Course Title: The Life and Works of Jose Rizal

Course Description: As mandated by Republic Act 1425, this course covers the life and works of
the country’s national hero Jose Rizal Among the topics covered are Rizal’s biography and his
writings, particularly the novels Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo, some of his essays, and
various correspondence.

1st Quarter Modular Learning Guide# 2

Expected Time Completion: 1 Week

Topic # 2. The Challenges and Responses of the 19TH Century World

A. LEARNING OUTCOMES

1. Analyze the various social, political, economic, and cultural changes that
occurred in the nineteenth century in the context of Jose Rizal’s time
2. Explain the role of Dr. Rizal in the enlightenment of the Filipinos to these
changes

B. LEARNING CONTENTS

https://books.google.com.ph/books?id=NefNZZ9ughYC&pg=PA15-
IA4&source=gbs_toc_r&hl=en&pli=1&auth=0QcgOvJabWAxLFtuygws0poYV0dWZXltqYiNV_s1iljg
EYI3XKWTVx7nXs0UqHnLPFq7Pw.#v=onepage&q&f=false

Challenges and Responses in the 19th Century

1. Nations Struggle for Nationalism and Democracy, and Modern Imperialism

The Development of Western Nationalism.

There are other trouble spots in the world as well: the difficulties of keeping the
peace between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland; the ongoing Basque
struggle for independence from Spain; the long Greek-Turkish division of Cyprus; the
endemic Arab-Israeli conflict, and the ethnic-religious hatreds in India and
Indonesia. However, it was above all the changes in Russia and E. Europe that led to
the publication of a large number of books on Nationalism since 1989.

There are different theories on the nature and dating of European nationalism. The
basic difference is between (a) those who believe that nationalism is a gradual
development over long periods, based on ethnicity, common language, history,
and culture, and (b) those who believe it emerged suddenly on this basis in Europe
in the late 18th or early 19th centuries. In this author's view, there is pre-modern and
modern nationalism, with the second type developing in the late 18 th - early
19th centuries. At that time, loyalty to Kings or provinces was transformed into loyalty
to the ethnic nation. The most striking example is the era of the French Revolution in
France. However, the concept of loyalty to France as a nation did not reach down
to the peasants until around 1900, that is, after several decades of compulsory,
national education and military conscription. The same can be said of most W.
European states. Of course, national consciousness - and at times even jingoism -
also developed in the 19th century in Germany, Britain, and the United States, as well
as in the emerging nation-states of Central and South America, and the 20th
century it also developed in Asia and Africa.

Some theorists of nationalism tie it to industrialization, though intellectuals

everywhere, including those in East-Central and Eastern Europe, began formulating
their ideas of the nation before industrialization. Others claim that 19 th century
nationalist historians and journalists consciously "invented" history to justify their
peoples' claims to national independence. Such politicization of history was
certainly quite common, but it was built on a foundation of national memory and
answered a widespread need, otherwise, it would not have found popular
acceptance. Popular acceptance of national slogans spread everywhere from the
top of society downwards.

Unlike Western Europe, in 19th century Central and Eastern Europe most peoples
developed national consciousness under foreign rule, for they had lost their
 national states, some in the distant past, others more recently. Thus, the
development of modern nationalism in this part of Europe was fueled above all
by resentment against oppression by foreign rulers.

Overview of the Development of National Consciousness in W. Europe.

Such an overview is necessary to show the similarities and differences between the
development of national consciousness in Western and Eastern Europe.

Modern French national consciousness emerged during the Revolutionary Wars,

1792-94, when France was threatened by hostile powers. A French marching
song, which later became the French national anthem, was written at this time
and begins with the words: "Allons enfants de la Patrie" (Forward, children of the
fatherland). Later, of course, much of Europe was conquered by Napoleon, but
he was defeated in 1814, and finally in 1815.
Until about the end of the 19th century, French national consciousness was
confined to educated Frenchmen, most of whom belonged to the bourgeoisie or
middle class. It was not until after about 1860 that the development of the railway
network allowed the imposition of a centrally controlled program of national
education for all the people of France. This was seconded by military
conscription which was also a school for nationalism. By 1900, most Frenchmen
were conscious of being French. We should note that the national education
system led to the disappearance of various non-French languages and dialects,
notably Breton and Provençal.

