OF DOGS, HORSES AND HUMANS:

How They Correspond to Herd Cattle in the Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil

A thesis presented for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy in Social Anthropology
at the University of Aberdeen, Scotland

João Francisco Canto Loguercio

MRes Social Anthropology, University of Aberdeen, Scotland

MSc Anthropology, UFF, RJ/Brazil
BSc (Hons) Social Science, UFRGS, RS/Brazil
MSc Engineering (Science and Technology of Materials), UFRGS, RS/Brazil
BSc (Hons) Metallurgical Engineering, UFRGS, RS/Brazil

2021
Declaration

I declare that this thesis is the result of my own work and effort. It has not
been accepted in any previous application for a degree. All quotations have
been distinguished with quotation marks or indentation, and all sources of
information have been specifically acknowledged.

__________________________ 26 Apr 2021

________________
João Francisco Canto Loguercio Date
This thesis is dedicated to:

My mother, Solange Canto Loguercio

And

My father, Glênio Ogier Loguercio

1931-1974
 Abstract

This study aims to show how an association of heterogeneous beings – dogs,

horses and humans – manage to work together in the tasks of herding cattle, on
a farm in southern Brazil, and is based on fieldwork on one such farm, São Luiz,
in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. It begins by seeking the origins of the
association between these animals in their gradual convergence in long processes
of domestication. The study goes on to trace the historical trajectory of their
introduction to southern South America, leading to the emergence of cattle farms
and of the herding group comprising the gaúcho, with his horse and dog, so
characteristic of the region. This is part of an effort to rewrite the history of
human–animal relations, starting from the premise that it is a history forged as
much by animals as by humans. This premise, in turn, underwrites the
development of an anthropological-phenomenological approach that makes it
possible to understand the intricacy of the relations between the participants in
the herding group, as well as with cattle. Such an anthropology ‘beyond
humanity’ calls for an interdisciplinary perspective. Three dimensions that guide
the investigation emerge from this perspective: respectively sensory, emotional
and dynamic. Unfolding from the intersection of these dimensions, in addition to
the historical, this study culminates in a theory of correspondence, inspired in
part by studies in dance and music, which provides the necessary tools for a more
sophisticated analysis of the modes of engagement of the animals under
investigation. In this way it contributes to a better understanding of a world that
we humans share with other animals. In closing the gap between human and
non-human animals, the study aims partially to dissolve the boundaries between
nature and culture.
Key words: human-animal relations; dogs; horses; cattle herding; Brazilian farm

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 Table of Contents

ABSTRACT________________________________ __________i

TABLE OF CONTENTS ii

LIST OF FIGURES v

LIST OF GRAPHS ix

LIST OF TABLES x

ACRONYMS xi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xii

1 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 14

2 DOMESTICATING DOGS, HORSES AND CATTLE 20

2.1. INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………………20
2.2. A FEW GENERAL WORDS ON DOMESTICATION………………………………………..21
2.3. DOGS AND HUMANS……………………………………………………………………...30
2.4. HORSES AND HUMANS……………………………………………………………………33
2.5. CATTLE AND HUMANS…………………………………………………………………….37
2.6. CONCLUSIONS…………………………………………………………………………….39

3 THE EMERGENCE OF HERDING GROUPS IN RIO GRANDE DO SUL 43

3.1. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………..43
3.2. CATTLE……………………………………………………………………………….……44
3.3. HORSES………………………………………………………………..………………….50
3.4. DOGS…………………………………………………………………….………………..53

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 3.5. HUMANS……………………………………………………………………………..…...55
3.6. ESTÂNCIAS…………………………………………………………………………………58
3.7. CONCLUSIONS………………………………………………………………….…………63

4 SÃO LUIZ FARM 65

4.1. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………..65
4.2. LOCATION AND TRANSFORMATIONS……………………………………………………65
4.3. TOWARDS SÃO LUIZ FARM……………………………………………………….……..73
4.4. ANIMALS………………..………………………………………………………………….77
4.5. INFRASTRUCTURE, ACTIVITIES AND FARM MANAGEMENT…………….……………..80
4.6. CONCLUSIONS…………………………………………………………………………….88

5 THE HORSES AND THEIR RIDERS 90

5.1. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………..90
5.2. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF HORSES………………………………………….…..91
5.3. HORSE-RIDER PAIRS: ASPECTS BEYOND RIDING……………………………..………98
5.4. MATERIAL INTERFACE………………………………………………………………....112
5.5. HORSE-RIDER PAIRS: RIDING CORRESPONDENCE……………………….…………117
5.6. CONCLUSIONS……………………………………………………..……………………122

6 DOGS AND HUMANS 125

6.1. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………125
6.2. DEFINITIVE ENCOUNTER…………………………………………….…………………126
6.3. RELEVANT CHARACTERISTICS IN HERDING DOGS…………………………..………129
6.4. ORIGINS OF WORKING SHEEPDOGS……………………………………………….….136
6.5. PERSONALITY OF DOGS………………………………………………………………..141
6.6. PERSONALITY OF THE OVELHEIRO TRIO OF THE SÃO LUIZ FARM………..………145
6.7. THE ROUTINE OF THE DOG TRIO ON THE FARM……………………………………..149
6.8. DOG-HUMAN CORRESPONDENCE………………..……………………………………152
6.9. CONCLUSIONS……………………………………………………….………………….155

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7 ANIMAL EMOTIONS 157
7.1. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………..…….158
7.2. INVESTIGATING ANIMAL EMOTIONS……………………………………………..…..159
7.3. METHODS OF APPROACHING NONHUMAN ANIMAL EMOTIONS…………………….165
7.4. EMOTIONS AND SOCIALITY…………………………………….………………………169
7.5. SOCIAL EMOTIONS IN NONHUMANS…………………………………………..………171
7.6. EMOTIONS IN DOG-HUMAN RELATIONS………………………………………………175
7.7. EMOTIONS IN HORSE-HUMAN RELATIONS…………………………………………..187
7.8. CONCLUSIONS…………………………………..………………………………………194

8 TOWARDS A THEORY OF CORRESPONDENCE 200

8.1. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………200
8.2. CORRESPONDENCE RATHER THAN COMMUNICATION……………………………..202
8.3. CORRESPONDENCE IS AUDITORY AND VISUAL……………………..……………...204
8.4. CORRESPONDENCE IS HAPTIC……………………….………………………………..207
8.5. CORRESPONDENCE IS RHYTHMIC……………………………………………………..208
8.6. COMBINING RHYTHM AND TOUCH…………………………………………………….214
8.7. CONCLUSIONS…………………………………………………………………………..220

9 THE HERDING GROUP IN ACTION 225

9.1. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………225
9.2. CATTLE…………………………………………………………………………………..226
9.3. SOME RULES ON HANDLING CATTLE…………….……………………………………234
9.4. REPRISE………………………………………………………..………………………..238
9.5. THE INSPECTION TASK…………………………………………………………………242
9.6. GATHERING AND DRIVING TASKS…………………….……………………………….245
9.7. TASKS IN CATTLE HANDLING FACILITIES…………………………………………….255
9.8. CONCLUSIONS…………………………………………..………………………………266

10 GENERAL CONCLUSIONS 270

BIBLIOGRAPHY 280

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 List of Figures
Figure 1: Maps of South America and Rio Grande do Sul, with emphasis on the
Pampa region……………….………………………………………………………………………...43
Figure 2: Hatched area indicating the region called Banda Oriental of the
Uruguay River in the initial period of Spanish and Portuguese colonization of
South America…………………………………………………………………………………………45
Figure 3: Schematic map of the location of Vacaria do Mar (Vacaria of the Sea)
and the cattle movement………………………………………………………………………….48
Figure 4: Cattle introduced to the Banda Oriental of the Uruguay River (current
RS and Uruguay), called Chimarrão, Crioulo, Orelhano and Franqueiro………….50
Figure 5: Indian riders by Florián Paucke………………………………………………….52
Figure 6: Indio a Caballo (Indian on Horseback), drawing ink on paper by Alberto
Güiraldes…………………………………………………………………………………………………58
Figure 7: Modified map of the Jesuit estâncias………………………………….……….60
Figure 8: Example of a stone fence in the RS Pampa……………………………….…62
Figure 9: Santa Vitória do Palmar municipality, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil.......66
Figure 10: The geographical extent of the Pampas…………………………………….66
Figure 11: Typical flat landscape of Coastal Plain grasslands………………………68
Figure 12: Swamp inside São Luiz farm, with Lasier gaúcho, Tordilho horse and
Campeiro dog………………………………………….………………………………………………68
Figure 13: Rice crop, irrigation canal and palms in the background…….……….72
Figure 14: Location of the farm in the local territorial context…….……………….75
Figure 15: São Luiz farm headquarters……………………………………………………..76
Figure 16: Examples of the cattle on Sao Luiz farm……………………………………78
Figure 17: Some São Luiz farm’s horses. The horses Gateado and Tordilho, the
mares Tostada and Zaina, and the filly Gateada….......................................….79
Figure 18: The São Luiz farm’s dog trio. Duque, Gaiteiro and Campeiro……....80
Figure 19: Sketch of the potreiros on São Luiz farm………..…………………………81
Figure 20: Aerial view of the farm headquarters and some locations…………...82

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Figure 21: Some components of the São Luiz farm headquarters structure…….82
Figure 22: Back view of the São Luiz farmhouse………………………………………...83
Figure 23: São Luiz farmhouse dining room………………………………………………83
Figure 24: São Luiz farmhouse living room………………………………………………..83
Figure 25: São Luiz farmhouse kitchen………………………………………….………….84
Figure 26: Cattle grazing floating grass (grama-boiadeira, Luziola leiocarpa) in
the Mirim Lagoon – Santa Vitória do Palmar...................................................86
Figure 27: Schematic diagram of the equine visual field……………………………..97
Figure 28: Cattle and fences inspection – Duque, Lasier, Tordilho and Zaina.101
Figure 29: Frajola (Gateado)………………………………………………….………………108
Figure 30: Lasier approaching Gateado (left) and Zaina (right). Gateado is using
monocular vision, while Zaina’s is binocular………………….……………………………109
Figure 31: Nilceu approaching Gateado from the left side………………………….109
Figure 32: Parts of the bridle used by the horse Tordilho………………………….112
Figure 33: The reins completing the set used by Tordilho……………….….………113
Figure 34: Curb bit parts……………………………………………………………………….113
Figure 35: Lasier saddling up Tordilho…………………………………………………….114
Figure 36: Saddling up Tordilho……………………………………………………………..115
Figure 37: Saddling up Tordilho……………………………………………..………………115
Figure 38: Modern dog breeds and their respective origins……………………….128
Figure 39: Different visual fields of dogs according to their head shapes….….131
Figure 40: Border Collie, as depicted by The Kennel Club………………………….134
Figure 41: Working Sheepdog as depicted by ISDS………………………………….135
Figure 42: Highlanders going South, Oil on canvas by Henry Garland…..……138
Figure 43: Old Hemp, the progenitor of the modern Border Collie………….…..139
Figure 44: From left to right: Duque, Gaiteiro and Campeiro……….…………….145
Figure 45: Duque, Nilceu and Zaina..........................................................150
Figure 46: Dogs and humans in leisure activities……………………………………..151
Figure 47: Richard Wiese and the rescued swan…………………………….…………159
Figure 48: Pero in his old home after a journey of 240 miles……………………..160

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Figure 49: The grey parrot Alex and Irene Pepperberg………….………………….161
Figure 50: The driver’s positions in relation to the flight distance and the angle
formed with the point of balance…………………….………………………………………..235
Figure 51: Driver windscreen wiper movement………………………………………..236
Figure 52: Handler movement to guide flocks or individuals along fences or
inside pens……………………………………………………………….…………………………..237
Figure 53: The Lasier-Tordilho pair accompanied by Duque at the beginning of
the inspection task……………………………………….…………………………………………243
Figure 54: Usual configuration in gathering tasks on São Luiz farm…………..247
Figure 55: Two distinct affinity groups formed during cattle gathering, with the
Lasier-Tordilho pair………………………………………….…………………………………….248
Figure 56: Cattle forming a single group heading towards the headquarters of
the farm, with Duque and Campeiro…………………………………………………………249
Figure 57: Cattle slowly passing through a gate. Emphasis on the distance of
the pair Nilceu-Tostada and Campeiro from the herd…………………………………249
Figure 58: Campeiro intervening to return a cow to the herd…………………….251
Figure 59: The pair Nilceu-Tostada and the dogs Duque and Campeiro run to
‘attack’ the front of the herd in order to make it turn to the left………….………..252
Figure 60: Campeiro is faced by a cow for getting too close to the herd, a
situation that required the dog’s reprimand……………………….………………………252
Figure 61: Duque looking at Nilceu’s face waiting for some command or
information to guide his action………………………………………..……………………….253
Figure 62: The dog trio of São Luiz farm accompanying the Lasier-Tordilho pair
on an inspection task………………………………………………………………………………254
Figure 63: The convoy moving in the same gait, pace and rhythm, where
peripheral vision plays a prominent role…………………………….………………………255
Figure 64: Cattle handling facilities on São Luiz farm……………………………….256
Figure 65: Herd entering the handling facility through Gate 1……………………257
Figure 66: The Lasier-Tordilho pair already inside Mangueira 1 starting the
process of separating the cows and oxen for sale..…….……………………………….257

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Figure 67: A cow/ox chosen for sale being separated from the rest of the herd
by the Lasier-Tordilho pair……………………………………………………….……………..258
Figure 68: A cow/ox chosen for sale being directed to Pen 1 through Gate 2 by
the Lasier-Tordilho pair……………………………………………………………………..……258
Figure 69: A cow/ox resisting entering Pen 1, requiring the intervention of the
Lasier-Tordilho and Nilceu-Tostada pairs………………………….…………………….…259
Figure 70: A cow/ox entering Pen 1 through Gate 2 under the supervision of the
pairs Nilceu-Tostada and Lasier-Tordilho……………………………………….…….……259
Figure 71: Some animals that will form the group for sale inside Pen 1. They
watch the activity taking place in front of them………….…………….……………….260
Figure 72: Cattle in Pen 2 awaiting vaccination and eye care…………..………….261
Figure 73: The herd being taken from Pen 2 to the Crowd Pen (3) through the
use of flags by Lasier and me…………………………………………………………………..262
Figure 74: A traumatized individual resisting entering the Crowd Pen, therefore
requiring additional effort from the handlers……………………………………………..262
Figure 75: The herd in the Crowd Pen waiting to be taken to the Single File Race
and Squeeze Chute…………………………………………………………………………………263
Figure 76: Cattle in the Single File Race to be vaccinated. Individuals with
keratoconjunctivitis would be treated in the Squeeze Chute…………………………263
Figure 77: Cattle being vaccinated by Lasier in the Single File Race and Nilceu
preparing a solution against horn flies that would be applied to the withers of the
animals………………………………………………………………………………………….……..264
Figure 78: Expression of fear in the eyes of cattle………………………….……….264
Figure 79: Individual being treated for keratoconjunctivitis by Lasier…….….265
Figure 80: Cattle being released from the Single File Race after vaccination,
under Lasier’s supervision………………………………………………………………….……265

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 List of Graphs

Graph 1: Numbers of cattle in Santa Vitória do Palmar (x 1,000) in 1974 and

2016……………………….……………………………………………………………………………..70
Graph 2: Year by year numbers of sheep in Santa Vitória do Palmar (x
1,000)…………….………………………………………………………………………………………71
Graph 3: Year by year rice production in Santa Vitória do Palmar (x 1,000 tonnes
of grains with husk)…………………….……………………………………………………………71
Graph 4: Year on hear harvests of soybean in Santa Vitória do Palmar (in grains
x 1,000 tonnes) in its respective harvests…………………………………………………..72
Graph 5: Percentage of land used in Santa Vitória do Palmar, for livestock
breeding, agriculture and forestry respectively, in 2006 and 2016…………………73

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 List of Tables

Table 1: Personality characteristics of the São Luiz farm's dogs…………………..148

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 Acronyms

BC..............................................................................................Before Christ
CAPES……………. Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
DNA.............................................................................Deoxyyribonucleic Acid
FFM.......................................................................................Five Fator Model
IBGE..............................................Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística
ISDS...............................................................International Sheep Dog Society
MRes.................................................................................Master of Research
RJ.............................................................................................Rio de Janeiro
RS.......................................................................................Rio Grande do Sul
UDAW..................................................Universal Declaration on Animal Welfare
UFF................................................................Universidade Federal Fluminense
UFRGS..............................................Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul

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 Acknowledgements

This project was a big journey throughout I received the most diverse
support, each one fundamental to this dream became reality.
First, I would like to thank Tim Ingold, who beyond being an interested,
dedicated and stimulating supervisor; attentive and tireless reviewer of my
writing; always opened to discuss and debate my questions and decisions on this
project, even after his retirement; he was a person who welcomed me in a
friendly and warm way along with Anna Ingold. I also would like to say that Tim
will be always a reference to me for his inspiring and monumental work, as well
as for his extreme coherence as human being and anthropologist. I also owe a
big thank to my supervisor Maggie Bolton for her total dedication to my project,
for her warm welcome, as well as her invaluable suggestions and essential
reading directions. Thanks also to Andrew Whitehouse and Rob Wishart, who
examined my fieldwork proposal, as well as to Alison Brown and again to Andrew
Whitehouse, who examined my first writing chapter; all of them gave me useful
questions and suggestions which helped me to carried out this study. I extend
my thanks to the examiners Rebecca Cassidy and David Anderson for the friendly
and pleasant meeting at my Viva, as well as for the thought-provoking questions
presented and valuable suggestions for deepening themes for possible future
work.
I also thanks to Gláucia Oliveira da Silva for the impeccable supervision of
my master's degree, for having introduced me to the reading of Tim Ingold's
work, as well as for the affection and welcome in Aberdeen in difficult times,
extended to my dear friend José Roberto W. Abrunhosa.
I am very grateful to anthropologist Vanessa Zamboni, who fully supported
me in this endeavour and accompanied me for the most part in this unforgettable
journey. An affectionate and eternal thanks to my friends Cleusa and Hanna
Bouabdellah for being my loving family in Aberdeen.
A warm thanks to Aina Azevedo, Alex Falter, Caetano Sordi, Ariele, Genny,
Paolo Maccagno, Nona Rosy and Nerone, and the omnipresent Peter Loovers, on

xii
behalf of the friendship and companionship of colleagues who made my years in
Aberdeen full of affection, warmth and wealth.
In Brazilian lands, more precisely in the extreme south of Rio Grande do
Sul, my gratitude to Nilceu Teófilo Luiz da Silveira, owner of São Luiz farm, who
made it possible to develop my fieldwork in such a welcoming and friendly
environment, as well as well as for the patience with the repeated questions of
this apprentice of the rural tasks. To my friend, cousin and brother Lasier Silveira
Lima, there are no words that can translate the immense gratitude for the
detailed and precious teachings, for the extreme patience and willingness to
make the doubts of this curious and insistent urban gaucho so clear, as well as
for the tireless attention to the demands that this fieldwork required. I would also
like to thank Alessandro Capera Moreno for his support and camaraderie with this
city maturrango. Still inside São Luiz farm, my inestimable gratitude to the horse
Gateado, the mare Zaina, as well as to the dogs Gaiteiro, Duque and Campeiro,
who were my most generous teachers and partners in this journey of knowledge
of the fascinating relationships of correspondences in-between human and non-
human animals. I would also like to warmly thank Mr Manoel Acylo Azambuja (in
memorian) and his daughter Rossaura Azambuja for welcoming me in such a
friendly, sympathetic and warm way, providing a pleasant afternoon of learning
about their deep relationships with the Jersey cattle herds employed in the dairy
production on their Angico farm.
Closing this journey at its origin, I transform my infinite gratitude into
emotion, dedicating, together with my parents, this work to my brothers and
sisters Maria Emília, Leonardo, Luciano and Adriana; to nephews and nieces
Vinícius, Juliano, Luísa, João Pedro and Tarsila; sisters- and brother-in-law Beth,
Karen and Vinícius. Without which none of this would make sense.

This study was financed in part by the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento

de Pessoal de Nível Superior - Brasil (CAPES) - Finance Code 001, to which I
would like to express a special thanks.

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Chapter 1
General Introduction

My past experiences in breeding cattle farms in Rio Grande do Sul - a

region in the extreme south of Brazil - provided me memorable encounters with
a variety of nonhuman animals, especially with dogs and horses, in whose
contexts they formed herding groups with humans, in many of which I was a
member. These experiences, having been a representative part of my life,
became the challenge that I have been dedicated to since mid-2013. At that time,
I started to make the first sketches of what in 2016 would become the research
project that culminated in the study I present here. So it was a reasonably long
and intense journey, but at the same time exciting, transformative and
rewarding, as I believe the pathway of knowledge has to be. Thus I hope that
my work is up to the experiences I lived on these farms and can contribute to
the arguments proposed by Merleau-Ponty (2004: 75), namely, to ‘lend our
attention to the spectacle of the animal world,’ which we actually share with
them; and by Ingold (2000: 76), ‘that we rewrite the history of human–animal
relations, taking this condition of active engagement, of being-in-the-world, as
our starting point.’
The main question that initially guided my investigation was: How did that
group of heterogeneous beings achieve such effective performances in cattle
herding? I wondered what elements were contributing to that attuned and
efficient cooperation. Facing this issue, I would need to make use of a body of
theory and concepts that encompasses the universe of human and nonhuman
animal relations. As anticipated by the aforementioned authors, the answer came
from the phenomenology of Maurice Merleau-Ponty, and Tim Ingold's pioneering
and also phenomenologically oriented anthropology in the study of human-animal
relations. The relevance of phenomenology in this study lies not only but mainly
in the primacy of the body as an entity of perception of the world. In this sense,
Merleau-Ponty (2005 [1945]: 239) categorically states that ‘we are our body’ and
‘we shall need to reawaken our experience of the world as it appears to us in so
far as we are in the world through our body, and in so far as we perceive the

14
world with our body.’ As for Ingold’s (2013: 21) anthropology ‘beyond humanity,’
he advocates that ‘whether we are speaking of human or other animals, they are
at any moment what they have become, and what they have become depends
on whom they are with.’ Such perspectives, besides expanding the understanding
of the engagements of beings among themselves and with the world, are
indisputable when the relations between animals of different species are at stake,
that is, beyond spoken language. In addition, transgressing disciplinary
boundaries is an inescapable premise for an anthropology that aims to go ‘beyond
humanity,’ as will become evident throughout this work.
My initial guiding question emerged in the light of the foregoing, and I
have sought to operationalize it from a phenomenological-anthropological
perspective, leading to the following questioning: Starting from the
phenomenological premises of a ‘being-in-the-world’ through a bodily
engagement in terms of immediate perception or experience of the ‘life-world,’
how could such precepts be translated in order to ground this research? Thus,
besides the historical aspect mentioned above, three other dimensions emerged
from this question that guided this study, namely sensory, emotional and
dynamic. After my fieldwork on a beef cattle farm located in the south of Rio
Grande do Sul - São Luiz farm - these four guidelines became entangled, giving
rise to a great ‘meshwork,’ which was structured in ten chapters: eight of them
presenting introduction, development and conclusion, unlike the first one (this
General Introduction) and the last one (General Conclusions), as follows.
In chapter 2, I seek to answer some basic questions on the association of
cattle, dogs, horses and humans: Why these animals? What brings them
together? Why has their association persisted so durably to the present day?
What advantages underlay this persistence? These questions led me to look at
animal domestication, where some authors contributed to the identification of
key characteristics, both individual and social, that helped to explain why certain
species responded better to human conviviality. In addition, a debate between
different perspectives on the relationships established between humans and
domesticated animals, expressed in terms of domination, exploitation, property,
control and avoiding these extremes, proved to be quite fertile in answering the

15
proposed questions, mostly emphasizing a current tendency in anthropology, to
reject the understanding of relationships between humans and domesticated
animals as unilateral, in favour of a model of multilateralism, in which human and
nonhuman animals would be protagonists. I present, then, some works of the
latter tendency that propose interesting views on the contexts in which
domestication occurs, namely architectural constructions, infrastructures and
artefacts as sites of human and nonhuman animal domestication. Finally, the
processes that led to the initial domestication of the animals under investigation
are summarized, mainly seeking to answer why, how, when and where these
specific animals were associated with humans.
Chapter 3 is dedicated to a historical review of Rio Grande do Sul, where
the introduction of cattle and horses by the Portuguese and Spanish crowns in
the late 15th and early 16th centuries, as well as dogs, at least a century later,
played a fundamental role. This statement is supported by the emergent - and
persistent - husbandry tradition in South American Pampa, in addition to cattle
herding activities carried out by Gaúchos on horseback accompanied by dogs,
called here cattle herding groups - the main focus of this study. We will see how
these groups were formed, on what soil they emerged and still persist today,
what changes have taken place along the way, as well as their centrality to the
formation of a regional and national identity.
In chapter 4, I am mainly concerned with giving context to the current
research, therefore introducing both the place where I carried out my fieldwork
in the summer of 2017, namely São Luiz farm, and the principal participants in
the relations between human and nonhuman animals. The farm location and the
cattle herding activities carried out there offer the best current evidence for what
was discussed in the previous chapters. In addition, it will be possible to follow
the transformations that have occurred over the years in terms of Pampa
landscapes and cattle management techniques.
Chapter 5 deals with horse-human relationships and presents the source
of my interest on them. At the same time, I confess my lack of a broader
theoretical understanding of the universe of these relations, besides the need to
face the challenge of making strange what had become familiar to me. Aiming to

16
settle these issues, I try to answer what it means to ride well. However, as my
fieldwork progresses, I realize that such ‘well-riding’ involves a range of aspects
beyond the activity itself. As a result, in addition to an understanding of the
different modes of sociability beyond and during riding, the need for a basic
knowledge of equestrian ethology and physiology emerges. These questions, and
many others, as well as answers to them, come from the experiences I had on
São Luiz farm with two partners – the mare Zaina and the horse Gateado, which
are presented in detail in this chapter. Finally, I consider the part played by riding
equipment, along with bodily contact and riding aids, in promoting horse-rider
correspondence during the riding.
Chapter 6 is about dogs, more specifically Ovelheiros (sheepdogs in local
terms), and their relationships with humans. As in the previous chapter, I begin
by talking about my admiration for a specific shepherd dog that I met in my
childhood, mainly for his skills in handling herds. It was also these remarkable
memories that motivated me to research the relationships between dogs and
humans in contexts of cattle herding. These experiences have led me to question
how sheepdogs develop these skills and form such efficient teams with humans
in herding activities. This chapter aims mainly to answer these issues. To this end
I begin by addressing the first encounters between dogs and humans, aiming
mainly at elucidating which elements account for this long and successful
association. Then, mainly on the basis of physiological and ethological studies, I
discuss the peculiarities of dogs in general, but emphasizing the Border Collies,
from which Ovelheiros of this research most likely descend. Finally, I present
several studies that highlight different modalities of correspondence between
dogs and humans.
Chapter 7 is devoted to emotions in general, but particularly to the
emotions emerging in-between animals, especially dogs, horses and humans. The
theme of emotions, despite its relevance in addressing relationships, is a very
controversial subject, whether in hard or soft sciences, as will be evidenced in
this chapter. However, mainly with the advancement of behavioural and
neuroscientific research, there has been a revival in the study of nonhuman
animal emotions. I present some regular methods used in different fields of

17
research to access them, the tensions emerging from these, and resulting
analyses that contribute to this investigation. From this discussion, what stands
out, above all, is the social character of emotions. In addition, I bring some
definitions of emotion from different disciplines, and consider their applicability
to the wide range of emotions that emerge from conspecific and interspecific
correspondences. Lastly, in attempting to answer why human and nonhuman
animals establish affective bonds, I bring some generic examples of relationships
between dogs, horses and humans, also highlighting my experiences on São Luiz
farm.
In chapter 8, I seek to clarify the notion of correspondence and to justify
my choice to place it centre-stage in my analysis. To complement the emotional
aspects of correspondence that unfold in-between human and nonhuman
animals, I explore its sensory dimensions in the fields of haptic, rhythmic,
auditory and visual perception, mostly drawing support from studies in the artistic
fields of dance and music. Then, from these fields, I address some notions that
help us to apprehend the correspondences under investigation, which emerge in
the domain of the in-between, such as kinaesthetic affect, social entrainment,
groove and participatory discrepancies. Furthermore, limiting myself to vision, I
briefly explore the phenomenological discussion of painting, in which the relation
between painter and landscape is expressed as an encounter that implies
question and answer, therefore correspondence. Finally, on the perceptual
experiences of seeing and hearing, I show how they are much richer and deeper
when they intermingle, as they usually do, therefore emphasizing the importance
of understanding correspondence as a multisensorial relation.
Chapter 9 has as its main objectives presenting the herding group in action
on the São Luiz farm, and analysing these activities in light of the material
gathered throughout this study. I ask whether my initial questions can be
answered as a result of all the work undertaken in this research. For this purpose,
I dedicate two sections on cattle, in which I present some main characteristics of
the animals that make up the herds, along with basic rules of cattle handling.
Then, in the next sections, I describe the activities in which I have participated
during my fieldwork on the farm, namely routine inspections, cattle gathering,

18
driving and separation for sale, as well as the tasks undertaken in handling
facilities. Through the presentation of these joint activities, the correspondences
established within the herding group and between it and the cattle herds are
analysed. Thus I show how a plural group formed by dogs, horses and humans
works together in herding activities, emphasizing multiple characteristics, skills
and competences demanded of them, such as: perceptual modalities; emotional
bonds and related feelings; the roles played and movements, rhythms and
configurations adopted in the different activities; the physical and emotional
distances between group members and between them and the herds; as well as
the infrastructure of the farm and the equipment used.
Finally, this work aims mainly to present ways of correspondence that are
established between different animal species in activities in which they all play
fundamental roles. From the joint and efficient work of this heterogeneous group,
it is possible to find on what basis these relationships are built, in such a way that
they constitute ‘hybrid communities,’ as proposed by Lestel et al. (2006), which
I will call here plural communities.

19
Chapter 2
Domesticating Dogs, Horses and Cattle

2.1. Introduction
I did not originally mean to write this chapter. However, as my research
progressed, I needed to answer some basic questions regarding the association
of cattle, dogs, horses and humans. More specifically, the question that kept
coming up during my fieldwork was: Why these animals? What brings them
together? Why has their association persisted so durably to the present day?
What advantages underlay this persistence?
I confess that I was avoiding the topic of domestication, not only because
it does not occupy a central place in my research, but also because it would have
required much additional effort to review a subject so long debated and
controversial within anthropology. Fortunately, however, these questions led me,
albeit briefly, to look at some of the material on animal domestication, which
turned out to be relevant to my research and has opened new paths to follow on
the relations between the animals most central to my study.
Among the most substantial contributions are works (Zeuner, 1963;
Clutton-Brock, 1994 and 1999; Budiansky, 1997) which have sought to identify
the key characteristics, both individual and social, that help to explain why certain
species were more easily domesticated, or responded better to human
conviviality. Another fertile area of debate has revolved around the relationships
established between humans and domesticated animals, whether of domination,
exploitation, property or control (Ingold, 1980, 2000; Clutton-Brock 1992, 1994);
mutualism, commensalism or symbiosis (Zeuner, 1963; Budiansky, 1997; Cassidy
and Mullin, 2007); or somewhere between these two extremes (Anderson et al,
2017). These works have also contributed to a current tendency, mainly in the
field of anthropology, to reject the understanding of relationships between
humans and domesticated animals as unilateral, such that only humans would
benefit or play an active role, in favour of a model of multilateralism or co-activity,
in which both human and nonhuman animals would be protagonists. From the
latter perspective have emerged fruitful notions to think about human-animal

20
relationships such as ‘reciprocal learning’ and ‘co-engagement’ (Stépanoff, 2012),
‘perspectival sharing,’ ‘joint societies,’ ‘co-workers,’ ‘co-domestication’ and
‘coexistence’ (Losey et al, 2018).
A further aspect of domestication worth highlighting has to do with the
contexts in which these relationships are established. At least three works present
interesting viewpoints on the subject. Two of them discuss architectural
constructions as sites of both human and nonhuman animal domestication
(Wilson, in Cassidy and Mullin, 2007) or infrastructures and artefacts that create
a ‘co-specific domus’ (Anderson et al, 2017), and gave me a new perspective, for
example, on the role of fences, harnesses, corrals and pens. And the third
presented several examples of the importance of places, environments and
regions to a wider understanding of the human-animal relations involved (Losey
et al, 2018), drawing my attention to the influences of weather, topography, soil
and tasks to be performed.
Finally, I have read up briefly on the processes that led to the initial
domestication of the animals under investigation, seeking to answer questions of
why and how these specific animals have associated with humans, while also
considering when and where these associations took place. As we shall see, this
succinct foray has brought important elements into the equation, while also
placing animals centre-stage, alongside humans, in the annals of history.

2.2. A few general words on domestication

In a classic work on the subject, written from the point of view of paleo-
archaeology, Frederick Zeuner (1963) defined domestication as an association
between species naturally arising from within the process of biological evolution.
Zeuner discussed the different types of social relations present in the animal
kingdom, and saw ‘real domestication’ as a form of symbiosis, representing a
more advanced stage in evolution than, for example, scavenging, parasitism and
taming. The problem for Zeuner was how to explain why hunters and gatherers
would embark on the difficult task of capturing, taming and domesticating
animals accustomed to living in the wild. His view was that human ‘habits’ and
the propensities of select animal species ‘made the appearance of domestication

21
almost inevitable’ (Zeuner, 1963: 36). Certain characteristics, he observed, are
shared by most domesticated animals, namely, their gregarious character or the
tendency to form packs or herds, and the presence of leaders. Zeuner also
pointed to the social relations presented by different species that led to their
greater or lesser ease of being domesticated, thereby explaining the chronology
of their domestication: first scavengers like dogs, pigs and ducks; followed by
crop-robbers such as cattle, buffalo and elephants; and then animals
domesticated by secondary nomads where agriculture was no longer profitable,
as was the case with horses and camels. Throughout his text, Zeuner
characterized domestication as a form of subordination in relation to humans,
mentioning its similarity to human slavery, and the importance of domestication
from an economic point of view.
Zooarchaeologist Juliet Clutton-Brock (1994, 1999) added further
important elements, expanding the list of characteristics belonging to certain
species which would favour their domestication: ‘The ideal progenitor of a
domestic herbivore comes from a species that is not territorial, lives in large,
wide-ranging herds of mixed sexes, is organized in hierarchies, has a wide
tolerance of different food plants, a short flight distance, and a relatively slow
response to danger’ (Clutton-Brock, 1994: 28). According to her, such features
were common to sheep, goats, cattle and pigs, while some of them are also found
in horses, camels and reindeer. Clutton-Brock (1994) shared with Zeuner (1963)
the view that domestication was the result of an evolutionary process, mostly
due to survival needs pressured by ‘environmental stress’ and ‘expanding human
populations,’ such that whereas around ‘10,000 years ago all human beings lived
as hunter-gatherers … 5,000 years later the majority of people in the most
densely populated areas had become farmers’ (Clutton-Brock, 1999: 63).
However unlike Zeuner (1963) who, despite his comments on subordination and
slavery thought of domestication as a form of symbiosis (a view later amplified
by Rindos 1984), Clutton-Brock insisted that only humans were beneficiaries of
the association. In this regard, her view (1994, 1999) was more aligned with that
of Ingold (2000). Comparing domestication to slavery, she argued that
domesticated animals were at the bottom of the ‘pyramid of dominance’ and

22
often ‘treated as property rather than as sentient beings with their own interests’
(1994: 31). Another important contribution from Clutton-Brock lay in her
discussion of the multiple changes arising from the domestication process, as a
result of ‘two profound, over-riding and interlocking influences – the biological
and the cultural’ (Clutton-Brock, 1999: 30). Importantly, she credits not only
humans but also domesticated animals with incorporating lifestyle changes ‘into
the social structure of a human community’ (Clutton-Brock, 1999: 31), so that,
in this way, they could develop their own cultures. However, despite her
assumption that domestication would affect both ‘the human domesticator and
the domesticated animal,’ she failed to recognize the possibility of a shared
culture, or ‘hybrid communities’ as Lestel et al (2006) would put it, in which
human and nonhuman animals would be protagonists in this new form of
conviviality. Moreover, she did not acknowledge the profound transformations
resulting from these encounters, as Ingold did in speaking of the ‘enmeshed ways
of life’ or ‘meshworks,’ wherein ‘human or other animals are at any moment what
they have become, and what they have become depends on whom they are with’
(Ingold, 2013: 21).
The seminal article of anthropologist Tim Ingold (2000), ‘From Trust to
Domination,’ suggested another perspective about the ‘change of engagement’
between animals and humans, more precisely between prey and hunters on the
one hand, and between domestic livestock and farmers engaged in pastoral
activities, on the other. According to Ingold, hunters established a relation of
trust with prey, which was based on the autonomy, familiarity and intimacy of
both parties; whereas farmers and pastoralists dominated their livestock, mainly
through control and physical force exercised by humans over animals,
establishing a hierarchical relation akin to that between masters and slaves.
However, Ingold refuses any judgement about the relative value or morality of
these two modes of engagement, nor does he regard once as any more advanced
than the other: ‘They are simply different’ (2000: 75).
A distinctive concept of domestication is offered by Budiansky (1997), who
argues that certain animal species ‘opt’ or ‘choose’ to associate with humans.
Thus, ‘in an evolutionary sense, domesticated animals chose us as much as we

23
chose them’ (1997: 24). As evidence, Budiansky cites the ancient relationship
between the Saami of Lapland (hunters) and reindeer (prey), both nomadic
groups, in which the former followed the herds that, in turn, kept close to the
human campsites looking for a delicacy – human urine. Budiansky then poses
two interesting questions – Who is following whom? Who tamed whom? –
observing that the herds were comprised by free-living animals that ‘decided of
their own free will to associate with humans’ (1997: 52). Still, according to him,
in order to gain advantages in association with humans, such as protection or
food, certain animal species, including reindeer, gulls, dogs and sheep, have
‘abandoned’ some ‘wild’ attributes and evolved cooperative behaviours.
Budiansky goes on to present the notion of ‘coevolution,’ widely applied by
biologists, to describe the relations between different species that ‘evolved in
concert,’ namely, a joint evolution guided by behaviours that influenced each
other. Such a notion of ‘coevolution’ was applied, for example, by Rindos (1984)
to human-plant relations, based on Zeuner (1963), who understood
domestication as a form of symbiosis and defined coevolution as ‘an evolutionary
process in which the establishment of a symbiotic relationship between
organisms, increasing the fitness of all involved, brings about changes in the traits
of the organisms’ (1984: 99). On the other hand, Ingold (1980), discussing the
relations of predation and protection between reindeer and humans, opposed the
premise that all forms of interspecific association could be considered as
symbiotic due to the great ambiguities inherent in any such classification. Ingold
notes that predation and protection can have very different long-term effects on
the balance of the populations involved. However, Budiansky (1997) insists that
from an evolutionary viewpoint, the increasing populations of domesticated
species, like dogs, sheep, goats, cattle and horses, offer irrefutable evidence of
success in symbiotic associations with humans. He also pointed to certain
characteristics found in domesticated species that favour their association with
humans, such as the presence of leaders in packs or herds, as well as their
‘natural instinct’ to groom, since humans, in imitating such behaviours,
established closer relations with the groups in question, whether as leaders,
equals or pairs.

24
 More recently, a publication edited by Cassidy and Mullin (2007)1 compiles
articles by multiple authors who discuss domestication from different
subdisciplines and on different scales of time and space. The articles focus on
particular views of domestication, like Russel, who suggests a kind of kinship
between humans and animals founded in both biological and social domains,
arguing that domestic animals are placed in the ‘borderlands between nature and
culture.’ Feeley-Harnik, in turn, deepens the discussion of cohabitation by relating
human-animal relations to kinship and residence. Leach, Fuentes and Wilson, for
their part, are concerned with the sites where domestication takes place. Wilson,
for example, explores how architectural constructions provide means for the
domestication of both humans and non-humans (including animals and plants),
through the creation of opposing spaces, such as inside-outside and public-
private. Along the same lines, considering the ‘where’ of domestication, Leach,
Russel and Mullin show how notions of ‘domus’ and ‘homestead’ feed into our
idea of domestication. In general, these contributions present new ways to think
about domestication by contrasting traditional perspectives, based on the idea of
the unilateral and progressive imposition of exploitative relations by humans over
nonhumans (human mastery), with a recognition of the active role played by
nonhumans in their relationships with humans (through mutualism, cohabitation,
or commensalism), as well as positing domestication as an ongoing process
between humans, nonhuman animals, plants and the rest of the environment.
Finally, I review some more recent publications dealing with relationships
between humans, nonhuman animals and their environments, whether material
or not, particularly in the Arctic regions.
Stépanoff (2012), exploring the relations between herders (Tozhu) and
reindeer in Southern Siberia, asks whether it might be possible to build a
cooperative system in which the different species-participants present a ‘radical
asymmetry of knowledge’ and ‘communicational opacity’ in their relations. Based
on Clark (1996, 2006), who argued that successful joint action required ‘private
commitment of each participant’ and a ‘joint commitment toward a common

1
All authors mentioned in this paragraph are contributors to this publication.

25
goal,’ Stépanoff wonders whether herders and reindeer could establish such ‘joint
commitment’ or ‘coengagement.’ He highlights some problematic features
present in reindeer herding systems such as the relative autonomy of the herds.
Stépanoff is interested in investigating what kind of joint commitment could be
built between Tozhu and their reindeer herds. He draws some interesting notions
from this investigation and I would retain some of them, like the idea that people
and animals in herding societies are ‘intimately bound together’ in relations of
‘conviviality’ and ‘mutual influence,’ as well as (based on Lestel et al. 2016) the
idea of ‘hybrid human-animal communities.’ From Paine (1988, 1994), Stépanoff
draws the idea of ‘reciprocal learning’ between herders and reindeer, and from
Beach and Stammler (2006) the related ideas of a ‘circularity of wills,’ in which
‘herders follow the reindeer that follow the desires of the humans,’ and of the
‘loop of mutual adaptation of human and animal behaviors,’ from Istomin and
Dwyer (2008 and 2010). Another aspect arising from reindeer herding systems
is Digard's claim (1990) that ‘reindeer are (…) a good example of the participation
of animals in their own domestication.’ Stépanoff, then, argues that the herders’
strategies to keep reindeer engaged, cooperating and integrated in the nomadic
community are based in three main elements: ‘cultivating attractiveness for
reindeer’ (through salt, urine and protection); ‘using the cognitive skills of
reindeer’ (who decide when it is time to migrate and memorize the routes); and
‘favouring hierarchy in the herd.’ He highlights some of the crucial aspects which
assure such ‘joint commitment’ or ‘coengagement:’ reciprocity, autonomy, mutual
behavioural adaptation, consideration of the animals’ will and desires, bodily
engagement to build intimate relationships and complementarity. In short,
Stépanoff defines the herder-reindeer relations as close to ‘induced commitment’
(Hanks, 2006), in which a non-expert, even unaware of the actions of the expert,
‘is drawn into the process as an active co-participant.’
Anderson, Loovers, Schroer and Wishart (2017), also addressing human-
animal relationships in the North, have explored the ‘infrastructures and
architectures which inscribe them.’ According to them, such constructions were
understood as ‘places of encounter’ or ‘relationships,’ in which ‘strategies of
control’ were intertwined with ‘those of care and comfort.’ In this, they confront

26
classical models of domestication based on domination or mutualism, placing
relations of domestication between these two extremes. They also argue that
among northern circumpolar peoples, the autonomy of domestic animals is
respected. Domesticity, then, ‘must be read within the environments that both
animals and people respect’ rather than ‘read off of bones and bodies’ (2017:
399). Thus, Anderson and his co-authors see the architectures of domestication
as places or loci of encounter in which both human and animal activities are
inscribed. To define a particular locus, they resort to the Latin word domus, from
which ‘domestication’ is derived. Since the term has been used in such a wide
range of contexts, however, they prefer to narrow it down to an ecological
approach, focusing on how the ‘attention of many different species, and the
artefacts of that attention, come to work together in a particular setting – a co-
specific domus’ (2017: 401). Starting from Ingold's aforementioned opposition
between ‘trust’ and ‘domination’ in the relations that hunter-gatherers and
pastoralists respectively establish with animals, Anderson et al. focus on the
apparatuses employed in managing human-animal relations in the regions under
investigation, including lassos, tethers, harnesses, enclosures, fences, corrals and
traps. Some of these, when skilfully employed, become virtual extensions of those
who use them. Thus infrastructures and architectures, besides restricting
movement or autonomy, can guide the attention of the companion animal, teach
humans and animals how to walk together, help avoid distractions so as to focus
better on a task, communicate certain joint activities, indicate direction, and
confine the animals for short periods in order to provide them with particular
kinds of care. Therefore, according to the authors, within these contexts such
structures ‘serve as social infrastructures which define the spaces where humans
and animals collaborate’ (2017: 406); they are ‘experienced as continuous with
and not separated from the environment’ (2017: 406-07); they ‘represent an
emplaced setting of familiarity where animals and people in a sense seek each
other’s company – a physical setting for a co-specific domus’ (2017: 408); and
‘they facilitate communication rather than separate humans and animals into
separate realms’ (2017: 412).

27
 The final work on domestication which I would like to review here is a new
publication on the relations between dogs and humans in the North, edited by
Losey, Wishart and Loovers (2018)2. In the same format as the work of Cassidy
and Mullin (2007), the authors present a compilation of archaeological, historical
and ethnographic studies mainly, but not exclusively, on the relationships
between dogs and humans in different regions of the Arctic. The importance of
such studies to the present research lies in the diversity of perspectives they
present on the relationships between human and nonhuman animals, which
contrasts markedly with classic approaches to domestication which put all the
emphasis on human dominance and control while relegating the animals to a
passive role. To illustrate this approach, I would highlight the archaeological work
of Losey, Nomokova, Fleming, Latham and Harrington, who argue that
relationships between humans, dogs and their environments are expressed
through their bodies, leaving distinct osteological signatures – or in a word, that
these relationships are embodied. Along the same lines, Viranta and Mannermaa,
through an analysis of mortuary and dietary evidence from grave sites shared by
dogs and humans, reveal the social positions that dogs occupied in these past
societies. Oehler’s contribution, discussing hunting with dogs, draws attention to
the exchange of glances between dogs and humans that permeates their joint
activity, requiring the mutual attunement of gaze, which he calls ‘perspectival
sharing.’ Other chapters dealing with the joint activities of dogs and humans,
such as by McCormack, Wishart, Loovers, Hastrup and Mazzullo, reveal the
complexity of human-dog relationships, introducing a range of notions such as
co-existence, co-dependency, co-inhabiting, joint societies, inter-species
partnerships, companionship, kinship, open-ended assemblages, co-workers and
co-domestication. One last point I would like to emphasize is the importance of
context in giving form to human-animal relationships, at least when it comes to
dogs.
Although many works on the subject focus on the origins, motives or
reasons that led to the domestication of certain species of animals (or plants),

2
The authors listed in this paragraph are contributors to this publication.

28
what I found most interesting was how closely the relationships established
between the different species depended on particular characteristics of the
species in question. Some of these characteristics offer important clues to the
nature of inter-species conviviality. Yet at the same time I wonder whether a
focus on species alone is sufficient to explain such conviviality. This doubt
emerges because, as we shall see later, individuals of the same species may vary
in their characteristics, in ways that facilitate or hinder their association with
humans. At stake here is the question of whether characteristics supposedly
shared by the majority of individuals of a given taxon would be sufficient to
represent the taxon as a whole, so that we could frame the relationships of
human beings with other creatures as relations between species. The same
question arises whenever we seek to frame relations among human beings
themselves in terms of such categories as culture or ethnicity. It is, in short, a
question of reductionism. Perhaps more importantly, we need to be alert to the
segregating force of the species category, which renders paradoxical the
establishment of relations that override categorical limits. For the time being,
however, let us leave aside these difficult questions, in order to consider factors
that may help to us explain the proximity of humans and non-human animals,
and why certain species boundaries came to be crossed in the first place.
One factor is the gregarious character common to many domesticates,
represented by their tendency to form packs and herds, as well as their wide
tolerance for different foods, which makes it possible for them to accompany
nomadic human groups, and their appreciation for having their fur fondled. As
Zeuner (1963), Clutton-Brock (1994) and Budiansky (1997) all show, the latter is
particularly true of horses and dogs.
However in the natural state, horses and cattle usually form herds with
few breeding males, or even only one, along with several females and young
males, while retaining a capacity for long-distance flight. With domestication,
certain characteristics were modified to allow closer conviviality with humans –
mainly with respect to the structure of the herds and the reduction of flight
distance – including the castration of the males, their habituation to the nearby

29
presence of humans from young age and the use of fences to keep them near to
houses.
At this point the issue of human control and domination over domesticated
animals versus mutualism and symbiosis can no longer be avoided. With horses,
the castration of males as well as certain techniques of taming and training –
mainly those, often called ‘traditional,’ that seek to ‘break’ the horse – manifestly
employ coercion, physical force, pain and fear, and offer unquestionable evidence
of relations based on control and domination, similar to those between masters
and slaves, as Ingold (2000) has pointed out. With respect to cattle for slaughter
this condition of enslavement seems beyond doubt. When it comes to using
horses as mounts, however, the situation is more ambiguous, as new methods
of taming and training have recently emerged which reject the use of physical
coercion, fear and pain, seeking a closer ‘communication’ with the equine
language and having as a main objective the formation of partnerships between
horses and riders (Savvides, 2012). In English this is better known as ‘natural
horsemanship,’ and in Portuguese as ‘rational taming’ (doma racional). But even
these latter techniques are not free from some elements of coercion, domination
or control.
Thus, starting from the texts reviewed earlier which presented a stark
polarity between domination, control and submission in the relations between
humans and domestic animals, on the one hand, and symbiosis and mutualism
on the other, we have arrived at a relational stance, along with techniques of
taming and training, that stands between the two extremes. I believe that rather
than falling back on comprehensive or universal explanations, which are often
guilty of reductionism, it is more fruitful to examine the particular relationships
involved in more detail. It is in this spirit that I will address, in what follows, the
processes involved in the domestication of dogs, horses and cattle.

