completion.
6 V. RINCÓN AND L. HOLLIS

Validity and reliability

Validity and reliability in qualitative hermeneutic phenomenological research require pre-planning
(Neuman, 2005; van Manen, 2007). Avoiding threats to the validity of research instrumentation
required a field test to refine the process of conducting face-to-face interviews, questionnaires, recording
devices, transcriptions, and the interaction between participant and researcher (Neuman, 2005).
Participants were involved in member- checking, reviewing interview transcriptions for accuracy,
since validity of the research depends on the authenticity of phenomenological data (Neuman, 2005).

Data analysis
NVivo was the qualitative research software chosen for the study because of its specific design for
organizing and analyzing phenomenological data. Leedy and Ormrod (2010) have suggested using
identifying statements that related to the topic before breaking the data down into smaller units.
NVivo qualitative data analysis software supported the coding process to transfer interview tran-
scripts to themes (Hickman & Kiss, 2010).
The second step in this hermeneutic phenomenological process was to derive units of meaning
from the data to reflect aspects of code-switching within students’ persistence as experienced by the
participants (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010). As a Chicana was the lead interviewer collecting data, her
relationship to the community gave her an advantage in considering individual meaning of code-
switching. This research process then included an examination of deviating perspectives (Leedy &
Ormrod, 2010). The final step was formulating themes regarding student persistence from the
interviews (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010). Participants offered descriptive vignettes that captured this
sample’s essential experiences (Christensen, Johnson, & Turner, 2010).

Findings
This hermeneutic phenomenological process yielded interview transcripts that the lead researcher
interpreted and summarized into meaningful themes. The individual processes and journeys of the
Chicana/o voices give way to their experiences to de-colonize their pathway within a dominant
culture, and instead show how they forge a Chicana/o culturally informed approach to resisting
racist experiences within their respective four-year institutions (Sandoval, 2000). The initial ques-
tions collected demographic information and served to qualify participants as Chicana/o for the
purpose of the study. The demographic information is summarized in Table 1.
All 12 participants graduated with a bachelor’s degree from a four-year college or university in the
state of Colorado between 2010 and 2015. Every participant self-identified as Chicana or Chicano.
The participants ranged in age from an early college student who graduated from high school with
an associate’s degree at the age of 16 and a bachelor’s degree at age 19 to a 37-year-old graduate who
went back to college to complete her degree after starting a successful career.
Researchers have offered varying opinions about the appropriate qualitative sample size; Creswell
(2014) and Morse (1994) stated that five and six participants, respectively, would yield data satura-
tion. Hence, these researchers would deem 12 as an appropriate sample size.
The lead researcher distilled and analyzed the data to develop units of meaning for students’
unique experiences; keywords and statements were then coded. All data collected were verbatim
from interview transcriptions and member-checked for accuracy. When three-fourths of the sample
made a common statement, the researcher created a code.

Themes
Four themes emerged through a hermeneutic phenomenological process that included four interview
questions that aligned with the overarching research question. All of these themes reflected the pride
Table 1. Demographic Data.
Characteristic P01 P02 P03 P04 P05 P06 P07 P08 P09 P10 P11 P12
Age 26 27 23 23 23 25 25 23 25 37 28 19
Chicana/o Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Four-Year College Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
State of Colorado Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Graduation Year 2011 2012 2013 2015 2015 2014 2012 2015 2014 2010 2013 2015
Degree (s) Attainment Psych (BS) Psych (BS) Ethnic Social Liberal Econ (BS) Mgt (BS) Soc & Chicano Comm (BA) Sports & Anthro (BA)
Studies (BA) Work (BS) Arts (BA) & MBA & MBA Spanish (BS) Studies (BA) Exercise
Science (BS)
Note. P01–P06 = participants 1–6; Econ = economics; Psych = psychology; BA = Bachelor of Arts; BS = Bachelor of Science; MBA = Master of Business Administration.
Note. P07–P12 = participants 7–12; Anthro = anthropology; Comm = communications; Mgt = management; Soc = sociology; BA = Bachelor of Arts; BS = Bachelor of Science; MBA = Master of
Business Administration.
JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION
7
8 V. RINCÓN AND L. HOLLIS

Table 2. Identified Themes among Participants.