Germany: The movement for a united Germany, and thus German nationalism,
began as a reaction to French military occupation by Napoleon and his
restructuring of the German lands into a smaller number of states (from 300 to 38)
under French domination. The father of German unification under the leadership of
Prussia was Otto von Bismarck (1815-1898).

Italy: The movement for a united Italy also began with opposition to French
domination under Napoleon. After 1815, the Italians went on to oppose Austrian rule.
Italian unification was carried out in three stages: 1860, 1866, and 1870. Italy was
united under the House of Savoy.
Holland: the pre-modern roots of Dutch national consciousness go back to the War
of Independence of the Netherlands against Spain in the 16th century. The Dutch
national anthem begins with a declaration by William of Orange that he had always
been loyal to the King of Spain - which was his claim when he began fighting the
Spanish armies led by the Duke of Alba in 1568. The Netherlands proclaimed their
independence from Spain in 1581, but the wars went on until 1648.

Belgium: the Belgians wanted independence from the Netherlands, to which they
had been joined by the Great Powers in 1815 to form a buffer against France. They
succeeded in gaining independence in 1830 due to British diplomatic support, and
Britain guaranteed Belgian independence in 1839 to ensure her security against a
possible future invasion of the British Isles launched from the Belgian coast. Belgium,
however, was made up of two different peoples: The Flemings, who spoke a
language close to Dutch, and the French-speaking Walloons who dominated the
country. This was a problem until the Flemings obtained recognition for their
language and culture.

Gt.Britain: the pre-modern roots of English nationalism are sometimes traced to

William Shakespeare, who glorified England and some English kings in his plays. (For
example, John of Gaunt's speech beginning with the words: "This royal throne of
kings, this sceptered isle," in Richard II, Act I, scene 1.) However, modern English
nationalism developed in opposition to Napoleon

Spain: Although the Spanish noble class developed a great culture and built an
empire in the Americas, modern, mass Spanish national consciousness began to
develop in the resistance against Napoleonic armies in the Peninsular War, 1808-
1814. (For example, see Goya's paintings of the war).
 Portugal: became an independent state in 1139, after separating from Spain. It built
an empire in Brazil and acquired possession in the Far East. Its noble class developed
a national consciousness in the 19th century.

Leadership Elites: Aristocrats dominated national independence movements in

Germany and Italy until the late 19th century. Likewise in established states such as
Spain and Portugal, also GT. Britain, aristocrats dominated government well into the
20th century, though in Britain they held power in parliament. The Belgian movement
for independence was led by some aristocrats along with middle-class leaders, but
Belgium, which soon became one of the most highly industrialized states of Europe,
developed a strong middle class. The Norwegian leaders who fought against
Sweden and the Finnish leaders who fought against Sweden, then Russia, came
mostly from the educated middle class, which had evolved from the peasant class.

Development of national consciousness in existing E.European states in the 19th

century.

Modern nationalism developed on this basis in the 19 th century, beginning with

Napoleon's invasion of Russia in 1812. The Russian leadership elite was first the
nobility, and then the Intelligentsia, that is, educated people of both noble and non-
noble origin.

Greece was the first state in South-Eastern Europe to gain independence. The
Greek national movement against the Turks was led by the "Phanariots," the
descendants of Greek aristocrats who ruled before the Turkish conquest, then rose
to positions of power under the Turks. Most of them were killed in the War of
Independence, 1821-1829.

Key Characteristics of 19th century East European Nationalism outside of Russia and
Greece.

1. Modern national movements generally began as movements for autonomy (self-

rule under foreign sovereignty), and then for independence.

2. In lands with a native nobility, that is, Polish, Hungarian, Romanian lands, and
Croatia, the nobles (mostly educated poor gentry) formed the leadership of
autonomy and independence movements.

