Applied Developmental Psychology 25 (2004) 253 – 257

Book review

Uncovering Regularities in Human Development: An Ambitious Task

The Cultural Nature of Human Development by Rogoff, Barbara. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. 434
pp., $29.50, ISBN: 0-19-513133-9 (cloth)

In 1990, Shweder referred to cultural psychology as an emerging discipline, distinguishing it from cross-
cultural psychology, psychological anthropology, and ethnopsychology. At the time, most of the cross-cultural
psychology research compared Euro-American groups with non-Euro-American groups. This research has
been criticized for its methodology, which often relied on a deficiency model, failed to take into account cultural
problems with the instruments used, and made broad generalizations regarding other ethnic groups. In the last
decade, cultural psychology has proliferated, moving away from cross cultural research. Cultural psychology
tends to focus on single cultural groups, examining the interface of culture and development within a cultural
context (e.g., Greenfield & Cocking, 1994).
In The Cultural Nature of Human Development, Barbara Rogoff attempts to take cultural psychology to the
next step. She follows the primary tenet of current cultural psychology that human development is best
described as a cultural process. However, her aim is to go beyond examining single cultures and to begin to
examine ‘‘regularities that make sense of differences and similarities in communities’ practices and traditions’’
(p. 3) and to focus on the importance of participation in community practices and traditions. Although the
premise of the book is important and worthy of exploration, the book is problematic in that Rogoff fails to provide
ample support for her assertions. In this review, I summarize the content of the book and evaluate whether
cultural psychology is ready to take the step proposed by Rogoff.

1. Content of the book

In the first three chapters, Rogoff outlines the orienting concepts for understanding cultural processes, the
relation between the individual and cultural processes, and the relation of culture and biology. In the rest of the
chapters, Rogoff addresses traditional topics within developmental psychology (e.g., parenting, attachment) to
uncover the regularities that she believes help explain similarities and differences between cultural
communities. The final chapter addresses the dynamic nature of cultural change and how individuals both
participate and contribute to this dynamic process.
In the first chapter, Rogoff argues that to understand cultural processes one must recognize that culture ‘‘isn’t
just what other people do,’’ that cultural practices ‘‘fit together and are connected,’’ that ‘‘cultural communities
continue to change,’’ and that ‘‘there is not likely to be One Best Way’’ (pp. 11–12). These orienting concepts
are necessary prerequisites for anyone who wants to explore the

doi:10.1016/j.appdev.2004.02.004
254 Book review

relevance of culture. Throughout the book, Rogoff pushes readers to challenge their assumptions about culture
and development and provides excellent examples demonstrating these assumptions. For example, in the first
chapter, Rogoff presents a figure of an 11-month-old Efe baby using a machete. This amount of precocity would
startle any American parent. Examples such as these serve to illustrate the need to examine behavior within
its cultural context and to resist assuming that all developmental goals are similar. Indeed, one of the strengths
of this book is the provision of many examples of various cultural practices that make readers consider whether
everything they do is a product of their culture.
In Chapter 2, Rogoff outlines the theoretical background of her thesis, presenting other theoretical models
that have examined development as a contextual process. Rogoff distinguishes her theory from the others by
focusing on the importance of participation in the community. For Rogoff, membership within a cultural or ethnic
group is an inadequate marker of culture’s impact. Although the role of participation is critical to her thesis, she
 only briefly addresses the complexity of the interface of participation and membership within a community. In
addition, she does not provide any data that address the impact of participation versus membership.
Rogoff extends this notion of participation in Chapter 3 and suggests that participation extends across
generations. Cultural communities borrow from their historical and societal context. Rogoff provides the
insightful illustration of the use of American Indian inventions in the creation of the government of the United
States and discusses middle-class Euro-America as a cultural community. In addition, Rogoff discusses the
relationship between biology and culture. She challenges the assumption that nature and nurture are opposite
ends of a continuum. She explains how biology is inextricably connected to culture by providing examples of
how patterns of breastfeeding and infant sleeping influence child development in subsequent generations.
In the following chapters, Rogoff focuses on traditional topics in child development (child rearing,
developmental transitions, gender roles, interdependence vs. autonomy, and ways of learning) in an attempt to
uncover the patterns of cultural process that may explain similarities and differences across cultures. In
discussing child-rearing patterns, Rogoff presents LeVine’s three-level hierarchy of child rearing goals to
explain cultural differences in attachment, leading the reader to question whether there is anything that is
universal. Her attention to the roles of extended family and peers also highlights the assumptions and biases
that exist within much of the current Euro-American developmental literature. Although most Americans
acknowledge the notion that ‘‘it takes a village,’’ mainstream America still expects that children are primarily the
responsibility of their parents. Similarly, current practices, such as age segregation within the United States,
have broad-ranging consequences for development in the areas of learning, role-taking, and peer relations.
Rogoff contends that these differences have implications for children’s participation in mature community
activities. She illustrates this difference using an example of the different ways that adults orient infants to
others. Middle-class European Americans tend to engage children in dyadic face-to-face interactions. These
types of interactions tend to encourage child-focused activities. Other cultures are more likely to orient the infant
outward to others. This seemingly minor difference can have larger implications when one thinks how this shift
can influence attachment, language development, and participation in group activity that is focused on other
and not self.
In Chapter 5, Rogoff addresses developmental transitions and changes in the individual’s role in their
community. She focuses on differences between using age as a marker of development and using cultural
events, such as naming, as a marker for development. Rogoff aptly notes that, as a society, the
Book review 255