2.3. Dogs and humans

Domestication studies usually address the issue in terms of when, where,
how and why such processes took place. Domestic dogs play a prominent role in
these works for several reasons: dogs occupy a privileged position in the ranking

30
of species associated with humans, due to the widespread extent of the
association and the scale of its consequences. This has drawn an ever- increasing
volume of researchers to the theme (Horowitz 2014), across fields of
archaeology, zoology, ethology, psychology and anthropology, leading to
widespread controversy surrounding the questions of where, when, how and why
dogs and humans have stayed together for so long and so successfully.
Some matters, however, escape the debate due to consensus among
scholars, such as that the sub-species Canis familiaris (domestic dog) is derived
from the Canis lupus (gray wolf) (Morey, 1994; Clutton-Brock, 2012; Horowitz,
2014; Grimm, 2015). On the other hand, there is much discussion about when
the transformation took place which led to the birth of domestic dogs. Most
investigations point to a range between 32,000 and 15,000 years before present
(Galibert et al., 2011; Clutton-Brock, 2012; Horowitz, 2014; Grimm, 2015).
Another point of contention and even uncertainty concerns the place(s) where
dogs have arisen, some pointing to Asia or Europe (see Grimm, 2015), others to
several locations in the northern hemisphere (Clutton-Brock, 2012; Horowitz,
2014). But while everyone agrees that the dog was the first animal to be
domesticated, the most contentious issue of ongoing research is why the union
between dogs and humans has been so long and predominantly successful.
In our review of the literature on domestication, presented above, some
reasons for why humans were drawn to certain animals, in terms of their species
characteristics, were emphasized. In this regard, dogs were defined as gregarious
animals with a tendency to form packs, as well as to obtain food by scavenging
(Zeuner, 1963). They could also derive advantages from their association with
humans, such as protection or food. Moreover, their ‘natural instinct’ to enjoy
being groomed created close bonds with the humans who liked to groom them
(Budiansky, 1997). However, several other aspects deserve to be explored, which
are fundamental to understanding the close and lasting relationships between
dogs and humans.
The scavenging tendency of dogs, which they inherited from wolves, was
probably what first led them to seek human camps and to follow nomadic groups
of hunter-gatherers. It is also important to note that wolves, unlike horses and

31
cattle, are predators, and therefore have less to fear from humans than do
herbivores. In addition, dogs (like wolves) have very important and human-like
social skills including cooperation in ‘tracking, chasing, catching and killing’ prey;
they ‘live in tightly knit groups or packs’ and form ‘strong stable bonds between
individuals’ (Cooper et al., 2003: 231). They share the care of offspring; they use
similar ‘non-verbal modes of communication,’ for example for communicating
status ‘through vocal, facial and postural displays of dominance or submission,’
and ‘respond appropriately to many human signals’ (Morey, 1994: 339).
Hence the first gray wolves, mainly those who possessed more docile
temperaments or ‘amenability to domestication, or tamability,’ as pointed out by
Trut (1999: 160), started to live with human groups, giving rise to a new sub-
species, the so-called domestic dog. Coppinger and Coppinger (2001), in the
same vein as Trut (1999), argue that the first village settlements attracted
scavenger wolves with greatest tolerance for humans. Another interesting aspect
about the association between dogs and humans discussed by archaeologists
concerns their primary cooperative activities. Several authors (Downs, 1960;
Galibert et al., 2011; and Stahl, 2016) have identified hunting as the first activity
shared by them, basing their arguments on the fact that the human groups of
the time of the first vestiges of canine domestication were hunter-gatherers.
Downs (1960), in addition, pointed out that in regions with a well-defined
Mesolithic period, that is, with hunting and gathering activities effectively
established and lasting (such as Europe), humans developed a relationship of
appreciation in relation to dogs due to their long hunting partnership. While in
regions where the Mesolithic period was not so well marked (such as China and
southern Asia), the dogs assumed the status of pariahs due to both their short
or absent partnership with humans in hunting and their condition as scavengers
in already agricultural and pastoral societies. Thus, as we will see in chapter 6
dedicated to relationships between dogs and humans, dogs will only be
considered insiders (see Bolton, 2020) in pastoral societies that have developed
or inherited dog-human partnership relationships. Following the same line of
argument, we could infer that the association between dogs and humans in
herding activities could only arise after the transition from Mesolithic to Neolithic,

32
that is, in societies where the partnership between dogs and humans in hunting
activities was well established (groups of hunters and gatherers from Mesolithic),
and where the domestication of herd animals took place gradually (groups of
herders from Neolithic), which happened thousands of years after the
domestication of the dog. Thus, we have an idea of when and why the initial
associations between dogs and humans occurred, which intensified over the
following millennia and persists to the present day. Furthermore, we will see in
later chapters which specific attributes of dogs have been instrumental in
promoting such close and lasting ties.

2.4. Horses and humans

Horses were domesticated several thousand years after cattle, sheep, goat
and swine (Barclay, 1980; Vilà, et al., 2001, 2006; Fages et al. 2019). Thus,
despite the ancient evidence for horses having been sources of meat and milk
(Levine, 1999b; Olsen, 2006; Outram et al., 2009), since such demands were
already being met by already established domesticates the most likely reason for
equine domestication, and especially for its subsequent spread throughout the
world, was the possibility of riding them (Barclay, 1980; Bowling and Ruvinsky,
2000; Fages et al., 2019). The benefits of horse-riding included transport, speed
of movement, communication, trade and the conquest of territories through the
formation of mounted armies (Barclay, 1980; Vilà et al., 2006; Outram, 2009;
Fages et al., 2019). However, there is much discussion among historians and
archaeologists about where and when the horse was first used as a mount, as
we will see below.
In fact, the debate is not only about the origins of horse riding, but also
about horse domestication in general. About the time of origin of horse
domestication, there is virtual consensus among scholars, who have dated it to
between 6,000 and 5,000 years ago – thus by the Neolithic-Eneolithic period,
also known as the Copper Age (10,000 to 3,500 BC) (Barclay, 1980; Bowling and
Ruvinsky, 2000; Hanks, 2010; Perry and Makarewicz, 2019). However, the
question of where this process took place remains unanswered, and this is the
point of greatest controversy. Among the many theories on this topic, most point

33
to the Eurasian steppe as the most likely region (Barclay, 1980; Bowling and
Ruvinsky, 2000; Vilà, et al., 2006; Hanks, 2010; Warmuth et al., 2012).
It is worth emphasizing that the domestication of the horse does not
necessarily imply that the animals were used as mounts; thus, in the
aforementioned debate, the origin of riding is treated as a separate event.
Domestication means controlling the originally wild horses and using them for
diverse purposes, as sources of meat or milk, as beasts of burden and traction,
or as mounts. To locate the beginning of domestication, it is necessary to identify
traces of wild individuals in connection with ancient human population sites. The
origins of riding, by contrast, can only be detected from archaeological evidence
of the practice itself.
That the relationship between horses and humans is quite old is proved
by the abundance of horse remains in archaeological sites throughout the world,
as well as by the records of rock art found in caves in Europe (mainly France and
Spain) from the upper Palaeolithic period (between 50,000 and 10,000 years
ago), in which horses dominate the scene (Levine, 1999a). However, the most
recent archaeological findings were found in the sites of Dereivka (Kirovohrad
Oblast, Ukraine), and Botai (Akmola, Kazakhstan), both dated to the Upper
Palaeolithic (Bowling and Ruvinsky, 2000; Olsen, 2006; Outram et al., 2009;
Hanks, 2010; Gaunitz et al., 2018; Fages et al., 2019; Perry and Makarewicz,
2019). In order to build consistent evidence for horse domestication in these
regions, it is necessary to correlate features between wild and domestic species.
To do this, a variety of techniques have been employed, which have become
increasingly sophisticated, especially with the advance of genetic studies. Among
them we could cite phenotype analysis, karyological and molecular comparisons,
as well as of ancient (generated by the reconstruction of paleogenome
sequences) and modern DNA. Obviously these new techniques had to be
combined with more traditional methods such as the analysis of archaeological
settlement structures (looking for the presence of corrals or livestock enclosures),
as well as ritual artefacts, tools, pottery, manure and milk residues, morphological
measures and radiocarbon dating.

34
 Using holistic and multidisciplinary techniques, many advances have been
made in trying to answer the questions of where, when and how the process of
domesticating the horse took place. Results include the discoveries that the
Przewalskii horse (Equus ferus przewalskii) was not the progenitor of the
domestic horse but descended from domesticated herds of the Botai culture
(Gaunitz et al., 2018; Perry and Makarewicz, 2019), that the domestication of
horses occurred in multiple centres (geographic and temporal) (Jansen et al.,
2002; Fages et al.; 2019), among which, in addition to Dereivka and Botai, would
be Iberia and Siberia (Fages et al., 2019); and that the increase in the population
of domestic herds occurred due to the ingression of local wild females (Jansen et
al., 2002; Olsen, 2006; Warmuth et al., 2012). Yet the actual origins of the
modern domesticated horse still remain unknown (Fages et al., 2019).
Regarding the beginning of the formation of the horse-rider pair,
researchers have had resort to different techniques of analysis, among which
stand out evidence of riding equipment (mainly leather bridles and bits) and
pathological characteristics resulting from these activities (biting damage)
(Anthony et al., 1991, 2000; Outram et al., 2009). This evidence, analysed by
the authors cited, comes from archaeological sites of the Eneolithic Dereivka and
Botai Cultures. Thus, despite the disagreement of some scholars (see Hanks,
2010: 474), there are indications of riding activities from at least 3,500 BC.
Clutton-Brock (1992: 12), in turn, argued that ‘by the first millennium BC the
world was opened up to the horse-rider,’ an observation that could be
substantiated by the well-known historical evidence left, for example, by
Alexander the Great (356-323 BC) and his horse Bucephalus, as well as the
treatise on training horses of Xenophon (428-357 BC). In addition, aligned with
Clutton-Brock, some scholars (see Drews, 2004; and Kohl, 2007) place the
development of horseback riding effectively and on a large scale in Central Asia
from the first millennium BC. In addition, recent archaeological investigations
(such as Taylor et al., 2020) suggested that there were favourable ecological
conditions as well as evidence for development of horse husbandry in Mongolia
from 1,200 BC. The authors, then, from several archaeological studies carried out
on the period in question, argue that there was already control of large herds of

35
horses along the Eurasian Steppe, which could only be carried out through a well-
established riding technique. Hence, we could infer that the earliest and most
significant formation of horse-rider pairs in herding activities occurred for
handling large herds of horses.
To conclude this section it would be important to try to determine what
characteristics favoured the domestication of the first equines, and the strategies
adopted by ancient populations that allowed the process to succeed.
Bowling and Ruvinsky (2000), for example, have pointed to unsuccessful
attempts to tame zebras of the stenoid lineage, which also includes wild equids,
as compared with the caballoid lineage to which the horse belongs. In addition
to the authors mentioned above, Budiansky (1998) argues that wild horses,
unlike zebras, most likely presented a behavioural pre-adaptation to
domestication. The same argument, according to Budiansky, would explain the
higher probability that Tarpan horses (Equus ferus ferus) were among the
progenitors of modern domestic horses, whereas the same difficulties in taming
zebras were also encountered with Przewalskii horses, whose claim to ancestry
was disproved due to their karyotypic differences from domestic horses. As in the
case of wolves, this hypothesis suggests that individuals with the highest
‘tamability’ would be the most likely progenitors of modern domestic populations.
It is important to remember that preserved remains of wild Tarpan horses were
not found on archaeological sites until recently, so that it was previously
impossible to prove their ancestry in relation to modern domestic horses.
Strategies of horse domestication adopted by the human populations in
the Eneolithic period, according to authors who have addressed this theme, may
include: taming and feeding young foals to accustom them to human contact
(Bowling and Ruvinsky, 2000); the selection of stallions for breeding (Outram et
al., 2009; Warmuth et al., 2012; Fages et al., 2019); the castration of most males
to facilitate their management (Fijn, 2015); and the introduction of wild mares to
maintain and enlarge the herds (Jansen et al., 2002; Vilà, et al., 2006; Outram
et al., 2009; Warmuth et al., 2012; Fijn, 2015; Perry and Makarewicz, 2019). One
consequence of these breeding strategies was investigated by Perry and

36
Makarewicz (2019), who showed that genetic diversity was reduced by 16.4 per
cent compared to the DNA of 4,000 years ago.

2.5. Cattle and humans

Cattle, although not the central focus of this research, deserve attention
because they are fundamental to the formation of the herding group in southern
Brazil. For this reason, I will briefly discuss the origins of domestic cattle,
especially of the subspecies from which European cattle are descended, as this
was not only the main source of the primitive herds of Rio Grande do Sul, but
also gave rise to the main breeds subsequently introduced into this region.
The ancestor of European domestic cattle is Bos taurus (Bos primigenius
primigenius), which in turn is descended from the Bos primigenius, also known
as wild aurochs or simply aurochs3 (Clutton-Brock, 1999). As with studies of the
origins of dogs and horses, scholars have also invested (and still do) in research
aimed at identifying when, where, how, and why humans associated with bovine
species. As to when, the vast majority of studies point to the period between
9,000 and 8,000 years BC (Bradley and Magee, 2006; Zeder, 2008; Arbuckle and
Makarewicz, 2009; Ajmone-Marsan et al., 2010; Vigne, 2011; Bollongino et al.
2012; Conolly et al., 2012; Arbuckle et al., 2016; Pitt et al., 2018). Regarding
where, the Euphrates River Valley emerges as the main source of domestication
of cattle. Views on the specific location of origin in this region, however, are more
divergent. Some indicate the Upper Euphrates (Zeder, 2008; Arbuckle et al.,
2016); others the Middle Euphrates (Bradley and Magee, 2006; Vigne, 2011).
Vigne (2011) and Conolly et al. (2012), however, offer a more nuanced reading.
The answers to how and why cattle were domesticated need to be
explored a little further, as they shed light on what led to their association with
humans. Several works emphasize a set of changes that revolutionized the ways
of life of the societies of the time and are still felt today, bound up with the
domestication of plants and animals. This process is known as Neolithisation.
According to Vigne (2011), this process, although slow (lasting more than 10,000

3
Bos primigenius also gave rise to the subspecies Bos indicus (Bos primigenius namadicus), also known as
zebu cattle, which originated and spread in southern Asia.

37
years), has promoted profound biosphere and socio-cultural transformations.
Vigne defines Neolithisation as a multi-causal process and highlights among these
climate change, population growth, sedentism, the domestication of plants and
animals, the social prestige of animal appropriation (mainly represented by wild
boars and bovines), transformations in cosmogony that led human societies to
place themselves above, rather than on a level with, societies of animals and
plants, and changes in diet.
Studies of cattle domestication frequently refer to the advantages it
conferred, including: ‘a wide range of resources including meat, dairy, traction,
hides, and horn,’ which ‘supported the development of increasingly complex
societies’ (Arbuckle et al., 2016: 1); ‘a source of social capital and mobile wealth
alongside a range of new resources (…) including hide, blood, milk, dung and
traction’ (Conolly et al., 2012: 997); ‘the development of new economic and social
systems that took advantage of the large packages of animal products, including
meat, blood, skin, and renewable milk and traction’ (Arbuckle and Makarewicz,
2009: 669).
It is also important to note that Bos taurus was the third animal to be
domesticated in the Neolithic, preceded a thousand year earlier by goats and
sheep (Zeder, 2008; Arbuckle and Makarewicz, 2009). Moreover, it occurred in a
very restricted area and at very small scales (Vigne, 2011; Conolly et al., 2012),
which could be explained by the greater difficulty in dealing with animals that
were both less docile or ‘tamable’ and much larger than sheep and goats
(Bollongino et al., 2012). Moreover, with regard to the strategies used by
Neolithic peoples for domesticating and raising cattle herds, as well as horses,
there are indications that the first individuals to be domesticated were female
(Bollongino et al., 2012). Unlike with equine herds, genetic studies have shown
crossbreeding and hybridization of domestic females with wild males (Conolly et
al., 2012).
It took around four to five thousand years from the first indications of
cattle domestication until the creation of farms (Vigne, 2011), and only after this
did cattle raising begin to spread to other regions, through processes of migration
and diffusion. Cattle were introduced into Europe around 6000 BC, first in Greece

38
and then via the Danube River, to reach mainland Europe around 4000-3000 BC
(Bradley and Magee, 2006; Ajmone-Marsan et al., 2010); either by the
Mediterranean maritime route reaching Italy, France, Portugal and Spain around
5400 BC (Bradley and Magee, 2006); or through a more complex flow that sheds
doubt on the single origin of Near East Neolithic herds (Beja-Pereira et al., 2006).
These processes, according to Beja-Pereira (2006), eventually gave rise to the
480 currently recognized breeds of European domestic cattle.

2.6. Conclusions
Despite my initial reluctance to address the theme of domestication, even
briefly, this chapter has proved its continuing importance for understanding the
relations between human and nonhuman animals. We have seen how
multidisciplinary approaches to this theme recurrently seek answers to the
questions of when, where, why and how the domestication of the animals under
investigation took place. Let me conclude with some comments on these
questions, adopting the same strategy as the authors discussed.
Regarding when, we saw that there was general agreement on the periods
of initial domestication of the animals under study. More importantly, these dates
tell us much not only about the various domesticated species and their
relationships with humans at the time, but also about the diverse contexts in
which they took place. For example, dogs, the first animals to be domesticated,
were carnivorous hunters, just like humans at the time; moreover they shared
other important characteristics that account for their spontaneous association
and development of close ties with humans, such as cooperative behaviour, living
in cohesive groups, forming strong and stable bonds with each other, sharing
care of offspring and nonverbal modes of communication. Thus, it was these
characteristics that led to the first canine-human cooperative activity, that is,
hunting, and millennia later to the herding of sheep, goats and cattle, which were
the next animals to be domesticated, at least ten thousand years after dogs. To
tame the cattle of the time, which were larger and more aggressive than the
cattle of today, required adequate infrastructure, and more elaborate strategies
and techniques of domestication. Horses, also herbivores, were in turn

39
domesticated around four thousand years after cattle, primarily for use as
mounts. This required even more sophisticated methods and equipment than
previously.
With respect to where, despite differences between scholars, a range of
analytic techniques, particularly genetic studies, have in combination enabled us
to identify the places where domestication originated, and from which it diffused,
especially in the case of cattle and horses. It is just as important, however, to
understand the contexts in which these processes took place, as it is to explain
their consequences. For example, the association of dogs and humans in hunting
activities was probably widespread, but the use of dogs for sled transport would
have been restricted to the arctic regions, while following the domestication of
goats, sheep, and cattle, dogs would most likely have required the role of
shepherds. The domestication of the horse in the Eurasian steppes, in turn,
explains why this region witnessed the conquests of Alexander the Great, the
treatise on horse training of Xenophon in Greece, and the longstanding tradition
of horse-riding in Mongolia. Cattle domestication in Euphrates River Valley to
some extent underlies the development of ancient Mesopotamian civilizations,
such as of the Sumerians, Acadians, Babylonians, Assyrians and Chaldeans, which
dominated agriculture and livestock from the fourth millennium BC.
Concerning why, besides the characteristics of the species that favoured
their domestication, such as their gregarious nature, or greater or lesser
‘tamability,’ the advantages derived from their association with humans were
central in these processes. From a human perspective, as already noted, dogs
initially engaged in hunting and transport activities; horses, although initially
serving as sources of food, were chosen chiefly because they could be ridden;
and cattle, in turn, were essentially used as a source of food, whether meat or
milk. However opinions on the advantages of domestication from the point of
view of the animals themselves differ greatly, and are partially dependent on how
domestication took place. Before jumping to any conclusions in this debate, it is
important to consider the expedients adopted by ancient peoples to domesticate
the animals in question. Nor should we forget the events that led to drastic
changes in the ways of life of the time, adding up to the process of Neolithisation.

40
 In terms of how, as noted above, I would highlight the strategies employed
by human societies to circumvent the inherent difficulties of animal domestication
under the conditions of the time. Among them I would include those that
favoured the customisation of animals to living with humans, such as the
selection of individuals exhibiting less aggressive behaviours, taming and feeding
young foals, the castration of males, the preferred domestication of females and
all sorts of structures and apparatuses designed to keep herds around human
nuclei (fences, corrals, enclosures, lassos, reins and so on).
Taking these strategies into account, I would venture to say that with the
exception of dogs, relations with animals mostly tended towards the pole of
domination, control, appropriation and exploitation. These were relationships that
were only possible, as Vigne (2011) points out, due to changes in the cosmogony
of societies, that is, in the disposition of humans in relation to other animals and
also plants from horizontal to vertical, not forgetting, however, the extreme
proximity of humans to specific animals, to which archaeological finds of
interspecies burials and shared diets recurrently attest. However, a closer look at
the relationships between human and nonhuman (domesticated) animals, as they
play out today, calls for more attention to contexts and their specificities. For
example, dogs may be pets, guides for blind people, shepherds or serve as guinea
pigs for the pharmaceutical industry; horses can perform sports, leisure activities,
work in herding groups or be raw material for salami. The same applies to cattle,
which may be enrolled in dairy production, beef farms or agribusiness. Thus I
advocate a micro- and contextual approach rather than a macro-analysis that can
easily descend into a narrow reductionism.
As for the association between humans and dogs, we saw that the hunting
activity shared in the Mesolithic period promoted partnership between them,
which would be a necessary condition for its continuation in herding activities
from the Neolithic. The association between horses and humans as riding pairs
in herding activities, in turn, occurred on a broad-scale in the Eurasian steppes
from 1,200 BC to handle large herds of horses. This gives us an approximate
initial scenario for the convergence of dogs, horses and humans on contexts in
which they will form cattle herding groups, a central theme of this study.

41
 Another aspect that deserves mention concerns the species category,
which, as we have seen, does not necessarily provide the most appropriate frame
for discussing relationships that override conventional categorical divisions.
Finally, it is noteworthy that although the present study is aimed at
relationships between human and non-human animals in herding activities in
southern Brazil, the ancestral encounters between cattle, dogs, horses and
humans in this chapter were concentrated in Asian and European continents.
However, as we will see in subsequent chapters, approach is not mistaken since
the animals involved in the activities in question are descended from breeds
developed in Europe (Border collie dogs, and Hereford and Angus cattle) and Asia
(Arabian horses).

42
Chapter 3
The Emergence of Herding Groups in Rio Grande do Sul

3.1. Introduction
There is no way to tell the history of Rio Grande do Sul (hereon RS) without
highlighting the fundamental role played by the introduction of cattle, horses and
dogs to the South America. In addition, as is well known, the Pampa region is
strongly linked to cattle breeding and herding activities, carried out by the Gaúcho
on horseback accompanied by a dog. This tradition not only originated at the
time of colonization of the Americas, it has also remained alive until the present.
This chapter will be dedicated to a historical review of the region, to provide a
context in which to place the more local observations to follow.

Figure 1 - Maps of South America and Rio Grande do Sul, with emphasis on the Pampa
region in the latter.

The animals under investigation, which together formed the nuclei of

livestock herding, were introduced into South America by the Portuguese and
Spanish crowns in the late 15th and early 16th centuries. As we shall see, the early
breeds have undergone changes and improvements over the years. Nevertheless,

43
it is important to gain an overview of how cattle, horses and dogs contributed to
the formation of territories dedicated to the herding of livestock, with special
emphasis on RS.
We will see in the course of the chapter how the herding group was
formed, on what soil it emerged and still persists today, what changes have taken
place along the way, as well as its importance for the region. Besides the
attention it has received from historians, a measure of this importance lies in its
centrality to the formation of regional and national identity.

3.2. Cattle4
The introduction of cattle to South America and, consequently, to southern
Brazil, was important to the history of the region, since it not only reshaped the
landscapes of the Pampas, but was also responsible for the interest in, and
settlement, of the land, cementing an activity which became one of its principal
marks of identity. For this reason, the process has been the subject of extensive
debate by Gaúcho historians from the very beginning of the twentieth century.
The principal historical accounts of the introduction of cattle to RS, which
I draw on here, are by Jaeger (1943), Pôrto (1937, 1954) and Bruxel (1959,
1960, 1961, 1987), all of them in favour the Jesuit reductions history of the Banda
Oriental of the Uruguay River5 (see figure 2 below), complemented by the more
recent work of Maestri (2010).
The Society of Jesus was a religious order belonging to the Catholic
Church. Founded in 1534, it aimed to catechize indigenous communities in
territories colonized by the Spanish and Portuguese crowns. The Society was
formed by missionaries known as Jesuits. In South America, this involved the
founding of several mission villages called reductions (reducciones) and missions
(misiones). These institutions, as we shall see, played an important role in the

4
See, at the end of the 'Conclusions' section, the timeline of the process of cattle introduction to the
Banda Oriental of the Uruguay River (currently Rio Grande do Sul and Uruguay), as well as the formation
of the Vacaria of the Sea, the institution of the estâncias and the constitution of the Seven Peoples of the
Missions in the same region.
5
The Banda Oriental of the Uruguay River (meaning Eastern Side of the Uruguay River) was the name of
the region, formerly belonging to the Spanish Crown, located east of the Uruguay and La Plata rivers,
which currently comprises the state of Rio Grande do Sul and the country Uruguay (see Figure 2).

44
formation of the Brazilian state of Rio Grande do Sul, as well as being responsible
for the implantation and initial development of the husbandry in the region, a
tradition that has persisted until today.

Figure 2 – Hatched area indicating the region called Banda Oriental of the Uruguay River
in the initial period of Spanish and Portuguese colonization of South America.

The demarcation of borders, leading to the formation of RS, was greatly

influenced by the Portuguese and Spanish presence. These boundaries, at that
time between Portuguese and Spanish crowns, resulted from intense disputes
and treaties, leading to a very particular formation in the southern territories of
Brazil in terms of customs, habits and language. The Spanish inheritance in RS is
one of the main distinguishing features of the region’s inhabitants compared to
the rest of Brazil. Other Spanish contributions which could be emphasized here
were the breeding of cattle and sheep, and also the use of horses in herding
activities (Jaeger, 1943; Pôrto, 1954; Bruxel, 1960, 1961; Maestri, 2010).
As both Pôrto (1954) and Maestri (2010) point out, the Spanish crown was
initially interested in the exploration of gold and silver in the Americas and, since
arriving in 1492, it had concentrated its efforts in Central and northern South

45
America, with the Viceroyalty of Peru established as the southernmost strategic
point. Like the Spaniards, the Portuguese, who arrived in 1500, did not give much
importance to the regions further south. However, from the seventeenth century,
especially Portugal, attracted by silver, sought to establish trade through the port
of Buenos Aires. In the meantime, Spanish Jesuit Reductions were established in
various locations in the region as missionaries tried to indoctrinate the indigenous
peoples and block the Portuguese advance into Spanish territories. The southern
land fringes were populated by establishing several Jesuit Reductions among
Guarani and Tape communities. These populations engaged in horticulture,
agriculture and, especially, the husbandry of livestock, including cattle and
horses, but also mules and sheep (Jaeger, 1943; Pôrto, 1954; Bruxel, 1960 and
1961; and Maestri, 2010).
The ‘initial hoof’6 of the herds that proliferated in the region of the Plata
River came from animals formerly belonging to the sesmaria of São Vicente
(currently São Paulo state) in Brazil, which supplied the cattle introduced to the
Banda Oriental of Uruguay (Jaeger, 1943; Pôrto, 1954; Bruxel, 1960 and 1961).
These cattle, called Vicentino, originated from the Island of Cape Verde
(belonging to Portugal) and were introduced into Brazil in 1534 by Martim Afonso
de Souza, the grantee of the São Vicente sesmaria. The herds multiplied in the
Plata River region from the time of their arrival, in 1555, until around 1570
(Bruxel, 1960; Pôrto, 1954), having reached impressive numbers according to
these authors. From then on, a small herd of cattle from Peru was introduced
into the same region, adding to the Vicentino cattle which already proliferated
there.
In the late sixteenth century, Santa Fé and Corrientes villages (currently
in Argentinian territory) were founded, and Buenos Aires was re-founded7 due to
the interest of the Spanish Crown in expanding the population of the La Plata
Pampa. This process of population expansion was largely based on bovine
husbandry, and was favoured by the vast extent of pastures. It led to the

6
The term means ‘the first animals or herds.’
7
The Spanish conqueror Pedro de Mendoza was responsible for the first foundation, in 1536. But it lasted
only until 1542, when it was occupied by the Querandíes Indians and abandoned by the Spaniards.

46
formation of large vacarias8 in these regions, such as Santa Fé and Corrientes,
which became the main suppliers of the cattle taken to the Banda Oriental of
Uruguay.
Further south, the missionaries of the Society of Jesus were mainly
responsible for introducing herds to the Banda Oriental of Uruguay River or Tape
region (today Uruguay and RS). The Jesuit action (converting the ‘pagan’ Guarani
Indians and organizing them in Reductions or Missions) was a fundamental part
of the Spanish Crown’s campaign to conquer and populate South America, and
to establish barriers against the Portuguese advance towards the south. Eighteen
Reductions were founded by the Jesuits in the first period (1626-1634) in the
Banda Oriental of Uruguay River, and seven in the second one (1682-1768).
In 1634, 3,0009 cattle from the vacaria of Corrientes were driven to the
Banda Oriental of Uruguay10, in order to establish cattle estâncias around the
Reductions. However, with the invasions of Bandeiras Portuguesas11 in 1635, the
Reductions were abandoned, and their populations had to seek shelter on the
western banks of the Uruguay River. During the resulting the exodus of Jesuit
and Christianised Guaranis, which lasted until 1682, the abandoned cattle lived
freely as chimarrão (the local name for wild cattle). These animals migrated to
the south, forming the Vacaria of the Sea. The Jesuits, however, kept vigil over
these herds and even added more cattle extracted from the Argentinian vacarias.
According to Bruxel (1961), the Vacaria of the Sea was stocked by one million
cattle, but Pôrto (1954), citing another source, estimates there to have been
some ‘four million cows.’
It is important to highlight some ‘natural’ features essential to the
establishment and propagation of the cattle in these regions: the abundance of
pastures, as already mentioned; the salinity of the pastures and their waters; the
distribution of rivers which served as barriers to the movement of the herds,
preventing them from dispersing over larger areas; and finally, the presence of

8
The word 'vacaria' comes from the Spanish term 'vaquería', which was coined by the Jesuits to designate
large expanses of grasslands occupied by impressive amounts of cattle that reproduced of their own
accord.
9
The number varies from author to author; some put it at 1,500 or 2,000 animals.
10
The herds were conducted by the priests Pedro Romero and Cristóvão de Mendoza.
11
Organized companies that had, as one of their functions, to hunt and enslave indigenous people.

47
capões de mato (an isolated stand of forest within a pasture, very commonly
found in the Pampa vegetation) under which cattle could shelter from wind, rain
and cold. These and other features were crucial to the introduction, propagation
and concentration of cattle herds in the vacarias in RS and Uruguay, especially in
the process of formation of the Vacaria of the Sea (Bruxel, 1960, 1961). As can
be seen from the map below (figure 3), several rivers have restricted wider
spread of cattle in the region. To the south, however, there were better quality
pastures and watering points, as well as capões de mato to be used as sheltering
places, and these encouraged the migration of the herds to southern Uruguay.
The concentration of cattle is also explained by their gregarious character (Bruxel,
1960).
It should be noted that this process was slow and gradual, lasting about
fifty years. Otherwise these herds would not have advanced and concentrated at
such great distances from their points of origin, since their movement is
characteristically slow, and they tend to stay in places with which they are
familiar.

Figure 3 - Schematic map of the location of Vacaria do Mar (Vacaria of the Sea) and the
cattle movement, based on the information of Pôrto (1954) and Bruxel (1960, 1961).

48
 The next stage, known as the ‘Second Phase of the Eastern Missions,’
began in 1682, when the exodus of the Jesuits and Christianised Guaranis on the
western side of the Uruguay River came to an end, prompting their return to the
Banda Oriental. From then on, and based on their previous experience, these
people concentrated their efforts on seven Reductions located in the current state
of RS (the so-called Seven Peoples of the Missions), that is, to the north of the
state and next to each other in order to facilitate their communication.
The missions made two important further contributions to cattle breeding
on the eastern bank of the Uruguay River: the establishment of the estâncias
dedicated to breeding (as we will see in detail below); and the formation of the
Vacaria of the Pine Trees. The estâncias were the germ of the future cattle
breeding system in RS and Uruguay, while the Vacaria of the Pine Trees
contributed to opening new routes linking the south and north of Brazil through
the work of drovers.
From the time of their arrival in the extreme south of South America, cattle
transformed the history of the peoples of this region. The herds that expanded
through RS originated mainly from cattle brought from Cape Verde, introduced
into Brazil in the captaincy of São Vicente; a smaller portion originated from
Spanish cattle taken from Peru to Paraguay (Pôrto, 1954). However, over the
long period of living ‘in the wild,’ they developed very particular qualities, with
the re-emergence of characteristics that had been suppressed under domesticity.
These include dark red coats called fusca (dark) with some with white patches,
called ‘overos’ (Pôrto, 1954; Bruxel, 1961: 203). They were corpulent animals
with a bulky head, great horns, little suited for milk production, but of great value
as beef cattle (Pôrto, 1954). These cattle were called Chimarrão, Crioulo,
Orelhano, Colonão, Laranjo or Franqueiro. Currently, they are bred on a small
scale (1,200 cattle) in the Fields over the Hills (in the Brazilian states of RS and
Santa Catarina), with the main objective to avoid the breed’s extinction12.

12
Available on www.canalrural.com.br at 12/12/17.

49
Figure 4. Cattle introduced to the Banda Oriental of the Uruguay River (current RS and
Uruguay), called Chimarrão, Crioulo, Orelhano and Franqueiro (available on
www.portaldasmissoes.com.br at 01/12/17).

According to Maestri (2010), until the beginning of the nineteenth century,

three quarters of the bovine herd (all Chimarrão) of the farms of RS were still
raised in the ‘wild’ condition. However, over the years, the breed has been
replaced by others that are more productive and easily handled, such as Hereford
and Angus, introduced in Brazil in the early twentieth century. Both breeds, along
with Durham, were among the first to be introduced to the country since the
advent of São Vicente and Peruvian cattle, more precisely, in Bagé municipality,
in RS: the Angus in 190613 and the Hereford in 190714. Even today, these breeds
dominate the Pampa herd of RS, as Ribas and Massuquetti (2008) show in their
work on Gaúcho cattle:

The Gaúcho herd is composed of 44.8% of crosses between European

and zebu breeds, 35.2% is made up of general cattle, 10.2% is
represented by crosses between European breeds and only 9.8% of the
herd consists of pure breeds. The Angus breed represents 49.1% of the
herd of pure breeds, followed by the Hereford breed with 18.2%, so
that the largest share (30%) of crosses between European breeds
occurs between the two breeds. (Ribas e Massuquetti, 2008: 10)

3.3. Horses
The history of horses in RS is closely linked to that of cattle, not only in
the way they were introduced – by European settlers in the late fifteenth and
early sixteenth centuries – but also due to their indispensability for droving and

13
See Brazilian Association of Angus, available on angus.org.br/quem-somos/ at 12/12/17.
14
See Brazilian Association of Hereford and Bradford, available on
www.abhb.com.br/hereford/hereford/ at 12/12/17.

50
herding the chimarrão herds which, at that time, were dispersed over large areas
of the Brazilian Pampa, as already noted. However it is important to enter one
caveat regarding the link between cattle and horses in the region; for while there
is no record of the presence of cattle on American soil prior to colonisation, fossil
records of ancestral horses are scattered across the continent. These ancestors,
however, became extinct some ten thousand years ago (Simpson, 1951,
Spalding, 1953, Goulart, 1964; Clutton-Brock, 1992). Consequently, the return of
horses to the continent was due entirely to the importation of domesticated
animals by the Spanish colonizers15.
Along with cattle, horses were introduced to the Americas by the Spanish
Crown, from 1492. According to Clutton-Brock (1992), the horses of South
America were introduced by Pizarro in 153216. The equine herds which occupied
the Pampas came from domesticated Andalusian horses (Simpson, 1951;
Spalding, 1953; Pôrto, 1954; Bruxel, 1960; Goulart, 1964; Budiansky, 1998), and
were brought by Pedro de Mendoza in his attempt to found the city of Buenos
Aires in 1535. Besides the war horses of the expedition’s cavalry officers, the
expedition brought a breeding stock or a hundred males and females (Spalding,
1953; Pôrto, 1954; Bruxel, 1960). As the expedition was forced to abandon the
settlement, the herd was left behind and multiplied enormously through the
plains, such that by 1580, when the new group of settlers headed by Juan de
Garay arrived, they found ‘mares and horses in such numbers that (…) they look
like woods from a distance’ (Clutton-Brock, 1992: 144). According to Pôrto (1954)
and Goulart (1964), after around forty years in the wild the equine herd had
reached 800,000 animals.
The horses introduced into RS came from these huge herds of Andalusian
origin that had expanded from Buenos Aires throughout the Argentinian Pampa,
more specifically from the regions of Santa Fé and Corrientes (Pôrto, 1954;
Bruxel, 1960; Goulart, 1964), just as had the cattle herds, as we have already

15
According to the texts cited in this research, the exact date of arrival of the domesticated horse to the
American continent differs: Budiansky (1998), Spalding (1953) and Goulart (1964) note a date of 1494,
through the second voyage of Columbus to the New World. Clutton-Brock (1992) records the date as
1492, that is, the first expedition of Columbus. However, Simpson (1951) records that the arrival took
place in 1519, on the expedition of Hernán Cortés from Havana to Mexico.
16
Goulart (1964: 40) presents a complete list of the introduction of horses in Central and South America.

51
seen. Once again, it was the Jesuits who were largely responsible, as they crossed
the Uruguay River, in 1634, to found the first Reductions in the current territory
of RS. But in the introduction of horses to RS, an equally important role was
played by ‘Indian riders,’ namely the Guaicuru, made up of Yaros, Charruas and
Minuanos (Pôrto, 1937; and Bruxel, 1960).

Figure 5. Indian riders by Florián Paucke (undated watercolours). (From

pueblosoriginarios.com/biografias/paucke.html at 24/01/2019)

However, over time, Andalusian horses have crossed with other breeds
subsequently introduced into the region, making it difficult to establish a
genealogy today. These various crossings have resulted in animals of different
coats and sizes, a scenario that is quite common on current farms in RS. It is
important to note, however, that especially from 1932, when the Association of
Crioulos Horse Breeders17 was established in RS by a group of owners of estâncias
and farms, the Crioulo breed was proposed as a ‘genuine’ result of natural
selection on the populations of horses brought by Spanish settlers and which had
multiplied freely through the southern Pampas, mainly in Argentina, Chile,
Uruguay and Southern Brazil. Notwithstanding the discussion of the peculiarities
of this or that breed as ‘genuine’ to this or that place, my main purpose here has
been to present, historically, the importance of the horse in the formation of
certain segment of RS society, especially connected to cattle herding activities.
A measure of the importance of the horse in the South American Pampas
lies in the abundant Argentinian literature on the subject of the relation between

17
See page http://cavalocrioulo.org.br/

52
the Gaúcho and his horse, reviewed by Slatta (1983: 26), thus: ‘My horse was
my life, /my wealth, my only treasure’ (Juan María Gutiérrez). According to
Walker (2008: 108), ‘A Gaúcho’s worldly goods often consisted of a horse and a
long curved knife that served as both tool and weapon.’ Or again, Clutton-Brock
(1992: 148) notes that ‘As with the native Americans in the North, the Pampas
and Patagonian peoples of the southern continent (…) could be described as
having a culture based on the horse.’ Another example is the trilogy by the
Brazilian novelist Cyro Martins, entitled ‘The Gaúcho on Foot’ (written between
1934 and 1944), dedicated to the marginalized condition of the men of the Pampa
due to industrialization, which led to the impoverishment of rural areas and the
exodus of rural people to the cities.

3.4. Dogs

The introduction of dogs to the Americas was a more complex event than
it was for cattle and horses, if approached generically. With cattle and horses, as
we have seen, they either did not exist or went extinct long before the arrival of
the settlers, so it was relatively easy to establish a historic and hereditary line
with the herds that would later populate the RS. However, the same did not
happen with dogs, since they were not extinct prior to the arrival of the Spanish
and Portuguese. On the other hand, according to Bolton (2020), there are reports
from the 17th century indicating a process of elimination of indigenous dogs by
the local populations in favour of the adoption of dogs brought by the colonizers,
since the latter were considered more useful for hunting and guarding. In
addition, as also stated by Bolton (2020), there are contemporary genetic studies
in mongrels from South America evidencing the virtual disappearance of genetic
traits of pre-colonization indigenous dogs, therefore supporting the 17th century
reports. Nevertheless, as we are interested here in investigating the origins of
dogs used for herding cattle and sheep in South America, or more specifically in
RS, I will restrict myself to the history of the Gaúcho ovelheiro dog, or simply
ovelheiro, as they are called in the region.
There is yet another difficulty in establishing the origins of the ovelheiro,
which is lies in the paucity of information and ensuing controversy on when and

53
how this herding dog was introduced into RS. In the absence of a definitive
solution, I can merely outline some of the alternative scenarios that have been
proposed.
One hypothesis proposes the crossbreeding of original chimarrão dogs,
which populated RS and Uruguay at the same time as cattle and horses were
introduced into the region, with Rough Collies and Border Collies. The former
would have been brought by European settlers in the nineteenth century and the
latter in the 1950s by farmers from the city of Uruguaiana in RS (Calmon, 2009).
Another hypothesis, based on a historical, morphological and behavioural
study, argues that the ovelheiro is descended from shepherd dogs of the southern
region, with no specific breed, and also from Rough Collie, Serra da Estrela and
German shepherd breeds. The Serra da Estrela arrived in RS from 1784, brought
by Portuguese immigrants at a time when the Portuguese Crown was concerned
to occupy the vast uninhabited southern regions. The German breeds, in turn,
were introduced around 1920 in order to cross with ovelheiro dogs and enhance
their strength and combativeness, traits required for both cattle management
and defence against chimarrão dogs (Pennacchi, 2003).
A third hypothesis denies that Border collies played any part in the
formation of the ovelheiro, since the collies were not introduced until 1950, while
evidence and photographic records of the ovelheiro exist from long before that
time. Still basing their arguments on morphological and behavioural
characteristics, proponents of this hypothesis argue that the ovelheiro is
descended from the Scotch Collie and Serra Estrela breeds. Although there are
no records of Scotch Collies’ introduction to RS, there are records of English sheep
breeders in Uruguay in 1883, while many sheep farmers in Argentina at the time
were of English, Scottish and Welsh origin18. It is noteworthy that supporters of
this hypothesis are mostly breeders of the ovelheiro themselves, and are looking
to have the breed recognized by the main regulating institutions19.
Irrespective of the controversy over the origins of the Gaúcho ovelheiro
dog, the relevance of this debate lies principally in the attempt to establish an

18
See https://acogovelheiro.com/blog/
19
An interesting anthropological work that addresses this debate is Barreto (2015).

54
official identity for one of the icons of RS livestock herding, complemented by the
character of the Gaúcho and the crioulo horse. However, from my experience in
a region that attaches great value to such identities, namely the southern RS, I
would venture to say that, for farm workers, the most cherished characteristic of
ovelheiros lies in their performance in herding cattle and sheep. And this
performance, over the years, has been taken as the hallmark not so much of a
particular breed but rather as a key component of the triad – dog, Gaúcho and
horse – at the heart of RS identity.

3.5. Humans
The character of the Gaúcho figures extensively in South American
literature, both fictional and non-fictional, mostly in RS, Uruguay and Argentina.
The origins and formation of this character is a subject of intense controversy,
even today, and the same goes for the etymology of the term. In the same
regions mentioned above, innumerable historical studies have sought to decipher
the etymology of the term gaucho and gaúcho, among which the one by Caviglia
Hijo (1933) stands out for suggesting 36 possible origins of the word, such as:
Arabian, Araucanian, Charrua, French, Guarani, Portuguese, Quechua, Spanish
and Tupi. For example, Maestri (2010: 40) says that ‘huachu or huakcho, in
Quechua, (…) means “orphan”,’ ‘vagabond,’ ‘without roots.’ Slatta (1983: 9), in
the same vein, states that ‘The Araucanian term hauchú and the Quechua word
hauk-cha, both mean orphan.’ Maggie Bolton, for her part, told me: ‘I’m inclined
towards the Quechua origin of the word - waqcha - meaning orphan, kinless
person or vagabond.’ There is still the record of Saint-Hilaire (1936) that relates
the word gaúcho to the Portuguese terms garrucho or gahucho, meaning ‘men
without religion or morals, mostly Indians or mestizos.’ Despite the different
meanings that such a number of options bear it seems that orphan and vagabond
stand out as initial perceptions of the character called gaucho or gaúcho20. But
besides the debate over what and who would be ‘true’ or ‘typical,’ the image of
the Gaúcho has been variously constructed and appropriated for the most diverse

20
Two interesting Rio Grandense studies on the different etymologies and perceptions of the gaúcho can
be found in Reverbel (1998) and Meyer (1960).

55
purposes. In RS it is considered: (1) an ideological construction of the early
twentieth century adduced to support national integration; (2) the representative
of a rural elite tied to large estates of cattle breeding; or (3) a symbol of the
‘tradition’ of a people, the meaning of which is contested by different social,
political and economic interest groups. For the purposes of this research,
however, I will present some features that may have contributed to the
constitution of a certain kind of Gaúcho that is part of my own memories and
recent experiences in farms of southern RS: the worker who spends a good part
of his life managing herds of cattle and sheep, invariably accompanied by his
horse and his dog.
To illustrate the debate about the origins of the Gaúcho I will refer to
certain authors who have drawn on it, including Slatta (1983), who devotes the
first chapter of his book to the topic. For Slatta, academic debate over the origin
or birthplace of the Gaúcho is divided between ‘Hispanists’ and ‘Americanists’
(Slatta 1983: 7). The former defend the European contribution, with Andalusian
or Arabian roots, while the latter argue for an autochthonous origin, seeing the
Gaúcho, in Slatta’s words, as ‘the product of a unique New World frontier
environment’ (Slatta, 1983: 7).
In the first half of the twentieth century, Brazilian historians wanted to
understand how the nation was formed; much of their effort was therefore
devoted to assigning an identity to the people of the territory. Regarding RS,
there was also a confrontation between supporters of Hispanic (Ornellas, 1999)
and Portuguese (Vellinho, 1970) roots. The former, on the one hand, argued for
a Platina21 root of Iberian origin, more specifically with Andalusian and Arabian
traits, in which the horse played a prominent role. The latter, on other hand,
highlighted the Lusitanian22 origin of the Gaúcho in consonance with the
nationalist mainstream of that time which downplayed any Hispanic influence,
while emphasising language as the principal foundation of Brazilian national
unity. The current generation of RS historians (like Maestri, 2010) would side with

21
A region bordering the La Plata River and including parts of Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay.
22
Lusitanian came from the word Lusitânia, that is, an old region located in the Iberian Peninsula which
today is Portuguese territory. From then on, Lusitanian or Luso refers to what is native to that region, in
short, that has Portuguese origin.