3. Among some peoples who had lost their native nobility, such as the Slovaks,
Czechs, Slovenes, and Bulgarians, the first national leadership was made up of
priests and scholars, while among the Serbs the leaders were at first priests and
scholars, later officers and lawyers who had risen from the peasant class. Most of the
Romanian leaders were intellectuals.

Finally, we should note that nationalism became a mass phenomenon in both East
Central Europe and the Balkans in the 19th century, in reaction to oppression by
foreign rulers. This oppression stimulated and mobilized the masses of the people to
follow leaders who called for autonomy or independence.

https://acienciala.ku.edu/hist557/lect5a.htm

Theses on Nationalism
William A. Galston
Editor's Note:

This piece was originally published by "The American Interest."

By the end of World War Two, nationalism had been thoroughly discredited. Critics
charged that national self-interest had prevented democratic governments from
cooperating to end the Great Depression and that nationalist passions had led not just
to war, but also to some of the worst crimes groups of human beings had ever
perpetrated on others. The construction of international institutions and norms—in
economics, politics, and human rights—as antidotes to nationalist excesses dominated
Western diplomacy for decades after 1945, and the global struggle between liberal
democracy and communism muted the expression of nationalist sentiments on besides
of the Iron Curtain. The peace and economic growth that characterized this period built
public support for this strategy.

William A. Galston
Ezra K. Zilkha Chair and Senior Fellow - Governance Studies
BillGalston

As decades passed and new generations emerged, memories of the Great Depression
and World War Two lost their hold on the Western imagination. With the fall of the Berlin
Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the postwar era began giving way to new
forces. The European Union, its boosters convinced that their enlightened post-national
project represented the future of politics for mankind sought to move from economic
integration to political integration. But public opposition swelled in many member-
states. The “captive nations” of eastern and central Europe re-emerged as
independent actors, and long-submerged nationalist feelings resurfaced. But the
feelings were not limited to the east: Growing regional inequalities within countries
drove a wedge between left-behind populations and the international elites many
citizens held responsible for their plight. The Great Recession of 2008 undermined public
confidence in expert managers of the economy, and in the internationalist outlook that
had long dominated their thinking. In Europe, concerns over immigration grew as
people from lower-wage countries in the EU moved freely to wealthy member-states.
These concerns exploded in 2015 after German Chancellor Angela Merkel decided to
admit more than 1 million refugees from Syria and other countries wracked by conflict
and economic stagnation.

All these trends, and others, were at work in the United States. The consequences of
China’s entry into the WTO, especially for U.S. manufacturing, stoked concerns about
international trade. Five decades of robust immigration transformed America’s
demography, a shift celebrated by some but deplored by others. In the wake of the
Great Recession and the Iraq war, the costs of America’s global leadership became
increasingly controversial, and the belief that other nations were taking advantage of
the United States intensified. Postwar internationalism became a new front in the
decades-old culture war. In retrospect, it was only a matter of time until someone
mounted a frontal challenge to the consensus of elites in both major political parties.
When it did, “America First” hit the established order with the force and subtlety of a
wrecking ball.

“Nationalism rightly understood means that no nation is an island and that in the long
run the wellbeing of one’s nation cannot be decoupled from the fate of others.”
The growth of nationalism as a political phenomenon encouraged the emergence of
nationalist theoreticians and ideologues. In the United States, a July 2019 conference
on “National Conservatism” brought together thinkers who argued—in direct opposition
to the leaders of the postwar era—that nationalism offers a more secure and morally
preferable basis for both domestic and international policy. Similar convenings have