United States is obsessed with age and the consequences we think it brings: 5 (the age of starting
kindergarten), 16 (the age of driving), 21 (the age of drinking), 40 (the entrance to ‘‘middle age’’). Examination
of other cultures calls into question assumptions made about developmental transitions. Rogoff notes that
nonwestern cultures use events to mark developmental milestones and differ from western cultures in the
amount of responsibility given to children as they develop. Developmental transitions within different cultural
contexts are aligned with cultural goals and societal and institutional support. Yet, it seems that in this chapter
and others, Rogoff implies that whereas nonwestern practices are child-focused, Euro-American practices are
arbitrary and typically set up in the interests of others and not the child.
Interdependence versus autonomy is a dichotomy often used by psychologists to distinguish cultures. Most
often American culture is characterized as supporting independence and autonomy, and nonwestern cultures
are characterized as encouraging interdependence and connection with others. Rogoff follows in this tradition,
addressing the issue of sleeping arrangements. However, Rogoff offers an interesting twist to the paradigm and
suggests that cultures that foster interde pendence are doing so to foster autonomy. She suggests that these
cultures emphasize that to be part of a group it is necessary to have respect for individuals’ free choice. She
refers to this notion as ‘‘nonintervention’’ (p. 203) in which children are allowed freedom to learn within a safe
setting. Rogoff contrasts this perspective with her portrayal of middle-class European Americans who she
believes regard children as opponents in an adversarial relationship. She suggests that interdepen dence and
autonomy have consequences for cooperation and competition, arguing that middle-class European American
have difficulty with cooperation because it conflicts with the goals of autonomy.
The last two chapters address learning through guided participation and the role of cultural change. Rogoff
outlines the basic processes in guided participation that she has described in earlier writings (e.g., Rogoff,
1990). She argues that differences in access to involvement in adult activities will impact the role of guided
participation. She distinguishes between cultures in which access to adult activities is limited and activities tend
to be child-focused and cultures in which children are expected to learn from participation in ‘‘ongoing shared
endeavors’’ (p. 299). Even prior to formal schooling, American children are socialized to participate in ‘‘school-
like conversations’’ (p. 302) in which children give outlines of their day and respond to questions to which
parents already know the answer. Parents convey information using direct, explicit speech. Rogoff contrasts
this with cultures in which children are expected to learn from participation in the adult world. In this context,
parents guide children’s learning indirectly through silence, gesture, and gaze.
In the final chapter, Rogoff addresses how communities experience and integrate change. She recognizes
that change is constant and that cultural communities do not exist in isolation. Everyone lives within multiple
communities, which requires cognitive and social flexibility to varying degrees. In her discussion, she focuses
on the impact of Western schooling on cultural change in terms of many of the issues discussed earlier in the
book (e.g., ‘‘school-like’’ dialogue, age segregation, etc.). However, she notes that cultures have been able to
maintain and integrate new practices into existing cultural traditions, and emphasizes the importance of
maintaining cultural diversity while striving for unity. She concludes the book by restating the orienting concepts
outlined in Chapter 1 and providing a brief overview of the regularities that she sees as characterizing patterns
of cultural processes: the way children’s learning opportunities are structured, whether human relations are
organized hierarchically or horizontally, and strategies for child survival.
256 Book review