56
the Americanist position, as discussed by Slatta (1983), favouring the view of the
Gaúcho as of autochthonous origin and formation.
In the context of RS, the historians who have devoted themselves to
studying the origins of the region have invariably devoted some space to the
emergence of the Gaúcho and, like Ornellas (1999) and Vellinho (1970), they
differ in their arguments. Bruxel (1960), for example, attributed the birth of
Gaúcho to the association between the Charruas Indians and the Spaniards for
the management of cattle in the region that is now Entre Ríos, Argentina. Pôrto
(1954), in turn, identifies the Minuanos Indians, who inhabited the current
Uruguay and RS, as ancestors of the Gaúcho. And according to Maestri (2010),
the Gaúcho arose from the first mounted activities for handling cattle herds,
undertaken by Charrua and Minuano peoples, by Guarani missionaries, by
Spanish and Portuguese of humble origin and later – with the most intense
occupation of the lands by the Portuguese and Spanish crowns – by African
slaves.
All however share the same idea as to the condition of the groups that
formed what would later come to be known as Gaúcho, that is, adventurous,
semi-barbarian, vagabonds, thieves, smugglers, ‘lawless, kingless, godless.’ This
despised group, however, was in fact a minority in its economic, social or ethnic
condition, situated on the fringes of colonial society. The Gaúcho, therefore, was
formed from an amalgam of ethnicities, and ancestral origins, along with the
introduction and spread of cattle and horses in southern South America, mainly
due to the abundance of chimarrão cattle available in the Vacaria of the Sea. In
addition, according to Maestri (2010), and as we shall see in detail later, with the
establishment of the estâncias and consequent privatization of land and cattle,
only a small proportion of this population turned to subaltern manual labour in
cattle herding.
Finally, the cattle attracted the Portuguese Crown, which advanced
towards the south of Brazil, and disputes between Spanish and Portuguese began
to transform the southern landscapes. In the meantime, as noted earlier, the
Jesuits were expelled from the Eastern Band of the Uruguay River, abandoning
the Seven Peoples of the Missions and leaving behind their estâncias full of cattle

57
and horse herds. RS cattle husbandry thus developed under the Luso-Brazilian
possession of these territories and their natural resources. And following the
establishment of the Republic in Brazil (from the late nineteenth and early
twentieth century), when the process of constructing national unity and identity
truly got underway, the image of the Gaúcho has been transformed into a symbol
of regional identity, occupying a prominent place in the national imaginary.

Figure 6. Indio a Caballo (Indian on Horseback), drawing ink on paper by Alberto

Güiraldes. (from www.naon2.com/hist/1527/od/14273-012.html at 06/03/2016)

3.6. Estâncias
Another inheritance left by the Jesuits and Christianized Guaranis, mainly
in the far south of South America, including RS in particular, were the nuclei of
cattle breeding, namely the estâncias. These institutions, born in the second half
of the seventeenth century, have survived over the years and, despite the natural
changes suffered in the meantime, have retained in their essence many features
still present in the contemporary cattle farms of RS. In addition, they were the
main soil from which the herding group emerged and persisted. I will therefore
conclude my historical exploration of the association of dogs, horses and humans
in RS with the origin and formation of the estâncias.
The missionaries and Christianised Guaranis, during their first period of
exile in the Banda Ocidental, on the western side of the Uruguay River, realizing

58
the growing interests of Portuguese and Spaniards in the herds of the Vacaria of
the Sea and contemplating a return to the Banda Oriental, began the process of
establishing estâncias in order to manage the cattle left behind due to the
invasion of the Portuguese Bandeiras from 1635. Although some occupy
considerable areas of land, these institutions were smaller than the space covered
by the Vacaria of the Sea, and were laid out to the south of the future Seven
Peoples of the Missions – Santo Ângelo, São Borja, São João, São Lourenço, São
Luiz, e São Miguel and São Nicolau (see figure 7, below).
The Jesuits predicted that by the end of the first quarter of the eighteenth
century the Vacaria of the Sea would be emptied of cattle. Pôrto (1954) mentions
a document from 1722, claiming that there were no more than 30,000 cattle
remaining in that year. The decision to establish estâncias in the Banda Oriental
was therefore fundamental for the maintenance of the Seven Peoples when the
missionaries and Christianized Guaranis returned to the eastern (Tape) region.
Except for a large one to the north (São Luiz) and other smaller ones (like
São Tomé and La Cruz), the estâncias23 covered the entire territory located to
the south of the line formed by the Ibicuí and Jacuí rivers (see figure 7). The first
estância established in the Banda Oriental was São Xavier in 1657 (Pôrto, 1954).
The two biggest estâncias were Japeju and São Miguel: the first was founded in
1657 (Levinton, 2005) to supply the village of the same name, and the second in
1687 (Pôrto, 1954), when the old Reduction of the same name was abandoned
due to the incursion of bandeirantes24.
Japeju was initially located in the domains of the current state of the Rio
Grande de Sul and next to the village located on the right bank of the Uruguay
River (Pôrto, 1954). But over the years it was expanded southwards into what is
now Uruguay. Pôrto (1954) notes that parts of these new territories were
annexed due to a vacaria called Rio Negro, formed from the cattle that escaped
from the herds taken from the Vacaria of the Sea to the villages of the second
phase of the Missions. São Miguel, according Pôrto, gained in turn a prominent

23
In the documents left by the Jesuits references were found to thirteen: Japeju or Yapeyú, São Xavier,
São Borja, São Miguel, São Lourenço, São João, São Luiz, São Nicolau, Conceição, Santo Ângelo, La Cruz,
São Tomé and Dos Apóstolos.
24
People belonging to the Bandeiras companies; see footnote 6.

59
place in cattle breeding due to the extent and central location of its territory in
relation to the other Reductions, as well as its direct connection with the Vacaria
of the Sea.
These two estâncias have supplied their homonymous villages and, due to
the size of their herds, have also provided cattle for the other Reductions. Figure
7 shows, schematically, the distribution of these estâncias in the Banda Oriental
of the Uruguay River lands.

Figure 7. Modified map of the Jesuit estâncias based on Acri (1985).

The Jesuit Reductions (or Peoples) depended on the estâncias to supply

their inhabitants. Thus, each People possessed a large estância far from the
village; in turn, this was divided into smaller estâncias, also called ‘posts’ (postos),

60
which were administered by families; closest to the villages were paddocks or
winter stays, and next to the communities were the corrals to which the animals
were taken to be slaughtered. As Pôrto (1954) points out, chapels were also
erected beside these estâncias and posts, from which there emerged the
population nuclei which would become the future cities of RS. Thus, the process
of settlement of the Banda Oriental of the Uruguay River was based on a system
of mission settlements supported by cattle husbandry.
After the second expulsion of the missionaries and Christianized Guaranis
in 1768 as a result of the Treaty of Madrid (1750), which exchanged Colônia de
Sacramento for the Seven Peoples of the Missions and established the Uruguay
River as the western border between the lands of the Portuguese and Spanish
crowns, the estâncias and cattle were inherited by Luso-Brazilians who divided it
according to the system of sesmarias 25, thus initiating a new chapter in the
history of RS cattle breeding.
A certain strand of historiography, mainly from the beginning of the
twentieth century, has attempted to dissociate the history of RS from its ‘Spanish’
past, suggesting that cattle, having initially been introduced by the Jesuits and
Christianized Guaranis, were brought in over again with the foundation of the
estâncias. However, as we have seen, there is no way to deny the link between
Spanish and Portuguese influences, despite the contrast between the Spanish-
Jesuit and Portuguese-Brazilian societies. This bond has been underlined by
Maestri (2009):

The missionary livestock assumed the character of extensive pastoral

production inherited by the future Portuguese-Brazilian estâncias,
disseminated in the Campanha26, Missions, Neutral Fields and north of
current Uruguay (...). The lasso, boleaderas, poncho, barbecue, mate,
taming on open field, cattle aquerenciamento27 and handling in rodeo,
fords of the rivers, bluffs in the hills, the origin of many southern cities,
etc. were some of the legacies passed on by the Guarani missions to
the civilization of the Rio Grande do Sul. (…) The great difference

25
“The sesmaria consisted (…) of little more than thirteen thousand hectares, providing free and full
donation, at no cost, unless the tithing of Christ, under the obligation of the donatories to occupy and
exploit these lands.” (Maestri, 2010: 24)
26
Denomination of micro-regions belonging to the Southwest mesoregion of Rio Grande do Sul.
27
Term derived from the word querência: place where the animal was created or where it has become
accustomed to grazing and to which it returns when removed.

61
 between the two societies was the character of labour and land
ownership, collective in the Guarani missions, private in the Portuguese-
Brazilian farms. After the Lusitanian military occupation of the Missions,
in 1801, the Guarani collective estâncias were divided into private
sesmarias, exploited with the slave and wage labour, so that it was
necessary to erase from the regional historical memory those long and
strange times in which the Pampas and cattle belonged to everybody
and not only a few people. (Maestri, 2009)

The Lusitanian Crown, with the sesmaria distribution in the region, initiated
the process of settlement of the Campanha, mainly by organizing estâncias and
pastoral farms. From 1811, when the Portuguese dominated the current
Uruguayan territory, the expansion of estâncias and farms through the RS and
Uruguayan Pampa began, and with it the explosion of pastoral production. From
1870, according to Maestri (2010), these processes were followed by the slow
fencing of properties with wire, thus definitively establishing the boundaries of
the large pastoral estates. It is worth remembering that stone fences had already
been erected by African slave labour, especially in the rich pastoral properties.
This fencing led to profound change not only in the landscape of the Pampa but
also in pastoral practices, limiting the movement of the cattle and drovers through
what, until then, were well-known open prairies.

Figure 8. Example of a stone fence in the RS Pampa. (Picture by Eduardo Amorim from
www.flickr.com/photos/bombeador at 22/04/16).

62
3.7. Conclusions
This chapter, together with the last, concludes this summary of the
historical trajectory of relations between the human and non-human animals
under investigation. We have confirmed the historical importance of the
association between cattle and humans, as well as the cooperation and
complementarity between dogs, horses and humans in the herding activities that
were consistently established in southern South America.
The introduction of cattle and horses into South America, promoted by the
Spanish and Portuguese crowns in their colonization of the ‘New World,’
combined with the favourable ecological conditions of the Pampa region to the
adaptation, multiplication and diffusion of the herds, underpinned the constitution
and development of pastoral societies in these regions.
Regarding RS, especially in its southern half, which comprises the Pampa
biome, the expansion of bovine and equine populations resulted not only in an
economy based in husbandry, but also in a riding tradition. Cattle management
required an association between horses and riders, to which herding dogs were
later joined. In addition, through disputes over the origins and legitimate
representatives of the dog-horse-rider triad, as well as assumptions about its
character and identity, we can glimpse something of its importance for the region.
Finally, we can see how the Jesuit system used to supply the Reductions – later
the estâncias – laid the foundation for the model adopted by RS cattle breeders,
as well as the soil from which the herding group emerged and persists to this
day.
Our historical panorama began with the association of human and non-
human animals in processes of domestication. It has passed through the
establishment and development of livestock-based societies (importantly
represented in southern South America, notably in RS), and it ended with the
emergence of cattle farms in which the herding group assumes a fundamental
role. Our task now is to investigate more closely how the relations making up the
herding group are played out nowadays, and the main elements that underlie
them.

63
 Finally, in order to follow the intricate process of the emergence of the
estâncias in RS more easily, I present the timeline that covers the period from
the introduction of cattle in the Banda Oriental of Uruguay River to the expulsion
of the missionaries and Christian Guaranis from the Seven Peoples of the
Missions:
1634 - Introduction of approximately 3,000 cattle in the Banda Oriental of
Uruguay River by missionaries Pedro Romero and Cristóvão de Mendoza;
beginning of the constitution of the first reductions in the region;

1635 - Beginning of Portuguese Bandeiras' attacks to the region and first exile of
missionaries and Christianized Guaranis in the Banda Ocidental of the Uruguay
River;

1635 to 1682 - Multiplication of cattle herds in the Banda Oriental of the Uruguay
River; formation of the Vacaria of the Sea; and foundation of estâncias in the
Banda Oriental of the Uruguay River to manage the cattle left behind after the
first exile of missionaries and Christianized Guaranis;

1682 - return of missionaries and Christianized Guarani to the Banda Oriental of

the Uruguay River and beginning of the foundation of the Seven Peoples of the
Missions;

1768 - expulsion of the missionaries and Christianized Guaranis as a result of the

Treaty of Madrid (1750).

64
Chapter 4
São Luiz Farm

4.1. Introduction
This chapter inaugurates the empirical part of the current research, in
which I introduce the place where I carried out my fieldwork in the summer of
2017, as well as the principal participants in the relations between human and
nonhuman animals. It is also an opportunity to connect the pastoral past and the
present of Rio Grande do Sul. We will see that this connection is evident in the
farm’s location, the activities developed there and the ways they are performed.
In addition, we will follow the transformations that have occurred over the years
in terms of changes in the Pampa landscapes, the emergence of the most
demanding agricultural crops, the introduction of new cattle breeds and new herd
management techniques. This will then provide a basis for themes to be
discussed in subsequent chapters.

4.2. Location and transformations

The São Luiz farm is located in the municipality of Santa Vitória do Palmar,
which in turn is situated at the southern extremity of Rio Grande do Sul, as shown
in Figure 9. In the past this region was known as Campos Neutrais – that is, it
was part of the territory occupied by huge herds of wild cattle or, more
specifically, the so-called Vacaria do Mar, as can be seen in Figure 3 (in the
previous chapter). This tells us much about the location of a farm dedicated to
beef cattle husbandry, as is the case with the São Luiz farm.

65
Figure 9 - Santa Vitória do Palmar municipality, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. (Source:
pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Santa_Vitória_do_Palmar at 24/01/2019)

The first aspect of the farm’s location arising from this territorial context
concerns the pastoral tradition inherited from the days when wild cattle
spontaneously concentrated on these grasslands and populated the lands of the
Banda Oriental of the Uruguay River. It is worth remembering that we are talking
about the Pampa biome, which covers the south of Rio Grande do Sul (63 per
cent of its total area, including the region in question), Uruguay and part of
Argentina, as can be seen in figure 10 below. It was in this biome that the first
southernmost vacarias of the continent emerged naturally, namely around
Buenos Aires, Entre Ríos, Santa Fé, Corrientes and do Mar, as we saw in the last
chapter. The second aspect of the farm’s location, then, concerns the favourable
ecological conditions for cattle breeding, especially pastures and abundant water
sources.

Figure 10 – The geographical extent of the Pampas: RS, Uruguay and Argentina.
(Source: Faustino, 2004. Revista Ecosistemas, España).

66
 The Pampa is a characteristic biome of the region and important in many
ways. This word originates from Quechua (an indigenous language of South
America and also from the Inca empire), meaning ‘flat region’ – that is, it is
‘associated with the dominant landscape of extensive plains covered with
undergrowth’ (Suertegaray and Pires da Silva, 2009: 43). In addition to the
predominance of grassland, one of the favourable characteristics for cattle
breeding, we could highlight its great biodiversity, in terms of both plant28 and
animal species. For example, the prevailing vegetation of the part belonging to
the state of Rio Grande do Sul is composed of ‘many herbaceous shrubs and
small trees species coexisting in the grass matrix’ (Pillar et al., 2009: 28); while
among animal species we could highlight 120 birds, 97 reptiles, 50 amphibians
and 25 mammals (Pillar et al., 2009). On the other hand, according to the same
authors, 146 taxa belonging to 23 families of dry and humid grasslands, and 47
animal species, are nowadays endangered at the regional level, mainly due to
anthropic actions such as the expansion of agriculture (mainly rice and soya) and
forestry (for pulp production). The Pampa biome has undergone major
transformations since the arrival of the settlers, and the region to which the
municipality of Santa Vitória do Palmar belongs is exemplary in this regard. For
this reason, a brief presentation of the transformations suffered by this territory
will serve not only to illustrate these processes at the regional level, but also to
define the context in which São Luiz farm is situated.
The municipality of Santa Vitória do Palmar is placed in the micro region
of the state known as the ‘Lagoon Coast’ and is part of the geomorphological
province called the ‘Coastal Plain.’ Its lands, therefore, are flat and of low
elevation, such that the city of Santa Vitória do Palmar is only 23 metres above
sea level. Consequently, its landscape is made up of lakes, swamps, beaches,
dunes, as well as grasslands regarded as low, flat and moist, as can be seen in
figures 11 and 12 below. This made it very suitable for rice cultivation, which
requires large volumes of water. Over the last century, the landscapes of Santa
Vitória do Palmar have suffered important modifications as grasslands dedicated

28
According to Pillar et al. (2009), there are around 1,400 vegetal species in the Pampa of Rio Grande do
Sul.

67
to extensive cattle breeding were turned over to rice cultivation29. However, if we
take longer periods of time into account, over the Brazilian Pampa biome as a
whole, the transformations appear to have been much more pronounced.

Figure 11 - Typical flat landscape of Coastal Plain grasslands (São Luiz farm, February
2017, author's collection).

Figure 12 - Swamp inside São Luiz farm, with Lasier gaúcho, Tordilho horse and
Campeiro dog (February 2017, author's collection).

Prior to the arrival of the settlers – that is, before the introduction of cattle
and horses – the lands of Rio Grande do Sul were occupied by indigenous
communities living mainly from hunting and gathering, with small cultivations of
manioc and corn. At that time, the physiognomy of the territory was quite
different, according to Reverbel (1997):

The primitive pastures were high, at many points higher than a man
standing. And among the grasses and legumes, where carpeted patches
of clover and needle grass (Stipa nessiana) emerged, there was bushy
vegetation and huge tufts of thick vegetation. As the population of the

29
Further details on the origins of rice culture in Rio Grande do Sul can be found in Pébayle (1971).
According to the website of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), from 2006 to 2016
around 8 per cent of land was transferred from livestock rearing (mostly cattle and sheep) to agriculture
(mostly rice and soya).

68
 herds increased, the animals, with their movement and browsing, took
the lead in giving the native grasslands a character typical of grazing
regimes. (Reverbel, 1998: 27)

Moreover, the introduction of the European herds curbed the expansion of forest
vegetation, since until then ‘the grazing animals of the native fauna in the
grasslands were small, especially deer, rheas, capybaras, tapirs and small
rodents’ (Behling et al., 2009: 19). These animals were not sufficiently numerous
to affect the observed landscape today, which is the result of approximately three
centuries of extensive livestock grazing. According to Overbeck et al. (2009), a
balanced grazing regime helps to conserve more nutritious plant species in this
ecosystem and to prevent large-scale burning. However overgrazing, the same
authors argue, may reduce these higher quality plant species or even eliminate
them altogether, to be replaced by low quality species, as well as reducing ground
cover and increasing the danger of erosion.
Turning to the effects of the introduction of cattle on the fauna of the
region, Bencke (2009) argues that the disturbance caused by browsing and
trampling led to no significant changes. Instead, the ‘decline of fauna’ – mostly
of birds, rodents and pampas deer – was due to the overgrazing of native
grasslands, and their replacement by exotic grasslands, monocultures or forestry.
Bencke (2009) also presents some data, from 1970, showing a high rate of
replacement of native pastures devoted to cattle raising, associated with a
decrease in cattle herds. But as the rate of decrease was lower than that of
pasture replacement, grazing pressure actually increased. On the basis of these
studies, scholars became very concerned about the lack of actions to protect and
preserve the biome (Pillar et al. 2009). However, their analysis is based on data
at the regional level, so it remains to be seen how our local investigation fits into
this context.
The municipality of Santa Vitória do Palmar has a territorial area of
5,243,578 km² and an estimated population (in 2017) of 31,274 inhabitants.
These data indicate a low population density (5.96 inhabitants / km2), which is
characteristic of the municipalities in the southern half of the state. It results from
the donation of sesmarias by the Portuguese crown in the region during the
period of occupation of southern Brazil, as noted in the last chapter. The main

69
beneficiaries of this were the military, commercial and administrative elites
(Arriada, 2015), and it gave rise to the formation of large estates. At first, most
of these properties were turned into cattle estâncias, but over the years, besides
being divided into smaller properties (farms), parts of these native pastures were
replaced by monocultures, specialised in forestry, rice cultivation, or – most
recently - soya bean production. In this, Santa Vitória do Palmar followed the
same trend as the state of Rio Grande do Sul as a whole. Below I present some
data to illustrate this process of replacement.
In relation to Santa Vitória do Palmar cattle herds, Graph 1 shows a
reduction of 27,000 cattle between the years 1974 and 2016, or 27,000 ha in
terms of the area released for other uses. This can be explained by the increase
of rice (and soya) cultivation, as we shall see below.

210.0
183.0

1974 2016

Graph 1 – Numbers of cattle in Santa Vitória do Palmar (x 1,000) in 1974 and 2016
(Source: IBGE).

Sheep husbandry has always been regarded as an important source of

income in the region, mainly through the production and sale of wool. However,
Graph 2 shows a vertiginous decline in flocks, overall by 88 percent. Considering
that each hectare feeds 5 sheep, some 100,000 ha per year would have been
released for other activities. Given the only slight fall in cattle herds (Graph 1), it
can be concluded that there was a transfer of pasture areas from sheep herding
to agriculture, as shown in the following data.

70
Graph 2 – Year by year numbers of sheep in Santa Vitória do Palmar (x 1,000) (Source:
IBGE).

The production of rice in the municipality, in turn, significantly increased

(see Graph 3), such that from 1985 it has exceeded 300,000 tonnes, reaching its
peak, of more than 550,000 tonnes, in 2016.

Graph 3 – Year by year rice production in Santa Vitória do Palmar (x 1,000 tonnes of
grains with husk) (Source: IBGE).

Figure 13 shows a common feature of landscapes in which anthropic

activities have left their mark to define a very peculiar morphology – one of
irrigation canals crossing soggy soils supporting the growth of rice, but where
cattle herds compete with agriculture for the use of the land. The same picture
is repeated all along the borders where the plains adjoin lakes, swamps, dunes
and sea.

71
Figure 13 - Rice crop, irrigation canal, a bird flying and palms in the background (Source:
www.irga.rs.gov.br at 04/11/17).

The growth of soybean production in the region, although recent (see

Graph 4), may turn out to be of decisive importance as Brazil emerges as the
second largest soybean producer in the world, with 28 per cent of the market. Of
all states in Brazil, Rio Grande do Sul is the biggest producer, with 16 per cent of
the total30.

Graphic 4 – Year on hear harvests of soybean in Santa Vitória do Palmar (in grains x
1,000 tonnes) in its respective harvests (Source: IBGE).

Finally, from the standpoint of land use, Graph 5 shows not only the
relations between areas dedicated to different activities, but mainly the
percentage reductions in areas dedicated to livestock (mostly cattle and sheep)
in favour of areas for agriculture (mostly rice), as well as for soya and forestry.

30
Available on www.atlassocioeconomico.rs.gov.br/soja at 09/11/17.

72
Graph 5 - Percentage of land used in Santa Vitória do Palmar, for livestock breeding,
agriculture and forestry respectively, in 2006 and 2016 (Source: IBGE).

Thus, the alteration of landscape in Santa Vitória do Palmar, which was

once mostly covered in grassland and used as animal pasture, has never been
faster than in the last thirty years. From Pillar et al. (2009) we know that this is
due less to browsing and trampling by the herds of cattle and sheep than to the
expansion of rice monoculture, alongside soybean monoculture and forestry.
However, as we shall see, the farm of São Luiz presents a distinct contrast to
these local and regional trends.

4.3. Towards São Luiz farm

My first contact with the region was through Lasier Silveira Lima, who was
born in Santa Vitória do Palmar, where he lived all his childhood and part of his
adolescence. He is also the husband of a cousin of mine – Carla Canto Bueno –
and it was through her that I met him in the 1990s. In addition, his family has
been engaged in cattle breeding for a long time on both his father’s and his
mother's side. Thus, it was not difficult to organize and carry on my fieldwork in
that region, more specifically on the farm owned by Lasier's uncle – Nilceu Teófilo
Luiz da Silveira – where he (Lasier) had been working as an administrator since
2013.
Lasier's professional career reflects, to some extent, on local reality in
terms of wider transformations in the region and in its predominant activities. To
be more precise, Lasier returned to Santa Vitória do Palmar in the early 2010s

73
after completing his degree in Agronomy in the city of Pelotas (the largest urban
centre in the south of the state), when he started working on rice farms. He also
managed a cattle farm, and worked in a research centre for rice cultivation.
However, agricultural activities did not suit him, mainly due to his daily contact
with pesticides and herbicides. So he decided to dedicate himself to cattle
breeding on his own and leased lands, along with managing the farm of his uncle.
Despite the economic growth and professional opportunities afforded by
rice cultivation, the general population faces tensions and dilemmas due to the
environmental damage that is known to result from cultivation processes.
Moreover, the tradition of cattle breeding remains strong, and considerable
efforts are made to maintain it, along with knowledge, built up over many
generations, to which it has given rise. The São Luiz farm fits precisely into this
context.
The farm, located on the shores of Mirim Lagoon (Figure 14) and 90 km
from the Santa Vitória do Palmar’s urban centre (heading north), is dedicated
exclusively to raising beef cattle and was built by Nilceu's parents. But unlike
most landowners in the region they did not inherit their property; rather, they
earned it by selling cowhide leather. Their resulting connection with the land and
with cattle breeding, which they began after the farm was acquired, was inherited
and maintained by their children and grandchildren. Their esteem for the land
and for the activities developed within it, earned with great effort, also explains
the philosophy behind Nilceu’s management of the farm. His affection for the
place he inherited from his parents is reflected in the relationships established
between human and nonhuman animals, and with the environment in general,
as we will see.

74
Figure 14 - Location of the farm in the local territorial context. (Source: Google Maps at
02/11/2019)

I had never been to São Luiz farm before, so the itinerary that we (Lasier,
Vanessa31 and I) took from Santa Vitória do Palmar to the farm gave me my first
impression of the local landscape, which was exuberant due to the number and
variety of birds along the way, given that we were at the height of the Brazilian
summer (mid-January). This diversity, however, was in stark contrast to the rice
fields that accompanied us for much of the journey. All one could see was a
seemingly endless horizon, miles and miles of soggy land for rice cultivation.
However, this landscape changed as soon as we crossed the border that
separated the farmlands from their surroundings.
We then entered a very particular territory, comprised of dunes, swamps,
native and eucalyptus32 forests, as well as mostly native fields. The variety of
birds in the farm area was truly surprising, not only around the house where
there was a concentration of trees (Figure 15), but also in the distinct niches
scattered on its lands. At the end of the afternoon, we could witness the aerial

31
Vanessa Zamboni is an anthropologist, who accompanied and supported me along all my research.
32
The first record of eucalyptus cultivation in Rio Grande do Sul dates from 1868. From then on it spread
throughout the state, so that small concentrations of this species in farms of the region are quite common
(See www.embrapa.br/florestas/transferencia-de-tecnologia/eucalipto/perguntas-e-respostas at
06/11/2019).

75
spectacle of multiple flocks of birds crossing the farm skies in their characteristic
‘V’ formation, added to the noise of the birds nestling in the trees around the
farm’s headquarters. In addition, from the farm gate to its headquarters, we were
struck by the imposing presence of cattle dispersed among the multiple
potreiros33 into which the farm’s lands are divided (Figure 19).

Figure 15 - São Luiz farm headquarters (February 2017, author's collection).

Regarding the structure of the farm, another feature that caught my

attention were the many gates which, as a passenger, I had to open and close
until we reached the farm’s headquarters. There were far more than I was
accustomed to, indicating that the herds of the property had been carefully
separated to make the most profitable use of its fields, as we will see in detail
below.
The total area of the property, including swamps, forests, etc., at the time
of my stay, was 796 hectares. However, the amount varied depending on the
availability of land for rent. For example, at that time 115 hectares had been
subtracted because they were requested by the owner for her rice cultivation. In
this specific case the owner was Nilceu’s daughter. According to Lasier, leasing
arrangements amongst family members are quite common because they are
more reliable.
Concerning the philosophy that guides the farm’s management, which I
have already touched upon, Nilceu defended the preservation of native fields,
that is, by altering neither soil nor vegetation. Lasier, for his part, advocated

33
Medium fenced pastures areas into which the cattle herds were separated according to need.

76
subtle improvements such as using winter forage pastures (ryegrass, clover and
sweet clover), as well as flattening fields used in the past for rice cultivation by
dismantling the water-retaining walls. Thus, in general terms, the philosophy
employed in the farmlands was oriented to the preservation of native fields and
improvements which have minimal impacts on the local ecosystem.
Another feature that reflects the distinct style of management on São Luiz
farm concerns retired horses. Those horses that had reached a certain age or
had health problems were allowed to roam free on the farm until their deaths.
This, and other practices, demonstrated a relationship of care and respect for the
environment and for the nonhuman animals who lived together with the farm’s
human inhabitants.

4.4. Animals
As noted above, the farm specialises in breeding beef cattle and, at the
time I was there, the herd totalled approximately 600 animals, although exact
numbers were quite variable, mainly due to the births, purchases and sales. This
total is divided by age, gender and function, as follows: 4 breeding bulls; 199
oxen; 156 heifers of around 1.5 years of age (60 in-calf); 106 calves born in the
farm; and 136 cows. This herd was composed predominantly of Black and Red
Angus breeds (80 per cent), among which were the four black bulls. But the
Hereford breed (20 per cent) also was present. The choice of breed, according
to Nilceu, was due to characteristics like ‘fertility, environmental endurance,
adaptability, docility and good carcass yield.’ There was no pressure, however,
to develop a purebred, which is why they used to cross either Angus or Hereford
cows with their Angus bulls. Examples from the herd can be seen in Figure 16.

77
Figure 16 - Examples of the cattle on Sao Luiz farm, January and February 2017 (Pictures
by Vanessa Zamboni).

The other nonhuman animals that deserve to be highlighted here, as

pivotal to the herding group on which this research is focused, are horses and
dogs. The activities of herding cattle (and also sheep) in Rio Grande do Sul have
traditionally been done mostly on horseback and accompanied by dogs, as
discussed in the previous chapter.
With regard to the horses, the farm had an adult equine herd of thirteen
animals (seven females and three males) along with one female and two male
foals. Four were retired, due to age or health problems, and six were in service.
Horses were identified by their coat; while each rider usually had his or her

78
exclusive mount. There were no stallions on the farm; all male horses were
castrated. Among the six in service, three will be central characters of this study
– the horses Tordilho and Gateado, and the mare Zaina – portrayed in Figure 17.

Figure 17 – Some São Luiz farm’s horses. From top to bottom and left to right: the horses
Gateado and Tordilho, the mares Tostada and Zaina, and the filly Gateada (Pictures by
Vanessa Zamboni, January and February, 2017).

The dogs of São Luiz farm, in turn, included three males which were
identified by name - Gaiteiro (Piper in English), Duque (Duke in English) and
Campeiro (Cowboy in English, because he was good with herding). Their portraits
are shown in Figure 18. This trio, along with the service horses listed above, also
figure prominently in the present work. They were the first to be introduced to
us when we were arriving at the farm. They welcomed us even when we were
still far from the farm headquarters, showing their enthusiasm as soon as they
heard that Lasier was arriving from the sound of the pickup truck’s engine. They
were not expecting Vanessa and I, and were surprised to see us, so on our first
meeting they smelled us insistently, remaining both withdrawn and curious. Then
they accompanied us, following the car to the farmyard, where they duly
celebrated our arrival.

79
 These dogs, despite their resemblance to border collies, are so-called
ovelheiros (described in the last chapter), and their prowess in cattle herding is
truly impressive. But with their distinct personalities, age and experience, each
had his own way of working with the cattle herds. Their different characters were
very important in grasping the relations between human and nonhuman animals
on São Luiz farm, as we will see later.

Figure 18 – The São Luiz farm’s dog trio. From left to right: Duque (intermediate age),
Gaiteiro (oldest) and Campeiro (youngest). (Pictures by Vanessa Zamboni, January and
February, 2017).

4.5. Infrastructure, activities and farm management

As noted above, the human representatives of the farm were Nilceu (the
owner), Lasier (the administrator) and an employee named Alessandro Capera
Moreno, who had been hired mainly to maintain the fences. Alessandro was in
fact a fisherman, but he would work in different activities on the farms during
the fishing off-season. For example, on São Luiz farm, in addition to taking care
of fencing, he assisted with herding cattle and minor maintenance work on the
property's infrastructure. However, in general, uncle and nephew were the main
workers and managers. It is not uncommon nowadays for breeding farms in Rio
Grande do Sul to have so few workers. In the past, when the fields were not
fenced and were bigger than today, many more workers were required. In
addition, Lasier and Nilceu had an agreement according to which one of them, at
least, must always be there, so as not to leave the farm unmanned. But it was
usually Lasier who spent most of his time on the farm, while his uncle would be
there for around 15 days a month.

80
 The infrastructure of the farm, in turn, depended on the specific activities
for which it was designed, as we will see later. The farmlands were divided into
potreiros, between which the herds would be separated as needed. There were
nine potreiros in all, not counting the farm headquarters and its structure –
including cattle barns/crushes and paddock, as shown in Figure 19.

Figure 19 - Sketch of the potreiros on São Luiz farm (source Google Earth).

Potreiro number 1 gives to the farmlands; number 2 is dedicated to winter

forage; number 5 contains a swamp (see Figure 12); number 9 houses the
highest density of native forest; and the others are of natural grasslands for
cattle. This general view of the property is important for a clear understanding of
the organization of work throughout the year, including the way the herds are
divided and distributed at different times.
Apart from the potreiros, the farm headquarters included the main house;
one shed (galpão), where the harnesses, tools and all kinds of accessories used
in the day-to-day life of the farm were stored, and which also functioned as a
garage; two cattle barns (mangueiras); cattle crushes (bretes); and a paddock
(piquete) for the working horses. Figures 20 and 21 give an idea of the
headquarters and their surroundings.

81
Figure 20 - Aerial view of the farm headquarters and some of their locations (source
Google Earth).

Figure 21 - Some components of the São Luiz farm headquarters structure. From left to
right: the main house, the pump house; one of the storage houses; dormitory for the
employees; the shed; and part of a cattle crush (Picture by Vanessa Zamboni, January
2017).

The main house, which was built by Lasier's grandparents, had already
been renovated and was quite cosy, comfortable and spacious, as can be seen in
Figures 22 to 25.

82
Figure 22 - Back view of the São Luiz farmhouse (Collection of the author, January 2017).

Figure 23 - São Luiz farmhouse dining room (Collection of the author, January 2017).

Figure 24 - São Luiz farmhouse living room (Collection of the author, January 2017).

83
Figure 25 - São Luiz farmhouse kitchen (Collection of the author, January 2017).

In addition to the rooms presented above, the house had a bathroom, a pantry
and three double rooms. When inside the house, we spent most of our time in
the kitchen – the place for meals and conversation.
When it comes to the management and activities carried out on the farm,
all of them, without exception, were oriented, directly or indirectly, to cattle
breeding. They could be divided according to the frequency with which they occur
throughout the year or, more to the point, between routine and occasional tasks.
The former consisted of daily or every twice daily inspections throughout the
property in order, mainly, to verify fence conditions, or to take a look if there was
some animal missing or needing care in the herds in the different potreiros. The
local expression for these routine activities is recorrer o campo, which could be
translated as something like ‘crossing the grasslands.’ The latter – occasional
tasks – include a much broader range of herd management operations that had
to be done every so often. Before describing the farm activities in more detail,
however, it is worth highlighting some aspects related to the control and
distribution of herds in the potreiros.
The herds were distributed by category: bulls, cows with calves, cows
without calves, oxen and weaned calves, while observing a stocking ratio
between numbers and the area of each potreiro. This ratio or ‘capacity’ – defined
as animal biomass per unit area of usable land – has a reference value 250 kg/ha.
However, due to variations in herd size and available pasture, keeping to this

84
capacity was more complex than it seemed. Not only would the area of usable
grassland fluctuate with the season, but numbers of cattle would vary with
purchases, sales, births and occasional deaths. While the weight of cattle could
be calculated on the basis of average values, other factors could affect the result,
calling for more elaborate measures to control for capacity, as we will see.
Lasier reports that the banks of Mirim Lagoon have advanced towards the
swamp located between the lagoon and the farm (see Figure 12), which has
meant having to move the fences back – three times since his arrival at the farm
in 2013). He still notices that the wind blows sand from the dunes on the beach,
which settles and accumulates on the grasslands. Moreover, as he told me, the
swamp is connected with the lagoon, despite the distance between them, and on
occasion wind action has lifted the water level of the lagoon, causing the swamp
to flood. As a result of such events, some of the lower-lying grassland areas were
flooded for up to three months during the year, mostly in the winter, forcing them
to keep grasslands in reserve in order to compensate. This particular swamp,
however, was by no means useless. For when water levels were not so high, it
not only provided water for the herds, but the cattle could also feed on the
‘floating grass’ to be found there. I have often noticed animals grazing in swamps
which, not infrequently, are almost underwater, as shown in Figure 26. Moreover,
the area of cultivation for winter forage (70 hectares at that time, potreiro 2 in
Figure 19) required periods free from cattle in order to germinate and grow.
Thus, the dynamics of the landscape, including seasonal cycles of rain and
drought, wind action and demands for forage in the winter months, made it
impossible to determine, once and for all, the areas of usable grassland, or of
land that needed to be set aside in reserve, to ensure that the stocking capacity
was not exceeded.

85
Figure 26 - Cattle grazing floating grass (grama-boiadeira, Luziola leiocarpa) in the Mirim
Lagoon - Santa Vitória do Palmar, May 2017 (Collection of the author).

Finally, the work of cattle management can be divided into three

categories. The first is health care, including preventive actions such as
vaccination and fighting horn fly infestation, and curative actions in case of the
outbreak of diseases like keratoconjunctivitis – as I witnessed during my period
on the farm – which is an inflammation that simultaneously affects the
conjunctiva and anterior layers of the cornea, and of accidents, mainly sprains
and cuts. The second area of work is managing reproduction, including
insemination, breeding, gestation, giving birth and suckling periods. The third
area is the management of development, from weaning and marking to castration
and fattening. These activities, in turn, have to be planned throughout the year,
based on the seasons and reproductive period of the cattle, as we will see in
detail below.
Mature cows (from 2.5 to 3 years of age) are artificially induced to oestrus
in mid-December, after which bulls join them at potreiro number 9 (see Figure
19) and stay there until mid-March. The ratio of bulls to cows was around one
bull for every 30 cows and they achieve a pregnancy rate of 67 per cent, which
was considered high, since the average rate for the state of Rio Grande do Sul is
50 per cent. In order to assess the pregnancy rate of the cows a rectal
examination is performed about 60 days after the removal of the bulls from
potreiro 9, that is, in mid-May. Still in May they vaccinate all cattle against foot-

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and-mouth disease, apply vermicide and vaccinate small weaned calves against
brucellosis.
In July, ‘empty’ cows (those that were not impregnated) are taken to
potreiro 5 and their tails are cut off to differentiate them from cows that have
given birth, which will join the former with their calves after birth. These empty
cows, according to Nilceu, are fattened and sold. Calves are born between
September and December, after 9 months of gestation, and are weaned in August
when they are between 5 and 7 months old. Weaning involves a number of steps
in order to reduce the trauma of separation between mothers and calves,
especially for the latter due to their young age. First, they are all taken to the
cattle barn (see Figure 20) and remain there for three days with water and some
grass. They are then taken to potreiro 9 (see Figure 19) where they stay for a
week, or long enough not to miss their mothers anymore. Then they are taken
to potreiro 1 and, as the winter forage grows (as native grasslands dry up in
winter), they are transferred to potreiro number 2 – first the youngest or weakest
and then the others.
The month of August is dedicated to marking, castration and the
application of vermicide (to prevent infections resulting from castration and
marking wounds) in weaned calves. According to Lasier, this activity is performed
on days when the moon is waning, because at this time the physiological activity
of animals is reduced. He also told me that they used to perform these tasks in
September, but as they were seeing an increase in temperatures over the years,
they have been brought forward by one month. Then the calves return to the
winter pastures, which at this time of the year are already quite developed due
to the warmer temperature and higher incidence of light, thus allowing their
faster recovery. To conclude the cycle, animals of up to two years old are given
a booster vaccination against foot and mouth disease in November, and vermicide
is once again applied to the herds in September and later in the summer.
It is worth mentioning that the potreiros closest to the house are reserved
for herds needing the most attention, for example with reproductive issues, as
well as for animals suffering from occasional disease or having suffered some
accident. In addition, there is a constant cycle of sale, purchase and birth of

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animals that maintains adequate capacity on the farm. In short, older animals
give way to younger ones. A few weaned calves are usually purchased in June
and July (as and when an advantageous opportunity arises), while cows and oxen
of between 2 and 2.5 years old are sold in February, March and April, and calves
after weaning.

4.6. Conclusions
My aim in this chapter has been to locate, contextualize and describe the
São Luiz farm in historical, geographical and ecological terms, so as to give a
material presence to the place. As a result, the chapter has been mainly
descriptive, visual and informative in character. However, we have also been able
to show how the farm is distinctive, within the context of the region, in terms of
relations with the environment in general, and more specifically with its flora and
fauna. In addition, I have described in detail how the farm is managed, and the
main activities involved. This will provide a foundation for the material to be
presented in the chapters to follow. To conclude, I would like briefly to
recapitulate some aspects of the São Luiz farm that I think are important to
highlight.
The institution of the farm, which evolved from the former estâncias of Rio
Grande do Sul, can be traced back, according to some authors (for example
Manoelito de Ornellas, 1999), to the heather tents (toldarias) of indigenous
nomads such as the Charruas and Minuanos. These authors have established a
progression in the infrastructural nuclei around which cattle breeding was
developed, from tents, through sheds and corrals, to estâncias and then farms.
Lasier, in this regard, commented that ‘the cattle have anchored the man,’
resulting, among other things, in the establishment of properties, enclosures and
fencing, providing for a closer coexistence of humans with cattle, as well as with
horses and dogs.
We have also seen that recent transformations in the Pampa biome have
had less to do with the introduction of cattle herds by the colonizers, than with
the growing replacement of livestock with rice, soy and forestry monocultures.
We have observed that agricultural activities in the Santa Vitória do Palmar

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region, despite bringing economic benefits to the local population, generate
conflicts and resistance from those concerned about environmental damage
caused by the massive use of pesticides, as we saw in the case of Lasier's
professional career. By contrast, the establishment of an affective relationship
with the land on São Luiz farm has been consistent with a philosophy focused on
its responsible, careful and sustainable management, reflected in the sympathetic
coexistence of humans and nonhumans. I once asked Lasier what the key is to
successful cattle management, and his answer was ‘sensitivity.’ He meant that
we should treat animals with respect and care, as well as being aware of their
behaviours and particularities. Compared with my own previous experience of
cattle herding, I witnessed many improvements: better control and organization
of the herds through the division into potreiros; the use of insemination
techniques (in this case, oestrus induction); and the cultivation of winter pastures
to compensate for the seasonally reduced productivity of native grasslands.
Finally, it became quite evident to me how far the activities in the farm
harmonise with the rhythms of nature, in stark contrast to the way we live our
urban daily life.

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Chapter 5
The Horses and their Riders

5.1. Introduction
My first contact with horses happened in my childhood on a farm,
belonging to my uncles, called ‘Santa Salete,’ where I used to spend the school
holidays. The farm, which no longer exists, was located in the district of Pedras
Altas in the Brazilian state of Rio Grande do Sul. There were the meek Picasso
petiço34 and the mare Gateada, intended for the maturrango people, as city riders
like me, without experience or skill, were jokingly called. I am thus an ‘organic’
rider, in that what I have learned about riding was by riding, in a practical and
spontaneous way. I have never had any formal equestrian education; my first
teachers were the tolerant and patient Picasso and Gateada. Obviously, over
time, I became less maturrango, but still a city rider: riding only occasionally and
with different partners, I could never develop my abilities sufficiently to improve
my status. However, as they say, I believe the experience I have accumulated
over the years helped me ‘cover the expenses!’
This initial confession, besides admitting to my condition as a rider, attests
to the source of my interest in developing the current research, as well as in the
need for a broader and deeper theoretical understanding of the universe of
relations between horses and humans. The challenge was to make strange what
had become familiar to me. Facing up to it brought fascinating surprises, not only
because of the many very close encounters with animals of another species to
which I was exposed, but also due to the abundance of detail and nuance which
I never imagined could inhere in a practice that, until then, seemed to me so
simple or common.
To start with, I needed to know what it meant to ride well, but as my
research progressed, I realized that what I shall call ‘well-riding’ involved a range
of aspects beyond the activity itself. That was one of the surprises of this
investigation. Furthermore, I also realized the need for a basic knowledge of

34
The name for horses with short legs or of short stature.

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equestrian ethology and physiology, in addition to an understanding of the
different modes of sociability, both beyond and during riding. In what follows I
will consider mainly my experiences on São Luiz farm with two partners – the
mare Zaina and the horse Gateado – with contrasting personalities, physical
characteristics, complementarities and trajectories, all of which affected the
degree of compatibility or incompatibility in my relationships with them.
It is important, too, to take into account the influences of the environment
in its various manifestations, such as weather, seasons and farm infrastructure
such as fences and paddocks.
Finally, I will consider the part played by riding equipment, along with
bodily contact and riding aids, in promoting comfort and safety in horse-rider
encounters, and thus the ability of horse and rider to correspond during the riding
itself.

5.2. General characteristics of horses

Of horses and riders, we could ask: What motivated such an old and lasting
partnership? The answer, obviously, is not simple, but I hope by the end of this
work to have cast some light on the question. As an initial approach we could
think about the idiosyncrasies of horses and humans, and how they might be of
mutual benefit, insofar as the association has proved to be successful.
As shown earlier, the domestication of the horse initially aimed to take
advantage of the animal’s physical strength and endurance, especially in tasks
that required traction such as hauling and ploughing. However, their use as
mounts, which is what really interests us here, was due to their strength, speed
and flexibility or ability to negotiate the most varied terrain.
It is known that there are many horse breeds, resulting in a great variation
of size, which obviously has a direct bearing on traction and speed. By way of
illustration, the traction capacity of a horse of 400 kg would be between 600 and
800 kg; with a speed of 5-7 km/h in a four-beat walk, 13-19 km/h in a two-beat
trot, 19-24 km/h in a three-beat canter and 40-48 km/h at a gallop. In addition,
a horse can comfortably carry the equivalent of 25 per cent of his or her own
weight over distances of around 25 km and maintain a gallop for between 1,500

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and 2,500 m. So, considering that the average human running speed is between
16 and 24 km/h, and the record for weightlifting above the head is 263.5 kg, it
is easy to evaluate the gain for humans in their association with horses in
activities that require strength, endurance and speed.
Some of the consequences of this association, such as riding on horseback,
were: an improvement in the human capacity to hunt big game, especially in
open fields or plain grasslands like the steppes, as in hunting bison in the North
American prairies and the rhea in the South American pampas; the formation of
cavalries and their important participation in wars, like those of Alexander the
Great and Genghis Khan; as a means of transport for traveling long distances; as
well as in pastoral activities, partnering with American cowboys and South
American gaúchos in cattle herding.
Another equine trait I should introduce here, especially important for
riding, is gait. There are basically four ‘natural’ gaits, or ways of moving: walk,
trot, canter and gallop. They will be discussed in detail later, but for now I would
like to focus specifically on the trot which, due to its pronounced vertical
movement, demands of the rider additional effort and skill to avoid bouncing
against the saddle, whether by sitting the trot (gaúcho style) or posting it (English
style).
It is quite common to hear of ‘good trotting’ and ‘bad trotting’ horses. In
my experience with Gateado and Zaina, I have felt Gateado’s trot to be softer
than Zaina’s: it was more comfortable and easier to follow. When I remarked on
this to Lasier, he agreed. Until then, I had paid little attention to the difference,
with regard to my experience either with these two horses, or with other horses
on previous occasions. I subsequently realised, however, that this small detail
called for closer analysis. It led me to investigate which horses, known as gaited,
are best for trotting, and how they have given rise to breeds that show the best
‘ambling gaits’35 due to their characteristic motor coordination, as reported by
their breeders, or to a ‘special’ gene (DMRT3), according to Beaver (2019).

35
The so-called ‘ambling gaits’ are smooth four-beat gaits, which are common to certain breeds, but can
also develop spontaneously in others. Further information on the subject can be found in Beaver (2019).

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Among these are the Brazilian Mangalarga Marchador and Campolina, the North
American Missouri Fox Trotter, and the Icelandic from Iceland.
On São Luiz farm, however, I was dealing with working horses, neither
purposefully bred nor subject to restrictions on crossbreeding, but informally
considered to be Crioulo36 horses. This breed is known for its resistance and
adaptability to a wide range of environments, since it has spontaneously
developed in the South American pampas, a region of pronounced temperature
variation. In these regions, crioulo horses are widely used in livestock farming as
saddle horses, and although their gait is suitable for herding work, it is not a
stand-out feature as it is for gaited horses.
Thus the different trotting styles of Gateado and Zaina, on which I
remarked above, could be explained by their distinct individual characteristics
such as motor coordination or genetic constitution. Yet these trots were
experienced by at least two people (Lasier and I), and their effects were actually
felt in the engagement between mounts and riders. This suggests that we should
take a closer look at the act of riding as a joint activity, rather than simply
attributing the difference in gait to individual characteristics.
The habitual conviviality between horses and humans has remote origins
in the processes of domestication. As we saw in chapter 2, the movement of
convergence and encounter between two distinct groups of animals was only
possible due to concomitant transformations on both sides. Both horses and
humans had to undergo profound changes in their ways of life, mainly oriented
to living together in a shared territory. To accommodate these transformations,
territories had to be redesigned, including infrastructure such as fences. Thus,
on the one hand, the domestic domain of humans was expanded to incorporate
groups of animals whose territories, on the other hand, were restricted. At this
point, the mutual fear stemming from distance and segregation gave way to
mutual knowledge which, through the processes of ‘practical enskilment’ (Ingold,
2000), was gradually deepened, with the emergence of methods, techniques and
artefacts allowing for the formation of horse-rider pairs.