Thesis One: Nationalism and patriotism are not the same. Patriotism is a love of
country—as George Orwell puts it, “devotion to a particular place and way of life.”
Nationalism means giving pride of place, culturally and politically, to a distinctive
ensemble of individuals—the nation.
Thesis Two: A nation is a community, united by sentiments of loyalty and mutual
concern, that shares a cultural heritage and belief in a common destiny. Some nations
additionally invoke common descent, which in nearly all cases is mythical, as it was
when John Jay posited it for the nascent United States in Federalist 2. As political theorist
Bernard Yack observes in Nationalism and the Moral Psychology of Community, not all
nationalist claims are based on ethnicity. Ethno-nations are distinct, he observes, in that
they make the descent from previous members “a necessary, rather than merely
sufficient, condition of membership.”
Thesis Three: An individual need not be born into a cultural heritage to (come to) share
it. Entrants into the national community commit themselves not only to learn their
nation’s history and customs but also to take on their benefits and burdens as their own,
as Ruth did when she pledged to Naomi that “Your people shall be my people, and
your God my God.”
Thesis Four: Nationalism and patriotism can yield conflicting imperatives. Many Zionists
felt patriotic connections to the states in which they lived, even as they labored to
create a nation-state of their own. Although many of today’s Kurds in Iraq, Syria, and
Turkey harbor patriotic sentiments, their primary loyalty is to the Kurdish nation, and their
ultimate aim is national self-determination in their state.
Thesis Five: Nationalism poses a challenge to the modern state system. The familiar term
“nation-state” implicitly assumes that the geographical locations of distinct nations
coincide with state boundaries. Occasionally this is true (Japan comes close), but
mostly it isn’t. Nations can be spread across multiple states (as the Kurds are), and states
can contain multiple nations (as Spain does). What some regard as the ideal
arrangement—a sovereign state for each nation and only this nation—is still
exceedingly rare despite the convulsions of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, and
still could not be realized without further massive, bloody disruptions of existing
arrangements. Hitler’s determination to unify all ethnocultural Germans into a single
nation would have been a disaster, even if he had harbored no further ambitions.
Today’s Hungarians have grounds for objecting to the Treaty of Trianon, which left
millions of their co-nationals outside the borders of their shrunken state. Nevertheless,
any effort to reunite them under a single flag would mean war in the heart of Europe.
Today’s state system includes international organizations, which many nationalists
oppose as abrogating their states’ sovereignty. This stance rests on a failure to
distinguish between revocable agreements, which are compatible with maintaining
sovereignty, and irrevocable agreements, which are not. In leaving the European
Union, Britain is exercising its sovereign rights, which did not surrender when it entered
the EU. By contrast, the states that banded together into the United States of America
agreed to replace their several sovereignties into a single sovereign power, with no
legal right under the Constitution to reverse this decision. When the southern states tried
to secede, a civil war ensued, and its outcome ratified the permanent nature of the
Union.

Thesis Six: It is possible to be a nationalist without believing that every nation has a right
to political independence, but it isn’t easy. The U.S. Declaration of Independence
speaks of “the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and Nature’s
God entitle them.” Similarly, Israel’s Declaration of Independence invokes the “self-
evident right of the Jewish people to be a nation, as all other nations, in its own
sovereign state.”
There are often practical reasons to deny some nations political self-determination (see
Thesis Five). But doing so in principle rests on the belief that some nations are superior to
others and deserve to rule over them. The claimed superiority can be cultural, hence
mutable and temporary, or ethno-racial, essentialist, and immutable. The former often
includes the responsibility of dominant nations to prepare subordinated nations for
independence, as John Stuart Mill’s defense of tutelary colonialism did. The latter
implies that subordinate nations are at best means to the well-being of dominant
nations; at worst, lesser forms of humanity who exist at the sufferance of superior
nations.

https://www.brookings.edu/opinions/twelve-theses-on-nationalism/

2. Science becomes the servant of man and the effects of the Industrial Revolution
Growing Confidence in Progress Inspires Optimism ( Education)

"The Evolution of Useful Knowledge: Great Inventors, Science and Technology in British
Economic Development, 1750-1930"