2. Did Rogoff succeed in uncovering developmental ‘‘regularities’’?

In reviewing a book, it is important to evaluate whether the author succeeded in meeting the aims set out in
the book. Rogoff certainly succeeded in encouraging us to examine our assumptions, our beliefs, and our
actions. Rogoff succeeded in making the familiar seem strange. While reading the book, I found myself
questioning everything I did with my children. Why did I cringe when my daughter said that she wanted to invite
children of various ages to her birthday party? How did I get my children to help around the house? How much
responsibility did I believe they were ready for? All of these everyday events tied into ‘‘regularities’’ that Rogoff
presented in her book. Moreover, her many examples and illustrations of families within a Euro-American
context and those in others such as American Indian, Mayan, or Japanese helped to demonstrate how these
‘‘regularities’’ manifest themselves within different cultural contexts. The examples that she provided served to
concretize the orienting concepts that she raises in the first and last chapters. Clearly, culture is not just what
other people do.
However, her presentation of the regularities is problematic. First, it is not until the last chapter that she
outlines exactly what the regularities are. Even then, she does not expand on them. It is as if she is summarizing
them in the chapter before she truly explored them systematically. It would have been helpful if she had
presented the regularities in the first three chapters and used her discussion of traditional developmental issues
to illustrate the similarities and differences between cultural communities.
Rogoff also falls victim to some of the same pitfalls as earlier cultural psychologists: She tends to generalize
her statements about different cultural groups and minimize the importance of diversity within cultures. Rogoff
may not see her statements as overgeneralizations since she emphasizes the distinction between participation
and membership in a cultural group. Yet if parts of the book were read out of context, readers may infer that her
statements apply generally to a group.
In discussing traditional developmental topics, Rogoff contradicts herself. At one time, Euro American parents
are child-focused and direct in speech. Later, she characterizes United States parents as less likely to help
toddlers use novel objects. Mayan parents, who earlier were characterized as letting children learn by
observing, were later referred to as more likely to assist the child directly. In another case, she reports that
middle-class Euro-American parents tend to play with children and engage with them as peers. However, she
also characterizes their relationship as vertical in nature in which parents assert primary control. Similarly, she
argues ‘‘nonintervention’’ is something misunderstood in Euro American culture. Yet, it seems that statements
such as ‘‘boys will be boys,’’ often heard within Euro American culture, fit with the notion of nonintervention. As
psychologists, we look for patterns and for behaviors to make sense. However, as we examine human patterns,
we uncover complexity and contradiction.
Has Rogoff uncovered regularities in explaining cultural processes? The answer to this question is maybe.
Rogoff’s questions are good ones for us to consider and to continue to explore. However, care must be given
to make sure that we appreciate the complexities of the question and the difficulties in uncovering the answers.
Despite its limitations, The Cultural Nature of Human Development is an important contribution to the
discipline of cultural psychology. Given the ease with which assumptions can be made about our own culture
and others, it is imperative that we be reminded of the inextricable nature of culture in our lives in order to help
 us better understand ourselves and others. Rogoff’s book offers readers an excellent starting point for
discussing issues relevant to cultural and developmental psychology.
Book review 257

References

Greenfield, P. M., & Cocking, R. R. (1994). Cross-cultural roots of minority child development. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum
Associates.
Rogoff, B. (1990). Apprenticeship in thinking: Cognitive development in social context. New York: Oxford University Press. Shweder,
R. A. (1990). Cultural psychology: What is it? In J. W. Stigler, R. A. Shweder, & G. Herdt (Eds.), Cultural psychology: Essays on
comparative human development ( pp. 1 – 43). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

Theresa Graham
5106 California Street, Omaha, NE 68132, USA
E-mail address: tgraham@unlserve.unl.edu