36
Further details about the breed can be found on the website www.cavalocrioulo.org.br.

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 The methods and techniques of horse training, to which I alluded in the
last chapter, are so rich and varied that only an extensive and detailed
investigation could address them satisfactorily. Though such an investigation is
beyond the scope of the present inquiry, I would like to adduce some information
that may help to explain my different experiences of riding with Gateado and
Zaina.
Unlike other working animals (such as herding dogs), horses do not learn
from other horses how to work – or in this case, how to be ridden – with humans.
Instead, they are taught by skilled human trainers (see Lima, 2015). The
techniques of training are diverse, as are the terms used to name them. There
are techniques of traditional or classical horsemanship, involving long established
procedures, mainly of negative reinforcement (Waran et al, 2002; Fureix et al,
2009); and relatively new techniques of so-called natural, intelligent, sympathetic
or (in Brazil) ‘rational’ horsemanship, in which the emphasis is placed on the
‘natural’ behaviour of the horse and body language communication (Polito et al,
2007; Visser et al, 2009), and on ‘visual signs and postures’ rather than vocal
instructions. These latter techniques aim to expose horses to a ‘variety of visual,
auditory, olfactory and tactile stimuli’ in order to habituate and desensitize them
to these stimuli (Fureix et al, 2009: 203), using positive reinforcements while
trying to eliminate adverse stimuli (Waran et al, 2002; McLean and Christensen,
2017). However, as Fowler et al (2012) suggest, techniques of training can be
divided, according to the ‘categories of learning’ employed, into two types:
‘associative learning (classical and operant conditioning)’ and by learning that is
‘non-associative (habituation and sensitization)’ (Fowler et al. 2012: 302).
In the first category, even commonly today in some parts of Rio Grande
do Sul, are found techniques that aim to ‘break’ the horse, through submission,
domination, punishment, physical violence, fear and pain. The insistence on such
anachronistic and perverse methods is mainly justified on the grounds of
maintaining regional traditions. But as interest grows in training techniques that
prioritise the health, safety and welfare of horses, the days of such practices are
likely numbered. Like ‘caning’ pupils in schools, their time is past.

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 Apart from these extreme practices, the current tendency, even in the so-
called traditional or classical regimes of training, is to apply less coercive
methods. This change has been supported by numerous studies that show the
advantages of the new methods compared to the traditional ones, whether in
terms of the results reached by the horse-trainer or mount-rider pairs in applied
tests (see Fowler et al, 2012), in the stress levels of the horses during
performances (see: Polito et al, 2007; Visser et al, 2009; Fowler et al, 2012), or
in the establishment of the relationships between horses and humans (Fureix et
al, 2009). And while it was not known what specific methods were employed in
the taming and training of Gateado and Zaina, my intention here was to show
that the type of method employed could influence the contrasting experiences I
had on São Luiz farm as well as in shaping their relations with humans in general.
A further aspect has to do with the affinity that individual animals have for
one another. Whatever its origins, this fellow feeling is found in many animals
including horses (and cattle, as we will see later). Like many prey species, horses
used to live in herds for their safety. They are therefore gregarious animals, who
enjoy the fellowship of similar or even dissimilar37 companions. They prefer,
moreover, to be with some individuals rather than others, developing a ‘peer
attachment,’38 or affinity, with them. Although I did not perceive any disharmony
among the working horses of the São Luiz farm, the question of affinity needs to
be addressed in any attempt to explain the differences in behaviour between
Gateado and Zaina.
Therefore, like other elements that compose the biography of each horse,
such as their first contacts with humans, so also the way they were tamed,
trained and treated in a broad sense, their affinities, preferences and aversions,
are all important for understanding the relationships they establish with humans
in particular, and with others in general.
Finally, we should turn to equine senses and behaviours, for which we
need at least a basic knowledge of ethology and physiology. Given that these

37
Additional information on different horse companions can be found at www.fei.org/stories/horses-
animal-companions (accessed on 15/04/2019).
38
For further information on ‘Social Attachment,’ see Waring (2003: 219-232).

95
relationships under investigation unfold in a context of collaborative work, such
aspects, in addition to respect and care, are indispensable for enjoyable,
pleasant, healthy and efficient. Any kind of contact with our riding partners can
be important for establishing relationships, positive or not, even in situations that
do not involve actual riding. We must not forget that we are dealing with animals
that, in addition to having a keen memory (Hanggi and Ingersoll 2009), are highly
sensitive and able to pick up the most subtle variations of human feeling and
emotion, whether expressed through gestures, postures, dispositions or even
odours (Sabiniewicz et al., 2020; Smith et al, 2016; Lampe and Andre, 2012;
Krueger et al, 2011; Proops and McComb, 2010; Hausberger et al, 2008; and
Kiley-Worthington, 1997).
However as horses have developed these abilities, possibly through
coexistence with humans, those humans who are accustomed to contact with
horses would also be expected to devote themselves to their partners, to become
more receptive, aware or attentive to their feelings, emotions and moods,
responding to their horses as one ‘whole body-person’ to another (Ingold 2002).
Thus, a basic understanding of equine ethology and physiology would be an
important step towards developing more balanced relationships, involving mutual
perception and attention, or better, a fluid ‘correspondence,’ in Ingold’s (2016)
sense of ‘going along together and answering to one another.’
In herding activities, where horses and humans live and work together on
a daily basis, such an equine physiological and behavioural knowledge is not only
fundamental but can also be vital, obviously in horseback riding but also in the
tense moment of approach when setting the bridle-reins on the horse (as we will
see later). For example, it is not advisable to approach the horse from behind,
since it has a blind spot right there (Figure 27) and may be surprised by the
movement, interpreting it as a threat and reacting by kicking. Signs that the horse
is in a state of alertness, when one should give him or her time to adjust to the
situation, include an erect head and ears, standing to face the one who is
approaching. A raised head and tail, with ears back and the white of the eye
showing, is a defensive posture, meaning that the horse should be calmed before
an approach is even attempted. But if the head of the horse is down, with ears

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forward and eyelids semi-closed, then he or she is relaxed and can be approached
without any problem.

Figure 27 - Schematic diagram of the equine visual field (Source:

classicequineblog.wordpress.com at 03/04/18).

Horses have excellent long-term memories, and they can recognise certain
humans, even after an absence of many years (Hanggi and Ingersoll, 2009;
Waring, 2003), by their faces, voices and smells (Stone, 2010; Lampe and Andre,
2009). In addition, according to Waring (2003), vision is ‘undoubtedly’ the most
important sensory modality of horses. Although I do not agree with him in relation
to the hierarchies of the different senses of horses (and mammals in general),
because as we have already pointed out, we are in the world with the whole
body, the vision of the horses is quite peculiar and an important element of
identification and defence against predators as evidenced by the wide visual field
recorded in figure 27 above. Thus, the visual system of the horses provides a
wide panorama of the horizon and also in front of them. Waring also emphasizes
that, because there are no aerial predators, their ‘visual realm is not skyward but
groundward’ (2003: 18). The author highlights too the ‘extreme range of
peripheral vision’ due to their ‘expansive retina’ – ‘specialized to help detect
peripheral motion’ (2013: 19 and 24). As for hearing, still according to Waring
(2003), horses perceive sounds at higher frequencies than humans and their best
sensitivity range is between 1 and 16kHz. Furthermore, horses do not need to
turn their heads to identify the source of the sounds due to the rotational and
independent movements of their ears. This characteristic is quite noticeable when

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you are riding on horseback and their head movements are restricted by the use
of the reins-bridle set. However, when their head movements are free, they turn
them to the source of the sounds to seek more detailed information on the
emitter, that is, with the aid of vision, mostly when sounds or emitters are
unfamiliar. Besides that, horses have the ability to identify conspecifics (Basile et
al., 2009) and humans (Sankey et al., 2011) through their vocalizations. Horses’
sense of smell, as well as vision and hearing, also plays an important role in
identifying and evaluating the emotional states of conspecifics and humans
(Guarneros et al., 2020; and Sabiniewicz et al., 2020). In addition, horses use
their senses of smell and taste to investigate objects with which they are not
familiar (McDonnell and Poulin, 2002; and McGreevy, 2004), as we will see later
in peculiar situations that involved the horse Gateado. Odours also strongly affect
the social life of horses, as in the investigation of female oestrus, recognition of
mother-foal and marking of the territory through faeces and urine. Finally, the
extreme sensitivity of horses to touch (Budiansky, 1998; Waring, 2003; and
Brandt, 2004) is the basis for their correspondence with riders, as we will see in
detail below.
Having presented some of the elements that contribute to the
establishment of balanced relationships between humans and horses, I shall now
go on to illustrate these further ethological and physiological aspects of horse-
rider relationships, on the basis of the experiences I had with Zaina and Gateado
on São Luiz farm.

5.3. Horse-rider pairs: aspects beyond riding

First of all we need to define what riding is. What is riding made of? What
are its main constituents? Put simply, riding consists of a mount-rider pair
interfaced by riding equipment; moving together; in a certain place; for a certain
purpose. By deepening our inquiry into each of these items it should be possible
to cover a wide and varied range of aspects involved in this activity, hence
providing a reasonable analysis of quite a complex phenomenon. The narrative
to follow is of events that happened on São Luiz farm, and deals mainly with the
relations established between a human and two horses which, due to their

98
contrasting characters, afforded rich insights into the elements that contributed
to making them different.
My first experience on horseback (on São Luiz farm) was with Zaina, the
usual mount of Nilceu, who was absent at that time, and took place when I was
following Lasier on his routine inspection of the cattle and fences through the
potreiros. The first step consisted of picking up the working horses from the
paddock beside the house, so that we could set the reins and bridle on them.
Lasier did this quickly and smoothly on the horse Tordilho (his usual partner),
while I had great difficulty in getting close to Zaina, who avoided me and fled.
After a few unsuccessful attempts, Lasier asked Alessandro to take her for me.
Thus my first impression of Zaina was of a frightened animal, startled and
resistant to being ‘incorporated into the herding group’ (as I call the moment of
placing the bridle-reins set). At first, I suspected that this was just because she
did not know me. My suspicion was not confirmed, however, since on later
occasions she would also flee from both Nilceu and Lasier.
Sometime later, I questioned Nilceu about Zaina’s behaviour and he told
me that on the farm from which she was bought they used to take the horses
with dogs barking and running around. According to him, she was traumatised
by this practice. From my own past experiences with horses, I would say that it
is common for them to resist being caught, some more than others, but not in
the persistent way presented by Zaina. To take a horse, especially one that is
free to roam in grasslands or paddocks, requires a slow and gentle approach,
talking to them in a soft tone so that they recognize the voices and realize that
no danger is involved. In such moments, a constant effort is required to regain
the confidence of the horse. Of course, this recurrent resistance could be due to
their past condition as prey, which would have induced a natural predisposition
to escape from any potentially dangerous situation, as would have originally been
the case when they encountered humans as predatory carnivores with what could
be weapons in their hands.
In a general discussion of the dynamics of relationships among both
humans and animals, Hinde (1979) argues that ‘relationships exist over time, and
each interaction within a relationship may be influenced by past interactions as

99
well as by expectations of future ones’ (Hinde, 1979: 153). In other words, the
past experiences of these animals with humans, whether positive or negative,
could contribute to the development of a reactive response when these memories
are once again triggered by the presence of humans, which could explain the
reaction of Zaina. However, many other elements were involved in such contexts,
as one could see from observing the relationship between Lasier and Tordilho,
which was based on long-lasting familiarity. But it is also important to emphasize
the way Lasier treated him: calmly, respectfully, affectionately and carefully. In
addition, Lasier used to brush her loins and belly always before and after saddling
him, as well as hosing down the dirt and sweat with water, at the end of the ride.
Besides comforting the horses, this care has helped to create closer ties between
the mount and the rider. Horses, according to Lasier, appreciate the care lavished
on them. It is worth recalling the argument of Budiansky (1997) concerning
grooming practices among certain species, which help in creating closer ties when
mimicked by humans (see chapter 2).
In short, the frequency of meetings between Lasier and Tordilho seems to
have contributed to the positive expectations of each new encounter, such that
the moment of being incorporated into the working group was not seen or
remembered by Tordilho as something to be avoided, but rather as a habitually
positive experience.
To resume our narrative: after the horses had been saddled, we would
leave the farm headquarters for the inspection. Despite the resistance of Zaina
to being incorporated into the group and my long time away from horseback
activities, I felt comfortable in the situation. We were riding and talking about the
routine of the farm and the pace was a trot, since there was far to go, and we
did not want to spend more than the morning on it.

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Figure 28 - Cattle and fences inspection – Duque, Lasier, Tordilho and Zaina (São Luiz
farm, February 2017, author's collection).

As soon as we left the farm, I realized that Zaina was reluctant to keep on
trotting, so that to follow Lasier and Tordilho I had to nudge her belly with my
heels in order to stimulate her constantly. This was also repeated in moments
when we needed to gallop. I noticed that she often stumbled, besides looking
nervous and restless, because she shook her head from side to side and up and
down, trying to loosen the reins. Indeed, she did not seem to be comfortable in
the activity at all. At that moment, some possible explanations for her behaviour
occurred to me, like her traumatic history on the previous farm and the fact that
she had on her back an unknown and out-of-shape person. Moreover, I knew
from past experience that some horses would test less experienced riders, either
to measure their strength and impose a certain dominance or to check out their
abilities. Other elements that could still have been contributing to her behaviour
were the warmth of that morning and my size (and weight), which was bigger
(and higher) than the other riders who used to mount her, by a considerable
margin. In short, we were not understanding each other. However, as we will
see, the contrasting experience of riding with Gateado was illuminating in many
ways.
When Nilceu returned to the farm, I began riding with Gateado, a horse
who also used to work on wagon tasks, so he was meek, strong and robust.
Besides that, he had already drawn my attention on other occasions due to his
way of being. One of them was when I was photographing the cattle in the pens:

101
I was leaning on the stringers of the pen, distractedly watching the cattle with
the camera slung over my back, when suddenly I felt something stir the camera.
As I turned around I found Gateado, who had approached to ‘investigate’ this
strange object. Vanessa told me that he was approaching softly so as not to be
perceived, according to her, ‘as a child who is going to play a trick.’ I thought the
incident very curious and funny, since such attitudes are uncommon in horses,
especially with a ‘stranger’ – and this happened in the first days after our arrival.
The other situation occurred when Lasier was busy with trimming Tordilho’s mane
in the same pen: Gateado was also there, walking around and watching, when
suddenly he approached Lasier from behind and took his hat. We laughed and I
commented that Gateado was bolder, more curious and visibly more sociable
with humans than other horses. What, I wondered, could explain his peculiar way
of acting?
Fraser (1992) argues that exploratory behaviour in horses indicates that
they have not experienced fear or apprehension, whereas Polito et al. (2007)
argue that horses that have been handled by humans from a very young age
become accustomed to them and spontaneously seek contact. These
investigative behaviours, they claim, are expressed mainly through licking and
nibbling at objects they were curious to get to know. McDonnell and Poulin (2002;
and McGreevy, 2004), in turn, report that by licking and sniffing inanimate
objects, horses are evaluating their smell, structure, shape, taste and dimensions.
Fraser (1992) goes on to argue that in seeking information through exploratory
behaviour, horses become more adaptable. With Gateado, I already sympathized
with his attitudes and idiosyncratic behaviour.
Evidently, Gateado was much calmer than Zaina and, above all, he did not
run away from human contact, as expected, but instead sought it out of his own
accord. The difference with Zaina could be explained by their experiences when
still young, as noted above. However, we should not forget that horses also have
different temperaments, since the differences did not stop there, as we will see.
In my first riding experience with Gateado I recorded on film the moment
when Nilceu, Lasier and I were catching the horses to gather the cattle of a
particular potreiro to separate some of them for sale. On this occasion, Zaina

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gave us a lot of work; Tordilho, as usual, quietly accepted the incorporation;
while Gateado was the most peaceful, since he was the first to be caught,
showing no signs of annoyance. On every occasion on which the horses had to
be caught to work, there is a noticeable contrast in behaviour before placement
of the reins-bridle set, when the animals are free in the paddock, and afterwards.
On that specific day with Zaina, however, the contrast was even more striking.
At first she resisted, walked away and fled several times, even running, but when
she resigned herself and accepted the set her posture changed completely, no
longer showing any kind of resistance.
Thus the behaviour of the horses before being incorporated into the
working group, especially with Zaina, was visibly different from their behaviour
after the set was placed. In the former condition they presented a spontaneous
body language, visibly agitated, with broader gestures and movements and
always seeking to avoid incorporation (some more explicitly than others); in the
latter condition, they adopted a more submissive posture, with the head down,
and more restricted and restrained movements, following the humans without
any effort through the reins. There were, then, two contiguous but completely
different moments.
I thus began to think of this process as marking a ‘passage’ from a context
of ‘equine sociability’ to another of ‘equine-human sociability,’ in which the
approaching to place the reins and bridles on the horses acts as a bridge between
these two contexts. However, we must not forget that this is a pastoral
environment in which both horses and humans behave appropriately. It is quite
different, for example, from an open, unfenced prairie, with semi-wild mustangs
and cowboys trying to hunt them. In short, it is not really possible to identify a
generic form of equine-human sociability, indiscriminately applicable to any
context of interspecific encounter between horses and humans. A closer look at
such encounters reveals certain limits to generalization, especially when many
years of conviviality or co-domestication have long ago reduced the distance
between species.
An important aspect of the ‘sociability passage’ – from conspecific to
interspecific relations – lies in the role of the bridle-reins set. While they could be

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thought of as tools of domination, coercion and control, they are also – as
Anderson et al. (2017) have pointed out – artefacts that promote the formation
of a ‘hybrid’ sociability, whether through facilitating communication, guiding
attention to common tasks, avoiding distraction, or helping to coordinate joint
movement. Since we are dealing with large and strong animals, it might of course
be possible that their acceptance of reins and bridles, and the change in attitude
that seems to follow, could be a result of the infliction of pain. However, while
this possibility cannot be ruled out, one must also take account of the way the
artefacts are used, as will be shown in the next section. Guide dogs, to offer an
example from another species, manifest a similar attitudinal change when
receiving their leashes and guides, even though this inflicts no pain – at least, no
physical pain. Moreover, the fact that individual horses react differently in such
moments of ‘passage’ shows that the artefacts themselves are not determining
factors in the establishment of relations in horse-human pairs.
But as horses change their behaviour when they begin to use the reins-
bridle and harness, so humans undergo a parallel transformation from the
moment they have to wear the clothes required for pastoral work and, even more
so, when they are on horseback, such that their freedoms are also constrained.
These transformations could be seen as stages of preparation for joint activities.
To help us apprehend the role that reins, bridles, harnesses, clothes, fences, etc.
represent in such contexts, we could perhaps draw an analogy with the costumes
worn by actors to form their characters, or the uniforms used by workers to
perform their activities, as well as the furnishings of their respective places of
work.
An alternative approach to equine-human sociability would be to draw on
the work of the ‘Etho-Ethnology and Ethno-Ethology’ group led by Dominique
Lestel, and their notion of ‘hybrid communities’ of humans and animals (Lestel et
al, 2006). Indeed there are many parallels between my arguments and theirs.
Like them, I believe that an ethological approach is essential to studying the
relations between humans and non-human animals. I agree, too, that we should
think of such relations as offering moments when different species, each with its
idiosyncrasies, ‘converge’ towards a sociality different from that which each

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would form with its own conspecifics. However, I would add to this that in such
meetings the main effort would be directed towards mutual understanding, with
special emphasis on the flows that circulate through and in-between those
involved, aiming for a more harmonious coexistence. It is worth saying that these
flows to which I refer are thought of as every element that, coming from each
individual, circulates through them and forms the ground for the correspondences
that emerge in the domain of the in-between them. The former would include
basic individual qualities, of both horse and rider, that would provide for the
formation of attuned pairs, such as previous experience in riding and physical,
behavioural, personal and emotional compatibility. Whereas the latter would be
the haptic and rhythmic correspondences that emerge when horse and rider are
going along with each other, the origin of which cannot be traced to either
partner. These notions will become clearer to the reader throughout this work,
but for the time being it is important to stress that the most interesting results of
this cooperation lie in the mutual transformations to which it gives rise:

… whether we are speaking of human or other animals, they are at any

moment what they have become, and what they have become depends
on whom they are with. (Ingold, 2013: 21)

Lestel et al. (2006) also remark on the importance of interspecific

differences as ‘convergence’ factors in terms of ‘complementarity,’ which seems
to me very relevant, especially when we are dealing with working groups in which
different abilities are harnessed to combined effect. I would still emphasize the
shared elements that Lestel et al (2006) consider fundamental to the constitution
of these communities, that is, ‘meanings, interests and affects.’ However, my list
would be more comprehensive. To enumerate them, indeed, is one of the
challenges of my work.
To resume the narrative from the point at which the horses were saddled:
we headed towards the potreiro whence the cattle were to be brought to the
house for sale. Gateado was willing and followed the trot of the group. Unlike
with Zaina, it was unnecessary to prod him with my heels. Moreover, he had a
comfortable and soft trot, which helped not only in dealing with the cattle but
also with my attempts at filming and photography. Nor do I recall any stumbling

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or imbalance during our first ride at a gallop, which was as smooth and fluid as
the trot. In short, we managed to get in tune, even leading Nilceu to compliment
me on my riding skills. Gateado and I understood each other very well.
Comparing the experiences I had with Zaina and with Gateado reveals
many of the factors involved in the formation of the horse-rider pair. In order to
better analyse these relations, and to identify elements which could promote
harmony between horses and riders, as well as greater respect, care and welfare
in their coexistence, I would like to divide the horse-rider pairing process into
three distinct phases: (1) prior to incorporation into the herding group; (2) the
incorporation itself; and (3) during the riding activity.
The first phase entails a focus on individual characteristics of both horses
and humans, by which they are differentiated physically, behaviourally and
emotionally, and on what these characteristics afford for the establishment of
horse-human relations. As we have seen, the differences between Zaina and
Gateado were quite marked. Physically, for example, although Zaina was not a
small, fragile horse, Gateado was sturdier and more accustomed to heavy tasks
such as hauling wagons. In addition, I am taller and heavier than both Nilceu and
Alessandro, but lack their riding ability. These differences may have had more of
an effect on Zaina than on Gateado, especially since we are talking about animals
with an acute sense of touch (Brandt, 2004; Budiansky, 1998; Waring, 2003)39.
Another factor which can significantly affect the formation of relationships
is the personalities of those involved (Maurstad et al, 2013; Hausberger et al,
2008; Visser et al, 2008; Wipper, 2000; Kiley-Worthington, 1997). Personality is
understood here as ‘the totality or complex of behavioural and emotional
characteristics that distinguishes an individual.’40 For humans as for horses,
personality characteristics are fundamental to the relational compatibility or
incompatibility between them. In this regard, Wipper (2000) emphasizes that one
of the key elements for a good performance in equestrian sports is the
‘compatibility’ of the pair. According to him:

39
On the senses of the horses see also: articles.extension.org/pages/11511/horse-touch;
horsehints.org/Senses.htm; and www.etologiaclinicaequina.com.
40
See www.merriam-webster.com at 01/04/18.

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 Compatibility between horse and rider … is a two-way process: each has
to like the other. It not only involves two different personalities but two
distinct physical beings whose performances have to complement each
other. (Wipper, 2000: 56)

Maurstad et al (2013), in turn, present an interesting analysis of the

relations between riding partners, which they call ‘co-beings.’ The term they
found that riders use to express ‘extreme’ compatibility and harmony between
them and their horses (whether during riding or not) was ‘click:’

Riders in our study also talk about ‘clicks’ with horses. They say that
they connect with a particular horse, without being able to describe it
verbally. (Maurstad et al, 2013: 239)

It is almost as when you have a good friend, it is not so much about

whether you go to the movies, or to the theatre, or take a walk in the
forest or ride, it is not so much about what we do together, but that we
have a good dialogue, a good relation together. (Katla, in Maurstad et
al, 2013: 329)

But there could also be cases of incompatibility that were difficult to explain but
easily perceived, as one of Maurstad’s interviewees comments:

Some are never going to interact well. Some people and horses are
never going to be a match. I guess it's the personality of the horse and
the personality of the person. That you don't know where that comes
from or where it's going, but it's there with a horse and rider that have
been there for a while. (Hot Shoe Sue, in Maurstad et al, 2013: 329)

My experiences on São Luiz farm confirmed that personality factors, on

the side of both horses and riders, can profoundly affect the kind of relation
established between them. Zaina was more restless, elusive, controlling and
stubborn (or rebellious), while Gateado was calmer, obedient and sociable. That
is, they were quite different. In my relations with horses I always preferred those
who had personalities closer to the Gateado, perhaps because horses like Zaina
demanded more energetic, authoritarian and domineering riders. My own
personality does not fit that description.
The second phase, when the incorporation begins, concerns the passage
of horses to the condition of mounts, and of humans to that of riders. It includes
the preparation of the riders, their approach to the horses, and the incorporation
of the horses into the herding group.

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 But first, I would like to say that the ability of the horse to observe and
feel or perceive our emotional states and moods, as discussed earlier, could also
account for the good connection that Gateado and I had. As mentioned above,
the curiosity and daring demonstrated by Gateado in two situations made me
laugh and sympathize with him. From then on, my disposition toward him
changed, so that I nicknamed him Frajola (homophony of fringe, Figure 29
below). Probably, these first contacts between us were perceived by Frajola in
the same way as by me, and when we rode together they made us to get in tune.

Figure 29 - Frajola (Gateado) (São Luiz farm, January 2017, picture by Vanessa Zamboni)

A basic knowledge of horse ethology can be vital when you approach the
horse to place the bridle-reins set. For instance, since the peripheral vision of
horses is quite broad (Figure 27), they do not have to turn their heads towards
whoever is approaching (as Gateado in Figure 30). If they do, it means they are
interested and are trying to investigate more closely by beginning to use binocular
vision (as Zaina in Figure 30). In Rio Grande do Sul, every working horse has
been trained and is accustomed to having first contact (for reins-bridle placement
or riding) on the left side, as shown by Nilceu approaching Gateado (Figure 31).

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Figure 30 - Lasier approaching Gateado (left) and Zaina (right). Gateado is using
monocular vision, while Zaina’s is binocular (São Luiz farm, January 2017, picture by
Vanessa Zamboni).

Figure 31 - Nilceu approaching Gateado from the left side (São Luiz farm, February 2017,
author’s collection).

The contrasting memories of different horses could explain the lower

resistance of Tordilho and Gateado to the approach of Lasier and Nilceu, in which
three senses were at stake: visual, auditory and olfactory. However, these would
not be enough to explain the reaction of Zaina, who always avoided the approach
even of familiar humans. So, the method of approach also tells us a lot about the
sensitivity of this moment of passage to the ‘hybrid’ sociability of the horse-rider
pair. As we know, horses evolved as prey species, which makes them highly
sensitive and attentive to what is around them, with an ability to respond very
quickly to potentially dangerous situations. Thus, as noted before, a slow
approach is recommended so that the horse can identify who is approaching.
One should also adopt a soft tone of voice which, at the same time, both gives
the horse another means to identify the approacher and reassures him or her
that there is no danger. Then, after placing the reins-bridle set, the rest of the

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riding equipment is placed, a process that will be presented in detail in the next
section.
The third phase involves the mount-rider pair during herding activities.
This will be discussed in the following sections, where I will investigate elements
like postures, movements, gaits, riding aids, and so on. Here, however, I describe
the experiences I had with Gateado and Zaina on São Luiz farm, emphasizing
those aspects affecting compatibility.
We could compare a horse-rider pair riding with a pair of humans dancing,
since both riding and dancing involve joint activity, skill, experience, mutual
knowledge and synchronized movements. We know, however, that dancing well
also depends on practice, training, repetition, rhythm and fluency, which even
among experienced dancers goes beyond technique. There is, in short, a
component of tuning. It is often said that certain pairs ‘fit very well’ while others
‘do not understand each other at all.’ I would like to highlight the possible
elements that contributed, both negatively and positively, to my attempts to form
horseback-riding partnerships, respectively, with Zaina and Gateado.
The first element could be the background of those involved, since their
past experiences, directly or indirectly linked to riding itself, could affect their
encounters. We already know that an inappropriate manner of approach, as
experienced by Zaina in the farm she came from, could have affected her
emotional response to moments of approach. However, Zaina’s reaction could
also be explained by other elements like the simple possibility that she did not
like having to carry someone on her back for a long time.
For my part, the conviviality with horses I have enjoyed throughout my
childhood and adolescence could not have been better. However, my skills and
practice as a rider bore no comparison with those of Zaina’s other partners –
Nilceu and Alessandro – who shared a good part of their lives with horses. This
factor cannot be overlooked in my relations with Zaina and Gateado. Horses react
differently to the way riders behave during the ride, and perhaps my lesser skill
and practice interfered with Zaina’s behaviour in our encounter. Some scholars
have shown that experienced riders positively affect the emotional state of
horses, for example by making them more ‘relaxed, comfortable, confident and

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interested’ (Chamove et al., 2002: 330). Other studies, in turn, point out that
horses that are ‘emotional, reactive and sensitive to the environment’ react more
intensely to the personalities of riders (Visser et al, 2008).
Nevertheless, my positive experience with Gateado pointed to other
elements, such as temperament and compatibility. Perhaps it was also a matter
of flexibility and resilience in adapting to the human partner. Or perhaps, even,
my sympathy for Gateado could have led me to show greater confidence in his
abilities and consequently to give him more autonomy in our first riding.
To sum up: I had some mishaps during my rides with Zaina, with her
resistance to trotting and galloping, and her tendency to stumble. The fact that
I fell off while trying to remount her, after opening a gate, may have further
influenced her insecurity towards to me. Her frequent stumbling may have been
due to malice or the lack of will to work; or to her hooves needing trimming; or
to her body conformation. It could even have been a sign of serious neurological
problems (Pascoe, 2004; Thomas, 2004; Borstel et al, 2011). Some explanations,
given the context, seem more likely: I remember Lasier once trimming her hooves
and commenting on them. Her body conformation could have been ‘downhill’
(meaning that the front is lower than the rear); this is the most common issue in
cases of stumbling (Pascoe, 2004), and may lead to the saddle shifting forward,
which could also explain my fall in trying to remount her. She may have had
difficulty dealing with a person of my size and weight, or have been suffering
from physical weakness and fatigue. However, my biggest suspicions turn on
behavioural issues: namely the lack of a will to work, especially with me, and
sheer trickery. These suspicions were reinforced, in my view, by her unwillingness
to keep up with the pace of Tordilho, her restlessness during the ride and, above
all, a comment I had read from Thomas (2004), who observes that certain horses
actually learn to stumble repeatedly, precisely in order to avoid having to work,
having deceived their riders into thinking they were in trouble. That is trickery!
However, regardless of her stumbling, my relation with Zaina was unlikely
to succeed because I was a less experienced rider, taller and heavier than the
others; she was a less robust mare, accustomed to lighter work and presenting
a restless and reluctant temperament; she had a domineering posture, probably

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indicating her perception of my frailties as a rider. In short, I could say that
between Zaina and I there was no compatibility; we were like a pair of dancers
stepping on each other’s feet. On the other hand, Gateado and I understood each
other perfectly since the first encounter. We were in harmony; we ‘clicked,’
physically, behaviourally and emotionally.

5.4. Material interface

Equipment plays a very important role in riding activities, not only in
securing comfort and safety for the pair41, and freedom of movement for the
rider, but also in providing a channel of communication between mount and rider,
contributing to a rhythmic, harmonic and attuned performance. Items which
impose coercion or domination, like whips and spurs, were not used on São Luiz
farm, and are not therefore part of this investigation.
There is a rich nomenclature for items of riding equipment. The following
figures present the main items to be described and introduce the terms that will
be used here (local names appear in parentheses, if applicable).

Figure 32 - Parts of the bridle used by the horse Tordilho (São Luiz farm, January 2017,
picture by Vanessa Zamboni).

41
There is interesting work on accidents with horseback riders caused by improper use of riding
equipment. For more details see Newton and Nielsen (2005).

112
Figure 33 - The reins completing the set used by Tordilho (São Luiz farm, January 2017,
picture by Vanessa Zamboni).

Figure 34 - Curb bit parts.

The first items which deserve attention are the bridle, the bit (in this case
a curb bit rather than a snaffle bit) and the reins. As shown in the previous
section, these are the first items to be placed on the horse, marking the passage
from the first phase, in which horses and humans are approaching, to the second
phase, of relationships where the first physical contact between horses and
humans occurs, when the horse is effectively incorporated into the herding group,
passing thus to the condition of a mount.
The set formed by bridle, bit and reins, in their articulation, is one of the
main material interfaces for communication between mount and rider. The lateral

113
movement of the reins informs the horse of the direction to be followed, and its
level of tension indicates the pace, or when to stop. In the break, where the reins
are in maximum tension, the curb bit is pulled and the mouthpiece rotates, so
that the port touches the palate of the horse.
The bridle and reins were traditionally made of leather but can also be
made of synthetic materials, as is the case on São Luiz farm, since they last better
than leather in the humid conditions of the region. The curb bits are mostly made
of metal, usually stainless steel because of its resistance to corrosion, and the
mouthpiece requires careful polishing once it is placed over the tongue of the
horse.
In order to avoid discomfort, pain and even injury to the horses’ mouths,
as well as riding accidents (Newton and Nielsen, 2005), it is crucial that the bridle-
and-curb-bit set should be properly selected and adjusted to the dimensions of
each individual. For the same reason, the reins should be just tense enough to
communicate information to the horses. On São Luiz farm, for instance, thicker
mouthpieces are used with ports of a U-shape, which exert less intense pressure
and are comfortable to the horse’s tongue. Bit guards are also used (Figure 32)
to prevent injuries to the commissure of the horses’ lips.
The next step is to place the items for saddling up the horse, principally
the saddle, stirrup and girth. The following images show some saddling up steps.

Figure 35 – Lasier saddling up Tordilho (São Luiz farm, January 2017, picture by Vanessa
Zamboni).

Picture 1 - Brushing the horse's back to remove residues and avoid injuries.

Picture 2 - Placing blankets before the saddle to protect the horse's back.

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Figure 36 – Saddling up Tordilho (São Luiz farm, January 2017, picture by Vanessa
Zamboni).

Picture 1 – Saddle with stirrup over the blankets.

Picture 2 – Girth over the saddle, holding the blankets-saddle-stirrup set.

Figure 37 – Saddling up Tordilho (São Luiz farm, January 2017, picture by Vanessa
Zamboni).

Picture 1 – Saddling up finished, with the blankets over the saddle for the rider’s
comfort.

Picture 2 - Stirrup in detail with rotating pins on the base indicated by the arrows,
the function of which is to prevent the boots from being caught in case of falling.

The importance of these items lies in their contribution to the safety and
welfare of both rider and horse, as well as to the efficiency of riding, not only
through the way they are made (with good material and well-shaped) but also
through how they are placed. The saddle, for example, is made of leather and
has a padded base to protect the horse's back, and it should be positioned behind

115
the shoulder bone so that the horse has free shoulder movement, and never
behind the last rib; for herding activities the stirrup (usually made of metal)
should be adjusted to allow a deep seat and, at the same time, sufficient support
to raise the rider in certain situations like jumping42; and the girth (usually made
of soft cotton or nylon cords all laid in parallel) has to be placed so that it does
not lie on the abdomen or too close to the front leg joints (Figure 37). It should
be tightened so as to keep the blanket-saddle-stirrup assembly firmly in place,
without at the same time causing discomfort or pain to the horse.
The importance of the tightness of the girth can be illustrated from my
experience of riding with Zaina. On my first day on horseback, as I was
accompanying and photographing Lasier saddling up Tordilho, Alessandro
saddled up Zaina for me. The mare was fat, consequently her abdomen was
pronounced, mainly because she was not working frequently on farm activities,
so Alessandro fastened the girth avoiding her abdomen because, on riding, it
would otherwise tend to move towards her chest and loosen.
The activity to be performed was to inspect the cattle and fences, and as
we had several gates to open and close on our way, Lasier and I divided the task
between us. After closing one of the gates, for which it was my turn, when I
rested my left foot on the stirrup to mount again the girth loosened and I fell off
onto my back, fortunately without injury. But I was lucky because the incident
could have happened during a gallop or in a less favourable place. So I promptly
recalled what we had discussed about the importance of tightening the cinch and
Lasier saying: ‘The cinch holds everything and if it loosens everything goes to the
ground including the gaúcho!’
Thinking later about what had happened, and searching for an
explanation, I wondered whether in saddling the horse, Alessandro might not
have considered our difference in size and weight, since I am much taller and
heavier than him. However, the girth could just as well have been loosened by

42
‘Today, stirrups are used in different lengths for different disciplines. Jockeys ride with very short
stirrups which enable them to sit over the horse’s centre of balance while allowing the horse to move “at
liberty” in a gallop (Landry 2008). Dressage riders have very long stirrups to enable maximum contact with
the horse as they ask them to perform intricate movements; disciplines involving jumping use shorter
stirrups that give the horse a certain amount of liberty to jump while also providing security for the rider.’
(Nosworthy, 2013:110)

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my own ineptitude as a rider, leading to my putting excessive weight on the
stirrup to maintain balance during the ride and to mount.
Finally, we took advantage of the ‘gaúcho’s fall’ to discuss what steps
needed to be taken to avoid a recurrence. Lasier pointed to two, in addition to
appropriate tightening of the cinch: ‘First, on mounting, one does not put all the
weight on the stirrup, but pushes the body from the ground up to the horse,
supporting the left hand on the right side of the saddle; second, the balance on
riding is reached mainly by “tightening the leg” in the saddle; therefore in non-
extreme situations the stirrups are only auxiliary.’ The first step was quite easy
to implement, although I was no longer accustomed to performing the pushing
movement at the time of mounting. The second step, however, was not so simple
to follow, although it seems easy, since this ‘tightening the leg,’ giving firmness
for example during a gallop, requires a developed musculature in the inner part
of the thighs which occasional riders like me do not possess. However, these
recommendations must have helped a good deal on later occasions, since I did
not fall again.
A final aspect to be considered, the repeated misuse of riding equipment,
deserves attention because for the horses, it leads to an association between
riding and discomfort or pain, which will undoubtedly result in a difficult
relationship between horse and rider (Hausberger et al, 2008).

5.5. Horse-rider pairs: riding correspondence

I have outlined some of the elements involved in encounters between
horses and humans for the formation of horse-rider pairs, with special emphasis
on those, beyond riding itself, which contribute positively or negatively to the
constitution of such pairs. In my experience, the negative elements were mainly
apparent in my encounters with the mare Zaina, while the positive ones were
with the horse Gateado. Looking for answers as to why such distinctions persisted
in my riding experiences with them, I explore here what might have contributed
to these contrasting performances. The question is about how horse and rider
correspond, given their extreme bodily proximity or, better, their bodily contact
and shared movements. Or to recall our previous formulations: What elements

117
are necessary for well-riding? What makes a successful mount-rider pair? In what
follows I will attend to the fluidity, tension and friction of the relations in question.
It is difficult to explain what is at stake in mount-rider activity due to the
many factors involved. These are not only highly entangled, but also virtually
unnoticeable from the outside. They can only be perceived from within, by horse
and rider themselves. As the relation is conducted by subtle correspondence
through and in-between bodies in contact, many things are flowing through
them. For this reason I will consider not just obvious elements, like the riding
aids and how they work, but my impressions of experiences with Zaina and
Gateado. Apropos the latter aspect, I should stress that I had to make my own
riding experiences unfamiliar in order to reflect on them, since my body had
already understood how to perform them at a pre-reflective level.
To clarify my understanding of this particular correlation of bodies, it is
worth exploring some notions developed by the phenomenologist Merleau-Ponty.
In his celebrated work The Phenomenology of Perception (2005)43, Merleau-
Ponty sought to show that the body perceives thanks to its primordial relation
with the world. According to him, the body perceives before perceiving this or
that; it is a power of perception that pre-empts its objects, possessing a capacity
to perceive that is pre-reflective. As he put it: ‘we shall need to reawaken our
experience of the world as it appears to us in so far as we are in the world through
our body, and in so far as we perceive the world with our body.’ In short, ‘we are
our body’ (2005: 239).
Such an understanding of the perceiving body is clearly of great
importance to our inquiry, especially given the close contact, in riding, of the
corresponding bodies, and that for the most part, this correspondence is
unmediated by speech. In this sense, Merleau-Ponty (2005) argued that spoken
words are ‘genuine gestures’ which, like all gestures, are meaningful in
themselves. This is what makes communication possible. Of course, for
communication to be effective – that is, for the words of another person to be
understood – ‘his vocabulary and syntax must be “already known’’’ (2005: 213).

43
The Phenomenology of Perception was first published in 1945.

118
But that does not make the gesture into the exterior expression of an inner
representation. Thus, in a foreign country, the visitor grows into an
understanding of the meanings immanent in verbal gestures by placing them in
a ‘context of action,’ or ‘by taking part in communal life’ (2005: 208). Yet for
Merleau-Ponty, such understanding of gestures is confined to communication
among humans. As he confesses, ‘I do not “understand” the sexual pantomime
of the dog, still less of the cockchafer or the praying mantis’ (2005: 214). My own
experience suggests, to the contrary, that by taking part in the life of communities
of both humans and nonhumans, it is equally possible to get to know the
‘vocabulary’ and ‘syntax’ of the gestures of nonhuman participants – in this case
of horses – and, by placing these gestures in contexts of action, to understand
meanings that, as with human words, are immanent in the gestures themselves.
In addition, learning to ride, in the way it entails the incorporation of new
movements, is comparable to learning to dance. According to Merleau-Ponty
(2005: 164), it involves the acquisition of a particular habit: ‘a rearrangement
and renewal of the corporeal schema.’ Thus, bodies that learn to ride (or to
dance, or even to type), catch and comprehend the movements, and in so far as
they become habits, according to Merleau-Ponty, they are performed at a pre-
reflective level.
In the case of typing, which is one of Merleau-Ponty’s key examples, such
habit would amount to ‘knowledge in the hands’ (Merleau-Ponty, 2005: 166). By
the same token, riding is knowledge in the whole body, and in the case under
consideration this would be applicable to both horse and rider. For Merleau-Ponty
(2005), and also for Ingold (2016), the notion of habit is related to action,
movement and intentionality or attentionality (as posited by Ingold, 2016), just
as it encompasses a broader discussion of the relation between beings and the
world they inhabit or dwell in.
Ingold (2000) discusses learning processes in a similar vein to Merleau-
Ponty, but opposes the term ‘acquisition’ due to its implication that what is
learned (acquired content) is separable from the means of learning (mechanisms
of acquisition), as is commonly assumed by cognitive science. Inspired by Lave
(1990), Ingold advocates a view of learning as ‘understanding in practice.’ What

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he calls ‘enskilment’ is, for him, a process ‘in which learning is inseparable from
doing, and in which both are embedded in the context of a practical engagement
in the world – that is, in dwelling’ (Ingold, 2000: 416).
Following on from these ideas, I would say that riding is an activity learned
in practice, that this is a process of enskilment, and that it becomes habitual
when bodies have understood it, and are therefore knowledgeable in their whole
body. But we still need to ascertain what is flowing through and emerging in-
between these bodies when they ride. For this, we need first to present some
basic aspects of riding.
The correspondence between mount and rider passes through the riding
aids. The main points of contact are hands, legs and seat. The hands manipulate
the reins (held together in one hand in herding activities), which guide the
directions of movement (left and right), stop it when both are pulled back,
increase its speed when loosened, and decrease it when lightly pulled. One
interesting aspect of reins, particularly in the hands of experienced riders, is that
they cease to be objects perceived in themselves and become extensions of the
riders' arms, comparable to the example of blind man’s stick suggested by
Merleau-Ponty (2005). According to him, ‘To get used to (…) a stick is to (…)
incorporate [it] into the bulk of our own body’ (165); it ‘expresses our power of
dilating our being-in-the-world’ (166). The legs, exclusively through the pressure
of the rider's heels on the horse’s belly, indicate a desire to increase the speed
of movement. The seat, in turn, involves a greater range of movements and it is
the most difficult ‘aid’ to be taught and learned because it is largely dependent
on practice and incorporation of the habit; it is a kind of feeling for movement.
Herding activities, for example, require a deep or grounded seat, that is, keeping
the buttocks in contact with the saddle through the ‘weight down in heels and
seat’ (Game, 2001: 9). However, the concept of ‘seat’ (in a broad sense) is key
not only to well-riding but also to the welfare of the pair, because it encompasses
the rider's bodily posture and his ability to follow the horse's movements.
Importantly, the equestrian sense of ‘seat’ is linked to the saddle, in marked
contrast to that sense that has its source in the furniture of the carriage – as
nowadays when we talk about the ‘seats’ of a car. The difference is that with the

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latter, there is a support for the back, and often for the arms as well, with the
legs stuck out straight in front. This allows the sitter to occupy a relatively
confined space but, by the same token, his or her movements are ‘boxed in’ and
constrained. Above all, in a car seat you can only face forward, while on the
horseback riding seat your movements are much less restricted, allowing you to
look around. In short, on a ride the whole-body movements of horses and riders
effectively participate in this joint activity. Here are a few examples of how some
authors define the sense of seat on horseback rides:

A rider’s seat (a term that refers to posture in the saddle, involving the
back, shoulders, and buttocks), legs, hands (…) sends messages to
horses. (Wipper, 2000: 58).

The ‘correct’ classical seat is a position that facilitates freedom of

movement, rhythm and balance. The rider needs an upright, relaxed
position, the ‘good’ posture of an open chest, relaxed shoulders and
deep breathing. Grounded (weight down in heels and seat) and tall
(light, head in the air, held by spine) and still, that is, balanced. (Game,
2001: 9)

The rider (…) influences the horse and its performance by its riding
style, encompassing seat, position, riding attitude and riding aids. (…)
A correct seat makes it possible for the rider to influence the horse in
an efficient way and results in minimal interference and disturbance of
the natural movements of the horse. (Hausberger et al, 2008:10)

The base for a good performance in horseback riding is that the rider
uses a correct seat and position. An effective seat is upright, balanced,
elastic, solid, interactive — it follows the horse’s movements. A vertical
line between the rider’s shoulder-hip-heel and a straight line between
the elbow-forearm reins and horse’s mouth are essential for a correct
seat (…).The pelvis has been identified as the most important part of
the rider’s seat because it is central in the transfer of movements by the
horse to other parts of the rider’s body (the head and the legs) (…). The
welfare of the horse can be compromised when a rider uses an incorrect
seat. (Blokhuis et al, 2008: 192)

These examples show how complex and comprehensive the notion of seat
is, sometimes to the point of becoming synonymous with well-riding. On the other
hand, to meet the requirements of an appropriate seat requires experience;
therefore a bodily process of enskilment has to be ‘done undergone,’ in Ingold’s
sense (2016), and by both participants – horse and rider, since they are becoming

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with each other. It is also important to note that bodily enskilment does not imply
mechanical learning, nor does the incorporation of habit imply automatism. It is
rather a matter of ‘dwelling in habit,’ as Ingold proposes (2016: 16); or as
Merleau-Ponty (2005: 165) put it, ‘a habit is indeed the grasping of a significance,
but it is the motor grasping of a motor significance.’ It is simply impossible to
learn to ride just by reading manuals, watching videos or witnessing the activity
as a spectator. You need to experience and feel it, with your partner, through
your whole body. That's why well-riding takes time to learn, why it requires
practice and a compatible partner. But partnership has to be based on, and is
always improved by, mutual knowledge gained over successive encounters.
It is worth remembering that horses are sharply sensitive, and perceive
not only the aids provided by the riders, but also – even before the aids are
activated – how well their riders are prepared for the ensuing action. For
example, a rider wishing to move from a walk or trot to a gallop would be
expected not just to nudge the horse’s belly with his heels, but to lean forward
and loosen the reins. However a horse will commonly accelerate even before his
or her belly is nudged. In addition, horses that work in herding sometimes
respond to the demands of the activity of their own initiative, since they are
already familiar with the tasks to be performed. This kind of initiative is also
evident when the horse knows the terrain and looks for the best places to cross
a stream or climb a hill. Often, indeed, it is impossible to say who is leading or
guiding whom. In short, riding takes place in-between horse and rider.