Zorina Khan Bowdoin Coll

 Endogenous growth models are based on the premise that knowledge, ideas,
and induced innovation comprise a significant source of economic development.
These theories raise fundamental questions about the nature of human capital,
knowledge, skills, and other characteristics that are conducive to extraordinary
creativity, and how those factors vary over time and field of endeavor. They imply that
our understanding of economic progress requires an assessment of the types of
knowledge inputs that are inelastic supply, and how they respond to economic
incentives. Walt Rostow, for instance, contended that one of the preconditions for
economic and social progress is an advance in scientific knowledge and applications,
inputs which typically are scarce in many developing countries.1 Nathan Rosenberg
similarly highlights the determining role of science and specialized knowledge in
economic advances.2 Others regard scientists as disinterested individuals who are
motivated by intangible rewards such as enhanced reputations and honor, the desire
to benefit mankind, or the pursuit of timeless truths, rather than material benefits. If
highly specialized skills and scientific knowledge are prerequisites for generating
productivity gains, but such inputs are in scarce or inelastic supply, this has important
implications for development policy measures. These issues have been widely debated,
especially in the context of industrialization in Britain and explanations for its subsequent
loss of competitiveness. Still, little consensus has emerged from the plethora of
contributions to this topic. Several scholars support the Rostovian argument. According
to some, the theoretical elitist biases of the European scientific establishment help to
explain why Britain and not (say) France, was the first industrial nation. They point to
examples of formal and informal links between scientific discoveries and technological
change and conclude that Britain's 2 industrial lead depended on its scientific
standing.3 A classic but contested example of such ties is the influence of scientist
Joseph Black on James Watt's improvement on the steam engine.4 Similarly, John
Roebuck and Charles Tennant applied chemical knowledge to produce sulphuric acid
through a lead chamber process that increased output and reduced prices, and
improved inputs into textile bleaching.5 The eighteenth-century Lunar Society is
consistently cited as proof by an association of the relationship between natural
philosophy and practical discoveries that increased industrial productivity.6 Related
institutions in the nineteenth century included the Surrey and London Institutions, as well
as the "XClub," a small number of influential scientists who attended social and
professional monthly dinners.7 More general enthusiasm for scientific studies was
manifested in the rapid growth of less-eminent scientific and natural philosophy
societies, whose number increased from fewer than fifty at the end of the eighteenth
century to over 1000 by the 1880s.8 Extreme versions of the "science matters" thesis go
so far as to propose that "virtually all" inventors in Britain during the industrial revolution
were influenced by scientific advances.9 David Landes produced a prominent
exposition of a thesis in the equal but opposite direction, insisting that the industrial
revolution "owed virtually nothing to science."10 British innovations toward the end of
the eighteenth century and at the start of the nineteenth century were largely
produced by workers who had little formal education, and who benefited from
apprenticeships and on-the-job learning. Significant problems such as measurement of
longitude at sea were solved by relatively uneducated artisans rather than through the
application of abstract or formal scientific observation. A number of other studies
highlight the reciprocal nature of interactions between industry and academic
science.11 For instance, Neil McKendrick's guarded conclusion was that science
"played a necessary but not sufficient role."12 Many such researchers emphasize that
until the middle of the nineteenth-century science and engineering were closer to
"organized common sense." More formal scientific endeavors of the day owed to skittish
dons or aristocratic amateurs, whose efforts were directed to impractical pursuits and
general principles in astronomy, magnetism, mathematics, botany, and chemistry,
rather than to useful knowledge.
https://eml.berkeley.edu/~webfac/cromer/e211_sp08/khan.pdf

Development of Dr. Rizal’s Nationalism and Democracy

Dr. Rizal and the Industrial Revolution
Dr. Rizal and Science
Dr. Rizal and Modern Imperialism
Dr. Rizal and Education

Refer to this link and read pp. 7-10

Jose Rizal: Liberalism and the Paradox of Coloniality
Lisandro E. Claudio
https://books.google.com.ph/books?id=1rx1DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA2&lpg=PA2&dq=rizal+nationalism+and+
patriotism&source=bl&ots=Hjb5jOhrb_&sig=ACfU3U0VR1YfC7qLIhdAjrGPkjDI189k5Q&hl=en&sa=X&ved
=2ahUKEwip3pLKrKvrAhWYOnAKHdiQBiU4ZBDoATAHegQIBRAB#v=onepage&q=rizal%20nationalism%2
0and%20patriotism&f=false

https://quod.lib.umich.edu/p/philamer/AHZ9301.0001.001?rgn=main;view=fulltext

https://archium.ateneo.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1030&context=history-faculty-pubs

Questions:

1. How did Dr. Rizal instill the changes and challenges of the 19th century
world to the minds of the Filipinos?

C. Learning Activity

Individual Activity. Use the MLO as your answer sheet in the assignment
tab of your google classroom. (10 points).