Percentage Identified Theme, n = 12
100% Family Support
75% Sense of Belonging
91.67% Belief in a Better Quality of Life and Family Values
91.67% Code-Switching Behaviors

Chicana/o students had in their Chicana/o culture. Theoretically, these themes highlighted a
resistance from students not to acquiesce to the dominant culture, but instead to maintain their
Chicana/o identity. These behaviors aligned with Freire (2004), who expressed the need to resist a
colonization of the mind. Such perseverance to be true and aligned with Chicana/o culture helped
students maintain the tenacity to complete the degree. This hermeneutical process also served to
explore how those outside the Chicana/o community can better understand the Chicana/o culture.
For example, while the dominant culture privileges English and sees the push to speak English as a
necessary acculturation process, some of the Chicana/o participants saw this push as a colonizing
erasure.
The four themes were as follows: (1) family support; (2) sense of belonging; (3) belief in a better
quality of life and family values; and (4) code-switching behaviors. Table 2 illustrates the percentage
of participants who contributed to each theme.

Themes #1 and #2
Question #1 of the interview protocol yielded theme #1 and #2
Q1: How did your background support or challenge your educational journey?
Theme 1: Family support
Family support emerged as the most salient theme. Participants named specific family member(s)
or familial ties during each interview. Family members were not only seen as significant people, but
also as key driver(s) in the participants’ educational journey. P01 expressed feeling “empowered” by
her family and emphasized, “I think family means a lot to me; [they are] the biggest support system
that I have and I don’t know what I would do without that support.” P04 described her mother as a
key educational inspiration:
Well, I think that it really comes down to my mom, especially in the Chicano culture like the family is the
center of everything. So a little bit about my mom. . . she’s been a teacher for 20 plus years and she’s got her
bachelor’s and two master’s degrees so she set the bar really high. . .. She kind of made it like it would never be
an option to not go to college so I think that’s really helped. (P01, 2015)

Although particular family members also presented challenges for some participants, every
participant had positive experiences and supportive family examples. P03 broadened his family to
his ancestors and their contributions to the knowledge he has inherited. P09 recognized his extended
family as an asset during his journey. Yet, the dominant culture of student services personnel
typically encouraged students to separate from the family (Rivera, 2015).
Theme 2: Sense of belonging
A challenge for three-fourths of the participants was a sense of belonging, or lack thereof, during
their educational journey. Reflecting on an early memory in education, P10 recalled how his teacher
admonished his mother for speaking Spanish to his little brother. P10 recalled:
It’s one of those things you hear growing up. . .. But the older you are, you think about how oppressive that is.
But when you hear about it happening to everybody, you realize how oppressive that is to an entire culture.
(P10, 2015)

Akin to this early educational memory, several participants expressed feeling like they were
ostracized on their college campuses. P12 expressed not sharing struggles with classmates or
professors because she perceived that they were unsympathetic. Also, she wanted to confirm that
 JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION 9

she earned that seat in the class. P05 noticed that “all of the students of color have their heads
down and they are just trying to make it to their classes.” P02 described finding acceptance as
“figuring out that I was good enough to be up here and finding a community that made me feel
safe [felt] like an accomplishment.” In most instances, participants referenced having to prove
their value. P05 explained, “Just to prove to the other students at [my school] that this brown
face who used to walk around campus with her face down can walk with her face. . . with her
head held up high.”

Theme #3
Question #2 of the interview protocol yielded theme #3
Q2: What belief system and/or values influenced your ability to graduate?
Theme 3: Belief in a better quality of life and family values
All but one participant identified being encouraged or expected to go to college, with a belief
that education would provide a better quality of life. P06 described her experience as “hope.” P10
was visibly emotional when recounting what her parents wanted for their children: “I think it
was always like you have to do better than. . . like they always wanted to do better than they had.”
P11 had a similar reaction, as he felt conflicted between the pressure of being the first in his
family to go to college and not wanting to work as hard as his parents without devaluing their
efforts. He commented, “I have to graduate school and then I had to graduate for them as well. It
was a lot of pressure, but I did it.” Believing that education yielded a better life related to family
obligation.
Ten of the 12 participants expressed family as a core value. P12 credits her single mom and single
grandmother’s sacrifice for her opportunities:
I learned the real power of a woman and the determination of a mother and I translate that into my own life
now with education being like my own. . . I really believe that a product of my mother and my grandmother is
the work that they’ve done and their undying devotion to my own development. (P 12, 2015)

While P08 talked more about her father’s influence, both P07 and P09 recounted the role of a
mother in their value of family. According to P09:
I think that’s something that you always find with the Chicano family is a mother figure. A matriarch who’s
really going to want the best for the family and her kids. . . that’s just ingrained in our DNA of our families.
(P09, 2015)

In comparison, the negative relationship P07 had with his father strengthened his family values:
“As a son, as a grandson when they need me, it doesn’t matter how busy you are; it doesn’t matter
how much you have on your plate. You’re accountable to them and I always will be.” P02 struggled
with family dynamics while away at school; however, the struggle did not detract from the “pride”
she has in family. Such pride helped the participants to resist the colonization of the mind (Freire,
2004), while they adapted to the college environment by being more self-aware of their home
cultures.