5.6. Conclusions
Trying to apprehend what is involved in the relations between horses and
riders I have formulated the question: What leads to a well-riding? In other
words, what elements participate in the formation of harmonious or tuned horse-
rider pairs? Conversely, what elements of friction are involved in these processes?
It was precisely the contrasting character of the encounters I had with Gateado
and Zaina on São Luiz farm that has underpinned my analysis.
Some general characteristics of horses are attractive to humans, such as
their gregarious character, strength, speed and flexibility, and their ability to

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travel in the most varied types of terrain. With the domestication of horses, and
their confinement to properties bounded by fencing, the domain of the houses
expanded to incorporate these animals, leading to conviviality in a shared
territory. With this, fear gave way to mutual knowledge. This closeness and
conviviality fostered a broader understanding of the horse in terms of its ethology
and physiology, the development of more sophisticated techniques of training,
the adaptation of the farm’s infrastructure to the needs of the horses, and riding
equipment well designed for the safety, comfort and effective correspondence of
horse-rider pairs. These improvements were aimed at establishing more balanced
relationships with horses, which, besides being already recognized as sentient
and emotional beings, are themselves able to perceive human affects, feelings,
sensations, emotions and moods.
I have shown, through my contrasting experiences with Zaina and
Gateado, that the formation of a successful riding pair also depends on elements
beyond riding itself. Such differences were perceived in terms of incompatibility
or compatibility in horse-rider pairs, expressed through physical characteristics,
past experiences (mutual contact while still young, ways of approaching, practice,
riding skills, and confidence), personality (flexibility, resilience, affinity and
sympathy), wills and contexts.
There were some aspects during the ride, however, that responded
importantly to well-riding, such as: ‘practical enskilment,’ in Ingold’s (2000)
sense; riding aids, namely hands, legs and mainly seat; and a kind of ‘feeling for
movement’ which includes rhythm, balance, posture, position and following the
movements of the horse. In addition, the effective correspondence of horse and
rider could be apprehended in terms of flows through and in-between them,
fundamentally based on individual qualities or characteristics, and bodily contact.
In other words, we could say that in the phases of constitution of the horse-rider
pair, prior to the ride, we would have horses and humans interacting between;
while, during the ride itself, horses and riders would correspond in the in-
between. Furthermore, since we are dealing with sentient and emotional beings
who establish relations beyond spoken language and formal communication, their
bodies have to be understood, as Ingold (2002) proposes, as ‘whole body-

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persons.’ Riding, defined as an activity learned in practice, or an ‘enskilment
process’ is both a ‘doing-undergoing’ (in the sense of Ingold, 2016), as well as a
‘becoming with’ (as proposed by Haraway, 2008). It becomes habitual only when
bodies have understood it, by way of a knowledge in the whole body, or a
‘dwelling in habit’ (Ingold, 2016). In this sense, riding pairs could be compared
to dancing pairs. I will reserve a broader exploration of this comparison for a later
chapter.

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Chapter 6
Dogs and Humans

6.1. Introduction
Whenever I think of relations between dogs and humans, especially in
working contexts, I always remember the farm of my uncles, the same farm
where I learned to ride a horse, the Santa Salete farm in the southern region of
Rio Grande do Sul. It was there that I got to know Gravata (which means ‘cravat,’
or tie, in English), a very clever herding dog who used to work with my uncle in
farm activities, mainly herding cattle and sheep. This dog was an incredible
worker, a so-called Ovelheiro (sheepdog), a local breed but most likely a
descendant of the European Border Collie due to their physical similarity, in size
and structure but especially the coat. Most of Gravata’s coat was black but part
of the face and chest was white, like a tie. That’s where his name came from.
I also vividly remember the close bond between Gravata and my uncle
Alemão, especially when they worked together. My uncle, riding on horseback,
used to issue vocal commands like ‘look behind,’ ‘right,’ ‘left’ or ‘ahead,’ but most
of the time Gravata knew what to do to guide the herds, running, barking and
approaching them correctly, always keeping his eyes on both my uncle and the
herds, so they worked as a finely tuned team, driving herds across grasslands,
roads and pens. It was remarkable. They also had a mutual respect and affection,
but Gravata was a worker, not a pet, and despite being considered by my uncle
as his best and favourite employee, he did not have the status of a family
member. It was these memories that led me to try to understand the relationships
between human and non-human animals in general terms.
This chapter will be dedicated to the relations between dogs and humans,
mainly in working contexts, but focusing on herding activities in Rio Grande do
Sul and illustrated by my experiences on São Luiz farm. However, in order to
clarify every aspect of such relations, I will consider the peculiarities of dogs in
general, and of herding dogs in particular, mainly on the basis of physiological
and ethological studies, as well as devoting some attention to the origin and
history of Border Collies. In addition, I will compare the convergence, encounter

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and conviviality of dogs and humans with the relations between horses and
humans analysed in the last chapter.

6.2. Definitive encounter

Many authors have emphasized the importance of the encounter between
dogs and humans in transforming the lifeways of both. Shipman (2010), for
example, has argued that beyond the three well known drivers of human
evolution – ‘tool making, symbolic behavior and language, and the domestication
of plants and animals’ (2010: 519) – there is a fourth, which she calls ‘animal
connection,’ referring to the ancient, intimate and fruitful relationships
established between humans and nonhumans. According to Shipman, the
advances achieved by humankind were partially attributable to these
associations, of which those with dogs played a prominent part. Morey (1994)
also refers to dogs as having played a key role in bringing about major changes
in human lifestyles; they were ‘the pioneers of an evolutionary radiation that had
radical effects on the composition of earth’s biota and on the way people live’
(1994: 336). It is worth remembering that much of the academic interest in the
history of the association between dogs and humans is due to the fact that,
thanks to their ancient and persistent association, studying the trajectory of either
one entails the simultaneous study of the other.
From the birth of the subspecies that became the ‘best friend’ of humans,
this relationship promoted transformations on both sides. Many canine studies,
such as those of Clutton-Brock (1999, 2012) and Cooper et al. (2003), have
discussed this parallel evolution in both biological and cultural terms, while
others, like Trut (1999), focus on morphology, physiology and behaviour. These
authors argue that, thanks to their behavioural flexibility and their close relations
with humans, dogs could adapt to human societies through a process of
enculturation. However, I would prefer to see this as a mutual adaptation
converging on a hybrid dog-human culture – or rather, a ‘community’ in the sense
proposed by Lestel (2006) and his research group – in which both parties actively
undergo transformations in relation to the other (Ingold 2016). Nevertheless,
whereas both Clutton-Brock and Cooper et al (op. cit.) argue that the association

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of dogs with humans, coupled with the ‘natural’ traits of dogs, have underpinned
the development of the ‘mental’ or ‘cognitive’ skills that allowed for their
incorporation into human culture, Trut – arguing from a behavioural perspective
- stresses ‘tamability’ as the main factor that favoured the encounter of humans
first with wolves, and then with dogs. Exclusively canine behavioural traits,
according to Trut, include ‘whining, barking and submissiveness’ (Trut, 1999:
160).
Turning from cultural to biological or morphological-physiological changes,
these could be divided into two: spontaneous and artificial. The former include
longer-term modifications, such as in size and coat colour, the latter include
changes imposed by humans through deliberate crossbreeding. Cooper et al.
(2003), for example, argue that dogs were bred in order to develop specific traits
suited to tasks or roles in human societies, such as warfare, hunting, herding,
guarding and guiding. Figure 38 presents a spectrum of modern dog breeds and
their respective origins.

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 Figure 38 - Modern dog breeds and their respective origins (From Morey, 1994: 345).

Another important characteristic of domestic dogs that deserves mention

here – albeit briefly, as I will return to it later – concerns a very peculiar habit,
namely, to look directly into the face and eyes of humans. Miklósi et al. (2003)
conducted an experiment to evaluate the performance of dogs and wolves in
certain tasks, in which they were aided by humans. Both the dogs and the wolves
in the experiment were given equal time to socialize with humans. The better
results achieved by dogs, according to the authors, were due to their ability to
look into human faces and by doing so, to obtain key information needed to solve
the problems posed by the tests. The authors argue that this particular canine
characteristic, very similar to its human equivalent, was developed in the long
process of domestication. A key aspect of this process, in my view, is the
conviviality of the human-dog association. A number of studies have focused on

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this topic, many of them undertaken by research groups led by Ádám Miklósi (at
the University of Eötvös Loránd in Budapest), in order to explore different aspects
of this particular visual ‘communication,’ which I prefer to call visual
‘correspondence’ (a notion which I will explore further in a later chapter). Since
these studies present relevant information about the close bonds established by
dogs and humans, they will be discussed in detail in a section dedicated
exclusively to dog-human correspondence. To provide a basis for this discussion,
specifically with regard to herding dogs, I will introduce some material on the
Border Collie breed, alongside empirical material drawn mainly from my fieldwork
in Rio Grande do Sul.

6.3. Relevant characteristics in herding dogs

Unlike horses, that rely mainly on touch to correspond with humans in the
performance of their tasks, herding dogs employ other senses in their work,
mainly sight and hearing, but also smell. It is not by chance that these senses
are quite developed in dogs in general and even more so in herding dogs in
particular. The acuity of sight and hearing, among other characteristics that we
will review later, make Border Collies and Ovelheiros among the most suitable
dogs for working with herds.
The average canine ear registers a much wider frequency range than the
human: for dogs the range lies between 40 and 60,000 Hz, for humans it is
between 64 and 23,000 Hz (Fay and Popper, 1994). In addition, dogs are known
to detect sounds at volumes four times lower than those detectable by humans;
moreover the mobility of their ears allows them to locate the source of the sounds
very quickly. These capabilities of dogs are most useful in herding activities, in
which vocal commands need to be heard at very long distances.
Turning to vision, the visual field of dogs varies according to the shape of
their heads, with Border Collies and Ovelheiros situated between the medium and
Borzoi shapes (Figure 39). Their total visual field could be estimated at around
240o (60o of binocular vision and 90o for each eye), which is greater than a
human’s, at 180o. However, dogs have lower visual acuity than humans, by a
factor of between 0.2 to 0.4 (Beaver, 2009). They are nevertheless much better

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able to perceive movement than the details of what is moving, and this favours
them as hunters and shepherds. According to Beaver (2009: 52), ‘dogs could
recognize moving objects at 810 to 900 m and stationary ones at 585 m.’
The exceptional olfactory capacity of dogs is well known, and has been
tapped for tracking, drug and explosive detection, finding people buried under
avalanches or building rubble (Beaver, 2009). Compared to humans, canine
sensitivity is much higher; while dogs have an average of 220 million sensitive
cells, humans have only 5 million (Beaver, 2009; and Lopes and Silva, 2012).
Dogs also use their sense of smell to identify and gather information from both
conspecifics and humans (Beaver, 2009). Dogs’ olfactory capacity is a good
example of how association with humans can be based on sensory
complementarity.
In general, the sensitivity of dogs is very keen and well known. Many
studies have already confirmed their ability, for example, to notice seizures and
heart attacks in humans, in advance of their onset (Beaver, 2009). Such skills
may be due to their attention to subtle changes in body posture, or to possible
odours that are exhaled in such situations (Beaver, 2009). In addition, there are
studies evaluating dogs’ olfactory ability to detect diseases in humans, such as
‘bladder, lung, melanoma, and breast cancers’ (Beaver, 2009: 56).

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Figure 39 - Different visual fields of dogs according to the shape of their heads (Source:
Beaver, 2009: 51).

We know that certain canine sensitivities vary with body structure, as the
shape of the head, for example, constrains the visual field. The sense of smell
also varies according to the size of the snout. The larger the snout, the more
smell-sensitive cells there are, and therefore the more acute it is. And we know
that breeds differ in their most outstanding abilities, whether developed artificially
or spontaneously. Dogs of different breeds tend to be selected for employment
in those activities in which their respective skills produce better performances.
Thus the Pointer’s sense of smell makes it ideal for hunting, and the territoriality
of German Shepherds make them good for guarding. Border Collies and
Ovelheiros, in turn, are well known for their abilities in herding sheep and cattle.
But apart from their abovementioned faculties of hearing, vision and smell, on
what do these abilities rest?
An essential characteristic when dealing with herds is speed, in which
Border Collies and Ovelheiros excel. Border Collies, for example, can reach speeds

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of up to 30 mph44. They are also reputed to be highly intelligent, mainly due to
their ability to learn commands (Jones and Gosling, 2005). However the concept
of intelligence is controversial, and its estimation subjective, while an ability to
learn commands does not tell us much about the dogs’ skill in herding. To find
the sources of this skill we have to look elsewhere.
Herding dogs on the farms of Rio Grande do Sul have a status similar to
that of horses; that is, they belong to the herding group composed by dog
(ovelheiro), horse (crioulo) and human (gaúcho), which is so symbolic of the
region. Their status is not merely a legacy of tradition, however, since still today,
they play an essential role in the management of the substantial herds of cattle
and sheep in the state, as they have done for many generations. The origin of
the Ovelheiro, the main herding dog of the far south of Brazil, is nevertheless
controversial (see chapter 3). Though the designation has long been used, and
widely, regardless of the precise breed of dog, it is closely associated with the
ability to deal with herds. However, certain tacit rules define variations in the
physical appearance of Ovelheiros, as also of Border Collies and Scottish Collies.
A relatively recent school of thought attributes the characteristics of the Ovelheiro
to regulated breeding45, similar to that of the crioulo horse. I do not intend to
enter deeply into the discussion of breed patterns, specifications, crossing,
genetics and so on, not only because the dogs I will be talking about are of similar
physical constitution, but also because this debate has no bearing on the
arguments I will bring forward here.
Introducing the dog Gravata at the beginning of this chapter, I already
mentioned the closeness of his physical characteristics to those of Border Collies.
The same goes for the three dogs of São Luiz farm (Figure 44) who will be the
principal characters of my story. So it is important to explore how this breed was
developed and what kind of traits were sought through the process.
To establish a connection between Rio Grande do Sul and the Scottish
Highlands, we could compare some characteristics of Ovelheiros and Border

44
Source: www.vetstreet.com/our-pet-experts/meet-eight-of-the-fastest-dogs-on-the-planet at
17/01/2020.
45
Additional details can be seen at ‘Association of Ovelheiro Dogs’ which presents the morphological and
behavioural traits that describe the breed: acogovelheiro.wordpress.com at 19/11/17.

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Collies as defined by the Dog Associations, respectively, of Brazil and the UK.
Beyond morphological aspects, certain behavioural elements presented by the
Ovelheiro Breeders’ Association are very fitting and apply well to our three
representatives from São Luiz farm, as well as to Gravata from Santa Salete.
According to the Association:

[The Ovelheiro] is an extremely intelligent dog, who easily learns taught

commands. The dog should be calm and balanced, so as not to appear
aggressive before farm animals …. A working dog must demonstrate
courage and constancy in their tasks, and should not be intimidated or
frightened when working with cattle or horses.
(acogovelheiro.wordpress.com at 19/11/17)

In addition to their showing neither aggression nor fear towards the herds, I
would highlight, in our São Luiz trio, their restless, active, curious, affective and
friendly temperament. I would also emphasise their companionship, as in our
farm activities they were always present and well-disposed towards us, whether
for service or for walks in the surroundings. In short, we and they were
inseparable.
Our trio from São Luiz, as well as Gravata from Santa Salete, undoubtedly
inherited important traits from the Border Collie breed, mainly their distinctive
coat and enthusiasm for working with the herds. But the institutions in the United
Kingdom that specialise in dog breeding – the Kennel Club UK and the
International Sheep Dog Society (ISDS) – differ regarding the methods for
evaluating the characteristics attributed to the breed. The Kennel Club bases its
evaluations primarily on morphological and genetic attributes, whereas the ISDS
focuses on the skills of working with herds, particularly sheep. Let us compare
the breeding standards proposed by each institution.
According to The Kennel Club, the Border Collie belongs to the pastoral
group, which ‘consists of herding dogs that are associated with working cattle,
sheep, reindeer and other cloven footed animals’ and they usually have ‘a
weatherproof double coat to protect it from the elements when working in severe
conditions’ (www.thekennelclub.org.uk at 11/21/17). On its website, the breed
representative is depicted as follows (Figure 40):

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Figure 40 - Border Collie, as depicted by The Kennel Club (www.thekennelclub.org.uk at
11/21/17).

The Kennel Club’s standard breeding criteria include ‘ideal characteristics,

temperament and appearance,’ from which I would list the following: ‘tenacious,
hard-working sheep dog, of great tractability;’ ‘keen, alert, responsive and
intelligent;’ ‘neither nervous nor aggressive;’ a wide range of colours is
permissible but ‘white should never predominate.’
The ISDS, on the other hand, does not have a breed standard, for reasons
consistent with the main rationale for the Society’s foundation:

The ISDS was founded in 1906 with the intention of stimulating interest
in the shepherd, the shepherd's calling and to secure the better
management of stock by improving the shepherd's dog. This is still the
objective today, for without a good working dog the work of the
shepherd, both on the hills and the lowlands, would be impossible.
(www.isds.org.uk at 21/11/17)

Animal registration schemes reaffirm this philosophy. ISDS does not register adult
animals except under special circumstances. Therefore, in order for a puppy or
young dog (up to two years old) to be registered with ISDS, it is a condition that
their sire and dam have been registered with them or another recognized body,
and that both dog owners and their parents are members of ISDS. Dogs over
two years old, in turn, may be registered on ‘merit:’ through proof of success in
competitions; or through a working test, which is applicable to the Working
Sheepdog (or Border Collie):

The dog must pass a test of skill in Outrun, Lift, Fetch and Driving and
general farm duties on a packet of sheep (...) assessed by two
Examiners. (...) The test is not supposed to be a sheepdog trial; it is a
test of the ability of the dog to undertake normal farm work, and not a
test of the skill of the handler. (www.isds.org.uk at 21/11/17)

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Like the Kennel Club, ISDS has a logo on its website that features what they
would consider an example of a working sheepdog (Figure 41):

Figure 41 - Working Sheepdog as depicted by ISDS (www.isds.org.uk at 21/11/17).

Notice how in this depiction, unlike the one from the Kennel Club, the dog is not
posed for the picture but is shown in the posture actually adopted when working
with a herd:

The ISDS dog logo is a simple outline that looks like a dog called Winston
Cap. He represented so much that was good about the working
sheepdog. Cap ... in 1965 won the Supreme Championship in Cardiff.
(www.isds.org.uk at 21/11/17)

Finally, both institutions have a general definition of the Border Collie

based on its skills as a herding dog or the characteristics that contribute to these
skills. From the Kennel Club:

The Border Collie is still seen performing the task for which it was bred,
working sheep (and cattle) and its fitness for function is seen in its
speed, its innate herding instinct and its stealthy gait and carriage. …
His intelligence, speed and versatility have brought the Border Collie
success in many canine activities such as obedience, agility ....
(www.thekennelclub.org.uk at 21/11/17)

And from ISDS:

The Shepherd's Dog – The Border Collie is renowned for its intelligence,
agility, hard work and innate skills with animals for herding. Its skills
have been shaped by many generations of breeding. These working
dogs have never been bred for appearance. (www.isds.org.uk at
21/11/17)

From the foregoing, we can conclude that dogs called Border Collies, or Working
Sheepdogs or British Sheepdogs, are less defined by coat pattern, or by physical
or genetic characteristics, than by their ability to deal with herds. They are above
all working dogs, sharing this characterization with the Ovelheiros of Rio Grande
do Sul.

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 Another highly valued and praised aspect of these co-workers is the so-
called ‘eye,’ an attribute often endowed with hypnotic or even magical power
over sheep. For McCulloch (1938), it induces ‘mesmerism.’ With a single look,
dogs are alleged to have the power to immobilize an individual animal or a herd
(usually of sheep) with their look. According to McCulloch (1938), who devotes
an entire chapter of his book Sheep Dogs and their Masters, entitled ‘The Eye of
Control,’ to this feat, it was an innate characteristic specific to the breed. The
dog, he writes,

… merely ‘holds’ the sheep with its eager and watchful eyes, .... There
is nothing unpleasant, therefore, in the spectacle of a Border Collie
‘holding’ a sheep; it is simply a striking demonstration of the dog’s
watchful efficiency and concentration and the sheep’s rather sensible
capacity for resignation. (McCulloch, 1938: 12)

Ingold (2000), however, referring to Mech (1970), points out a peculiar behaviour
of the reindeer when chased by wolves, which could explain this reaction of the
sheep to the look of the Border Collies.

When pursuing reindeer, there often comes a critical point when a

particular animal becomes immediately aware of your presence. It then
does a strange thing. Instead of running away it stands stock still, turns
its head and stares you squarely in the face. Biologists have explained
this behaviour as an adaptation to predation by wolves. When the
reindeer stops, the pursuing wolf stops too, both of them getting their
breath back for the final, decisive phase of the episode when the deer
turns to flight and the wolf rushes to overtake it. (Ingold, 2000: 13)

Dogs that participate in competitive sheepdog trials, for example, can round up
sheep into corrals, with their master's guidance, through voice signals and
whistles alone, without touching, biting or even barking at the sheep while in
action. But are such skills or competencies really innate or acquired by learning?
Perhaps a foray into the history of working sheepdogs can give clues to answer
this question.

6.4. Origins of working sheepdogs

According to the Kennel Club and ISDS, Border Collies come from the
borders between England, Scotland and Wales – hence their name. The name
first appeared in print in 1900, in an article by James Reid, the first secretary of

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ISDS. Not until 1938, however, in one of the first books devoted to the history of
the Border Collie (McCulloch, 1938), do we find a comprehensive account of the
birth and development of the breed.
According to McCulloch, responsibility for the development of sheepdogs
lay with Britain's rugged topography, especially ‘along the English and Scottish
border, in the Highlands of Scotland, in the mountainous districts of Wales, and
in the sweeping moorlands of the North of England’ (McCulloch, 1938: 2-3), as
well as with the traditional livelihood, in these border regions, of sheep farming.
McCulloch investigated several documents that give clues to the Border Collie's
ancestry and place of origin. His earliest evidence dates back to 1570 and his
research, mainly based on the terms ‘Collie,’ ‘Coley’ or ‘Colie,’ as well on
descriptions of the dog’s physique, temperament and working abilities, pointed
to Scotland as the breed's ancestral cradle. Many of these dogs, McCulloch
observes, would have been taken from Scotland to England ‘by the way of roads
used by the drovers’ – by which he means the Highland Cattle Drovers. This
suggestion is not entirely without foundation, as we can see from paintings
depicting droving journeys, in many of which Border Collies are depicted, as can
be seen in Figure 42.

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Figure 42 - Highlanders going South, Oil on canvas by Henry Garland (1854-1890).
(Source: www.rendellsfineart.co.uk/gallerypaintings.htm at 21/05/16)

McCulloch believed that Border Collies were selectively bred by shepherds

in the border regions of England and Scotland, from the early 17th century. The
ancestors of the Border Collie, as it is known today, would have been the Bob-
tailed Sheepdog, the Bearded Collie and the Harlequin Collie, all breeds which
emerged in the second half of the 18th century. However, the current type would
not have been definitively fixed until the second half of the 19th century, and
with the advent of sheepdog trials the breed was quickly refined and
consolidated. According to a study of sheepdog trial pedigree dogs by McCulloch
and James Reid, the ‘progenitor of the modern Border Collie’ was a dog called
Old Hemp (McCulloch 1938:102, Figure 43).

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Figure 43 - Old Hemp, the progenitor of the modern Border Collie (Source:
www.isds.org.uk at 21/11/17).

The connection between the breed and competitive sheepdog trials is

interesting, because it shows where and how the development of the breed took
place, namely at the moment when shepherds from different regions and
countries would meet at the events and cross their champions. In short, a key
element in the constitution of the breed was the performance of dogs in tests
based on their routines in the herding activities of the farm. Describing sheepdog
trials, McCulloch observes that they

… differ from any other dog competitions with which I am familiar, in

that they stress one thing only – the working ability of the dogs under
natural conditions. Each dog is required to do the things that he does
during his daily routine on the hills or moors – only he is asked to do it
more smoothly and with the maximum speed. He must gather, drive,
shed, and pen a group of sheep under the critical eyes of experienced
judges. (McCulloch, 1938: 33-34)

Returning now to our initial question – are the skills of Border Collies innate
or learned? – the history of the breed suggests that dogs were living in close
proximity with shepherds and herds, allowing for prolonged periods of learning
as well. In addition, the refinement of the breed due to the diffusion of
competitive sheepdog trials led to more intense and specific regimes of training
in sheep herding. Taking account, as well, of what Lasier once told me about dog
learning, namely that youngsters learn from their elders, by watching and
accompanying them working with the herds, I would highlight the learning
process as a central element in the Border Collies’ performance, in which the
custodians of the learned tradition are, at least in part, the dogs themselves.

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 It is also important to highlight the coat of the Border Collie as another
aspect which is always emphasised when this breed is under discussion. The
Kennel Club is keen to say that the breed’s coat should never be entirely white,
and in images, the Border Collie is always represented predominantly in black
with a white neck and neck collar. This coat is common to Gravata, the São Luiz
farm trio, the dogs illustrated in the website logos of the Kennel Club and ISDS,
and Old Hemp, the progenitor of the breed. The black-and-white coat, according
to McCulloch (1938), has a utilitarian function, namely:

Sheep tend to become indifferent towards a white dog. On the other

hand, they are afraid of a jet-black dog, which always appears as a black
shadow behind them. The black and white dog, therefore, is a happy
compromise. (McCulloch, 1938: 107)

In addition, research on the practical function of animal pelage colouration has

established several notions to distinguish their purposes. Caro (2005), for
example, with respect to mammals synthesizes these functions in three
categories - regulation of physiological processes, concealment and
communication. Since we are interested here in whether the black and white coat
of Border Collies works as camouflage or signalling, my focus is on the last two.
Concerning concealment, Caro (2005), argues that animals remain hidden due to
their colouration resembling or matching the background of the environment.
Giant pandas exemplify this phenomenon through camouflage typified as crypsis
(Caro et al., 2017). Disruptive colouration, in turn, works ‘by contrasting colors
or irregular marks that break up the body’s outline’ (2005: 125), however it is
difficult to find evidence of this type in mammals (2005), especially black and
white. As for interspecific communication, ‘signaling may include aposematism,
in which prey advertise their noxiousness or pugnacity; (…) or lures that prevent
prey from recognizing that a predator is present’ (Caro, 2005: 129). In black and
white colouration, which may warn of pugnacity, ‘the most famous example’ cited
by the author is the spotted skunk. Therefore, considering dogs as predators on
sheep and cattle, we could infer that Border Collie’s black and white coats assume
at least two functions: of crypsis concealment (like the giant panda), which would
allow a degree of approach to the prey; and of aposematic interspecific signalling
(like the spotted skunk), which warns of pugnacity, especially towards cattle,

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which are much bigger and stronger than dogs. One last aspect that would
deserve attention in this context, remembering that this study focuses on cattle
herding, is the way cows see dogs, especially when driving herds. However, in
order to discuss this topic in detail, we will postpone this issue to chapter 9,
where the senses of cattle will be addressed.
From the above, we can conclude that the black and white combination,
in addition to its practical functions, would have become established in the course
of breeding, reinforced by the performance of dogs first in actual herding work
and subsequently, in sheepdog trials. These characteristics were so satisfactory
for sheep herding that they spread widely, reaching the region of southern Brazil
in its Ovelheiro dogs, where they also became cattle herders.

6.5. Personality of dogs

In the last chapter I have demonstrated the importance of personality for
the formation and compatibility of horse-rider pairs, however this topic still needs
to be placed in the context of a broader discussion of the relationships between
human and nonhuman animals. The issue of personality in nonhuman animals,
which is recurrent in this study, also lead us to question the limits of the species
category, especially when individual distinctions emerge both within the
intraspecific and interspecific relationships addressed here. It is important to
highlight the subject of personality to emphasize the point that nonhumans are
marked – as humans are – not only by collective attributes such as species or
breed, but also by individual characteristics. Evidence for this appeared in the
relations between horses and riders, and it will appear here in relations between
dogs and humans and later between cows and humans. Therefore, when dealing
with the distinctive, and manifest, ways of being of the dogs of the São Luiz farm,
and how they influenced the ways the dogs work in herding tasks, I have felt the
need to explore studies that bring animal personalities into play. Thus, the main
objective of this section is to ask whether personality studies in dogs, added to
the perceptions I had of the canine trio on the farm, would contribute to a broader
characterization of these individualities.

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 First of all, it is important to make clear the notion of personality assumed
here. It is in line with the conceptions of Elias (1991), more focused on humans,
and mainly Ingold (2004), which extends to all organisms, for both authors
founded on its processual and relational character. Personalities are neither fixed
nor innate, they are in continuous development, they depend on the trajectories
of the individuals and on the relational contexts in which these trajectories unfold.
In short, they emerge from relationships established throughout life, relationships
taken here in their broadest sense - in terms of organisms and the environments
with which they relate. So, although we do not agree with the conception of
personality as an inventory of traits, shared by many social psychology scholars,
the aim here is to gather features of some studies that can enrich the
characterization of the personalities of the dogs of the São Luiz farm.
Furthermore, it is important to note that while the word ‘personality’ is avoided
by many researchers, who tend to associate it with anthropomorphism, in favour
of ‘temperament’ (Jones and Gosling, 2005), I, on the contrary, insist on the term
because it extends personhood to nonhuman animals.
According to Jones and Gosling (2005: 4), psychologists who study
personality among humans tend to focus on aspects such as ‘character traits,
dispositions, goals, personal projects, abilities, attitudes, physical and bodily
states, moods, and life stories.’ However, no comparable definition of nonhuman
personality exists that is as comprehensive as that applied to humans. Personality
studies with animals often invoke the so-called Five Factor Model (FFM) in order
to define behavioural characteristics and, thereby, animal personalities.
The constituents of the FFM are: extraversion, agreeableness,
conscientiousness, neuroticism and openness/intellect. Gosling et al. (2003)
characterize personality in dogs using a framework that is consistent with FFM,
but only after making some adaptations, namely excluding ‘conscientiousness’
and establishing analogies for the remaining factors: ‘Energy (analogous to
human Extraversion), Affection (analogous to human Agreeableness), Emotional
Reactivity (analogous to human Neuroticism), and Intelligence (analogous to
human Openness / Intellect)’ (2003: 1163). In a subsequent review of 51
empirical studies on personality in dogs undertaken between 1934 and 2004,

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Jones and Gosling (2005) found a wide range of terms used to characterize
canine personality. In an attempt to narrow these down to as few categories as
possible, they ended up with seven broad dimensions of personality (Table 2, in
Jones and Gosling, 2005: 20-25): (1) reactivity, including emotionality, excitation,
excitability, sound reaction, reaction to novel stimuli, sensitivity, and neuroticism;
(2) fearfulness, including apprehension, timidity, shyness, avoidance of
strangers, withdrawal, and suspicion; (3) activity, including immaturity,
exuberance, and energy; (4) sociability, including following, approaching,
friendliness, kindness, affiliation, extraversion, demand for affection, attachment
or attention-seeking behaviour, confidence, affability, and playfulness; (5)
responsiveness to training, including obedience, cooperation, willingness (to
work), openness, promptness, playfulness, intelligence, cleverness, interest in
stimuli, and attentiveness; (6) submissiveness, including timidity, bashfulness,
among others; and (7) aggression, including a tendency to bite, unkindness,
territorial defence, readiness to fight, defensive disposition, possessiveness and
sharpness.
More recent studies of personality in dogs have identified similar categories
including: calmness, trainability, dog-sociability and boldness, also by extension
from the human FFM model (Kubinyi et al., 2009); extraversion, self-
assuredness/motivation, training focus, amicability and neuroticism (Ley et al.,
2008); and stranger-directed sociability, activity, aggressiveness and trainability,
in a study of two popular Hungarian breeds, the German Shepherd Dog and
Hungarian Vizsla (Mirkó et al., 2012). These various studies, and the no less
numerous personality elements attributed to dogs, give an indication of the
difficulty of establishing dimensions of personality best suited to them.
Certain factors, however, were considered by Fratkin (2017) in order to
better characterize dogs’ personalities. The author, reviewing a large body of
research on personality in dogs (from 1971 to 2016, but mostly between 2000
and 2016), distinguishes between biological and environmental influences. Here,
we can illustrate the conflict between our own and Fratkin's conception of
personality, mainly in relation to the first group, which includes innate categories.
Among them I would point out heredity, breed, morphology and sex. Under

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heredity, Fratkin finds that reactivity/fearfulness, activity, responsiveness to
training and aggression are highly heritable, whereas sociability, willingness to
cooperate and sharpness are not. Under breed, he notes a comprehensive study
in the US which identified different breed-specific personality dimensions (Serpell
and Duffy, 2014; table 10.3 in Fratkin, 2017: 214). Under morphology he finds
that ‘size, height, and coat colour were associated with dog personality’ (table
10.4, in Fratkin, 2017: 216-17); and under sex that ‘females scored higher than
males on reactivity/fearfulness’ (Fratkin, 2017: 215). On the other hand, still
within the group of biological influences, the author brings age (obviously not
innate), which carries a sum of experiences throughout the life of individuals,
added to the dissimilar physical losses resulting from the aging process itself,
both affecting the way in which individuals respond to day-to-day demands.
Fratkin, then, says that younger dogs are more reactive/fearful, active and social
than older dogs. With regard to this last aspect, we will see later, for the farm
dogs, that such categories cannot be treated in isolation, since certain events in
the trajectories of individuals will be more relevant in the constitution of their
personalities than pre-established patterns, as we already witnessed in the
previous chapter with regard to the mare Zaina. As for environmental influences,
Fratkin points out caregiving, training, socialization, play, home environment and
cultural effects related to the country in which they (both dog and owner) live.
With caregiving, experience with dogs and the personality of the caregiver all
affected canine personality. Training, socialization and play made dogs less
fearful, and surprisingly more aggressive. Regarding this last aspect, I can only
understand it if the training objective was to make the dog more aggressive.
Finally, variations in home environment – living alone, with more dogs, in flats or
gardens – also influenced their personality.
From the foregoing, we will assess in the next section to what extent the
personality characteristics adduced here serve to characterize the dogs of the
São Luiz farm.

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6.6. Personality of the ovelheiro trio of the São Luiz farm
When we first arrived at São Luiz farm, just before we reached its
headquarters, we passed a small Eucalyptus forest, which is characteristic
throughout Rio Grande do Sul, and from afar we could already see the dogs
running towards us. That was when I met the first hosts to greet us – Gaiteiro,
Duque and Campeiro (Figure 44). We exchanged a quick greeting, at once
cautious and friendly, without any show of aggression, at one of the first gates
leading into the courtyard of the headquarters. As we advanced, they
accompanied us beside the car, a company that remained faithful until our
departure from the farm. As mentioned earlier, these were the three herding
cattle assistants, as well as the guardians of the farm.

Figure 44 - From left to right: Duque, Gaiteiro and Campeiro (São Luiz farm, January
2017, picture by Vanessa Zamboni).

Adopting a similar approach to that which I brought to the horses Gateado

and Zaina in the last chapter, here I shall highlight the different characters of
these three dogs, as they reveal important aspects of the relationships we had
with them on the farm, which are the focus of my investigation. They had names,
distinct physical appearances and ages, but also, and more interestingly, different
personalities. Gaiteiro was the oldest, around 8 years old according to Lasier. He
had been taken from Santa Vitória do Palmar city to the farm by an old employee,
while still a puppy, and was already at the end of his career due to difficulties
with vision, hearing and physical endurance, but his satisfaction and willingness
to work were second to none. Duque was an adult dog, younger than Gaiteiro,

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who had also been brought to the farm when still a puppy, having been acquired
by Nilceu from a neighbour. He was at the height of his vigour, always alert,
focused and obedient during activities, as well as sociable and affective.
Campeiro, in turn, was a young dog and still learning. Like the others, he arrived
as a puppy on the farm, but he was impatient, restless and less attentive than
the others, and more wary of human contact. Thus, despite his young age, he
was less sociable than the others, contrary to the observations of Fratkin (2017)
cited above. This behaviour, as far as I know, was due to an accident he suffered
on the farm some time ago, generating a certain caution regarding human
approach. These characteristics were very evident on occasions when I
accompanied the dogs in the activities of the farm, whether during their
management of cattle, in leisure pursuits or at mealtimes.
In order to answer the question posed in the previous section, namely
whether the research presented on the dogs’ personality would contribute to the
description of the São Luiz farm’s trio, I have built a table (see below) that
summarizes the information from these studies. Moreover, I have added to the
table some aspects of my perceptions about the dogs, which were elaborated
before reading these researches on canine personality. Comparing my
perceptions (marked as 'O' in the table) with the characteristics provided by the
studies (marked as 'X'), one can assess the extent to which the latter enrich my
description of the farm’s dogs.
From table 1 we can say that, before reading the studies, my perceptions
on the trio were quite appropriate, or provided a good idea of their personalities,
but they were somewhat generic. While, from the contribution of the information
collected in the personality studies, it was possible to form more accurate and
detailed ‘images’ of the farm dogs. Gaiteiro, for example, would be better
represented by his sociability, which was expressed through a calm, friendly and
gentle way of relating. On the other hand, there was an occasion when I was
returning to the farmhouse at night and he did not recognize me, so he
approached me barking and snarling. But that reception changed when Gaiteiro,
coming very close to me, realized who I was and greeted me. In short, his
aggressiveness was only manifested when his condition as guardian of the farm

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was activated. Duque, in turn, stood out for his extreme sociability, which was
clearly perceived by his calmness, friendliness, kindness and affability. At the
same time, Duque's gentle way of being was accompanied by a certain timidity
and obedience that bordered on submission. While handling cattle, he also
showed the immensely vigorous, attentive and dedicated dog he was. Finally,
Campeiro expressed a more restrained, suspicious and withdrawn sociability,
probably, as mentioned before, due to his earlier accident suffered. However, in
the tasks of the farm he was known for his energy, excitement and daring. His
intensity, on the other hand, was such that he often needed to be reprimanded.
In addition to their singularities, the trio shared their attachment bonds and
faithful company toward humans, willingness and motivation to work, as well as
cooperation during the farm tasks.
To conclude the current topic, following Ingold (2000), I would like to
stress that personalities are the ever-emergent outcome of a developmental
process within a field of relations that include individuals of the same and
different species. So they are not the ‘outward’ expression of ‘inner’ attributes,
but are manifested within these relational fields. We need, therefore, to
reformulate Fratkin's (2017) categorization, for what he called environmental
influences in the formation of canine personalities are, in fact, the relational fields
from which these personalities emerge.

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 Personality Characteristics Gaiteiro Duque Campeiro
emotionality / sensitivity X
excitation / excitability / impatience OX
1 - Reactivity sound reaction
reaction to novel stimuli
neuroticism
apprehension OX
timidity / shyness X OX
2 - Fearfulness avoidance of strangers OX
withdrawal OX
suspicion OX
immaturity X
3 - Activity exuberance / vigour OX X
energy X
following X OX X
approaching X OX
friendliness X X
kindness / affability OX OX OX
extraversion
demand for affection
4 - Sociability
attachment OX OX OX
attention-seeking behaviour
confidence / self-assuredness X
playfulness O O
stranger-directed sociability X
faithful companion O O O
obedience OX
cooperation X X X
willingness (to work) / motivation OX X X
openness X X
5 - Responsiveness
promptness X X X
to training
playfulness
intelligence / cleverness X X
interest in stimuli X
attentiveness OX
6 - Submissiveness timidity / bashfulness X
tendency to bite
unkindness
territorial defence X
7 - Aggression
readiness to fight
defensive disposition
possessiveness
8 - Calmness X X
9 - Boldness X
Table 1 - Personality characteristics of the São Luiz farm's dogs. The 'Os' refer to my
perceptions about them (prior to reading the studies) and the 'Xs' were assigned to them
after reading the studies. ‘Playfulness’ and ‘faithful companion’, in turn, was added by
me.

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6.7. The routine of the dog trio on the farm
The activity schedules on the farm were directly linked to the sun, that is:
we would wake up early (around 5:30 am) to enjoy the morning light and avoid
the later heat, and try to be home again before 11am; we would go back to work
around 3:30 pm, again to avoid the worst of the heat when the sun is high in the
sky. We would go to bed early (around 9:30 pm), to be up at dawn the next
morning. Lasier told me that these times would change with the seasons, always
adjusting to the sun and temperatures. Dogs followed human schedules, except
for meals that were served once a day, that is at night, at the same time as
dinner for humans. According to Nilceu, this meant they would not stay all day
around the house and were not lazy in their work, since they would sleep only
after eating. Their menu was basically dog meat, sold at the city butchers, and
rice, as well as leftovers from human meals. Their food was prepared in advance,
in their own pan on the kitchen stove, and served cold at night. They were never
served raw meat to prevent them from getting a taste for it, which could lead
them to attack animals in the grasslands, especially calves and sheep, which are
smaller and more easily killed by dogs.
On São Luiz farm only humans had access to the main house so, when
necessary (on rainy or cold days, for example), the dogs would take shelter in
the shed or storerooms; otherwise they would stay in the courtyard around the
house. Sometimes the door was left open, but having learned that the space
inside the house was forbidden to them, none of the three has ever taken
advantage of an open door to enter the house discreetly or unnoticed. Thus,
despite receiving some privileges, the trio were not treated as pets, indicating
that they were considered not as part of the family, but as farm workers, or more
specifically, as members of the ‘working group’ for cattle herding, alongside
horses and humans. However, there was friendship and affection between them
(Figure 45), even if more veiled by humans than by dogs. As with most nonhuman
animals living with humans, the animals learn their positions in these plural
communities from the relationships established between them.

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Figure 45 - Duque, Nilceu and Zaina (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's collection).

When activities took place outside the house, even leisure activities
unrelated to cattle herding, dogs participated in the ‘leisure group,’ having fun
like everyone else, as we can see from the images below (Figure 46). They were
always willing to follow humans in any activity taking place outdoors, joining in
excitedly and spontaneously, and with evident pleasure, unlike horses that, as
we have seen, showed some resistance to incorporation into the working group.
Moreover, among themselves, the dogs would do everything together, working,
eating, sleeping, or playing, as when they would run after the horses on the
paddock, barking and disturbing them.

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Figure 46 - Dogs and humans in leisure activities (São Luiz farm, January 2017, pictures
by Vanessa Zamboni).

In Figure 46 we can see the different behaviours of the trio according to

their respective personalities and ages. Gaiteiro, for example, is calmer and
slower than the others, as we can see in photo 1 (where he appears behind me),
and in photo 2 (where he is lying next to Lasier and me). Campeiro, in turn, is
more agitated and active than everyone else, as evidenced by photos 1 (where
he appears in front of us, looking and waiting for the latecomers) and 2 (where
he appears right in front of everyone, almost leaving the swamp). In photo 3, we
see Campeiro (on the left) and Duque (on the right) playing in the Mirim lagoon,
while Gaiteiro remained lying next to the humans. In addition, other interesting
contrasts will be presented in the chapter 9, when we will discuss the working
group in action.
From the foregoing, I am led to wonder whether dogs, though they may
always seek human companionship, consider us part of their pack, or if they know
how to behave differently according to the different groups formed, with or
without humans, for work or for leisure? This question belongs to a broader
discussion of the formation of multi-species societies, in which the farm could
present an exemplary model of a way of life based on the daily coexistence of

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different animals. It seems clear to me, from what we have seen so far about
horses, dogs, and humans, that contrary to the idea of including or adapting
certain nonhuman animals to human communities, in fact, all involved participate
actively in the constitution of these communities. Comparing this context to that
reported by Bolton (2020), who investigated dogs from a community of llama
breeders in the Bolivian Andes (Sud Lípez), in which the dogs were outsiders in
relation to llama-raising activities, the canine trio of the São Luiz farm visibly
occupied a prominent position in local life. Gaiteiro, Duque and Campeiro’s ‘going
on in the world’ (Ingold 2013) was an important part of the pastoral life of the
farm; they were insiders in that reality.
As we have seen, dogs and humans form partnerships in which they
understand each other better than any other. Indeed I would venture to suggest
that dogs understand humans much better than humans understand dogs, mostly
because they have become skilled in ‘reading’ human expressions (eyes,
gestures, etc), more so, perhaps, than humans in ‘reading’ the expressions of
dogs. These dog skills have been developed over many years, mainly by sharing
multiple spaces of conviviality with humans. Hence, the mutual trust developed
between them, and witnessed in the current study, proves that the herding dogs
here are not treating humans as members of the pack, since that trust depends
on humans letting dogs be dogs and vice versa.

6.8. Dog-human correspondence

Just as in the previous chapter, we tried to explore what flowed through
and in-between horses and humans, here we will investigate how and in what
fields or dimensions the correspondence between dogs and humans is
established. Obviously, compared with what emerged with the mount-rider pair,
different elements will emerge here, or will have greater or lesser emphasis, and
it is precisely these differences that I hope to capture in this investigation. For
example, we have seen that the success of horse-rider pairs depends on the
haptic and rhythmic attunement of joint activities. By contrast, the
correspondence between dogs and humans is enacted largely by way of visual
and auditory experience.

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 Haraway's (2008) discussion of the mutual ‘becoming with’ of dogs and
humans is well known:

To hold in regard, … to look back reciprocally, … to pay attention, … to

esteem: all of that is tied to polite greeting, to constituting the polis,
where and when species meet. To knot companion and species together
in encounter, in regard and respect, is to enter the world of becoming
with, where who and what are precisely what is at stake. (Haraway
2008: 19)

This reciprocity, or mutual ‘paying attention,’ here constitutes a specific ‘polis,’

namely the plural community of the São Luiz farm, where Gaiteiro, Duque,
Campeiro, Lasier and Nilceu (alongside Gateado, Zaina and Tordilho), make up
‘the world of becoming with,’ which at this conjuncture is exemplified by the
herding group which they form together.
What it means for dogs and humans to ‘look back reciprocally,’ or for their
gaze to ‘intersect,’ has been subject to extensive ethological research, as we have
already seen from the studies of Miklósi et al. (2003) on the ability of dogs (unlike
wolves) to look into the human face and eyes, and of how it leads to more
effective correspondence. It is now time to return to other works that broaden
and deepen this theme.
Somppi et al. (2014) found that dogs showed greater interest in the eye
region when shown photos of humans and conspecifics; moreover, their eye
movements were driven by ‘semantic salience,’ like ‘interest, informativeness or
emotional valence’ (2014:794). In turn, Nagasawa et al. (2015) observed that
when dogs and humans look at each other there is an increase in the hormone
oxytocin, which is related to the formation of bonds of maternal trust during
childhood in both species. Therefore, according to the authors, mutual gaze not
only brings dogs and humans closer to one another, but also closes the loops of
attention and response between them. On the same subject, studies have shown
that dogs are sensitive to the visual field of humans and use the direction of the
human eye as information to cast their own eyes in the same direction. Likewise,
they call human attention to a certain point (hidden food for example) by
alternating their gaze between human eyes and the target point, aiming to elicit
help (Miklósi, 2015a). This correspondence of gaze is amplified when additional

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signals are provided, such as vocal calls, followed by head-turning, head-nodding
and pointing to the target (Miklósi, 2015a; Miklósi and Topál, 2013; Gácsi et al.,
2009; Ittyerah and Gaunet, 2009; Soproni et al., 2001; Miklósi et al., 2000).
On the side of humans, we found that living with dogs and the expertise
resulting from such conviviality affect the correspondence between them. Kujala
et al. (2012), for example, found that expert dog handlers can identify socially
relevant canine postures just as they can the postures of fellow humans. Meyer
and Forkman (2014), in a similar vein, concluded that humans sensitive to
nonverbal communication with other humans but also accustomed to living with
dogs corresponded more effectively with them. However, Pongrácz et al. (2005)
found that regardless of their experience with dogs, humans were able to identify
different emotional states (aggression, fear, despair, playfulness and happiness)
of dogs, merely by listening to recordings of their barking in six different
situations (appearance of a stranger, training to attack, going for a walk, left
alone tied to a tree, owner holding a ball, and invitation to play). According to
the authors, this suggests that the ability to recognize basic emotions ‘is an
ancient capability shared by animals and humans.’ They propose two possible
hypotheses to explain this ‘innate’ correspondence: (1) that the domestication
process caused dogs to develop barks that could affect humans; and (2) that in
the course of domestication, dogs were selected whose vocal signs matched
human expectations.
On the side of the dogs, it is well known that they correspond with humans
through acoustic signs, as do sheepdogs to whistled commands when herding
sheep. McConnell and Baylis (1985) found that Border Collies were able to
respond to at least six commands (vocals or whistles) while herding. Gergely et
al. (2014), in turn, observed that dogs quickly learn to answer requests such as
‘go left’ or ‘go right,’ and use such learning in novel situations.
Correspondence between dogs and humans, as well as with conspecifics,
also goes on in contexts of observational learning. Pongrácz et al. (2001) found
that dogs learned to ‘detour a fence from outside’ by watching humans (both
known and unknown) execute it. Scandurra et al. (2016), observing adult dogs
in training contexts, found that their performances were improved after observing

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conspecifics accomplishing them. Slabbert and Rasa (1997), conducting tests
with German Shepherd puppies, found that those puppies who accompanied their
trained mothers to find narcotics managed to reproduce the same tasks with little
or no training, compared to puppies that did not follow the tasks prior to training.
Hare and Tomasello (1999), in addition to corroborating the same results on
dogs’ observational learning with both humans and conspecifics, found that a
very young dog (6 months) would only respond to conspecifics, suggesting that
‘many dogs are able to use conspecific gaze cues from very early in life without
extensive experience with conspecifics, and then, ontogenetically, they extend
this ability to humans (to some degree on the basis of similarities in human and
dog facial features) as they interact with them’ (1999:176). The results of these
studies of observational learning of dogs with conspecifics are in line with the
learning processes of herding dogs observed on São Luiz farm.