Identify three (3) concise situations reflecting the challenges and

responses of the 19th century world in the Philippines. Be guided with the
rubrics below.
( Example of situations: poverty, war, pandemic; with concise explanations)
No Needs Adequate Exemplary
CRITERIA Answer Improvement

( 0)
Content ( 5) No Answers are not Answers are Answers are
Information and evidence are accurate, Answer adequate and not accurate and
appropriate, and integrated effectively. clear. (1) comprehensiv complete. ( 3)
ely stated. (1)
Presentation is Presentation is The
Presentation (2) No detracted from inadequate presentation is
The purpose and focus are clear and Answer the focus and and hard to purposeful,
consistent. purpose. ( .5) follow. (.5) effective, and
appropriate.
( 1)
Displays Lack of Analysis /
Thinking (3) No inconsistency of analysis and Synthesis/
Connections between and among ideas Answer ideas and interpretation Evaluation
are made. interpretation. of ideas. (1) and
Analysis/synthesis/evaluation/interpretati (1) Interpretation
on are effective and consistent. of ideas are
effective,
consistent,
creative,
evident, and
Points: 10 original. (1)

D. Resources

1. For additional information on the 19th century world, log in to this link:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1LgLOYaC69Q
2. PowerPoint presentation
 E. Assessment

Making use of an illustration ( drawing, painting, poster) identify or recognize the

connection, linkage, association, or the role of Dr. Rizal to the enlightenment of
the Filipino race to the changes and challenges of the 19th century world. Be
guided with the rubrics provided below. Use the MLO in the assignment tab of
your google classroom.

Category 4 3 2 1
Attractiveness The poster is The poster is The poster is The poster is
exceptionally attractive in acceptably distractingly
attractive in terms of attractive messy or very
terms of design design, layout, though it may poorly
layout and and neatness be a bit messy designed. It is
4 neatness not attractive
Drawing Drawing shows Drawings on The drawings Drawing show
Originality an exceptional the poster are made by no creativity
degree of reflect student the student but
student creativity in and based on
creativity in their creation the designs or
their creation and or display ideas of others
4 and/or display
Interpretation Creative Scene is Unclear Scene is not
and meaning Interpretation of clearly shown characteristics shown in the
a scene using a in the poster of the scene are poster
unique point of depicted
10 view
Completion Most of the Some of the Artwork appears No artwork
steps are steps are to be a work in submitted
completed to completed progress
the best of but needs
student ability finishing
2 touches
20 points

References

https://books.google.com.ph/books?id=NefNZZ9ughYC&pg=PA15-
IA4&source=gbs_toc_r&hl=en&pli=1&auth=0QcgOvJabWAxLFtuygws0poYV0dWZXltqYiNV_s1iljg
EYI3XKWTVx7nXs0UqHnLPFq7Pw.#v=onepage&q&f=false

https://acienciala.ku.edu/hist557/lect5a.htm

https://www.brookings.edu/opinions/twelve-theses-on-nationalism/

https://eml.berkeley.edu/~webfac/cromer/e211_sp08/khan.pdf
https://books.google.com.ph/books?id=1rx1DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA2&lpg=PA2&dq=rizal+nationalism+and+
patriotism&source=bl&ots=Hjb5jOhrb_&sig=ACfU3U0VR1YfC7qLIhdAjrGPkjDI189k5Q&hl=en&sa=X&ved
=2ahUKEwip3pLKrKvrAhWYOnAKHdiQBiU4ZBDoATAHegQIBRAB#v=onepage&q=rizal%20nationalism%2
0and%20patriotism&f=false

https://quod.lib.umich.edu/p/philamer/AHZ9301.0001.001?rgn=main;view=fulltext

https://archium.ateneo.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1030&context=history-faculty-pubs