Theme #4
Questions #3 and #4 of the interview protocol yielded theme #4
Q3: How were norms similar and/or different during your college experience?
Q4: What examples of code-switching or persistence involving code-switching did you experience
while earning your bachelor’s degree?
Theme 4: Code-switching behaviors
The final theme extracted from the data involved code-switching behaviors. Eleven of 12 Chicana/
o college graduates had engaged in cultural code-switching behaviors. As a child of the Chicano
Movement, P01 found it difficult to “blur those lines” between her activism and friendships on
campus. She explained:
10 V. RINCÓN AND L. HOLLIS

Going to the protests was kind of hard because it brings in questions. . . when you have such a political
background and unless you’re prepared to fully bring that out every aspect of your life it’s hard to. . . that [sic]
that I would say it is definitely code-switching. (P01, 2015)

However, she has found it easier to “blur those lines” as she became more comfortable with herself.
Regarding code-switching behaviors, P07 recounted changing what he wore so that he would not
stand out. He also stated, “I paid attention to my body language and everything so that I can make
sure that not only do I appear in my mind to people that I belonged here but exuded that in my
actions and body language.”
For P11, code-switching was a useful communication tool. P11 paralleled his experience with his
hospital training, where “you are taught how to act,” with his school experience, where “you’re taught
how to. . . approach issues.” P12 was provided with a more critical lens for her ability to speak freely:
I’d have to tone it back and couldn’t be so explicit with my emotions. . . with my feelings. That anything you. . .
any racial issue that you have is just because you’re too sensitive or you’re being. . . you want to be coddled.
That’s an interesting dichotomy. Moreover, I learned in college that in order to get my point across to those
who especially need to hear it, I have to step around their feelings. . . their emotions. . . their privilege. . . their
comfort in order for them to hear me because if not they would really shut you out or dismiss your statements
on claims of race baiting or personal victimization. (P12, 2015)

Regarding classroom experiences, P10 added:

When you’re able to have those conversations, it’s a lot different. I mean it is really difficult to have those
conversations in a classroom with all White people. So I think code-switching happened with the types of
conversations I was having and the way that I was having them. But the words were always the same. It was
more like directing conversations. (P10, 2015)

One participant provided a divergent perspective. P03 viewed code-switching as “unauthentic.”

He recognized that there are points where he code-switches for his livelihood, but believed that in
doing so he loses part of himself.
The theoretical frame for this study that included Bandura (2002) reflected on how people adapt
and change as part of the socially constructed environment. In the case of Chicana/o students, the
adaptation was a crystallization of Chicana/o cultural values, the need to have a better life for their
Chicana/o families and persist to degree completion. Unlike what Chávez-Reyes (2010) referred to as
pochos, the participants in this study did not show a colonization of the mind. Instead, cultural pride
helped them to resist such educational colonization (Freire, 2004). Code-switching was a strategy to
move through a majority community without relinquishing cultural identity, an identity that only
strengthened their resolve to persist to graduation.

Recommendations
The Colorado Commission of Higher Education (CCHE) has developed goals for 2025 to address the
state’s college attainment gap. In short, the Commission has recognized the increasing numbers of
learners seeking admission to college despite low-income backgrounds. Despite being underrepre-
sented in colleges and universities, Latinos and Hispanics are seeking post-secondary education in
increased numbers (CCHE, 2012). Consequently, it seems clear that ignoring the Chicana/o com-
munity would be detrimental to the state, including in the needs of its workforce or the sustainability
of the state’s economy (Colorado Commission of Higher Education, 2012).
Investigating Chicana/o cultural code-switching shed light on strategies to preserve the Chicana/o
mind and maintain connections with their cultural base. This phenomenon is typically understudied
and not considered as a contributing element in degree completion, yet this hermeneutic approach
confirms that Chicana/o students use such strategies to resist and navigate cultural boundaries found
in majority schools. Research has supported the idea that learning code-switching behaviors allows
successful navigation through different sets of cultural norms while staying true to one’s own values
(Molinsky, 2007). This study provided a greater understanding of the awareness of code-switching as
 JOURNAL OF LATINOS AND EDUCATION 11