6.9. Conclusions
In this chapter we have traced important transformations resulting from
the encounter between dogs and humans, such as behavioural, cultural and
lifestyle changes; as well as the spontaneous and artificial modifications that have
given rise to herding dogs. These transformations, both done and undergone
(Ingold, 2016), have led to the emergence of ‘hybrid,’ or better, plural
communities of humans and dogs, of which the farm is a good example.
I have shown why the association of dogs and humans was so successful,
giving rise to such characteristics as tamability, whining, barking and
submissiveness. Among these features, which I would prefer to call ‘differentiated
learning skills,’ I have highlighted the ability of dogs to look into human faces or
eyes, in addition to acoustic correspondence, in which Border Collies and
Ovelheiros excel.
I went on to list the characteristics most relevant to the success of dogs
in herding tasks. Among these I would stress, in addition to visual and acoustic
acuity: perception of movement; keen sensitivity or ability to feel subtle changes
in body posture; focus and memory; a liking for herding tasks and willingness to
work; activity, agility and speed; curiosity; companionship and tractability. We

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find that Ovelheiros and Border Collies, according to institutions that regulate
their breeding, were defined less by coat pattern or physical and genetic
characteristics than by their ability to deal with herds. An investigation into the
origins of Border Collies showed that their characteristics are the result of several
factors, including the rugged topography of the border region of Scotland,
England and Wales; local sheep herding and cattle droving activities; and the
advent of sheepdog trials, in which the breed was quickly refined and
consolidated.
Next, I introduced Gaiteiro, Duque and Campeiro – the canine trio of the
São Luiz farm – and described their personalities. We also found that while
personality resided in their ability to play roles appreciated by humans, it was not
just an anthropomorphic projection of human desire onto dogs but a
developmental outcome of the fruitful relation between them. We have also seen
that, despite the antiquity of the domestication process, concerns persist that a
dormant ‘wildness’ could resurface – for example, if the dogs were given an
opportunity to acquire a taste for raw meat. For that reason, they were only given
cooked food. The dogs were considered as workers and as full participants in the
herding group. That is, they were insiders in the context of the São Luiz farm,
rather than outsiders, like the dogs of the llama breeders Community of Sud Lípez
studied by Bolton (2020).
Finally, we can conclude that the correspondence of dogs and humans, in
the herding group and in the plural community of the farm, is founded mainly in
visual and acoustic reciprocity. Dogs look into human eyes in a way that is
charged with interest, questions and emotions. This releases hormones of a kind
that also promote strong bonds between mothers and children. In addition, this
particular attention to human gaze is amplified by further signals including
vocalizations, head turning, head-nodding and pointing. The conviviality of dogs
and humans, building on an ancient legacy of domestication, improves mutual
understanding and skills of correspondence, which are further refined by
observational learning with both cross-specific (human) and conspecific (canine)
mentors.

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 We now have the tools to better understand the correspondence between
dogs and humans in herding activities, which will be further discussed in chapter
9. In the following chapter, however, we will address the emotional components
of these relations, leading to an in-depth discussion of the notion of
correspondence in chapter 8, which occupies a central place in this investigation.
These discussions, deferred until now, will be my principal concern in the three
chapters to follow.

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Chapter 7
Animal Emotions

7.1. Introduction
Emotion is key to any discussion of relations. I will devote this chapter to
emotions in general, but particularly to the emotions emerging in-between
animals, especially dogs, horses and humans. However while, on the one hand,
this topic is fundamental to understanding relationships, on the other hand there
is great hesitation, parsimony, suspicion, scepticism and even prejudice in facing
it, mainly but not only from the hard sciences, which tend to view any concern
with emotion as an expression of romanticism or anthropomorphism. While such
accusations may be directed at the study of human emotions (Lutz and White,
1986; Game, 1997), they are mainly aimed at research on nonhuman animals
(Bekoff, 2006; Hearne, 2007; Haraway, 2008; de Waal, 2011; Panksepp, 2011;
Despret, 2013; Špinka, 2012).
Fortunately, however, many researchers have invested their efforts in
growing and deepening our knowledge of animal emotions (human and
nonhuman), forcing those who remain opposed to such study to defend their
positions with argument rather than dogma. Besides demonstrating the
seriousness and relevance of research on emotions, in this chapter we will review
the different methods used to access them, the tensions between these methods,
and how the resulting analyses contribute to our present investigation. What will
stand out from our discussion, above all, is the social character of emotion.
I will bring forward some definitions of emotion from different disciplines
and perspectives, and consider their applicability to the wide, complex and
sophisticated range of emotions that emerge from conspecific and interspecific
correspondences. In attempting to answer the question of why human and
nonhuman animals establish affective bonds, I shall bring to bear some generic
examples, especially from relationships between dogs, horses and humans, and
as I observed them during my experience with the herding group on São Luiz
farm.

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7.2. Investigating animal emotions
According to Bekoff (2006), nonhuman animals are emotional beings
capable of feeling complex, sophisticated and subtle emotions, such as empathy,
‘joy, happiness, fear, anger, grief, jealousy, resentment, and embarrassment’
(2006:75). Bekoff also indicates that some animals have a sense of humour and
even of awe. At the same time, countless situations reveal a range of emotions
that emerge in encounters between human and nonhuman animals, and I have
been collecting some stories to illustrate them. These stories or anecdotes are
commonly published as curiosities in newspapers, from which I have drawn many
of them. Such is the case with TV programme host Richard Wiese, who ran into
and helped an injured swan by taking him to a sanctuary. Years later, upon
meeting the swan again at the sanctuary, Wiese was not only recognized but also
witness to a very touching display of gratitude, as shown in Figure 47.

Figure 47 - Richard Wiese and the swan rescued at Abbostbury Swannery in Dorset (UK).
(Source: www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3530256/Touching-moment-injured-swan-
hugs-man-saved-life-remarkable-gratitude-knew-caring-arms.html, at 9/4/2016).

This was also the case with Pero, a sheepdog who made a 240-mile journey to
return to his former home. Pero left Cockermouth in Cumbria and appeared at
the door of his former home in Aberystwyth two weeks later (see Figure 48).

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Figure 48 - Pero in his old home after a journey of 240 miles. (Source:
www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/loyal-sheepdog-escapes-new-home-7834272, at
26/4/2016)

But scientific research also provides examples that attest to emotions in

nonhuman animals, such as Irene Pepperberg's study of grey parrots. Pepperberg
(2013) presents four examples of emotions displayed by the famous parrot Alex
in her publication. Currently Research Associate and lecturer at Harvard
University in Cambridge, Pepperberg has been researching the cognition and
behaviour of African Gray Parrots for more than 40 years. Alex, in turn, was
Pepperberg's first research partner. In 1977, shortly after completing her PhD in
theoretical chemistry at Harvard, Pepperberg purchased the 1-year old male
African Gray Parrot at a pet shop, name him Alex as an acronym for Avian
Language Experiment. From then on, they developed a partnership that lasted
for 30 years, until Alex's death in 2007. This association revolutionized what we
understood until then to be a bird, as the ethologist Frans De Waal asserts in the
Pepperberg’s (2008) book: ‘Sometimes a single individual changes the world,
even if it is a parrot. Together with his tutor, Irene Pepperberg, Alex
systematically destroyed the notion - the way he destroyed so many things - that
all birds can do is mimic human language. Alex clearly had a mind of his own,
and a heart to match, as explained in this touching account of scientific
perseverance and mutual attachment. Our notion of what a bird is has forever
been changed.’

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Figure 49 – The grey parrot Alex and Irene Pepperberg. (Source: Picture by Jeff Topping
for The New York Times, from www.nytimes.com/2008/11/09/books/review/Royte-
t.html at 27/08/2020).

My juxtaposition of anecdotal examples with one from scientific research

is deliberate. While the former would not be considered reliable by most ‘experts,’
being coloured by anthropomorphism, there is no consensus among scientists
when it comes to the alleged display of affections by nonhuman animals. Among
researchers of the ‘counter-current’ is Bekoff (2006), who claims that anecdotes
offer precious data, or in his words: ‘I have argued repeatedly that the plural of
anecdote is data and that we must be anthropomorphic’ (2006:89). Hearne
(2007), in the same vein as Bekoff, defends the anthropomorphic language of
dog and horse trainers as the most appropriate to describe the emotions
expressed by the animals they train. We will return to this discussion later, but it
is worth pointing out that a parallel debate about the validity and reliability of
data is also current in the so-called hard sciences, in the confrontation between
traditional behaviourists and cutting-edge research in neuroscience. An example
would be the debate between ethologist de Waal (2011) and neuroscientist
Panksepp (2011), in which the latter argues that nonhuman animals are indeed
conscious of their emotions. All of this to say that the theme of emotions in
nonhuman animals is a subject of intense controversy both within and beyond
the boundaries of science, even when it is not the explicit focus of discussion.
What can explain this?
Present-day discussions and doubts about the sentient and emotional
capacity of nonhuman animals, especially regarding sentience, go back to the

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16th century, to the doctrine of the Spanish physician Gomez Pereira who, in the
year 1534, sought to widen the difference between humans and nonhuman
animals (Thomas, 1983). I have emphasized the aspect of sentience because, in
bygone times, the difference was not held to be so great. In ancient Greece, for
example, Aristotle pronounced that ‘the soul comprised three elements: the
nutritive soul, which was shared by man with vegetables; the sensitive soul,
which was shared by animals; and the intellectual or rational soul, which was
peculiar to man’ (Thomas, 2010 [1983]: 40). For Aristotle, then, it was self-
evident that animals were sentient beings. Yet a century after Gomez Pereira, in
1630, Descartes assigned animals to the status of machines or automata,
therefore insensitive to pain. This helped to alleviate human guilt over the abuses
committed to animals.
Despite current advances in the investigation of sentience in nonhuman
animals, the Cartesian legacy continues to underpin, and to provide justification
for, the human abuse of nonhuman animals – especially less favoured ones, in
contrast, for example, to those considered as human partners (like horses) or
companions (like dogs). It is no wonder that as heirs to this legacy, we find it so
difficult to accept nonhuman animals as emotional beings. Even so, a growing
amount of discussion and even research on animal emotion is looking for ways
to identify and prove the emotional condition of nonhuman animals, mainly as it
affects their welfare. First, however, we need to understand what it means to be
sentient, which is a first step towards the recognition of animal rights. According
to the proposed ‘Universal Declaration on Animal Welfare – UDAW:’

Sentience is the capacity to have feelings, including pain, distress,

suffering and pleasure. … Types of suffering include hunger, thirst,
discomfort, pain, frustration, fear and distress …. (World Animal
Protection NGO)

It is important to note that the attribution of sentience to nonhuman

animals originated with concern over the suffering to which animals were
subjected. Over time, however, the need arose to incorporate positive feelings
into the concept of sentience. Yet despite the inclusion of pleasure in the
statement cited above, as a universal definition of sentience it is still far from

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balanced46. For this reason, I prefer the more comprehensive and inspiring
definition formulated by Ingold:

To be sentient, to the contrary, is to open up to a world, to yield to its

embrace, and to resonate in one’s inner being to its illuminations and
reverberations. Bathed in light, submerged in sound and rapt in feeling,
the sentient body, at once both perceiver and producer, traces the
paths of the world’s becoming in the very course of contributing to its
ongoing renewal. (Ingold, 2011: 12)

It is by following these paths that we can seek to overcome the vanity that insists
on placing human beings, first, on a pedestal and second, in the centre of the
world. To be more precise, the former puts humans above other living beings by
denying their animal condition and removing them from nature; the latter, also
known as anthropocentrism, takes human values as the measure of all things. It
is precisely from this human arrogance that the belief in emotional exclusivity is
derived. That humans experience emotion is assumed by default, whereas it has
been necessary to devote much effort to prove that emotions are experienced by
nonhumans. However, any research in this direction is welcome, as it provides
additional arguments to break the persistent resistance of the sceptics.
So far, three terms have emerged around the topic of this chapter, namely
emotion, feeling and sentience. In order to clarify these terms I resort once again
to Merleau-Ponty and Ingold. According to Merleau-Ponty (2005), we experience
and perceive the world through our bodies, in addition to being our bodies in the
world. Thus emotions are not prior states of individuals, which may or may not
be subsequently ‘expressed.’ Feeling, in turn, does not lie in the registration of
impacts from the external world upon he self; it is rather, as Ingold (2000: 23)
proposes, ‘a mode of active, perceptual engagement, a way of being literally "in
touch" with the world.’ Accordingly, feelings and sensations indistinctly emerge
from our bodily relationships in and with the world. Furthermore, the reversibility
of perception, of at once perceiving and being perceived, is a condition of
emotional correspondence.
From what has been said so far, we need to ask why is it so obvious and
uncontroversial that humans, unlike nonhuman animals, are emotional beings.

46
On this, see Duncan, J. H. I. (2006).

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Possible answers could include: that humans can share their emotional states
through spoken language; that some emotional experiences are easily
recognizable in their manner of expression – such as crying, smiling and raging
– and can therefore do without speech; that some situations involve characteristic
emotions, such as sadness on the death of a loved one and joy at the birth of an
expected child; that some emotions leave a physiological trace, as in raised heart
rate, blood pressure or levels of certain elements such as serotonin, dopamine
and adrenaline in the body. However, with the exception of the first, all the others
answers could apply just as well to nonhuman animals.
The fact remains, however, that even if their existence is incontestable,
human emotions evoke immense debate and challenge researchers from very
different disciplines. By contrast, research on the emotions of nonhuman animals
is both anachronistic and poorly developed. According to Kuczaj et al. (2013),
this gap between studies of human and nonhuman emotions dates back to
behaviourist and ethological paradigms from the early to mid-twentieth century.
Both behaviourism and ethology, they claim, share the idea that neither cognition
nor emotion is observable in nonhuman animals, and that they are therefore
‘inappropriate for scientific study’ (2103: 66). It is worth noting that the
resistance to assume or even investigate emotion in nonhuman animals persists,
despite Darwin's (1897) work on the subject, The Expression of The Emotions in
Man and Animals, first published in 1872. For Darwin, the emotional character of
the ‘lower animals’ was not in question. On the contrary, his work, often
considered the first properly ethological investigation, sought to show the
‘evolutionary continuity’ of emotions by comparing the ‘emotional expressions’ of
human and non-human animals. Darwin compiles, in rich detail, the emotional
expressions of humans and non-humans, with special emphasis on dogs, cats,
horses and ruminants. Such, however, was the level of subsequent scientific
scepticism towards this work that only in recent years has research on emotions
in nonhuman animals once more taken off, as we will see below.

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7.3. Methods of approaching nonhuman animal emotions
In the study of emotions in nonhuman animals, due to the impossibility of
accessing them through verbal self-reporting, approaches are restricted to
investigations involving physiological, neural and behavioural measures (Kuczaj
et al., 2013), such as, of ‘appetitive and avoidance behaviours, opioid and
dopaminergic neurotransmission, glucocorticoid levels or heart rate dynamics’
(Špinka, 2012: 171), as well as surface temperature of the skin (Hall et al., 2018),
vocalizations (Stomp et al., 2018; Hall et al., 2018) and facial expressions
(Špinka, 2012; Hall et al., 2018). When only behavioural methods are used, while
they would include observations of behaviour under controlled conditions, they
could also be based on the perceptions of those – such as owners, caretakers
and trainers – with extensive experience of coexistence with the animals in
question. We will call these perception-based methods.
Measurement-based investigations seek to detect the emotional state of
nonhuman animals. They aim, in their methods, to identify ‘responses’ to certain
‘stimuli,’ to classify the types of emotions observed, as well as to compare them
to the responses of humans. Investigations based on ‘standard emotion theory,’
for example, by considering only primates to be self-conscious about their
emotions, resort to stimulus-response methods (Morris et al., 2012). It is
important to clarify the assumptions that lie behind such investigations, regarding
not only emotions but also nonhuman animals in general.
The so-called ‘hard’ scientific disciplines, such as ethology and
neuroscience, differ in several respects, such as in their respective attitudes to
lay discourses, with their anthropomorphisms and anecdotes, and in their
estimation of the capacities of nonhuman animals to be aware of their own
emotions. These divergences are also evident in the way they use such terms as
‘emotion,’ ‘feeling’ and ‘mood.’ All of this, according to by Kuczaj et al. (2013),
results in ‘a bit of a mess,’ exemplified by the following excerpts (2013: 65):

(1) ‘When powerful waves of affect overwhelm our sense of ourselves

in the world, we say that we are experiencing an emotion. When similar
feelings are more tidal - weak but persistent - we say we are
experiencing a mood’ (Panksepp, 1998 - neuroscientist);

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 (2) ‘a detected change in feeling is a necessary, but not sufficient,
feature of an emotion’; ‘feeling [has to] be used to describe the
perceived changes’; ‘emotion [has to] be reserved for feelings that have
been processed and interpreted’ (Kagan, 2007 - psychologist);

(3) ‘emotions are reactions to external stimuli whereas feelings are

interpretations of these reactions’; ‘we interpret our emotions… [and]
these interpretations result in different feelings (or moods)’ (Bekoff,
2007 - ethologist).

Even in general terms, researches on emotions are dissonant, although

when it comes to human beings, no one doubts that they can perceive their own
and recognize others’ emotions. However, in the study of nonhuman animal
emotions, positions are even more discordant, with regard not just to whether
animals experience emotions at all, but above all, to whether – if they do – they
are aware of them. Nevertheless, dominant approaches that extend the ability to
experience emotions to nonhuman animals follow a somewhat more cohesive
research protocol, since a lot more effort has to be put into definitions when the
experience of emotions cannot be taken for granted. Some of the definitions of
emotion proposed for the purposes of measurement are presented below.

(1) A ‘multifaceted phenomena’ or ‘multicomponent response … to the

presentation of a stimulus or event’ composed by ‘neuronal,
physiological, behavioural, cognitive and subjective (affective) aspects’
(Špinka, 2012; Paul and Mendl, 2018);

(2) They are ‘primarily brain states and bodily responses’ (Špinka,
2012);

(3) When descriptively defined (as in daily use) they are ‘cultural
constructs, not “natural kinds” [or representing] basic biological
structures or processes; [so] we need objective, prescriptive [scientific]
definitions’ to study animal emotions (Paul and Mendl, 2018: 203);

(4) They could be characterized according to primitiveness (basic or

primary and secondary), valence (positive or negative), scalability
(arousal/intensity level), persistence (the length of time they remain),
and generalisation (applicable in different contexts) (Špinka, 2012; Hall
et al., 2018; Paul and Mendl, 2018).

By and large, scientific research on nonhuman animal emotions focuses

on their negative valence, since the research is driven by concerns over animal
welfare. It is supported by the stimulus-response paradigm which underlies

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cognitive, behavioural and neuroscientific studies; it upholds a positivist discourse
which defends scientific objectivity; and founds its arguments on evolutionary
theory which places emotions in a hierarchy, with those of humans positioned at
the top. Nevertheless, the growing investment in scientific research on nonhuman
emotions helps not only to advance animal welfare, but also to give greater
respect to the animals themselves as beings that have their own lives to live,
whether alongside humans or apart from them.
By contrast to these ‘scientific’ studies, investigations that I have called
perception-based are mainly based on how humans – such as owners or
guardians, caretakers and trainers – perceive the emotions of the nonhuman
animals with whom they relate in some way. In domestic equine contexts, it is
common to include people involved in leisure and sports activities, while in
domestic canine scenarios pets stand out. In addition, some surveys include in
their researches people who do not have close relationships with animals, in order
to compare their perceptions with those of people who do. Alongside surveys, it
is also common to carry out ethnographic studies of humans in their relation to
animals.
It is noticeable that in surveys conducted by psychologists (Morris et al.,
2012) and ethologists (Hötzel et al., 2019), reactions against anthropomorphism
have been raised, whereas in ethnographic research (Birke, 2008; Zetterqvist
Blokhuis and Lundgren, 2017) the concern with these issues is less common,
except to criticize these reactions. This observation indicates a certain tension
between hard science and ethnography in their respective evaluations of so-
called scientific and lay discourses. One side defends the neutrality and emotional
distance of the researcher, the other considers engagement as fundamental to
their investigations (Despret, 2013 is exemplary on this point; see also Sanders,
1998). Where the former puts ‘lay knowledge’ under suspicion, due to its lack of
formal theoretical and experimental grounding, for the latter the relational
dimension, rich in conviviality, lies at the heart of the study of emotions. To
illustrate this difference, I will present some results from one survey which covers
three different sorts of animals.

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 Morris et al. (2012) wanted to find out whether beliefs in animal emotions
were influenced by the familiarity of human owners with the animals in their
possession. To this end they questioned 200 people (owners and non-owners)
about 14 different emotions (fear, joy, love/affection, guilt, disgust, shame,
jealousy, sadness, anger, embarrassment, empathy, curiosity, pride, and grief)
in three kinds of animals: horses, dogs and rodents.
The main result was that there was indeed a positive influence, as well as
a broad attribution of emotions to the three animal kinds, regardless of the level
of familiarity with them. The highest emotional capacity, however, was attributed
to dogs, followed by horses and rodents. This contrast could perhaps be
explained by the greater difficulty in identifying certain emotions in rodents and
horses than in dogs, which, according to Hall et al. (2018: 184), is because
animals which were once prey would have increased their chances of survival by
hiding their emotions (I will return to this in a later section on emotions in horses).
But returning to the survey by Morris et al. (2012), a final aspect that deserves
attention is the distribution of emotions according to their character of
‘primitiveness’ (primary ones do not imply self-consciousness; secondary ones
do). The authors define sadness, anger, curiosity, disgust, affection, joy and fear
as primary emotions; and embarrassment, shame, guilt, empathy, pride, grief
and jealousy as secondary. Among both owners and non-owners, the primary
emotions were more commonly attributed to animals than the secondary ones,
but owners were more inclined than non-owners to attribute secondary emotions
to the three groups of animals, especially jealousy and grief to dogs and horses.
These results show, at least, that proximity to and engagement with
animals allow for a privileged, sophisticated and comprehensive perception of
their emotional disposition, in striking contrast to approaches based on the so-
called scientific theories of ‘mind’ and ‘emotion.’ That is why I believe it would be
more appropriate to regard human owners, caregivers and trainers, among
others, as amateurs than as laypersons. This is justified because these are people
who know a lot about animals, not because they have selected the animals as
objects of investigation, but because they have chosen to align their own lives
with the lives of their animals. In addition, it is mainly in affective terms that

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emotions emerge and are perceived in these particular encounters, both from
amateurs towards their nonhuman partners and vice versa. Moreover, it seems
to me that because these perceptions are expressed in a relaxed and
spontaneous way rather than hedged about by the protocols of scientific
methodology, they reveal, more than anything else, what I have called the in-
between. That is, they emerge from the encounters, rather than being
individually attributable to either party. They reside, in other words, in the shared
experiences of ‘whole-body persons’ (Ingold, 2002), and cannot be
compartmentalized in terms of such dichotomies as mind-body, reason-emotion,
subject-object and so on. Or as Merleau-Ponty would put it, they are the result
of visceral or carnal engagements.
In short, methods of measurement seek to identify in nonhuman animals
the emotions expressed in bodies, whether through physiological or behavioural
responses, and are widely employed by professionals from fields of hard science
who mostly insist on the detachment or neutrality of the researcher. By contrast,
perception-based methods investigate nonhuman animal emotions through the
experience of people whom we call amateurs, who share knowledge based on
daily coexistence with their nonhuman partners, in which deep engagement is
paramount. However, despite the marked differences in approach to the study of
nonhuman animal emotions, I share the position of researchers such as Bekoff
(2006), Despret (2013) and Lestel et al. (2006), who argue for the
complementarity of knowledge through multidisciplinary association or
cooperation, as a richer and more productive way to increase our understanding
of such a complex subject.

7.4. Emotions and sociality

Ricoeur (2004) drew attention to the bodily and relational status of
emotions, which implies a ‘participation in things,’ by contrast to symbolic or
representational dimensions of experience which promote, on the contrary, a
distancing between persons and things. Kotrschal (2013), from another field of
research, shares this perspective with Ricoeur, when noting that ‘emotions are
the central agents of social organization in humans and non-human animals’

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(2013: 3). So we would not be wrong to say that the social dimension is of the
utmost importance in the study of emotions, not only within but also between
species, as we see in the correspondence in-between dogs, horses and humans
in herding activities. Moreover, as I shall show, there is an intimate and fruitful
parallel between the affective aspects involved in human-animal encounters and
the emotional character that permeates relations in-between people in fields of
artistic performance such as music and dance. I will explore this topic first
generally and then with regard to the specific relations under study here.
We will see in the next chapter how dance and music entice bodies to
move in ways characterised by such notions as kinaesthetic empathy and affect,
emotional contagion, entrainment and groove. Here, however, I want to
emphasize the affective and sentimental aspects of bodily movement, and will
turn later to their motor and temporal dimensions, remembering that both are
intimately entangled. Let me present some examples that will help shed light on
the emotional relations between dogs, horses and humans.
Merleau-Ponty (2005) contends that gestures are emotional expressions.
Thus every artistic expression like painting, music and especially dance can be
understood as emerging from artistic bodies pervaded by emotions, or even (in
dance) as emotion in movement. Sheets-Johnstone (2016), in the same vein as
Merleau-Ponty but referring instead to Husserl, argues that a fundamental
characteristic of all living beings - who are not ‘simply bodies,’ but also
‘dynamically moving,’ ‘dynamically motivated’ and ‘dynamically attentive’ to their
surrounding world - lies in what she calls ‘animation:’

… animation tells us why concepts emanating from movement are of

vital significance to animate life; it tells us why emotions are dynamic
and dynamically-felt bodily feelings that, like movement, are
descriptively declinable in terms of force, space, and time; it tells us why
emotions and movement are dynamically congruent. (Sheets-
Johnstone, 2016: 62)

Turning to music, Ingold – who is a cellist as well as an anthropologist –

considers that music, as art generally, ‘gives form to human feeling’ (Ingold 2000:
23). But unlike dance, music in its more traditional forms produces emotions
beyond bodily dynamics, that is, it requires at least a close intimacy in-between

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body and instrument to express feeling. Davies (2011) explains the emotional
dimension of music in the following terms:

I do think that music’s expressiveness can induce an emotional reaction

and that ... the listener is moved to feel the emotion that the music
expresses .... I call this a ‘mirroring’ response and describe the
communication of emotion from music to listener as emotional
‘contagion’ or ‘infection.’ In other words, we tend to resonate with the
emotional tenor of the music, much as we catch the emotional ambience
emanating from other people. (Davies, 2011: 47)

It is of course undeniable that dance and music are forms of emotional

expression that affect those involved, whether musicians, dancers, spectators or
audiences. People are touched by artistic expressions in different ways, requiring
explanation through manifold concepts which aim to grasp the cohesion or
bonding produced from shared social experience. It remains for us, however, to
show what emotions or feelings are likely to emerge in dog, horse and human
relationships, what concepts or notions developed in fields of artistic practice can
help us understand them, and how they positively and negatively affect herding
activities. Before that, however, it is important to explore what social emotions
have been attributed to nonhuman animals (whether by quantitative or
perception-based methods), how to identify, perceive and access them, and how
they are felt collectively or emerge in-between.

7.5. Social emotions in nonhumans

According to Bekoff, ‘emotions serve as a social glue to bond animals with
one another and also catalyse and regulate a wide variety of social encounters
among friends, lovers, and competitors’ (2009: 82). Kuczaj et al. (2013: 64), in
turn, claim that ‘processing emotions is particularly important for members of
species with dynamic social lives. For such animals, the ability to recognize and
respond to the emotional states of others facilitates successful social interactions.’
But as we have already seen, although empirical research addressing human
social emotions has been carried out in several disciplines, few studies of the
same scope have been undertaken with nonhuman animals (Špinka 2012).
According to Špinka, the hesitation of scientists to invest in research on animal
emotions is even greater when social issues are at stake. However, due to the

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accumulation of evidence for emotional and affective similarities between human
and nonhuman animal emotions, about which I shall have more to say, results
achieved in research with humans have largely subsidized research on the same
subject with animals.
We have seen from dance and music studies (and will see even more in
the next chapter) how people get involved collectively through auditory, visual
and haptic processes. Špinka (2012), reviewing research on human
conversations, comes to the same conclusions through an analysis of how people
mimetically synchronise facial expressions, bodily gestures and tones of voice.
According to Špinka, such processes would be ‘closely linked to behavioural
resonance,’ leading in turn to ‘emotional resonance’ or, in short, a sharing of
emotions (2012: 170).
In the studies reviewed by Špinka (2012), concerning contexts of shared
affection, emotions are seen to be experienced by individuals through the
combination of phenomena originating in distinct organic regions, namely of
human motor mimicry, affective resonance and social behaviour. However,
according to the phenomenological perspective adopted here, we are in the world
with the ‘whole body,’ meaning that we live through experiences that do not allow
us to distinguish or locate origins and arrivals, subjects and objects, minds and
bodies or even nature and culture. Rather, everything is and happens in-between.
Nevertheless, these divergences of principle do not impede the dialogue between
disciplines; on the contrary they enrich it, as we have seen.
According to Špinka (2012), then, processes of human emotional
resonance (which he calls the ‘chameleon effect’) allow feelings to be shared in
terms of valence and quality. In addition, they promote or generate cooperation
and generosity between people who ‘performed rhythmic synchronous
movements,’ or would ‘show more compassionate and altruistic behaviour’ (2012:
172). Studies focusing on human conversations add to studies in the fields of art
by emphasizing the synchronisation of movement as an important aspect of social
engagement, while also bringing in the emotional dimensions involved. To an
extent, this compensates for the lack of research on animal emotions, as Špinka
(2012) notes: ‘with the advent of affective neuroscience …, biologists are coming

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to a consensus that many non-human animals ... and almost certainly all
mammals experience emotions in principally the same way we humans do’ (2012:
171).
Studies of nonhuman animal emotions, while stating that not all forms of
empathy are present in all social contexts, nevertheless conclude that ‘there is
ample evidence that animals often transfer emotions among themselves’ (Špinka,
2012: 170). The evidence is mainly based on cues and signals that are perceived
by and resonate among groups of animals, in so-called ‘emotional transfer’
processes. Expressed in different ways, as discussed above, these emotional
states have their social dimension; that is, they affect the emotional states of
other individuals or whole groups of individuals. This brings advantages especially
to animals that characteristically live in groups (such as in herds, flocks, shoals
and swarms), whether in terms of survival – which translates into greater security
or less energy expenditure through the division of tasks – or of other benefits
arising from aggregation or association. This collective ethos is supported by
elements involving, for example, spatial-temporal coordination of activities and a
narrowing of affective bonds. In short, the more that animals are synchronized
in their behaviour the closer they will be, and vice versa.
The examples adduced by Špinka (2012) illustrate this argument and have
informed the current research. Thus in mammals, affective bonds between
mothers and offspring make an important contribution to the constitution of more
cohesive groups because they arouse, early in life, enhanced concern and
attention to the feelings of others, or ‘affective resonance’ (Špinka 2012: 174).
Another concept used to define empathic reactions between nonhuman animals
is ‘emotional contagion,’ a musical phenomenon that, as we have already learned
from Davies (2011), affects humans. De Waal has argued that it ‘forms the basis
of empathy’ (2011: 198), and is observed in situations where victims of
aggression are consoled through ‘kissing, embracing, grooming, and so on’ (de
Waal 2011: 199). In addition, de Waal points out that the study of this
phenomenon is extremely relevant to understanding social life, especially when
it comes to gregarious animals. In nonhuman animals, it is rooted in auditory,
olfactory, visual and haptic perceptions. Thus when an individual freezes or flees

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in the face of a danger, his or her ‘eyes open wide to see the threat sharply,
breathing becomes shallower to avoid detection, muscle tone and heart rate
increases to prepare for fast action’ (Špinka, 2012: 174). The olfactory perception
of cattle herds is likewise enhanced when they feed or explore their environment.
Even subtle physiological changes, such as changes in heart rate, body
temperature and secretion of pheromones, can be noticed by other individuals.
Some situations or activities actually promote the contagion of emotions,
perceptions and positive valence, such as preening, self-scratching, playing and
grooming.
Such contagions are not restricted to conspecifics, and may affect
individuals that are either closely or distantly affiliated, like flocks of birds whose
sudden flight may alert ground-dwelling animals, or dolphins that synchronize
with whales, or capuchin monkeys that prefer humans who mimic their
movements. Many other examples could be adduced. However, there are some
limits or restrictions to ‘emotional transfer,’ as discussed by Špinka (2012: 177).
These depend, among other things, on individuals’ familiarity with particular
signals and cues, or on whether these individuals have previously associated
them with adverse or pleasurable situations. Špinka notes that different emotions
can be felt by animals towards the environment in which they live, as do captive
rats in environments that may be poor or enriched. Moreover, depending on the
animals involved, emotion can persist, like ‘the long-term depression-like states
after the loss of mother, progeny or close companion in apes and dogs’ (Špinka,
2012: 177).
Another situation in which nonhuman animal emotions are evident is
during play. In such socially dynamic and ‘highly cooperative contexts,’ animals
negotiate rules, interpret each other's emotions, as well as, according to Bekoff
(2006: 93), presenting ‘elements of fairness, trust, apology, forgiveness, and
empathy.’ Other scholars to have studied play among nonhuman animals are
Kuczaj and Horback (2013: 88), who claim that ‘play and emotion are intimately
intertwined, and this relationship provides an invaluable context in which to study
emotions.’

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 Above all, we find that emotions are shared between human and
nonhuman animals, both within and between groups, through various means.
According to Kotrschal (2013: 3-4), ‘the communication of emotions and
satisfying each other’s emotional need is also at the core of human–animal
relationships.’ It remains for us to deal with the emotions that emerge specifically
in the encounters between dogs, horses and humans.

7.6. Emotions in dog-human relations

Except for apes, dogs are probably the most studied of nonhuman animals,
and I believe this is largely due to their ancient and increasingly expressive
proximity to humans, despite the phylogenetic distance between canids and
primates. Indeed, in light of this distance, it is quite intriguing that dogs have
achieved the status of humans’ best friends. Contrary to some sociobiological
arguments, this shows that genetic connection is irrelevant to the formation of
relations between animals (or humans and animals) in the course of their life
histories. What really matters is the shared experience of proximity. Much of what
we have seen so far about dogs helps to explain this. But further discussion of
the emotional correspondence between dogs and humans will improve our
understanding of why the association turned out to be so successful.
Given the privileged position of dogs as pets, it is no surprise that a great
deal of research has been devoted to this specific group of nonhuman animals,
especially on the theme of emotion. By contrast, there has been very little
research on this theme with working dogs. A journey through the emotions of
pet dogs will nevertheless allow us to consider what can be inferred about the
emotions of dogs in general and of working dogs in particular, as well as about
their relationships with humans.
Research on canine emotions often presents conflicting issues, especially
when studies from hard and soft sciences (ethology and anthropology, for
example) are brought into confrontation. Among these points of friction I would
highlight the different views on anthropomorphism, on the one hand as
suspicious, lacking any scientific basis and therefore to be disqualified as reliable
evidence, on the other hand as highly relevant, coming from close and long-term

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relationships, and based on subtle and sophisticated observation. These different
perspectives can be attributed respectively to ‘methods of measurement’ and
‘amateur perception,’ as indicated above. Some proposals from the hard sciences,
however, do take amateur perception into account, from which concepts have
emerged such as Burghardt's (1991) ‘critical anthropomorphism,’ de Waal's
(2011) ‘animal-centered anthropomorphism,’ Bekoff's (2006) ‘bio-centric
anthropomorphism’ and Timberlake's (2007) ‘theromorphism.’ In addition to
these, there are even more comprehensive and innovative approaches, such as
the ‘Etho-ethnology and Ethno-ethology’ advocated by Lestel and his group
(Lestel et al., 2006), or the Ingold’s (2013) proposal for an ‘Anthropology Beyond
Humanity.’ Let me emphasise once again that the richest and most productive
approach to the study of relationships between humans and nonhuman animals
involves a dialogue between hard and soft sciences or, in a word,
interdisciplinarity.
Some scholars have sought to clarify the issue of anthropomorphism by
conducting research on canine emotions, to find out whether they are
comparable to those of humans. Cognitive scientist Horowitz (2019), for example,
claims to see ‘emotions in dogs all the time,’ such as surprise, disgust, fear,
apprehension, joy, interest, affection, disappointment and pride. But at the same
time, she wonders whether they feel bored, get angry and, most of all, ‘love their
human companions.’ Finally, as a scientist, she confesses that she hesitates to
use emotional terms to describe dog ‘behaviours.’ Much research has aimed to
resolve these contradictions, which are especially pressing for hard scientists who
also share their lives with companion animals. For ethologists, the challenge is to
answer questions such as: What emotions are experienced by dogs? Which of
these are comparable to human emotions? How to identify them?
One way to address these questions, widely adopted in science, is to focus
on the relationship of ‘attachment’ between dog and ‘owner.’ Many ethologists
have based their investigations on the ‘attachment theory’ of the British
psychologist and psychiatrist Bowlby, developed on the basis of research with
chimpanzees and drawing on ‘abundant empirical material’ on children separated
from their parents or caregivers (Topál et al., 1998). According to Bowlby,

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chimpanzee and human infants have an innate propensity to seek safety in
protective individuals who are normally their parents or caregivers. This
competed with dominant theories (in the mid 1950s) surrounding the impulses
designed to meet needs for food and comfort (Ramires and Schneider, 2010).
Informed by functional-cognitive theories of the time, Bowlby considered
attachment as an evolved response to threats to survival. Vulnerable human or
chimpanzee infants would be expected to seek a secure base in the face of
danger. This is the so-called ‘secure-base effect.’
Bowlby's theory was appropriated by ethologists and widely used in
research on the formation of manifestly strong bonds between dogs and their
owners or caregivers. A great many investigations have not only confirmed the
similarity between infant-parent and dog-owner attachments (see Topál et al.,
1998), but have also extended and deepened these findings. An example is the
work of Topál et al. (1997), who compared the relationships of owners with pet
dogs and working dogs respectively. From their experiments, the authors suggest
that the domestication process could have resulted in a predisposition of dogs
(both pets and working animals) to form bonds with humans comparable to those
formed with conspecifics. In other words they would interact with humans as a
‘social unit’ (see also Mariti et al., 2013). In addition, they found that pets (often
treated as children, according to the authors) perform less well than working
dogs in problem-solving tasks, such as finding hidden food, when in the absence
of their owners or caregivers. In short, they conclude that ‘the quantity and
quality of social experiences influence later social behavior and social preferences’
and a ‘proper socialization of dogs may enhance their relationships with people’
(1997: 222).
From the results of this work, and from the ethnography of Savalois et al.
(2013) on training herding dogs, it is possible both to confirm the findings of the
former and to better understand some conclusions of the latter. Herding dog
trainers, according to Savalois et al., report that in order to raise good herding
dogs, it is necessary to maintain a moderate affective distance from them and to
respect their ‘emotional world,’ thus avoiding the formation of pet-like relations
with them. In this regard, the trainers’ ‘discourse and practice’ converge with the

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findings of Topál et al. (1997), according to which the poorer problem-solving
capacities of pet dogs, compared with working dogs, is mainly due to the greater
dependence of pets on their owners.
Another example of work that has expanded our knowledge of dog-owner
attachment is a study by Gácsi et al. (2001), which found that adult dogs (in
rescue centres), and not only puppies, tend to become attached to potential
owners or caregivers, especially those who meet their expectations for affection
and safety, in a relatively short period. Siniscalchi et al. (2013) also report
interesting results on dog-owner attachment relationships. They found that the
types of bonds formed between dogs and humans were compatible with the
experiences of humans with attachment figures in childhood. In other words,
dogs behaved towards their owners as the latter had behaved towards human
caregivers when they were themselves children. Finally, neuroscientific studies
have examined the chemical basis of attachment, looking at oxytocin levels in
both human and nonhuman animals, such as birds, rats (Panksepp, 2005) and
dogs (Nagasawa et al., 2015).
As we have seen, Bowlby's theory of attachment has borne much fruit in
ethological approaches, as well as in the field of psychology in different theories
of learning. However, Bowlby's fellow psychologists and psychoanalysts have
criticized several points of his theory, such as its framing in terms of evolutionary
survival – leading to an overemphasis on the search for security – while leaving
the emotional dimension in the background. Nevertheless, it has inspired the
subsequent models that reformulated it, such as by changing from a behavioural
to a symbolic approach, incorporating a dyadic system for the regulation of affect
and introducing the concept of reflective function (Ramires and Schneider, 2010).
Ramires and Schneider stress the human symbolic and reflective ability, as well
as the emotional and relational aspects of attachment bonds. However, I wonder
why ethological approaches put so much weight on the functional-evolutionary
aspects of attachment theory? Obviously, it is not easy to investigate symbolic
and reflective dimensions of nonhuman animal life, but why do they not pay more
attention to the emotional and relational aspects of attachment? Their tendency,
on the contrary, has been to oppose and even ‘demystify’ the ordinary language

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in which amateur perceptions of relational-emotional attachment are typically
expressed, as we shall see below.
From a behavioural perspective, the concept of attachment is defined as:
(1) ‘a hypothetical factor that ties individuals together;’ (2) ‘a behavior system
that results in one individual seeking and maintaining proximity to another
individual;’ (3) ‘a special affectional relationship between two individuals ...
[which] endures over time;’ (4) ‘a relationship ... based on dependency between
individuals;’ and that (5) ‘presumes (a) the ability to discriminate and respond
differentially to the object of attachment ..., (b) a preference for the attachment
figure …, and (c) a response to separation from and reunion with the attachment
figure that is distinct from responses to others’ (Topál et al., 1998: 219). In
addition, it is quite common to read in ethological studies that attachment is a
strategic response designed to enhance security from predators.
However, domestic dogs are undoubtedly recognized as ‘eminently
emotional beings,’ as was widely reported by the owners and caregivers in
Sanders’ ethnography (1993); therefore, any research on dogs that fails to take
this into account would be at least questionable. For example, we have already
seen how one striking aspect of relationships between dogs and humans lies in
their visual correspondence; it would therefore be quite reasonable to investigate
a likely emotional correspondence involving these ‘intersecting gazes.’ In this
regard, Bekoff – an ethologist who ‘swims against the tide’ – has this to say:

If you really want to know about what animals are feeling, go right to
their eyes, the magnificently complex organs that provide a window to
the world. Across many species an individual’s eyes reflect feelings: wide
open in glee, sunken in despair. (Bekoff, 2006: 83)

However, despite the limited scope of the attachment-centred approach used by

dominant researches within the hard sciences, the relevance of such studies for
a better understanding of the emotional correspondence between dogs and
humans is evident. It should also be noted that the ‘soft sciences,’ too, often
restrict their radius of action or investigation by clinging to their own theoretical
and methodological dogmas or prejudices. But returning to the questions posed
at the beginning of this section, we have still to answer what kinds of emotions

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emerge from the relationships between dogs and humans, and how they may be
investigated.
Let us start, then, with a characteristic of dogs widely explored in the field
of ethology, namely their ability to perceive human emotions. According to
Feddersen-Petersen (1994), dogs are able to ‘decode’ human gestures and their
different responses depend on their levels of socialization: ‘agonistic behaviors’
when deprived of contact; and ‘submission and greeting’ when there was more
conviviality. Müller et al. (2015), in the same vein, report that pet dogs can
identify human emotions from facial expressions, and refer to the ability of many
animals to ‘read’ the expressions and behaviours of their conspecifics in order to
join with them and react accordingly, as well as to pet dogs’ learning experiences
with humans. Morisaki et al., in turn, found that ‘dogs gazed longer at their
owners when they had cheerful feelings than when they experienced sad feelings’
(2009: 49). Finally, Buttelmann and Tomasello (2013) used three different human
gestural expressions (happy, neutral and disgust) to test dogs’ skills to find
hidden food and observed that they followed more happy faces than neutral or
disgusting ones. This ability of dogs makes us question whether they would be
able to experience empathy towards humans, another very controversial issue,
as will be seen below.
Two classic ethnographic studies of dogs have investigated the theme of
empathy toward humans. One, dedicated to the emotions attributed to
companion dogs by their owners and caretakers (Sanders, 1993), finds that dogs
are generally seen as ‘subjective actors’ and socially reciprocal. In addition to
other emotional characteristics, the study highlights dogs’ ability to empathize
with owners or caretakers. One interviewee, for example, reports that ‘his
teenage daughter … spoke of their dog’s ability to read their emotions and his
attempts to comfort them when they felt sad’ (Sanders, 1993: 218). The other
study is an autoethnography of empathic relations between the researcher,
Shapiro, and his companion dog Sabaka (Shapiro, 1990). Shapiro reports that
the ‘bodily experiencing’ he has in common with Sabaka is the ‘basis’ of their
‘access to each other’ (1990: 184). He coins the term ‘kinesthetic empathy’ to
refer to his approach, defining it as an ‘empathic move into the world’ of Sabaka

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(1990: 185). Furthermore, he stresses the importance of taking into account ‘the
social and historical contexts’ shaping both investigated and investigator.
Shapiro’s main argument establishes the possibility of empathizing with another
living being (human or nonhuman) through common bodily and kinetic
experience, or in other words, the ability to ‘inhabit’ or ‘dwell’ in another individual
‘through the potential mobility of the lived body’ (Shapiro, 1990: 191) – a position
mainly supported by the works of Merleau-Ponty (2005) and Polanyi (1967). In
short, on the one hand there is a recognition of dogs’ sensitivity to human
emotions through what we have called ‘amateur perceptions;’ on the other hand,
we have a theoretical-methodological proposal to empathize with a companion
dog. As we will see, however, empathy in dogs has been viewed and addressed
very differently in ethological studies.
Empathy in dogs – especially companion dogs due to their extreme
proximity to humans – has been widely studied in the fields of ethology and
neuroscience. However, scholars in these fields are reluctant to recognize that
dogs experience empathy consciously. Sümegi et al. (2014), for example, have
identified emotional resonance between dogs and their owners when subjected
to stressful tasks. However, the authors qualify this as ‘emotional contagion’
rather than empathy. As discussed earlier, emotional contagion is defined as an
‘automatic response to perceiving another’s emotional state through which a
similar emotional response is triggered in the observer’ (Sümegi et al., 2014:
106). This definition shifts the phenomenon to a primitive dimension of empathy,
attributed to all mammals. In another study, Szánthó et al. (2017) review
investigations into the empathy of dogs towards humans, such as reactions to
the crying of both infants and adults. Both studies show an empathic reaction of
dogs to human crying, the one reporting submissiveness and alertness behaviour,
the other reporting eye contact, approaching and touching owners and
caretakers, and submissiveness behaviours such as licking and nuzzling.
However, in both studies, the authors sought to disconnect emotional
experiences from the idea of empathy commonly shared among humans.
Regarding two of the cases in their study, Szánthó et al. (2017: 2) suggest the
following in justification:

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 Case 1- ‘It is, however, also possible that the vocalisation of the human
infant is acoustically similar to some species-specific vocalisation in dogs
(e.g. whining). Thus, dogs may respond on the basis of specific vocal
features and do not ‘recognise’ human baby crying as such.’

Case 2 – ‘However, it is possible that dogs may have previously received

positive reinforcement for approaching crying individuals.’

Here again, there is friction between different approaches to studying the

empathy of dogs with humans. On the anthropological side the genuineness of
the emotional experience of dogs is not questioned, while on the ethological (and
neuroscience) side it is moved to a lower hierarchical level or explained in ways
that rule out the possibility of conscious reactions. However, regardless of the
views and theoretical-methodological models adopted by different disciplines,
what we have at the end is a wealth of information about the emotional
correspondence of dogs and humans, translated as empathy, or whatever other
term may be used for it.
Regarding dog vocalizations as a way of expressing emotions, some
studies have commented on the ‘apparent meaninglessness of dog barking’
(Coppinger and Feinstein, 1990). However, Feddersen-Petersen (2000) offer
contradictory evidence from an acoustic study that revealed the existence of a
wide range of meanings in dogs’ barking, expressed in different contexts. Another
work on the human recognition of dog vocalizations (Faragó et al., 2013)
confirmed Feddersen-Petersen’s results. According to the authors, humans have
resort to the same mechanisms used to recognize non-verbal emotional
vocalizations among themselves, which are based on distinctions of valence and
to interpret the emotional vocalizations of dogs. In addition to vocalizations, there
are plenty of other ways of identifying and demonstrating the emotional condition
of dogs (Horowitz, 2019): cataloging facial expressions relating to different dog
emotions; infrared thermography to assess temperature changes in the ears of
dogs when inserted in different contexts; measurement of dog's oxytocin levels
when experiencing various situations; and recognizing the common presence, in
both humans and dogs, of brain regions (e.g. the amygdala) activated in the
event of emotions such as sigh, yearn and despair.