a strategy for toggling back and forth successfully between two different cultures. Chicana/o students
from Colorado four-year institutions revealed code-switching as a viable strategy of resistance and
pride during a complex educational journey.
As students are not blank slates (Freire, 2004), they bring their respective cultures and values to
an educational environment, thereby enriching everyone’s educational experience. Further, the
Chicana/o experience should not be reduced to the dominant cultures’ potentially well-intended,
yet naïve, cultural understanding, marked by unwittingly condescending events such as a sombrero-
filled “Taco Night” (Gorski, 2008). Instead, these code-switching strategies confirm that this is a
bona fide mode of resistance for those being educated in a majority institution.
Further, cultural competency does not mean conflating Chicana/o culture with Panamanian,
Guatemalan, or Spanish cultures, for example, all of which have their respective experiences and
histories to be championed (Gorski, 2008). These recommendations for educators and students are
based on the emerging themes, stem from the cultural foundation Chicana/os bring, and should
encourage educators to embrace such diversity instead of erasing it.
Recommendation 1 for leadership: Support the background of family support
The family, which is the center of students’ culture before they enter higher education, is a critical
element in Chicana/o student graduation. Too often, educators strive to separate students from their
families to presumably foster the student’s independence. However, based on these findings, family
support is a critical element of success that helps Chicana/o students stay confident. In turn,
educators have an opportunity to embrace this support system. Family/parent programs, newsletters,
and other activities meant for families can help Chicana/o students keep their cultural support
during the college years. While parent and family programs are offered at some universities, these
findings show that a supportive family is an integral part of Chicana/o student success.
Recommendation 2 for leadership: Support belief in a better quality of life and family values
Educators can build on the family values many Chicana/o students bring to higher education and
extend those values to creating and maintaining a vision for a better life upon graduation. To this goal,
student services that assist students in crafting a pathway not only to graduation, but also to a better job,
would help with persistence. For example, career center programs which coach students on interview
cycles and resume writing support the vision. Internships and cooperative educational programs set a
trajectory for a better life after graduation. Further, academic advising programs can prepare Chicana/o
students to create academic pathways that support career and professional schools.
As family values are an integral part of success for Chicana/o students in this study, the
information from these student services can also incorporate a parental and family presence.
Typically, collegiate student service professionals are reminded of the Buckley Amendment, which
locks parents and families out of student progress. Instead of this approach, collegiate student service
professionals can explicitly give students options during orientation to sign families up for academic
updates to maintain that familial bond.
Recommendation 3 for leadership and students: Create a sense of belonging
If students do not see themselves in the culture or curriculum, or identify with others such as
instructional or professional leaders, then they will more likely feel ostracized in the academic
community. Creating and maintaining a more inclusive curriculum in Chicano/a studies, along
with the inclusion of visible Chicana/o faculty and staff, can create an environment that embraces
the Chicano/a student experience. Further, students, faculty, and staff can form networks for
studying, career exploration, and alumni support.
Recommendation 4 for students: Maintain code-switching behaviors
Persistence is multifaceted, much like the identities of the Chicana/o students in this study. P12
suggested that it is “so necessary for you not to lose your history and not to lose your culture as you
come to a very White dominant institution. . .” (P12, 2015). Successful students maintain their identity
and stay connected to their culture. While the dominant culture may not embrace Chicana/o values of
family support and ties to Mexican heritage, students can embrace code-switching behaviors to help
navigate institutions of higher education without losing their identity in the process.
12 V. RINCÓN AND L. HOLLIS

Conclusion
As the United States’ demographics are constantly evolving, educators need to embrace diversity and
the variety of experiences students bring to campus (Pyne & Means, 2013). Inclusive strategies
minimize mental colonization and fortify students with cultural pride. One strategy to increasing
retention rates is to minimize the erasure of Chicana/o culture, as Chicano/as comprise over 60% of
the Latino population (Massey & Pren, 2012). In response, some researchers have called for a need
for Chicana/o-specific content in the curriculum (Gómez-Quiñones & Vásquez, 2014; Ladson-
Billings, 2014). Many researchers tend to meld together Latino experiences, Hispanic experiences,
and Chicana/o experiences. This would be similar to melding African Americans, Africans, and West
Indians into the same category. The erasure of self, of ethnicity, and origin minimizes the cultural
center embodied in those emerging from different parts of the world. Such erasure echoes Freire’s
(2004) sentiment about students being relegated to a blank slate. To combat such homogeneity,
Conchas, Oseguera, and Vigil (2012), Gonzalez (2015), Haro (2016), and Todd-Mireles (2013) write
about the necessity for education to maintain spaces that acknowledge Mexican culture. Cultural
competency and education fortify student identity and contribute to better educational outcomes
(Vásquez, González Cárdenas, & García, 2014).

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