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 When it comes to canine emotions, it is necessary to consider emotions
like jealousy and friendship towards owners and caregivers, and the guilt involved
in mischievous attitudes. As we have seen earlier, Morris et al. (2012) classified
jealousy and guilt, along with empathy, as secondary or more complex than, for
example, sadness, anger, affection and fear. Such classifications are based
mainly on the idea that primary or simple emotions would not require awareness
or reflection, whereas complex or secondary emotions would. In a nutshell, they
would either be, or not be, pre-reflective. In the next chapter, drawing mainly on
the phenomenological studies of Merleau-Ponty (2005) and Ingold (2000), we
will discuss the issue of the pre-reflexivity of both emotions and perceptions in
more detail. For now, I would like to emphasize once again that within the hard
sciences the study of complex emotions in nonhuman animals is treated with
hesitation and caution, to say the least.
Anyone who lives or has lived with companion dogs would not consider it
absurd to say that dogs are jealous, because such behaviour is recurrent and
evident. A study by Harris and Provost (2014) led to the same conclusion, by
simulating the affection of owners or caretakers towards objects that appeared
to be dogs other than their companions. However, the authors cautiously
concluded that the ‘results lend support to the hypothesis that jealousy has some
“primordial” form that exists in human infants and in at least one other social
species besides humans’ (2014: 1). Like attachment, you can only accept jealousy
in dogs by comparison to that in human infants, that is, by reference to hierarchy
of humans that puts infants on the bottom and adults on the top.
As with jealousy, guilt is easily noticeable in dogs that get up to mischief,
at least from the point of view of their owners or caretakers. What dog-owner
has not witnessed that guilty gaze of his companion dog after destroying a
cushion? In his ethnography of owners’ and caretakers’ perceptions of their
companion dogs, Sanders (1993) pointed out that all of them attributed guilt to
dogs that had broken a rule, with ‘clearly readable body language – bowed head,
tucked tail, ears down, sidelong glances’ (1993: 217). However, from the
dominant, ethological point of view, this obviousness is viewed with reservation;
there is even an effort to disqualify the evidences of ‘amateurs.’

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 A study by Hecht et al. (2012) sought to assess the attribution of guilt to
companion dogs using questionnaires addressed to owners and caretakers, and
tests with both groups. The results show that some owners and caretakers
succeeded in identifying guilt behaviour in their dogs after stealing food, while
others did not. In conclusion, the authors confirm that dogs do indeed behave
differently when they have committed a fault, justifying the perception of their
owners or caretakers to this effect, while at the same time they discredit the idea
that this can be explained by a feeling of guilt. According to them, the
questionnaires indicated that dogs reacted in the way they did because they are
seeking to evade punishment, and not because they feel guilty for the
misdemeanour. But despite this ethological scepticism over whether emotions
allegedly expressed by dogs or other nonhuman animals are genuine, their
studies are quite fruitful in revealing the rich emotional correspondence between
dogs and humans. Good examples are the articles by Miklósi and Topál (2013)
and Miklósi (2015b), in which they sought to answer a question posed at the
beginning of this section: Why did dogs become the best friends of humans?
Before discussing these studies, it is important to note that, according to Trisko
et al. (2016), dogs are also able to befriend each other, and they are selective in
this process.
Now back to Miklósi and Topál: their first article (2013) sought to explain
why dogs have social characteristics that are considered human-like. They
propose a ‘social competence’ shared by dogs and humans, which has evolved
through genetic changes due to domestication and subsequent cross-breeding
imposed by humans. They also present several current studies that seek to
explain this phenomenon, all supported by the idea of ‘adaptation of dogs to the
human environment.’ However, I conceive this encounter between dogs and
humans differently. To reaffirm my position, I believe that relationships between
humans and dogs are based on a ‘becoming with,’ where the environment,
context and individuals (rather than characteristics tied to categories like species
or breed), dynamically and continuously, transform and are transformed by each
other. I am thus in agreement with the arguments of Ingold (2000) and Lestel et
al. (2006), that dogs and humans form ‘plural communities,’ contrary to the

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understanding of Miklósi and Topál (2013) who maintain that a human society
‘would include’ that of dogs.
In a second article, Miklósi (2015b) tries to identify those components of
the ‘social competence of dogs’ that make them the best friends of humans. For
supporting evidence, he presents a broad summary of the work of his research
group from the Department of Ethology at Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest.
Of course a full answer, as we have seen, would mean going far beyond
emotional aspects; however since this chapter deals with the emotional
relationships between dogs and humans, I will confine myself here to the
emotional dimension. According to Miklósi, a precondition for ‘social competence’
is that dogs are sensitive to human behaviours in an ‘appropriate social
environment.’ This social environment, in turn, would be the result of the
domestication process and the human willingness to invest in the relationship
with dogs. Furthermore, from an emotional point of view, insofar as attachment
promotes ‘emotional synchronization’ between dogs and humans, it would create
the necessary conditions for their sociability, as well as for their everyday
cooperation
To conclude my discussion of the emotional aspects of dog-human
friendship, I would like to highlight the inspiring notion of ‘social competence’ in
dogs. Despite my differences with the authors cited, this notion caught my
attention for the way it encompasses innumerable aspects of dog-human
relationships, and gives them a ‘social’ or agglutinating element. Regarding the
contribution of domestication processes to the constitution of the social
competence of nonhuman animals, I recapitulate some points discussed in
chapter 2, in which I identified the characteristics that favoured the domestication
of certain animal species. These include their gregarious character, which
amounts to ‘social competence’ in terms very close to those proposed by Miklósi
and Topál (2013) and Miklósi (2015b). However, I make the same caveat
regarding the work of Miklósi and Topál as I had to make with regard to that of
Clutton-Brock (1999): despite emphasizing the lifestyle changes of both
domesticators and domesticated, Clutton-Brock understood the transformation of
the latter as a result of their incorporation ‘into the social structure of a human

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community’ (1999: 31). For my part, as already explained, I prefer to speak of
the constitution of plural communities in constant transformation, in which all
involved (human and nonhuman) participate as producers and protagonists.
I would like to conclude this section by addressing the no less important
individual and contextual aspects of affective relations between humans and
dogs. Regarding individual characteristics of dogs, we saw in the previous chapter
how personalities impact on relationships, and here the affective dimension is
obviously included. A very famous dog in the ethological literature (Kaminski et
al., 2004; Bekoff, 2006; Lestel et al., 2006), who can illustrate our discussion
here about affection and personality, is Rico. At ten years old, this Border Collie
could identify two hundred different objects by name, through an apprenticeship
that started at ten months of age and was rewarded with food or a show of
affection. According to Lestel et al. (2006), this feat surpassed the average of
fifty commands assimilated by dogs for the disabled, and no other explanation is
available than ‘affective and interactive proximity.’ I would add the differences in
personality and life experiences of dogs, as highlighted by Horowitz (2019: 1):
‘Though there are myriad similarities among mammals, different species — and
individuals within a species — have very different lived experiences.’ As we have
already seen, the life experiences of pets and working dogs are quite different,
to the point of affecting their ability to solve tasks with greater or lesser
autonomy. For this reason, the contexts in which these relations are inserted,
such as of herding dogs on cattle farms, is crucial and cannot be ignored.
Regarding emotional aspects of relationships between dogs and humans
on São Luiz farm, the most evident for me was the type of treatment given to
them, which was quite unlike that extended to companion dogs by their owners
or caretakers. The São Luiz dogs did not have access to the main house; direct
affection was rare, though it happens as we saw in the last chapter (Figure 45);
they did not visit pet shops, whether for bathing, grooming or any other kind of
service; they did not eat industrial food; and they also did not use collars. In sum,
they were not pet but working dogs. Thus, when it comes to the recommendation
for humans to maintain a certain emotional distance from working dogs, once

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again the conclusions of ethological (Topál et al., 1997) and ethnographic
(Savalois et al., 2013) research converge.
On the other hand, there are emotional relationships between conspecifics
as well as between dogs and humans that are common to both companion and
working dogs. For example, the bonds of attachment to humans are closer in
pets, but the herding dogs of the São Luiz farm were also bonded, as was evident
from their unconditional demand for human companionship in any activity, such
as grazing or leisure. However, I do not recall having witnessed any jealousy of
the trio towards humans, whereas guilt from making a mistake in herding
activities was quite recurrent. Another aspect fundamental to herding activities is
the emotional harmony between everyone involved. We could characterize this
in terms of kinaesthetic empathy and emotional contagion, without which it would
not be possible to work as a team – that is, in a tuned, coordinated and
cooperative way. And their ability to perceive the emotionality present in the
varied facial expressions, gestures and tones of voice of their human handlers
during cattle herding was remarkable. Finally, I reaffirm what many studies have
concluded about social relationships between dogs and humans: that the trio of
dogs from the São Luiz farm considered themselves and humans as of one and
the same social group – a plural community.

7.7. Emotions in horse-human relations

In chapter 5, I described the contrasting experiences I had with Zaina and
Gateado on São Luiz farm, as well as commenting on their emotional aspects.
Among these I would highlight my good impressions regarding Gateado, such as
his unusual approach to investigate my camera and to remove Lasier's hat, or
my sympathy with him, which influenced my positive evaluation and the tuning
we achieved in our rides. In order to better understand what other elements
could be involved in my good feelings towards Gateado - so different from those
with Zaina – I looked for further work in this vein. Then I came across an article
by Lorimer (2007), dealing with the theme of ‘nonhuman charisma,’ in which I
found support for my inquiry.

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 Lorimer wants to understand why certain researchers have dedicated their
careers to the ecological cause and, more relevantly for us, to the study of certain
animal species. Although my interest was focused on a specific horse named
Gateado, rather than an entire species, Lorimer's study (2007) not only helped
me in this regard, but also provided a new understanding of the reasons that had
led me, in the first place, to investigate cattle herding on the farms of Rio Grande
do Sul.
According to Lorimer, nonhuman charisma has three dimensions,
‘ecological, aesthetic and corporeal.’ For the present purpose, only the last two
will be addressed here; they are also called ‘affective charismas.’ Lorimer defines
nonhuman charisma as ‘the distinguishing properties of a nonhuman entity or
process that determine its perception by humans and its subsequent evaluation’
(Lorimer, 2007: 915). Like him, I reject a concept of innate charism – a gift of
grace – in favour of a relational approach, that is, as something that emerges in
the encounter or the in-between. I prefer, however, and as noted on many
previous occasions, to describe this as ‘becoming with,’ rather than adopting
Lorimer’s preference for Deleuze and Guattari’s notion of ‘becoming-animal.’47
Nevertheless, both ‘becoming-with’ and ‘becoming-animal’ invoke the emotions,
affections and dispositions that arise in such encounters. More to the point,
Lorimer associates aesthetic charisma with the sensual (mainly visual) and
behavioural characteristics of nonhuman animals that affect human researchers;
while corporeal charisma is linked to the physical presence of researchers and
nonhuman animals in fieldwork, which mobilizes the researcher’s affections and
emotions in a visceral way. Furthermore, Lorimer divides corporeal charisma into
two types which he calls ‘epiphanies’ and ‘jouissance,’ the first of which is
particularly relevant here. He defines epiphanies as marked encounters with
certain organisms or groups of organisms in the researchers’ biographies (mostly
in their childhoods), which were so striking that they went on to define their
careers and to become the foci of their research.

47
Philosopher Gilles Deleuze and psychoanalyst Felix Guatttari develop their notion of 'becoming animal'
in a chapter of their treatise A Thousand Plateaus, entitled '1730: Becoming-Intense, Becoming-Animal,
Becoming Imperceptible...' (Deleuze and Guattari 2004: 256-341).

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 Following Lorimer, I would say that Gateado’s charismatic presence was
the result of our first encounters, in which his aesthetic and corporeal charisma
was manifested and affected me, based on his physical and behavioural
characteristics (his curiosity and unusual manner of approach). Moreover,
Gateado’s corporeal charisma resonates with my remarkable childhood
experiences on cattle farms in the Rio Grande do Sul, experiences which also led
eventually to my decision to investigate relations between human and nonhuman
animals in the herding groups of such farms.
As already mentioned in chapter 5, in addition to the good relationship
between Gateado and me, my disagreeable experience of riding with Zaina can
be correlated with both her resistance to being incorporated into the herding
group and our temperamental incompatibilities. Inevitably, our encounters had
an emotional side, as evidenced above with respect to the charism. How, then,
can I further support my perceptions so as to give them a richer and more
comprehensive emotional valence? In this section I aim to understand the
emotional relationships between humans and horses on São Luiz farm, on the
basis of my experiences with Gateado and Zaina.
As we have already seen, the great difficulty faced by the hard sciences in
talking about nonhuman animal emotions is to identify them, due to the fact that
the animals cannot express them in words, as well as due to the paucity of
research on the topic, and the tendency of animals (especially prey animals, such
as horses) to conceal their feelings as part of a strategy of defence. The scientists’
difficulty in directly accessing nonhuman emotions, which stems from their
insistence that emotions are interior states of individual animals that can only be
known by way of their exterior symptoms, calls for an effort to find indirect ways
to recognize and classify them, mainly by reference to human emotions, which
should serve as guides rather than standards of comparison, as often happens.
As pointed out above, the most common means of investigating nonhuman
animal emotions in the hard sciences is through the measurement of
‘physiological, behavioural and cognitive changes’ (e.g. Špinka, 2012). For the
phenomenologist, by contrast, who insists to the contrary that emotions are
emergent properties of relations, and that they are instantiated, rather than

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merely expressed in manifest behaviour, direct access to nonhuman animal
emotions is not a problem.
‘Scientific’ research on animal emotions adopting the so-called ‘two-
dimension core affect approach’ measures emotional characteristics by valence
and scalability (Hall et al., 2018: 184). Valence, meaning the positivity or
negativity of emotions, would basically be determined by the behaviours of
approach or avoidance to stimuli or situations; while scalability would be defined
by the intensity of emotion expressed in response to these stimuli or situations,
for example, sadness versus apathy.
Equine emotion could be accessed through motor patterns such as
fighting, flight, approaching and moving away; through a change of bodily
posture like head position – a higher position indicating ‘attentive,’ a lower one
‘quiet’ or ‘calm;’ facial expression – signalling for instance acute pain,
‘flattened/asymmetrical ear position, withdrawn tense stare, dilated nostrils and
muscle tension around the lips and chin’ (Hall et al., 2018: 188); vocalisations –
according to Stomp et al. (2018) there are two different ‘snort acoustic structures’
(pulsed and non-pulsed) indicating positive emotions, the first presenting a
higher emotional intensity level than the second and exploratory behaviour –
usually associated with positive emotions, such as in relation to new objects, as
I witnessed in the Gateado-camera situation. Last but not least is an interesting
example, which may indicate the behaviour of Zaina in the situations that
involved escape, related to training, memory and judgment, as pointed out by
Hall et al. (2018):

Negative experiences resulting in pain or distress (physical or mental),

appear to be remembered by the horse and affect future behavioural
responses in similar scenarios. This is an adaptive cognitive feature for
all animals, particularly prey species such as the horse, but may be
problematic in their management and training. (Hall et al., 2018: 189)

Perhaps, with these brief examples, we can better understand some of the
behaviours I experienced on horseback on São Luiz farm. However, it is still
necessary to discuss the social dimension of emotions, both in general terms
(human and nonhuman) and specific (equine), in order to explore how relations
affect encounters.

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 The most productive field of research on relationships between horses and
humans, especially between mount and rider, is found in ethnographic studies of
equestrian sports and leisure. From here on, drawing on these studies, and in
contrast to the ‘hard’ studies cited above, I will focus this section on relations
constituted by the prolonged conviviality of horses and humans. I will try to
identify what emotions are attributed to horses by owners, trainers, caretakers
and breeders. What emotions emerge and how are they manifested in such
relations?
I have already observed that the naturally defensive disposition adopted
by prey animals to mask or hide their feelings makes it particularly difficult to
identify them. However, the prolonged relationship that ‘horse people’ have with
their horses, coupled with their obvious interest and need to know more about
equine ethology and physiology, means that we have much to learn from them
concerning the emotional lives of horses. For example, the rules of judgment for
equestrian competitions laid down by the ‘Fédération Equestre Internationale’
include the concept of ‘Happy Equine Athlete,’ amounting to an admission that
horses can feel joy (Hall et al., 2018).
Brandt (2004) and Wipper (2000), who carried out their studies in
equestrian contexts, are firmly of the view that horses have a capacity to develop
emotions, through relationships based on partnership with humans, and to
communicate these emotions in their gestures. The work of Zetterqvist Blokhuis
and Lundgren (2017), with fifteen riders presenting at least five years of riding
experience, shows that riders attribute temperament and personality to horses –
which makes every horse different in terms, for example, of ambition and
distraction – besides alterations of mood from day to day and from situation to
situation. Birke (2008), investigating new ways of relating between horses and
humans which have emerged in contexts of training in ‘natural horsemanship,’
points out that riders refer to ‘partners’ as ‘almost human,’ ‘intelligent, thoughtful,
and loving,’ ‘friends, … – above all, … individuals’ (2008: 110-15). One of the
reasons for this, according to Birke, lies in the way this technique of
horsemanship promotes a ‘growing awareness of animal sentience and
subjectivity’ (2008: 109).

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 Horses are also reputed to show pleasure. Hall et al. observe that
grooming activities ‘reduce heart rate, a sign of relaxation and positive affect’
(2018: 184). Many riders highlight the pleasure, shared by both horse and rider,
in the experience of attunement or synchronisation. Maurstad et al. (2013: 326)
comment that ‘it is not only humans that value synchronized corporeal behavior,
… horses, too, take pleasure from these intra-activities.’ Zetterqvist Blokhuis and
Lundgren (2017) report that riders often speak of a ‘centaur feeling’ (broadly
addressed by Game, 2001) when they are in synchrony with their horses.
It is worth returning here to horses’ pronounced sensibility to the
emotional states or moods of riders, for which we presented some evidence in
chapter 5 (Smith et al., 2016; Lampe and Andre, 2012; Krueger et al, 2011;
Proops and McComb, 2010; Hausberger et al., 2008; and Kiley-Worthington,
1997). A further aspect involving positive emotions in horses is brought up by
Hall et al. (2018: 187), namely that ‘the need for companionship or to be within
sight of other horses was prioritized over shelter and food,’ indicating their
appreciation for being in a group. We should not however forget that it was the
riders who were asked about this, not the horses themselves!
Some other human perceptions of equine emotions were recorded in a
survey conducted by Hötzel et al. (2019). The authors carried out research with
‘owners (81%), horse riding instructors (8%), horse centres’ administrators
(5%), veterinarians, or animal scientists, including students and professionals
(6%) and [of all the above] most (63%) as were experienced in the equestrian
world’ (2019: 18). Results showed that almost all respondents attributed to
horses ‘full capacity to feel pain (94%) [and] fear (92%).’ In addition, the vast
majority of respondents perceived the equine capacity to feel joy (77%), anxiety
(76%), sadness (68%) and boredom (65%), while (41%) reported that horses
felt jealousy (2019: 20). Most interviewees in the study claimed that their
experience with horses had given them the ability to perceive such emotions. It
is worth emphasizing that the emotions were proposed by the interviewers
themselves, and not by the interviewees. In this sense, the survey was not
exactly open.

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 What we learn from these studies is that knowledge based on long-term
conviviality or practical experience with horses gives confidence, legitimacy and
conviction to those who can claim such knowledge in their attribution of a broad
and sophisticated emotional life to these nonhuman animals. Regarding jealousy
in particular, because it is considered a secondary emotion (which implies self-
consciousness), this contradicts scientific theories based on the premise that non-
primates cannot self-consciously feel emotions. Thus, while science disqualifies
the claims of non-scientists to access the emotions of nonhuman animals on the
grounds that they are tainted by ‘anthropomorphism,’ the capacity of methods in
the hard sciences to access more complex nonhuman emotions can also be
questioned. That these sciences assume in nonhuman animals, by default, the
presence of ‘simple’ emotions generally recognized in humans, while ruling out
‘complex’ emotions in nonhumans, implies an a priori hierarchical ranking of the
human species over all other kinds.
Besides emotions, the language employed in horsemanship contexts often
refers to a sense of ‘feel,’ regarded as an essential attribute of a good rider. The
German National Equestrian Federation, for example, says that ‘the rider’s feel is
essential for a harmonious, confident, and effective relationship between the rider
and the horse’ (Zetterqvist Blokhuis and Lundgren, 2017: 579). Nosworthy
(2013), in turn, interprets empathy, as it arises in the discourses of professional
riders, in terms of feel and energy, as flows and processes circulating between
horses and riders. For Nosworthy, it is necessary to ‘develop feel’ in order to
become a rider; it is ‘a means to interpret the emotions of the horse’ (2013: 216).
Dashper (2016), describing a riding lesson, succeeds in reaching a ‘medium trot’
along with her mount when she feels the horse’s body moving and when the
horse knows what she wants. At this point they achieve what she calls ‘kinesthetic
empathy.’
Several authors who have discussed the ‘sense of feel,’ whether in terms
of effective communication with the horse (Wipper, 2000; Brandt, 2004),
rhythmic synchrony (Game, 2001), or mutual empathy (Nosworthy, 2013;
Dashper, 2016), are unanimous in highlighting the need for riders to develop
awareness and sensitivity of their own body. Nosworthy (2013) calls this ‘learning

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to be affected.’ It is to think about feeling in much the same way that Merleau-
Ponty writes about seeing:

The gaze gets more or less from things according to the way in which it
questions them, ranges over or dwells on them. To learn to see colours
is to acquire a certain style of seeing, a new use of one’s own body: it
is to enrich and recast the body image. (Merleau-Ponty, 2005: 177).

7.8. Conclusions
The main aim of this chapter has been to demonstrate the relevance of
the theme of emotion to any discussion of relations. By now its essentially social
nature has become quite evident, and from there we can expand and deepen our
understanding of the correspondence between human and nonhuman animals,
mainly regarding emergent aspects of relations in-between dogs, horses and
humans in emotional contexts or situations.
We have contrasted perspectives within and beyond the limits of science,
especially with regard to differing views of the emotions of nonhuman animals.
We have seen that so-called hard science disciplines have largely directed their
criticisms at lay or non-scientific perceptions of nonhuman animal emotions,
which tend to be expressed in ‘anthropomorphic’ terms. Whereas in the social
sciences, such expressions might rather be criticised for their ‘romanticism,’ what
hard science has inherited from the positivism of the scientific enlightenment is
a belief in the researcher’s neutrality and coldness. Yet the deep knowledge and
engagement of those who have lived alongside animal partners, day in day out,
puts them in a privileged position to make observations that are sensitive,
sophisticated and unmatched in scope. Furthermore, due to the way these
observations are expressed – freely, spontaneously and in a relaxed manner –
they are best at representing relations that take place ‘in-between.’ For this
reason, I have thought it fair to call them ‘amateur perceptions.’
I have highlighted these divergences and frictions, sometimes taking the
form of prejudice or dogma, in order to show how they become obstacles to the
expansion of our knowledge of relations in general, and those resulting from
affective contexts in particular. In so doing, I hope to have illustrated the
advantages of interdisciplinarity, and especially of combining investigations using

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methods of measurement, mostly based on neural, physiological and behavioural
analyses, with investigations using perception-based methods drawn mainly from
surveys and ethnographies of amateur perception.
Assigning sentience to nonhuman animals is the first step toward their
welfare, especially when it comes to species less favoured than companion and
working animals. These welfare concerns tend to put the emphasis on emotions
with a negative valence. With Ingold (2011), however, we need a more
encompassing concept of sentience. This was my starting point in the search for
a firmer foundation on which to build an understanding of the emotional lives of
nonhuman animals. In exploring encounters between human and nonhuman
animals, I have stressed the social character of emotions while guided in my
questions by the contexts and the protagonists under investigation, namely, the
humans, dogs and horses comprising cattle herding groups on southern Brazilian
farms.
In order to get to the heart of relationships between human and
nonhuman animals, and to understand their intricacies, we found it productive,
and indeed unavoidable, to address the social dimension of emotions. The notion
of ‘emotional contagion’ proved to be fundamental to the cohesion that occurs in
both human-human and human-animal encounters. In the case of encounters
among humans, we saw that conversations, dancing and music promote an effect
of synchronicity, resonance or coordination, and that this also extends to
nonhuman animals, whether in their relations with one another or with humans.
In addition, we saw that familiarity and closeness among participants favour their
harmony. In short, emotional contagion fosters the sharing of feelings and, as de
Waal argues (2011: 199), it ‘forms the basis of empathy.’
From Špinka (2012), we drew scientific evidence that many nonhuman
animals, and practically all mammals, experience emotions in the same way that
humans do. However, there is no consensus about this, with scepticism coming
particularly from researchers in the hard sciences. Working within an evolutionary
paradigm, the arguments of these researchers presupposed a ranking, which
places humans above every other kind. This could be seen most often in the
classification of any emotions that call for reflection – such as empathy, jealousy

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and guilt – as secondary and therefore only applicable to humans; in the search
for concepts and explanations that would separate the emotional experiences of
animals from those of humans, even when they are extremely similar; and in the
association of animal emotions with those of human infants (as in the case of
dogs’ attachment to humans). Against this, and to provide a better foundation
for an interdisciplinary approach, I have presented a range of evidence from
ethnographic and survey-based studies.
So far as canine emotions are concerned, what I have sought to extract
from studies in the hard and soft sciences are the social-emotional elements that
could underpin herding activities on São Luiz farm. What emotional
predispositions led to dogs’ becoming the best friends of humans? We found that
in behavioural studies, the strong bonds formed between dogs and humans
(owners or caretakers) were consistently analysed in terms of the notion of
‘attachment.’ Studies have mainly shown that both companion and working dogs
formed bonds of attachment with owners consistent with those formed with their
own conspecifics, that is, they constituted a ‘social unit’ with humans (Topál et
al., 1997). Dogs that were treated like human children performed less well than
working dogs in problem-solving tasks, due to their increasing dependence on
their owners (Topál et al., 1997; Savalois et al. (2013). However an overemphasis
in behavioural research on the functional-evolutionary character of attachment
may be criticised, on the grounds that blurs its important relational and emotional
aspect. The works of Sanders (1993) and Bekoff (2006) provide evidence of such
a ‘lapse:’ where Sanders pleads for a recognition of dogs as ‘eminently emotional
beings,’ Bekoff draws attention to how animal eyes are full of emotions.
I went on to discuss dogs’ ability to perceive human emotions and how
this ability could be translated into empathy. To this end, two classic
ethnographies attesting to the empathy of dogs towards humans (Sanders, 1993;
Shapiro, 1990) were compared with two ethological works (Sümegi et al., 2014;
Szánthó et al., 2017). To empathy, moreover, should be added two further canine
feelings, namely guilt and jealousy.
Some expressions of dogs’ feelings are widely recognized, such as in
agonistic and submissive behaviours, but some are not so evident. Among the

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latter, I would highlight vocalizations, which recent studies have shown to be
sophisticated ways of expressing feelings with a varied repertoire (Feddersen-
Petersen, 2000; Faragó et al., 2013). A catalogue of dog expressions, relating
each to a matching feeling (Horowitz, 2019), further supports our understanding
of dogs as eminently emotional beings.
With respect to friendship, we saw that dogs make friends with each other
and are selective in their choices (Trisko et al., 2016). As they constitute social
units with humans, it would be reasonable to infer that they also form bonds of
friendship with them. The works of Miklósi and Topál (2013) and Miklósi (2015b)
go in the same direction, seeking to identify the different reasons that led dogs
and humans to become friends, among which one could highlight the ‘social
competence’ of both. However, I raised objections to the authors’ argument,
which is couched in terms of a model of genetic evolution, that social competence
is all about ‘adaptation of dogs to the human environment,’ or dogs’ ‘inclusion’
into human society. My contention to the contrary, based on the proposals of
Ingold (2013) and Lestel et al. (2006), is that dogs and humans ‘become with’
each other, and that both are therefore protagonists in the formation of ‘plural
societies.’
Finally, I pointed out how the individual characteristics of dogs (like their
personalities and life experiences) and the contexts in which they are inserted
(as pets or working dogs) account in part for the emotional correspondences
established among themselves and with humans. I presented a brief summary to
assemble the main social-emotional elements affecting herding activities on São
Luiz farm, mainly those that allow the herding group to work as a team,
generating harmony, coordination, cooperation and tuning, namely: bonds of
attachment, providing mutual affection and cooperation; kinaesthetic empathy,
which helps to coordinate movements; moderate emotional distance, advisable
for working dogs as it promotes the autonomy required in activities of this nature;
and the ability to perceive emotions through facial expressions, gestures and
tones of voice.
Turning to the emotions of horses, we found that because they were once
prey animals, they have a tendency, unlike dogs, to mask or hide their emotions

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for their own protection. This makes emotions harder to identify among horses
than among dogs, with the result that horses are less likely to be recognised as
emotional beings. However, approaches from hard and soft sciences have sought
to overcome this difficulty. Analyses of motor patterns, body posture, facial
expression, vocalisations, exploratory behaviour, training, memory and judgment
all help us to understand the emotional reactions of Gateado and Zaina on São
Luiz farm. However, as with studies of dog emotions, most of these ‘scientific’
studies are sceptical of amateur perceptions and reject the possibility that horses
might experience more sophisticated emotions, especially those that involve self-
awareness. ‘Soft’ science approaches, by contrast, have used ethnographies and
surveys to study sport and leisure horse-riding. Here, the long-lasting conviviality
of ‘horse people’ with their partners has made them ideal collaborators in the
study of equine emotions.
The notion of ‘nonhuman charisma’ developed by Lorimer (2007) has
helped me understand my relations with Gateado, due to the way his aesthetic
and corporeal charisma was manifested and affected me. It also and accounts in
part for my choice of research topic, due to my passion for herding activities,
which were part of my childhood on my uncle’s farm.
In light of physiological, behavioural and cognitive approaches (Hall et al.,
2018), in addition to questionnaire surveys (Zetterqvist Blokhuis and Lundgren,
2017; Hötzel et al., 2019) and ethnographies from equestrian contexts (Brandt,
2004; Wipper, 2000; Birke, 2008, Maurstad et al., 2013), my own included, we
can conclude that horses, like dogs, are unquestionably emotional beings, as well
as susceptible to the experience of emotions comparable to those of humans.
However, in order to perceive them in their various hues and nuances, it is
essential to nurture interest in, and yearn to know, the peculiarities of these
‘introverted’ animals and, above all, to live for long periods with a specific
individual, in such a way that he or she could be called a riding partner. Yet there
is another important precondition: one cannot make a good rider without a very
particular skill, namely a ‘feel’ for the animal.
‘Feel’ or ‘sense of feel’ is a well-known jargon term in horsemanship, which
is essential for riders to achieve a ‘harmonious, confident, and effective

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relationship between the rider and horse’ (Zetterqvist Blokhuis and Lundgren,
2017: 579). Dashper (2016), says the same thing in a different way when she
felt the horse’s body in motion and the horse knew what she wanted, so that
they achieved ‘kinaesthetic empathy.’ Nosworthy (2013), in a similar vein,
understands empathy in terms of ‘feel’ - a circulation of energy between horse
and rider - and which needs to be developed by riders as ‘a means to interpret
the emotions of the horse.’ A ‘sense of feel’ in horse-rider relations is held to
underpin effective communication (Wipper, 2000; Brandt, 2004), rhythmic
synchrony (Game, 2001) and mutual empathy (Nosworthy, 2013; Dashper,
2016). In addition, these authors refer to the need for the rider to be attentive
to his own body and the sensations he experiences during the ride, a process
called by Nosworthy (2013) as ‘learning to be affected.’ In short, there are many
requirements for good riding, but without a doubt, the sensitivity of riders and
horses to perceive the subtlety of the emotions that emerge from these
encounters – that is emotional correspondence – is indispensable.

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Chapter 8
Towards a Theory of Correspondence

8.1. Introduction
This chapter will be devoted to clarifying the notion of correspondence and
to justifying my choice to place it centre-stage in my analysis. While I have used
it repeatedly throughout this work, I have yet to spell out the precise meaning it
assumes here. To complement the emotional aspects of correspondence that
unfold in-between human and nonhuman animals, discussed in the previous
chapter, I will explore its sensory dimensions in the fields of haptic, rhythmic,
auditory and visual perception. To this end, I will draw support from studies in
the artistic fields of dance and music, in part because they help us understand
how relations are formed beyond spoken language. My discussion will also reveal
the importance and centrality of phenomenology for addressing plural
(interspecific) relationships.
The correspondences of which I speak are often subtle, and one must be
attuned to the flows that emerge in-between participants to witness their
production. It is important, too, to remember that experiences of this nature
involve a communion of beings endowed with intelligence, autonomy and
sensibility, but which are yet remarkably different due to their distinct species
origins and very particular biographies. The interlaced meshwork of emerging
relations between these beings is woven through ongoing processes of
articulation, disarticulation and re-articulation. Addressing such complex
associations calls for an exploration of the above-mentioned sensory dimensions
– haptic rhythmic, auditory and visual. While for purposes of analysis these
dimensions will be treated separately here, it is important to bear in mind that in
reality, they are deeply interwoven in a multisensory field. Moreover, if – as
phenomenology insists – we inhabit such a dynamic field of multisensory
relations, then to dwell therein calls for the achievement of a degree of harmony
in collective activities. It is precisely to show how such harmony is attained, and
what elements are involved in it, that I have turned to the fields of dance and
music.

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 Studies of dance suggest that we might understand the process of tuning
through the notion of kinaesthetic affect, in which correspondence entails bodily
movements and responses that are both pre-reflective and infectious. Research
on music, for its part, is heavily invested in the theme of the rhythm. Studies of
both dance and music have demonstrated the human tendency to synchronize
emphatically marked rhythmic events and for synchronization to improve in the
presence of other people. Further studies have shown that bodily contact helps
even more to synchronise people in rhythmic events, and that the more closely
the perceptual systems of two or more persons are rhythmically combined, the
more their movements are synchronised. This is known as social entrainment.
What motivates this impulse to tune rhythmic events? Possible answers
come through the notions of groove, swing and participatory discrepancy, the
latter indicating that where rhythms are slightly out of time and out of tune,
participation is enhanced. This notion of participatory discrepancy, alongside the
resolution of tensions, expresses a tendency to solve the instabilities which
continually arise in daily life through ongoing negotiation and creativity.
Finally, limiting ourselves to vision, we will explore, albeit briefly, the
phenomenological discussion of painting, which treats the relation between
painter and landscape, for example, as an encounter in which seeing implies
question and answer, or in a word, correspondence. Painting, then, grows from
the emergent relation in-between. As Merleau-Ponty argues, seeing is a process
in which ‘rather than seeing it, I see according to, or with it’ (1964: 164). To see,
he writes, ‘is to have at a distance’ (1964: 166). In addition, as Ingold (2000)
shows, the perceptual experiences of seeing and hearing are much richer and
deeper when they intermingle, as they usually so (except for blind and deaf
people). This offers us several clues for establishing analogies with and
understanding the auditory-visual correspondence between dogs and humans,
which stand out in the herding activities under investigation here.

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8.2. Correspondence rather than communication
In contexts in which human and nonhuman animals are involved, the
relation between them is quite commonly described as one of communication.
However, whenever I came across the term, I felt that it was not entirely
appropriate for these particular encounters or associations. Yet for some time it
was difficult to find a better way to express what circulates or flows through
them. This discomfort was mainly because in its strict sense, communication
carries connotations of the emission, reception and decoding of information, or
the use of formal language. As such it overlooks a wide range of aspects present
in human-animal encounters, including feelings, moods, affects, empathy and
harmony.
Reading Ingold (2015, 2016), however, I was introduced to the notion of
‘correspondence,’ which seemed to offer greater scope than ‘communication.’
Firstly, it brings in the idea of a relationship constituted through questioning and
answering, in which participants play active roles – asking and responding to
each other – like voices in a chorus (Ingold, 2015: 19), dancers in a troupe or
herders in their activities. As joint bodies, they correspond in motion, they move
together, they are the movement itself, they become their joint activities, they
dwell in them (see Ingold, 2016). Drawing different lines (or bundles of lines),
enmeshed in the space, they form a meshwork tying together humans ‘with’
(rather than ‘and’) nonhuman animals. They are ‘bound in sympathy’ (Ingold,
2015: 23). With Marcel Mauss, in his Essay on the Gift, Ingold highlights the fluid
character of social life: ‘social life … is characterized not by solidity but by fluidity.
And giving and receiving, wherein lives are rendered answerable to one another,
is the very impulsion that keeps it flowing’ (2016: 10). Thus, extrapolating from
the circulation of gifts and counter-gifts to human-nonhuman-animal relations,
we could say that the continuation of their correspondence would also be the
condition for their carrying on together in joint action.
Another reading that helped me formulate what was going on in plural
activities was an article by Despret (2013), which brought new elements to
human-nonhuman-animal correspondence. Reviewing the work of different
researchers on animals she highlights empathy as a key feeling that enables the

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encounter in-between ‘searchers’ and ‘searched.’ According to her, through bodily
meetings, when bodies are disposed to feel or to make themselves available,
different beings are able to create ‘partial affinities,’ a ‘mode of attunement’
where they act ‘as if’ and create a place of confluence, thus ‘corresponding, not
to, but with each other’ (Despret, 2013:71).
Related to this is Ingold's (2015) notion of in-between, which is widely
used throughout this work and closely associated with the notion of
correspondence. According to Ingold (2015), correspondence has to be clearly
distinguished from interaction. What distinguishes them is the position or the way
in which each element present is related. In interaction, the positions or
perspectives of individuals or elements are maintained, even if they suffer
changes due to their relationship. It is as if they stood on opposite banks of a
river, crossed by the line that connects them. In correspondence, by contrast,
individuals or elements relinquish their positions and transform each other, thus
no longer adhering to the fixed and separate identities of ‘I’ and ‘You.’ In other
words, they dive into the river and find themselves in the middle, where they are
carried along by the flow of the current. Their lines intertwine in a direction
parallel rather than transverse to the banks of the river. However, their identities
do not merge in this becoming, nor are they lost. They rather remain in an
ongoing transformation over which neither party can claim authorship. In short,
interaction is between, correspondence is in-between.
This idea of correspondence, as developed by Ingold and Despret, not only
met my expectations but surpassed them, making possible a richer approach to
the complex theme of human-nonhuman-animal relations. It is nevertheless
important to recognise that the established correspondence in-between human
and nonhuman animals can assume different forms, follow different ways, or
better, inhabit different fields, as Merleau-Ponty argues (2005). It is not that they
occur separately – on the contrary, they are closely intertwined – but it is
analytically more productive to treat them separately, as visual, auditory, haptic
and rhythmic, in addition to the sentient-emotional field explored in the previous
chapter.

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8.3. Correspondence is auditory and visual
Let me begin with sensory modalities and perceptions, and for this I turn
to Merleau-Ponty (1964, 2005) and Ingold (2000, 2005). These authors argue
against the idea, prevalent in the psychology of cognition, that perception is a
two-stage process. According to this mainstream view, the first stage lies in the
receipt of stimuli through the bodily senses of touch, taste, smell, hearing and
vision, associated respectively with the perceptual organs of skin (including lips,
hands and feet), tongue, nose, ears and eyes; while the second stage is a mental
processing of received stimuli so as to form an image of the perceived object.
According to Ingold (2005: 99), to the contrary, ‘nothing is turned over from body
to mind.’ Rather, perception is an experience of the whole body immersed in a
world, or according to Merleau-Ponty (1964), dwelling in the ‘soil of the sensible,’
that is, ‘in a ground of being in which self and world are initially commingled’
(Ingold, 2005). It is, in short, an experience of ‘being in the world’ (Merleau-
Ponty, 2005). Based on these general premises, visual and auditory experiences
and their consequences in terms of correspondence can be addressed and
developed in detail. In this section I will concentrate on sight and hearing, as
these are most relevant to the correspondence between dogs and humans in
herding activities, as we have already seen (chapter 6). However, we need to
keep in mind that it applies to all members of the working group which, moreover,
is immersed in an environment, as for example in riding where visual
correspondence is also present, taking into account the very broad visual field of
horses (Figure 26).
Tim Ingold has dedicated an entire chapter of The Perception of the
Environment (2000) to the theme of visual and auditory experiences, seeking to
restore sight and hearing to their rightful places, following Merleau-Ponty (2005),
as distinct facets of perceptual activity that, as a whole, is the result of a ‘synergic
system’ comprised by the multiple sensory modalities that together promote ‘the
general action of being in the world’ (2000: 268, citing Merleau-Ponty). One of
the many aspects discussed by Ingold that I would like to highlight for the present
discussion has to do with the similarity between the dynamic and participatory
engagement of vision and hearing respectively, as well as the consequently richer

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perceptual experience that comes from their association. Vision is not given
prominence over hearing, or vice versa, nor is any distinction drawn in the ways
they act in the perceptual process. Yet their association allows for deeper and
more harmonious visual-auditory experiences than if they acted separately.
What, then, does it mean to see, or to hear?
Seeing, for Merleau-Ponty (and for Ingold, following his lead), is not a
matter of forming an image on the basis of sensory input from a world outside,
but of dwelling in the visible, just as hearing is dwelling in the audible; therefore
we see in light and hear in sound. According to Merleau-Ponty (1962), referring
to Cézanne,

‘Nature is on the inside,’ .... Quality, light, colour, depth, which are there
before us, are there only because they awaken an echo in our bodies
and because the body welcomes them. (Merleau-Ponty, 1964: 164)

And moreover,

We must take literally what vision teaches us: namely, that through it
we touch the sun and the stars, that we are everywhere at once ….
(Merleau-Ponty, 1964: 187)

For Merleau-Ponty, in short, seeing is almost tangible because the distance

between the seer and the visible becomes infinitely close, or as he put it, ‘to see
is to have at a distance’ (1964: 166). And the same goes for hearing. But it’s not
just that. If we are to perceive something visually, when a multiplicity of things
are competing for our gaze – when, as the Merleau-Ponty puts it, ‘they are rivals
before my sight’ – we need to interrogate the thing and to respond to it. That is
to say, ‘rather than seeing it, I see according to, or with it’ (Merleau-Ponty, 1964:
164, my emphasis). Thus there is a kind of dialogue between the seer and the
seen, or rather, a correspondence in-between their meeting.
This however is to consider perceptual experiences in isolation, when in
fact we are immersed in the perceptible with the whole body, and all perceptual
modalities act synergistically. So, we need to ask: what would a visual-auditory
experience be like? Ingold (2000) offers us some answers.
We have seen that both seeing and hearing are dynamic and participatory
experiences, which develop in light and sound, and are grounded respectively in

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the soil of the visible and the auditory. Moreover, they promote an encounter of
the seer with the seen, or of hearer and heard. The experiences in question
emerge from the correspondences of the in-between, which, due to their
synergistic and multisensory character, are full of visual-auditory (but also
olfactory, tactile and gustatory) nuance. Ingold (2000) has shown how the senses
of vision and hearing emmesh, leading in consequence to a widening and
intensification of perceptual experience:

Seeing with the ears stopped is qualitatively different from seeing

without, for the simple reason that a good deal of the information
controlling the movements of the organs of sight, including the eyes,
head and whole body, is picked up by hearing. Without that information,
vision is disoriented .... Conversely, hearing blindfold is qualitatively
different from hearing with one’s eyes open, for although the ears
(unlike the eyes) are immobile relative to the head, hearing is affected
by head and body movements which are partially guided by information
picked up by the operations of sight. (Ingold, 2000: 270)

Thus, another fundamental aspect in perceptual experience that Ingold

emphasizes is the body movement that accompanies it, which amplifies through
its spatial positioning the correspondences that are being established. In a
nutshell, we see and hear with the whole body immersed in the visible and
auditory, and the body in motion plays a key role in this.
Now imagine that this visual-auditory correspondence occurs in-between
two individuals, such as a dog and a rider working together in herding. In addition
to the elements presented above, facial expression, eye and head movement,
gestures in general and vocalizations stand out. Regarding facial expressions,
Merleau-Ponty (cited by Ingold, 2000: 272) observed that ‘I live in the facial
expressions of the other, as I feel him living in mine.’ This is known as the
‘reciprocal nature of vision’ (Berger, 1972: 9). This visual reciprocity – a sharing
of feelings through facial expressions – may also be expressed as kinaesthetic
empathy, emotional resonance or contagion (as seen in the previous chapter),
which promotes not only empathy but also the rhythmic synchrony of individual
movements. Thus, multisensory experience could be said to involve a communion
of sounds, visions and gestures, where the distant becomes near, promoting an

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empathic, joint, coordinated, attuned and rhythmic action in-between individuals
or, in short, a multisensory correspondence.

8.4. Correspondence is haptic48

One of the most important modes of correspondence in certain joint
activities, like ballroom dancing and horse riding, occurs through bodily contact,
established in the field of tactile perception. Horse riding, for example, entails
mutual bodily movements that produce sensations that demand response, asking
from both horse and rider exploratory actions that involve recognition and
understanding, and then action. This ‘dialogue’ only happens through the synergy
of bodies in contact; it is an experience of mutual bodily presence, a coexistence,
in which phenomenal bodies correspond. This experience is expressed in body
movements or postural changes which are perceived on the skin through
pressure changes in different regions of the body. But the mutual grasp of bodily
postures, in the experience of riding, is also a mutual grasp of intentions.
Therefore, while treating postural changes as gestures, we still need to know
how they are understood or grasped. To do so, I will resume a discussion I began
in chapter 5 on the importance of a basic knowledge of equine ethology and
physiology on the part of those who share their lives with horses, of how to learn
to be affected by horses, and of how this affect is perceived by the horses
themselves (see Section 5.5).
According to Merleau-Ponty (2005), in order to establish effective
correspondence in unfamiliar environments, it is necessary to take part in
communal life and to draw the meanings of words from their contexts of
utterance. Spoken words, for Merleau-Ponty, are ‘genuine gestures,’ and
gestures, as he insistently argued, do not convey something behind them but are
‘intermingled with the structure of the world outlined by the gesture’ (2005: 216),
founded in the common ground of practical experience. These practical contexts,
shared by horses and humans, were established long ago in the processes of
domestication, and were developed through the infrastructure and apparatuses

48
Haptic: relating to the sense of touch, origin Greek haptikos: ‘able to touch or grasp’ (Oxford English
Dictionary, 2013).

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that maintained the proximity of horses to humans, as well as by the techniques
of training and the continuous processes of enskilment in multiple activities,
exemplified here by cattle herding tasks.
In short, haptic correspondence, established in the field of tactile
perception and expressed through gestures, requires contact and bodily
movement, but above all reciprocity in grasping intentions. However, gestures
express not only intentions but also feelings, or rather, they are feelings in
themselves, and should therefore be explored as such, as we did in the last
chapter. My next topic will concern another field of correspondence that is also
fundamental to every kind of relation, including in-between human-nonhuman-
animal joint activities. This is the dynamic field, inextricable from haptic, visual
and auditory perception, such as in rhythmic dance performances.

8.5. Correspondence is rhythmic

The topic of movement occupies a prominent place in phenomenological
theory, and has inspired important work in many disciplines, among them
anthropology. It is through movement that one dwells in the world, with a
phenomenal body infused with intention, as Merleau-Ponty argues:

A movement is learned when the body has understood it, that is, when
it has incorporated it into its ‘world,’ and to move one’s body is to aim
at things through it …. (Merleau-Ponty, 2005: 160-61)

Ingold likewise concludes that ‘perception is fundamentally about

movement’ (2011: 11, original emphases). Ingold’s inspiration came in the first
place from the ecological psychology of James Gibson, for whom perception and
movement were always two sides of the same coin; it is from Merleau-Ponty,
however, that Ingold drew the component of bodily intentionality. This is
because, according to Ingold (2000), while agreeing on the centrality of the
movement to perception, Gibson and Merleau-Ponty differed in their
understanding of the world to be perceived. The ‘density’ of the notion of
movement in phenomenological theory lies in its embrace of both perception and
intention. In short, motion is not only a condition of the body as a phenomenal
entity; it is also an existential experience of being-in-the-world. However, when

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we refer to joint activities that require harmonious movements, it is essential that
their correspondence be rhythmic, calling for an attunement between participants
such that they can synchronise their movements. The questions, then, are: How
to achieve such synchrony, and what is involved in a rhythmic encounter?
We have seen that harmonious collective movements occur in-between
participants; in other words they emerge in their correspondence, but always in
an environmental context. This complexity and intricacy is illustrated by several
studies exploring the theme of synchrony or dynamic harmony between horses
and riders, especially relating to equestrian sports such as dressage (Lagarde et
al., 2005; Blokhuis et al., 2008; Clayton and Hobbs, 2017). Despite identifying
several conditions for effective correspondence in horse-rider pairs, however,
these studies are unanimous in stressing how difficult it is to access the secret of
good performance. Several studies look into specific aspects of the mechanics of
movement, with measurements of mount and rider, seat, saddle, posture and so
on. But even all these measurements are not enough to account for differences
of success. That is why I have opted for a more holistic analysis. I believe that in
order to get closer to what is involved in these multifaceted relations it is
necessary to explore dimensions that are often underestimated or even
disregarded in scientific studies, such as affective and perceptual aspects. Thus,
instead of attending separately to the measurable characteristics of horses and
riders – as has been usual in previous research on the topic – it is necessary to
penetrate the domain of the in-between. This is why studies from the field of
artistic practice, including dance and music, could help advance our
understanding of the correspondences in plural encounters with multiple
perceptual dimensions.
There is a rather well-explored concept in dance studies seeking to
investigate the relation between performance and audience (see, for example,
Reynolds, 2012), namely kinaesthetic49 empathy. The concept has also been used
in animal studies (Shapiro, 1990) and human geography (Paterson, 2009). In
fact, it is formed from the combination of two concepts, the first relating to the

49
From Greek: kinein ‘to set in motion; to move’ + aisthesis ‘perception.’ (From www.etymonline.com at
20/06/19).

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sense of the body movement and the second to relations based on one person’s
identification or grasp of feelings, sensations, or situations perceived in another.
Combining the two succinctly expresses how the perception of others’ bodily
movements enables us to know how they feel. However, while studies of dance
focus on visual perception, these concepts can be productively applied to contexts
of haptic perception as well, as we shall see.
Let us first explore the concept of kinesthesis a bit further, to understand
how it can be applied in different contexts. According to Paterson (2009, drawing
on Gibson 1966 and Howes 2003), kinesthesis, as part of the haptic system, is
‘the perception of the body’s movement not as a distinct, individuated sense but
as cutting across several perceptual systems,’ it ‘is a sense of movement that
utilizes a range of nerve information, including that of muscular tension and
balance,’ and moreover, ‘it is no single sense but works as a synergetic
conjunction or nexus of visceral sensation and exterior perception’ (2009: 769).
Another concept invoked by dance theorists is that of proprioception, often used
interchangeably with kinesthesis, but referring to another type of body
perception. Proprioception, also according to Paterson (2009), is taken as the
sense of bodily position; it is ‘a perceptual system based on the sensory returns
from nerve endings in the muscles, so that as part of one’s embodiment the
position of the body and limbs are felt’ (2009: 769). It concerns the perception
of the bodily axis, which refers its variations to the upright position. In short, both
kinaesthesia and proprioception are varieties of ‘bodily knowledge’ based on
perceptual systems that inform individuals about their bodily mobility and
position.
In the field of dance, applications of the notions of kinaesthesia and
proprioception, when dissociated from that of empathy, explore the ways in
which dancers and choreographers produce and evaluate the dynamic and spatial
qualities of their performances, on the basis of an attention or awareness focused
on their own bodies. The following excerpt from work by a dance scholar
illustrates this:

Proprioception is the perception of our body in space-time at any

moment of movement, and throughout the whole of it. It is the basis

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 for self-awareness and kinaesthetic aisthesis, affectivity, or the feeling
of what happens in dance. (Fraleigh, 2004: 127-28)

When kinaesthesia is accompanied by empathy, however, the concern of

dance theorists turns to the relation between performers and audience.
Researchers have explored this relation as a combined visual-kinaesthetic
experience, moving from self-perception to alter-perception via self-perception
and vice-versa, in an ongoing circuit. To this should be added the
correspondences relating to the rhythmic and auditory fields, due to the
predominant association of dance with music50. This interest in the
correspondence between the performance or work of art and its audience can be
extended to other fields such as music, painting and sculpture. And since studies
that take this approach are working in the domain of affects, characteristic of the
artistic universe, they tend to accord pride of place to the phenomenal body,
making frequent appeal to phenomenology and, more recently, to
neuroscience51.
According to Reynolds (2013), the notion of kinaesthetic empathy was
foregrounded in the field of dance in the 1920s and 30s due to the emergence
of new forms of dance which did not present a linear narrative structure
comparable to classical ballet. These performances promoted new forms of
spectator engagement, and among the first to reflect on the subject was the New
York Times dance critic John Martin, who introduced the term ‘kinesthetic
sympathy.’ From there, research on kinaesthesia and empathy and its
appropriations has expanded to many disciplines. Much of this research takes its
bearings from James Gibson’s The Senses Considered as Perceptual Systems
(1966), in which he proposed a view of multisensorial perception as an
exploratory movement of the whole body rather than as the mental processing
of received stimuli. Long before that, Theodor Lipps had published his Asthetik:
Psychologie des Schönen und der Kunst (1903-06). Lipps drew on the concept of
empathy (Einfühlung) proposed by David Hume52, arguing that it entails an

50
An interesting work on this theme is Sawyer, 1985.
51
See, for example: Foster, 2016; Montero, 2006a; and Montero, 2006b.
52
Hume, David. (1711-1776). A Treatise of Human Nature.

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observer-object ‘fusion,’ as well as an ‘inner imitation’ (also known as ‘internal
mimesis’). The author illustrates his argument with the performance of a
tightrope acrobat, in which the bodily emotional expressions and movements of
the acrobat are pre-reflexively perceived, as well as kinaesthetically expressed
and emotionally felt by the observer. Lipps’ work influenced, among others,
Edmund Husserl and Edith Stein, and has inspired ‘present-day concepts of
emotional contagion and perception-action models of empathy’ (Montag et al,
2008: 1261). Of particular note in the area of neuroscience is the research on so-
called ‘mirror neurons’ led by the Italian neurophysiologist Giacomo Rizzolatti,
which has influenced researchers in dance (Sheets-Johnstone, 2012), neuro and
cognitive science (Freedberg and Gallese, 2007) and philosophy and cognitive
science (Gallagher, 2005).
It is of particular interest here is to follow the development of the notion
of kinaesthetic empathy within the field of dance. Research by dance scholar Dee
Reynolds, entitled Watching Dance, reflects at length on the notion of
kinaesthetic empathy. In one of her publications (2013), Reynolds looks at the
different ways in which spectators refer to performances in different dance
genres, analysing them along the three axes of affect, contagion and empathy.
She argues that the notion of empathy, despite its origin in studies of movement
(Lipps, 1903-06), takes on different contours when appropriated by cognitive
science and neuroscience (see, for example, Leiberg and Anders, 2006; and Blair,
2009). In these disciplines, empathy implies an understanding of the situation,
intention and emotion of others, or the ability to put oneself in the place of the
other, or even ‘a cognitive capacity to take the perspective of the other person.’
Reynolds adopts the term ‘kinaesthetic affect’ for what she calls ‘embodied
responses,’ more aligned to ‘affective encounter’ than ‘emotional identification.’
Affect, for her, is still ‘pre-cognitive’ (I would prefer to say pre-reflective), and its
focus is on the ‘materiality of sensation rather than interpersonal relations
between individual subjects’ (2013: 213).
When it comes to contagion, Reynolds argues that unlike empathy, it ‘does
not require preservation of the awareness of distinctions between self and other.’
She cites an example of emotional contagion pointed out by Edith Stein, ‘a child

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seeing another crying, cries too’ (Reynolds, 2013: 213). Stein expressed the
distinction between contagion and empathy in the following terms:

We speak of the contagion or transference of feeling in such cases. It is

very plain that the actual feelings aroused in us do not serve a cognitive
function, that they do not announce a foreign experience to us as
empathy does. (Stein, 1989: 23).

Emotional contagion, for Reynolds, is more an embodiment of emotion than a

mutual understanding of feelings. At the same time, like affection, it is
‘involuntary’ and ‘contagious’ because it takes anyone by surprise. It is as if
people were saturated by these feelings that have been indiscriminately
transferred.
Reynolds also discusses the context-specific character of artistic
experiences, mostly dance performances, but also including film and music. Such
experiences are lived differently by spectators and audiences: there are distinct
ways of being affected, undergoing contagion of feeling empathy, depending on
their characteristics such as memories, trajectories, motivations, and so on.
Summarizing what we have seen so far, dance studies show that
spectators, even while standing still, correspond with performances by perceiving
in their own bodies the bodily movements of the dancers. In other words, they
correspond by combining the perceptual systems of vision and kinaesthesis.
These experiences can manifest differently, depending on the elements mobilized
in the spectators, whether empathic, affective or contagious, or any combination
of these. Empathy implies an interpersonal involvement, with the emergence of
the distinction between self and other, besides an understanding of the other’s
situation, intentions and emotions. Affect involves bodily responses focused on
the materiality of sensation, without interpersonal or emotional involvement, in
addition to being involuntary (of pre-reflective) and infectious. Contagion, in turn,
is close to empathy with regard to its emotional aspect, yet it occurs by way of a
saturation of feeling, without any understanding of, or identification with, the
other; like affect, it is involuntary and infectious. Finally, we have noted the
context-specificity of lived experiences.
Reflections on kinaesthetic empathy, its variations and unfolding, are
valuable for the current investigation for several reasons. First, they indicate

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possible ways of understanding relations that are mostly established without
words, as between human and nonhuman animals. Second, they emphasize the
multisensory character of perceptual phenomena, that is, the way in which
perceptual systems act in combination, as exemplified in the correspondence
between spectators and dancers in performance. This underwrites the combined
action of the visual and kinaesthetic systems in mobilizing and being mobilized
by feelings, emotions, affects and intentions, and is very relevant for our
investigation of herding group relationships which partake of visual, auditory,
haptic, rhythmic and emotional fields. Third, they confirm the context-specificity
of lived experience.
On the other hand, Reynolds’ approach, in my view, lacks a wider
appreciation of the multilateral nature of artistic experience, more specifically by
bringing dancers, musicians, choreographers, scenographers, and others into the
debate. Recognising that relationships of this nature, or correspondences,
emerge in-between, from an ongoing multiplicity, calls for a more balanced or
holistic approach. To investigate the rhythmic aspects of these relationships, it is
still necessary to explore them more thoroughly, since rhythm seems to be the
key element that unites haptic and kinaesthetic fields.

8.6. Combining rhythm and touch

Studies of kinaesthetic empathy and its variants have shown that
spectators and dancers mostly correspond through a multisensory experience
that combines visual and own-body perceptions. However, for the purposes of
the current investigation, it is the haptic correspondence between horse and rider
in rhythmic movement, which calls for partners to synchronise or coordinate their
gestures, on which we need to focus our attention. And this takes us to studies
more of music than of dance, since despite some research on the relation
between dance and music, contemporary dance studies have been little
concerned with the rhythmic relation between dancers. Here, then, we will
investigate how relations are established in rhythmic events that require
attunement, synchrony or harmony.

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 To speak of rhythm and synchronicity is also to invoke time and its
connection with kinaesthetic empathy, as Reynolds points out when she states
that ‘movement dynamics unfold in time and … this temporal dimension is a key
aspect of kinaesthetic empathy’ (2013: 212). This statement gives us a clue to
the interdependence between empathy and affect (or emotional contagion) in
events which call for rhythm and synchronicity. Game, for example, argues that
‘It is through rhythm that we, horse and rider, come to inhabit riding, as a
musician inhabits a piece of music, or a writer a text. And the movement of music,
riding, writing, lives in us as we live in it.’ (2001: 8). In short, dwelling in
harmonious joint activity entails synchronized and rhythmic correspondence
between the participants.
In the field of dance, the importance of the relation between movement,
rhythm and emotion was also highlighted by H'Doubler, who argued that ‘One of
the most vital factors in dance is the physical, sensuous effect of rhythmic motion’
(1968: 85); and by Sawyer who, referring to music and dance, states that ‘rhythm
remains [their] generating force’ (1985: 15). Moreover, as is well-known,
rhythmic dance is associated with musical beat and even the ‘natural’ human
urge to follow musical pulse, whether by tapping the fingers or the feet. The
choreographer and scholar Susan Foster (2016) wonders ‘Why is there always
energy for dancing?,’ and answers by exploring ‘dance as relation.’ Following this
path, she found a body of work on the relationship between music and
movement, of which I shall highlight works investigating phenomena related to
rhythm and synchrony.
Burger et al. (2012: 183, citing Leman 2007) claim that humans respond
‘to the beat and the rhythm patterns’ of music. They characterize the rhythmic
music beats as different ‘energy bursts in time’ and, when these beats are
displayed in a regular and repetitive way, they lead to a perception of pulse.
Rhythm, then, emerges from the ‘basic metrical structure’ formed by beat and
pulse. Drawing on Madison et al. (2011), the authors observe that certain
rhythmic characteristics, such as ‘event density’ or ‘beat salience,’ produce an
effect that induces human movement. On this basis, Burger et al. (2012)
conducted an experiment in which sixty people were exposed to different musical

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genres. One of their results was that ‘temporal regularity,’ or synchronicity, was
encouraged by instruments that highlight the rhythm and have a well-defined
pulse, such as drums and bass.
Another interesting notion employed in studies of rhythm and movement,
but also present in works on horse-human relations (Game, 2001), is
entrainment. According to Levitin et al. (2018), entrainment occurs when there
is a synchronization between bodily movements and music. In short, entrainment
is about the correspondence of bodily movements and rhythmic events, such as
in music, with special emphasis on emerging synchronization. One study, for
example, carried out with infants aged from 5 to 24 months (Zentner and Eerola,
2010), showed that the infants responded better to musical stimuli with
emphatically marked rhythms, suggesting that there is a spontaneous human
propensity to synchronize with events of a rhythmic nature. Clayton’s (2013)
discussions of entrainment in groups of performing musicians are also worthy of
note. Treating each group as a ‘complex system,’ Clayton observes that results
were achieved in performance, for example concerning rhythm and metre, that
could not have been predicted by individual members of the group, concluding
that these are of a pre-reflective order (2013: 2). The relevance of entrainment
to this is that musicians can play in time with one another even when every player
is performing on a different kind of instrument (each with its own endogenous
rhythms), achieving coordination on the basis of both auditory and visual
attention (2013: 7). Besides the precision of entrainment, Clayton is also
interested in its spontaneity. Spontaneous entrainment, in his view, would require
a ‘perfect 1:1 in-phase synchronization’ which is unattainable in practice (2013:
8). Indeed a certain temporal discrepancy is appreciated by the audience, giving
the performance a so-called groove. I will turn to this later.
Some studies of entrainment focus on synchronicity between people who
share musical events. Their entrainment, then, is not only musical but also social.
So-called social entrainment has aroused the interest of researchers in a number
of disciplines, mostly musicology and psychology. Their focus is on the mutual
affectivity of shared musical experiences, with special attention to predominantly

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rhythmic styles. Kirschner and Tomasello (2009)53, for example, investigated 36
children (in age groups of 2.5, 3.5 and 4.5 years), who ‘were invited to drum
along with either a human partner, a drumming machine, or a drum sound
coming from a speaker’ (2009: 299), and the results showed that all the children
were better synchronised when accompanied by a social partner. On this basis,
the authors argue that such social experience, requiring joint action, encourages
and motivates children to synchronize their movements in shared rhythmic
activities54.
Another key topic in the discussion of rhythm and music is the effect of
physical contact on synchronicity, as for example between dancers relating their
movements through touch. This has not received the same attention from
researchers as auditory and visual perception; however some studies do exist,
which could enrich our discussion of the correspondence in-between human and
nonhuman animals. One deals with the multisensory effect of synchronicity in
rhythmic events involving two human partners (Wing et al., 2010), which points
to an improvement in the synchronicity of movements when the haptic and
auditory systems operate simultaneously rather than in isolation. Other studies
have investigated dance activities, two focusing on pairs of dancers performing
traditional Greek dance, and the third on a group of folk dancers.
They also compared the synchrony of performances with more and less
experienced couples. The results showed (1) that with all couples, the more
reliable the tactile correspondence the greater the synchrony; and (2) that
haptically induced synchrony was reduced as the rhythmic frequency of the music
was increased, such that non-experienced couples lost the rhythm while the
experienced ones kept it. Finally, Chauvigné et al., in a study of a group of folk
dancers, investigated its dynamic synchrony and coordination by evaluating their
auditory (‘to the beat of music’), visual (‘seeing their fellow dancers’) and haptic
(‘holding hands in a circle’) correspondence (2019: 199). From the results
obtained, the authors concluded that the removal of any of these perceptual

53
See also Van Noorden et al., 2017.
54
For anyone interested in further exploring this theme, a body of studies carried out over the past decade
has been devoted to social entrainment, among them an interesting article on the origins and evolution
of this research (Kim et al. 2019).

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systems would lead to a significant reduction in group synchrony, besides
pointing to the key role of haptic correspondence (bodily contact) in group
coordination.
Though the experiments reviewed above are mainly in the field of
psychology and embodied cognition, they resonate interestingly with
perspectives from dance studies. According to Fraleigh, for example,

Touch is entwined with kinaesthetic movement awareness and our

aesthetic resonance with the other. … Contact improvisation and contact
partnering in choreography explore the tactile/kinaesthetic. When
dancers touch each other in their movement, they explicitly expand
proprioceptive awareness in tactile terms. Contact improvisers locate
kinaesthetic awareness between bodies in touch as they pursue the
giving and taking of weight…Touch is primary in dance partnering,
embedded in proprioceptive space-time awareness, but it also pervades
the dance aesthetic …. (Fraleigh, 2004: 127)

Here, Fraleigh establishes a relationship between the perception of one's own

body and the perception of the other's body through the combination of
kinaesthesia and touch, as well as showing how bodies relate by an exchange of
weights. The aesthetic dimension arises here as not just an expression of beauty
but the emergent coordination and synchrony of the dancers.
These studies of the relation between synchrony and multisensory
perception, intentionally chosen to include tactile correspondence, have shown
that: (1) the more perceptual systems are combined in rhythmic events, the
greater the synchrony between pairs or groups of dancers; (2) the presence of
experienced dancers (in dance pairs with novices) and fingertip touch help
synchronise rhythmic performances, as long as touch maintains its effectiveness,
which is lower at higher rhythmic frequencies; and (3) the haptic effect of holding
hands in a dance group is more effective for synchronisation and coordination
than visual and auditory perception. But there is still a final aspect to present
which concerns a notion characterized by the promotion or stimulation of
movement, namely, the groove.
As noted earlier, a certain asynchronicity in musical performances
produces an effect appreciated by the audience and even by the performers
themselves; this is known as ‘groove.’ It is worth exploring how this effect is

218
produced, since it can contribute to what flows through and in-between
harmonious joint activities.
Although some recent work has contested that a subtle time difference
between musicians is responsible for the motor effect of groove in musical
performances (Davies et al., 2013; Merker, 2014), the argument based on the
presence of ‘tensions,’ ‘participatory discrepancies’ or ‘swing’ seems more robust
and empirically coherent. The ethnomusicologist Charles Keil, for example, gave
academic visibility to groove and defined it in terms of ‘participatory
discrepancies,’ mainly based in polka and jazz rhythms. According to the Keil:

It is the little discrepancies within a jazz drummer's beat, between bass

and drums, between rhythm section and soloists, that create ‘swing’ and
invite us to participate. (Keil, 1987: 277)

Keil’s studies show that groove or swing feelings were ‘full of discrepancies, both
“out of time” and “out of tune”,’ which invited participation (1987: 279). From
our point of view, what makes Keil’s arguments on participation, action and
movement particularly pertinent is his conception of a ‘real world’ full of
ambiguities and subject to constant transformations, thus calling for perpetual
improvisation and negotiation, or in other words, an ongoing search for
synchronicity, harmony, ensemble and consensus, none of which is ever actually
reached. It is the search – the interminable trying – that keeps the movement
going.
Bigenho (2002: 30), working on Bolivian musical performances and dances
(cueca, bailecito and carnaval), uses Keil's notion of ‘participatory discrepancies’
to explain the audience's motivation to dance. According to her, the micro-level
tension generated by a complex relationship between meter and rhythm – that
is, the ‘ambiguity of meter’ (between 3/4 and 6/8) – entices a body into
movement.
In line with Keil's idea of instability – of a real world in incessant change –
Ingold (2000) characterises ‘social time’ as rhythmic, in contrast to the
mechanical repetitions of chronological time. For him the essence of rhythm lies
‘in the successive building up and resolution of tension, on the principle that every
resolution is itself a preparation for the next building-up’ (2000: 197). According

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to Ingold, this principle is exemplified in such skilled activity as sawing a plank,
which calls not only for rhythm but also for dexterity, in order to ‘bring into phase
an ensemble of concurrent movements, both within and beyond the body’ (2011:
18).
Finally, the work of Lefebvre (2004), which inspired Ingold's arguments on
rhythm, also deals with ‘groove,’ ‘swing’ or ‘participatory discrepancies,’ despite
not mentioning these terms. According to him, a rhythmic movement necessarily
implies repetition, but for it to be rhythmic it still requires difference in repetition,
that is, discrepancies. Otherwise, we would have a monotonous, mechanical,
quantitative movement, which could not entice bodies to move. In Lefebvre's
words:

While mechanical repetition works by reproducing the instant that

precedes it, rhythm preserves both the measure that initiates the
process and the re-commencement of this process with modifications,
therefore with its multiplicity and plurality. Without repeating identically
‘the same,’ but by subordinating the same to alterity and even
alteration, which is to say, to difference. (Lefebvre, 2004: 79)

But for emotional beings seeking harmonization or attunement in their joint

performances, the sought-after rhythmic correspondence is found in the
establishment of a relationship between movements through feel, which lies in
an attentiveness to the difference in repetition.
The inspiring notion of groove or swing opens up many possible analogies,
suggesting how we might better understand synchronicity in the rhythmic
movement emerging from joint activities calling for harmonious correspondence
in-between participants, as we will see in the next chapter.

8.7. Conclusions
We began with the concept of correspondence, at the core of which lies
the notion of the in-between. The concept has proved fundamental for
understanding relationships from a holistic and phenomenological perspective,
overcoming the limitations of a view of communication restricted to the exchange
of information. We have seen that correspondence implies encounters based on
questions and responses from both sides, and as all participants are equally

220
immersed in this experience, it is not possible to attribute individual authorship
to what emerges in-between. The experience, furthermore, is only possible when
bodies are open to it, when they become available to each other, when they
create a place of confluence, a mode of attunement, when they dwell in it and
as a result – corresponding with each other – they correspond in-between.
Next, we have explored how the perceptual fields of vision, hearing and
touch participate in the wider experience of dwelling, or being in the world, and
how they constitute modes of correspondence. We have found that they afford
a richer, broader, deeper, more nuanced and harmonious perceptual experience
when approached together, in the multisensory experience of whole-body
immersion in the world. This experience, as we have seen, is inseparable from
bodily movement, and therefore from the gestures and facial expressions that
constitute it. This is how dogs and humans, for example, correspond in herding
activities, where the communion of sounds, visions, gestures and emotions,
besides promoting an empathic, joint, coordinated, attuned and rhythmic action
in-between individuals, amounts to a multisensory correspondence.
We have seen that for certain joint activities, like ballroom dancing and
horse riding, correspondence is mostly grounded in the haptic field. Taking the
latter as an example, I have highlighted the main flows that emerge in-between
the bodies of horses and riders. Thus, when it comes to the experience of mutual
bodily presence, a continuous circuit of questions and answers, perceived at the
surface of the skin through certain points of contact and postural changes, stand
out. In addition, since gestures are perceived to be purposive, this questioning
and answering can be understood as a mutual grasping of intentions. However,
for the experience to flow in tune, horses and riders need to have already learned
to be affected by each other. This requirement is established over time on the
common foundation of conviviality and shared practical experience, in the
processes of domestication, in the infrastructure and apparatuses that maintain
the proximity of horses to humans, in techniques of training, and in ongoing
practices of enskilment.
We went on to show how bodily movement is central to a
phenomenological approach to perception, following Merleau-Ponty’s (2005) and

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Ingold’s (2000) insistence that it is through movement that we dwell in the world.
We move with a phenomenal body that is itself animated by intentions. Joint
activities, however, require that these movements be harmonised; that is, they
demand synchrony and rhythm. However, studies of the harmony between
horses and riders in sports activities (mainly dressage) have found it difficult to
identify the elements which best account for athletes’ success or failure. This
difficulty arises from the lack of a more holistic approach which would give priority
to what emerges in-between horse and rider. This led us to review research in
the artistic fields of dance and music, which focuses on how bodies in motion
achieve rhythmic performance. To this end, we have explored a range of studies
of how dance performers correspond with their audiences, primarily through
combining vision and bodily movement, from which we derived notions of
kinaesthesia, proprioception, kinaesthetic empathy, kinaesthetic affect and
emotional contagion. Furthermore, we highlighted the importance of considering
the context-specific character of lived experiences. Occurring in the domain of
the in-between, they demand a more holistic approach that takes the
environment more broadly into account. Studies of dance, we concluded, are
valuable for understanding joint activities involving human and nonhuman
animals, where similar conditions obtain.
In the final section, again through the fields of dance and music, we
assessed the influence of rhythmic events or performances on the attunement,
synchronization and stimulation of movement. With respect to dance, we saw
that kinaesthetic empathy is closely linked to the unfolding of movement
dynamics in time, and that the harmony of the performance is all the greater the
more markedly rhythmic the event. In short, dwelling in harmonious joint
activities entails the synchronized and rhythmic correspondence of participants.
In the field of musical performance, following the same principle as in dance
studies, we stressed that the induction of human movements in response to
rhythmic performance is related to a repetitive temporal pattern marked by a
clearly perceived pulse and beat. In studies of music, however, this
synchronization of movement with beat is defined as entrainment, a concept
which also appears in research on horse-riding. Entrainment is about the in-

222
between correspondence of bodily movements and rhythmic musical
performances, with special emphasis on their emerging synchronization. We
found that the tendency to synchronize body movements with rhythmic beats is
characterized as pre-reflective, that is, as a spontaneous or natural human
propensity. Furthermore, studies have shown that synchronisation with rhythmic
events increases when shared socially – that is, through social entrainment.
Finally, evaluating studies of rhythmic events in contexts that combine dance and
music, one can identify (1) the influence of different sensory modalities in the
synchronization of dancers and musicians, as well as (2) the phenomena that
entice bodies to move. The former shows that the more perceptual systems are
combined in rhythmic events, the greater the synchronisation of pairs or groups
of dancers, and that the presence of experienced dancers (in dance pairs with
novices) and the use of fingertip touch help synchronise rhythmic performances,
as long as touch maintains its effectiveness, which is reduced at higher rhythmic
frequencies. It also shows that in a dance group, the haptic awareness that
comes from holding hands is more effective in promoting synchrony and
coordination than both visual and auditory perception. The latter shows that in
musical performance, a deliberately induced temporal discrepancy can have a
stimulating effect that is appreciated not only by audiences but also by musicians
themselves, as it invites bodies to participate, impelling them to move or even to
dance – an effect known as groove or swing. In addition, we saw that these
participatory discrepancies emerge from the relations between movements, that
is, from the difference in repetition, and that rhythmic correspondence only can
be achieved through a feeling of rhythm grounded on an attentiveness to this
difference. More broadly, these notions of participation, action and movement
imply a ‘real world’ that is full of ambiguity and subject to constant
transformation, calling therefore for perpetual improvisation and negotiation in
an ongoing search for synchronicity, harmony and consensus which, in practice,
can never be reached. This drives the pursuit, the movement, as an interminable
trying.
Overall, this chapter has provided the elements that up to now have been
lacking, to allow us to approach, holistically and with confidence, experiences as

223
rich and as nuanced as cattle herding. The multidisciplinary approach we have
proposed is indispensable for an anthropology that aims to go beyond humanity.

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Chapter 9
The Herding Group in Action

9.1. Introduction
The first two sections of this chapter will be dedicated to cattle. Some main
characteristics of the animals that make up the herds will be briefly described,
mostly aiming to complement the plural scenario experienced in herding activities
on São Luiz farm. These cattle characteristics, including their senses, social
behaviour, personalities, affective bonds, and attachment to the environment,
along with basic rules of cattle handling, will prove fundamental to our analysis
of the dynamics of the herding group. A striking peculiarity in the relationship
between humans and cattle, as we shall see, is the emotional distance inevitably
required of farmers in order to see beef cattle as commodities.
Overall, however, the main purpose of this chapter will be to present the
herding group in action. I will describe the activities in which I have participated
during my fieldwork on São Luiz farm, namely routine farm inspections, cattle
gathering, driving and separation for sale, as well as the tasks undertaken in
handling facilities. Through the presentation of these joint activities, the
correspondences established within the herding group and between it and the
cattle herds will be analysed. These activities will be evaluated in the light of the
material gathered in previous chapters. Building on results built up throughout
this study, I will show how a plural group formed by dogs, horses and humans
works together in herding activities which call for multiple characteristics, skills
and competences. Of these, the following stand out: perceptual modalities;
emotional bonds and related feelings; the roles played and movements, rhythms
and configurations adopted in the different activities; the physical and emotional
distances between group members and between them and the herds; as well as
the infrastructure of the farm and the equipment used.

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9.2. Cattle
Not by chance, Karl Marx (1907) adopted the example of cattle to
differentiate between fixed capital (labouring cattle) and circulating capital (beef
cattle), for the word cattle comes from the Anglo-French term catel (mid-13th
century), which meant ‘property of any kind, including money, land, income.’55
Thus the idea of raising beef cattle as a capital-generating commodity is quite
old. The term livestock is another ancient reference to the capital value of herds
of living animals. As we saw in the chapter dedicated to domestication, animals
were already being conceived as property from several thousand years ago, and
over time such property became synonymous with wealth and power. However,
the transformation of living beings into commodities was accompanied by ethical
conflicts related to animal welfare and suffering, especially in herds destined for
the meat industry, as is still the case with beef cattle on São Luiz farm. In order
to deal with this reality, and aware of the fate that would eventually befall their
animals, farmers had to maintain a certain emotional distance from them. But
the relationship between humans and beef cattle is not without conflicts of
feeling, as we will see below.
Compared with the other animals under investigation here, which are
associated with humans as working partners, cattle have been little studied for
their emotional condition. In this regard, I would hazard some likely answers.
First, most of their relations with humans occur in contexts of beef and dairy
production, in which utilitarian values prevail, whether directed towards the
animals themselves, as in meat production, or towards their produce, as with
dairy. The treatment of cattle as commodities is much more evident in meat
production, especially when dairy production occurs in a traditional way, that is,
manually, as we will see later in the case of the Angico farm. Seeing beef cattle
primarily as commodities implies a certain position with regard to the slaughter
of living beings, as Kohler notes:

The relationship that breeders have with cows for fattening refers to the
‘objectification’ described by Sergio Dalla Bernardina [1991], who

55
From www.etymonline.com/word/cattle, accessed at 17/06/2020.

226
 suggests that we do not kill animals because they are things, but that
we consider them things in order to kill them. (Kohler, 2012: 161)

Second, cattle, like horses, are prey animals and hiding emotions is a feature that
helps them guard against predation. This characteristic has at least two
consequences for our discussion: their emotions are not so easily accessible to
humans, unlike those of dogs, for example; and, by the same token, it is easier
to treat them as commodities. Yet breeders typically present contrasting feelings
towards animals they see being born and whom they go on to care for – in short,
with whom they maintain close, almost daily contact. In this regard, a
conversation I had with Lasier, while we were driving a herd to the corrals in
order to separate a group to be sold to a slaughterhouse, is quite revealing. We
were riding after the herd and next to us were a few tame cows, including a
former dairy cow whose milk had fed Lasier’s daughter, and he told me that it
was sad to see an individual with whom he had such a close relationship being
sent to the slaughterhouse.
One might think that Lasier’s testimony would be an isolated case, but
among the few studies devoted to relationships between breeders and beef cattle
I could mention two which discuss similar situations, namely by Kohler (2012)
and Ellis (2014). The former is an ethnographic study of a French family farm
which raised a herd of Blonde d'Aquitaine, in which females were kept in order
to increase the herd and the males sold to the meat industry. According to Kohler
(2012: 161), an owner said that it was ‘hard not to get attached,’ and that was
why she used to refrain ‘from developing relationships with bulls,’ but, on the
other hand, it was ‘easy to maintain bonds with the females,’ which stayed ‘there
for long years’ (free translation from French). In the latter study, the author
investigated several beef cattle producers in the USA and found that ‘ranchers
recognize cattle as having agentic qualities, express emotional connections, and
feel empathy for their experiences,’ at the same time that ‘they also treat them
as economic assets’ (Ellis, 2014: 111).
Another author who discusses the ‘emotional detachment’ necessary to
cope with animal raising for the meat industry is Buller (2013), but he does so
from a different perspective. According to him, ‘utilitarianism is – by necessity –

227
a philosophy of the mass, of the undifferentiated,’ and to ‘see things as numbers
requires detachment’ (2013: 159). In other words, individual personalities make
for closer relationships, in the same way that closer relationships make for
individual personalities, as in the case of the humans, horses and dogs on São
Luiz farm; while collectivities make for more distant ones, as in the case of the
farm’s herds of beef cattle. However, utilitarian relationships do not always imply
emotional detachment, as for example on dairy farms. I myself had the
opportunity to witness established affective bonds between farmers and dairy
cows, in the countryside of the municipality of Bagé, in Rio Grande do Sul.
During my fieldwork, I spent an afternoon at the property of Mr Manoel
Acylo Azambuja and his daughter Rossaura Azambuja, on Angico farm, where
they raised dairy cattle of the Jersey breed. As we talked, and drank coffee with
milk, butter and cheese from their own herd, surrounded by countless awards
received for his breeding over the years, I learned that Mr Acylo (as he was
called) started raising dairy cows in order to provide the milk to feed his first
daughter. At the time he bought two cows, one a Jersey and the other a Holstein.
While the first adapted very well to the region, the latter did not survive. I learned
that Jersey cows are very docile, in addition to being excellent milk producers
(with an average of 16.5 litres per day for each cow, in two milking sessions).
Moreover, all Mr Acylo’s cows (numbering around 140 at the time) had names
and were habituated to human contact from a young age, making the
relationships established with them very close and affective. These affective
relations were mainly due to the way the cows were treated since their birth on
the farm. Mr Acylo and Rossaura said that cows like affection, especially when
scratched on the chin and neck, so much so that they repeatedly solicit such care.
In short, cattle are indisputably recognised as emotional beings both in
the establishment of affective bonds with humans, in which human and animal
bodies create ‘partial affinities’ (Despret 2013) through their mutual proximity;
and in the detachment mechanism operated by farmers to deal with the inevitable
fate of animals that will eventually be sold and slaughtered for their beef.
Another characteristic very evident in cattle herds is that besides the well-
known differences in breed temperament, like Jersey and Hereford meekness as

228
opposed to the nervous Angus and Nellore, individuals also have distinct
personalities. But as is also well-known, the behaviour of cattle reflects several
other factors besides the breed, including the type of management, sex, whether
cows are with or without calves, and familiarity with human contact. However,
within mixed groups, or even groups of the same breed, individuals stand out for
their personalities. I remember a bull from my childhood, on my uncles’ farm – I
think it was a Nellore because it was all white, huge and with a hump on top of
the neck – that refused to stay inside the corrals, and invariably jumped over the
fences, however high they were. This bull was for me the epitome of the ferocious
and indomitable animal. On São Luiz farm, in turn, where Hereford and Angus
cattle were mixed, it was evident that in the movement of the herds, the meekest
individuals remained at the rear, while the most nervous or restless animals
generally took the lead. Kohler (2012), in her ethnography of the Blonde
d’Aquitaine breeding farm, also mentioned individuals who stood out for their
characteristic personalities, such as sweet, aggressive, funny, shy, trustworthy
and affectionate.
Regarding the sensory structure of cattle, because they are livestock,
gregarious and formerly a prey species (like horses, sheep and goats), their
sensory modalities are geared to group-living and the avoidance of predation.
Compared to human vision, they have a much greater visual range, like that of
horses (see figure 27). Humans have frontally positioned eyes, rounded pupils
and a central region (the fovea centralis) with a high density of cells, which
provide a sharp central vision but occupy only 5 degrees of the total visual field,
which is from 214 to 218 degrees (Strasburger, 2019). In contrast, cattle56 have
eyes set to the side of the skull, oval pupils and a narrow horizontal band (or
visual streak), where cells are densely concentrated, providing a sort of
panoramic visual field - monocular vision can reach up to 200 degrees on average
(Leblanc, 2013). However the focal resolution of cattle is lower than that of
humans. As for horses, according to Leblanc (2013: 127), they ‘can accurately

56
Due to the scarcity of data on the visual perception of cattle, most of the information presented here
refers to the visual perception of horses, and is justified on the grounds of their similarity (see Beaver and
Höglund, 2016: 14).

229
discriminate objects appearing laterally up to an angle of around 138 degrees,’
but ‘at an angle of 162 degrees or more, [they] are difficult to identify.’
Nevertheless, it is less important for them to capture details than to perceive
potential threats, such as oncoming predators, from far away. In addition, their
visual field is reduced when they raise their heads, in relation to their grazing
position, and their monocular visual acuity is lower than binocular, and this is
lower than the human. This results in a more intense reaction to moving and
small objects. Furthermore, other elements related to visual perception must be
considered, especially when a cohesive herd is driven at a slow walking pace,
namely attention, fixation and peripheral vision.
As for humans, outside that small central region of great visual acuity,
there is a wide and well-known peripheral area, covering around 90% of the total
visual field, in which visual acuity is reduced as we move away from the edge of
the fovea centralis. In addition, there are at least two other variables that
contribute to the configuration of the central and peripheral vision. One of them
is fixation, which directs the focus or central vision to a specific point,
consequently placing peripheral vision around it. Imagine yourself in front of a
natural scene like a landscape. How do you visually embrace this vast ‘image’
with such a restricted focal area? One way is to move your head and encompass
the horizon that opens in front of you. Another way is to move only your eyes
and cover a less extensive horizon, though still vast. Both ways require the
second variable, that is, visual spatial attention. In order to apprehend a broad
image of a landscape, it is necessary to move the eyes (that is, to make saccadic
eye movements) towards several points that stand out in this landscape, chosen
by overt attention. Where, by contrast, the eyes fix without movement on certain
salient regions, the next saccades are chosen by covert attention. This process
combines noticing and inspecting, in which the former is borne by peripheral
vision and the latter by central vision (Daw, 2012). For herbivores, such as cattle
and horses, the process is quite similar to that of humans, despite their different
visual constitutions. For example, when a cattle herd is calmly moving, individuals
are mostly paying attention to irregularities of the terrain before them, as well as
to the conspecifics around them. As they are using predominantly binocular

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vision, their monocular vision becomes blurred (Leblanc, 2013). Nonetheless,
they do not lose the ability to perceive contrasting shapes and shades, as well as
lateral movements, as occurs in human peripheral vision. Furthermore, on
account of the different ratio between rods and cones of livestock animals
compared to that of humans, their vision is dichromatic rather than trichromatic,
promoting a greater sensitivity, and consequent capacity to avoid objects with
sharply contrasting colours. So it is easy to imagine how cattle perceive, and
avoid, black and white dogs, such as Border Collies or Ovelheiros, moving around
them.
As for hearing, according to Beaver and Höglund (2016), cattle fall within
the maximum range of frequencies for livestock species, from 23 Hz to 35 kHz,
while the human range is from 17 Hz to 31 kHz. Subjecting sensitive animals to
‘sudden and intermittent sounds’ (2016: 21) can therefore lead them to become
agitated during handling. With respect to smell, the authors emphasize that
species such as cattle are ‘macrosomatic’ due to the large size of their olfactory
bulbs, compared with humans, who are ‘microsomatic.’ When it comes to touch,
Beaver and Höglund (2016) mention that cattle respond positively to gentle
touches from known people.
As we have already observed, cattle are gregarious, meaning that they live
in groups, moving, eating and resting together rather than alone. Their social
correspondence is very apparent, and relevant to those who have to deal with
them. Among species of domestic livestock, cattle have the most complex social
order. When free, they tend to form small groups composed of adult females and
young animals, in addition to organizing themselves around older females. That
is, they are matriarchal. Adult males (bulls), in turn, lead solitary lives and only
join the herds during mating periods. However, the productive systems used in
beef cattle farms alter their social structure. It is important not to modify it too
radically in order to avoid psychological and physical stress, which could damage
the herds’ development. Let us see, then, how cattle usually structure themselves
under managed conditions.
As they are social beings, the most stressful situation is the isolation of an
individual, unless eye contact with the group is maintained. Preserving the

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cohesion of group members has a calming effect, even in stressful situations.
Groups have a social order that is fundamental to their harmony and stability.
According to Beaver and Höglund (2016: 25), ‘there is a relative ranking between
individuals that is quite stable and subtle.’ The position occupied by an animal in
that order depends on age (younger individuals are in lower positions), height
and weight (the taller and heavier are in higher positions), sex (adult females
below adult males, more precisely oxen), and the presence of horns (higher
positions). Some breeds are more prone to dominance over others, such as
Aberdeen-Angus over Hereford, according to Paranhos da Costa (2002). This
ranking defines priorities for access to relevant resources for the group, such as
water, food, shade and mating opportunities. However, the hierarchy is adhered
to with greater or lesser rigidity, depending on population density and the
availability of resources. In herds raised extensively and with abundant resources,
the rules tend to be relaxed. Beaver and Höglund also mention the presence of
subgroups within the herd, for example in the following:

individual cows are usually part of multiple subgroups with a different

relationship in each. These subgroups fit into the preference for cattle
to spend time with a few favorite conspecifics. As an example, cows will
spend less time resting and grazing when alone or with large groups,
compared to when accompanied with two to five herd mates. (Beaver
and Höglund, 2016: 28)

Long-term social bonds are also observed between certain individuals, such as
mothers and their offspring, twin calves and small groups of three or four calves
that were weaned at the same time (Murphey et al., 2000).
Another noteworthy aspect regarding the social order of cattle is the
presence of herd leaders, an attribute that should not be confused with
dominance. Leadership is generally taken by older cows, who initiate voluntary
movements and changes in group activities, so that each group acts as a
synchronized unit (Paranhos da Costa, 2002). The spontaneous movement of
herds in extensive farms is related to the use of space around them in different
activities such as grazing, drinking, resting, and sheltering from sun, rain and
wind. This space is defined as their ‘dwelling-place’ (Paranhos da Costa, 2002).
But when the movement of the herd is forced, as in gathering and driving

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activities, according to Beaver and Höglund (2016: 33), ‘the lead cows tend to be
low in the social order, with dominant animals in the middle of the herd.’
Moreover, the configuration of the herds under a regime of forced movement is
closely linked to another very important aspect of their social order, namely social
or reactive distance.
Social/reactive distance is an important concept for understanding the
dynamics of individuals both within their groups and in relation to individuals
outside their social nuclei, whether of the same or of different species. In a
nutshell, it depends on who is approaching and what distance is tolerated.
Personal or individual distance is defined as the minimum distance of an individual
from other members of the group, which varies according to the affinity between
them. For example, it is quite small between close mates, and relatively large
between a low-ranking and a high-ranking cow (around 20m, according to Beaver
and Höglund, 2016: 31). The critical distance is the one that, when invaded, can
cause an individual to feel cornered and to react aggressively. In management
contexts, this is more significant for bulls and herds barely handled, and is less
relevant for tame cows and herds accustomed to human contact. Flight distance,
in turn, is the closest an animal can tolerate the presence of a stranger or
predator before starting to escape; it is especially important in handling cattle.
Flight distance is the ‘driving force’ in conducting cattle activities, and defines the
rhythm and configuration of the herd during movement. It varies depending on
the agitation of the cattle, their habituation to human presence, the ranking of
the animal in the social order (the higher the ranking the greater the flight
distance), approach speed (the faster the longer the flight distance) and the
extent of eye contact (which also increases flight distance). It is very important
to take these distances into account, especially when cattle are confined to corrals
or pens, as it can make the difference between a quiet and safe activity and a
tense and dangerous one.

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9.3. Some rules on handling cattle
Before introducing the herding group in action on São Luiz farm, some
further notions regarding gathering, driving and managing cattle in handling
facilities are needed. We have already seen that the gentler the cattle handling,
the easier and safer it is. Therefore, guidelines for cattle management are
intended to reduce the stress and agitation of herds as much as possible, by
avoiding interventions that can cause animals to feel threatened. According to
Grandin (2007: 44), because cattle are a prey species, they are constantly vigilant
to the threat from potential predators, and their agitated reaction during handling
is motivated by fear. As Grandin emphasizes, ‘the secret to low-stress cattle
handling is to keep them calm’ (2007: 44). Indications of stress in cattle include
showing the whites of their eyes (Sandem et al., 2006) and holding their heads
constantly upwards (Grandin, 2007). When such signs are observed a change in
handling methods must be considered. Grandin (2007: 47) also notes that ‘cattle
with previous experience of gentle handling will be calmer and easier to handle
in the future than cattle that have been handled roughly.’
With regard specifically to moving cattle, in order to get them to go
forward, the most suitable position for the driver is next to the line that delimits
the flight distance. So the driver has to position himself at 45 o of the line that
leaves the balance point (the withers, or the highpoint of the back) perpendicular
to the animal, and towards his or her rear, as shown in figure 50. When the driver
is out of the flight distance the animal stops, but when he subtly advances and
invades the flight distance – remembering to avoid the blind spot at the rear –
the animal moves. Conversely, the animal will move backwards if the rider is
positioned in front of the balance line.

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Figure 50 - The driver’s positions in relation to the flight distance and the angle formed
with the point of balance in such a way that the animal moves or stops. Based on Grandin
(2007: 51).

The activities of gathering and driving cattle on open pasture, in turn,

require different dynamics on the part of drivers. Grandin (2007) illustrates the
situation where there is only one driver, suggesting the movement pattern he
calls ‘windscreen wiper’ (figure 51). According to Grandin (2007: 54), ‘cattle can
be easily gathered on pasture by inducing their natural behaviour to loosely
bunch,’ and there is no need to worry about stragglers because they will naturally
gravitate to the group. The handler should position himself at the rear of the herd
and undertake zigzag movements at walking pace (figure 51). These allow the
animals to perceive the handler subtly advancing towards the flight distance of
the group. Cattle bunching behaviour is a spontaneous social response to any
type of threat to the safety of the group, and it allows the activities of gathering
and driving cattle herds to take place without requiring many drivers. Obviously,
these tasks take place much more smoothly when the herds are accustomed to
them. According to Grandin (2007), they are the result of trust in drivers and
learning. Three basic principles, Grandin argues, have to be observed to ensure
peaceful and safe cattle driving: ‘never apply pressure to the flight zone when an
animal is doing what you want;’ ‘release pressure when animals move;’ and
‘reapply pressure only when the cattle slow down’ (Grandin, 2007: 55).

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Figure 51 – Driver windscreen wiper movement in order to gather and drive the cattle
herds on pasture. Based on Grandin (2007: 54).

Another of Grandin’s (2007) principles concerns the advance of cattle in

situations where the herd (or the individual) is being moved along a fence or
inside a pen (figure 52). The principle consists of moving within the flight zone
in a contrary direction to the desired movement, and outside the flight zone in
the same direction as the desired movement.

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Figure 52 – Handler movement to guide flocks or individuals along fences or inside pens.
Based on Grandin (2007: 53).

Work in corrals and pens requires some basic caution to promote the
smooth running of tasks. Among them I would highlight the avoidance of
overcrowding of the corrals, which should be filled to no more than roughly half
of their capacity. In addition to the difficulty of moving livestock, the
overcrowding of corrals increases the likelihood of conflicts between animals as
it generates greater tension in the herds, especially if animals of different social
rank are brought too closely together. Even when working well within capacity,
it is better to gather close mates of similar rank. Tools of coercion like the electric
prod should be used sparingly, preferably only for entry into the squeeze chute.
According to Grandin (2007), it should not be necessary to stimulate more than
10 per cent of the animals by means of coercive tools. Another device used in
pens is twisting the animals’ tails to stimulate their movement, and this should
be done quickly and smoothly, since cattle soon learn that a simple touch on their
tails implies the need to move. Lastly, as mentioned above, keeping animals alone
in pens should be avoided as it generates high levels of stress.

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9.4. Reprise
It is time now to take a look back in order to situate the São Luiz farm –
which brings together a particular plural community, in which cattle, dogs, horses
and humans correspond – in the broader context of a history of interspecific
relations. We have seen how domestication processes from long ago brought the
characters of our investigation into proximity, transforming their ways of life
irreversibly. We also saw how the farm was the result of this transformation, in
terms of both the development of an infrastructure that promoted the gathering
of these different beings into the domestic sphere – a certain ‘co-specific domus,’
according to Anderson et al. (2017) – and the elaboration of techniques that
made possible the extensive production of beef from cattle herds. I have shown
how this process took place in the particular case of farms in the southern region
of the Brazilian state of the Rio Grande do Sul, leading to the emergence of the
cattle herding group characteristic of these lands, composed of dogs, horses and
humans. In addition, in order to reveal not only how this community was formed,
but also how each of the constituents of this domus corresponded, we examined
their general and specific characteristics. Furthermore, we highlighted the main
modes of correspondence in horse-rider and dog-human pairs. What remains to
consider are the moments when the whole group corresponds, whether with each
other or with the herds, in the activities of the farm. However, in order to answer
one of the main questions of this study - how phenomenology can contribute to
understanding the relationships between different species in cattle herding
activities on farms in Rio Grande do Sul? - I will summarize what we have learned
from previous chapters concerning the correspondences of the members of the
herding group. With these fundamentals in place, we can review the different
activities on the farm in the light of a phenomenological perspective.
Prior to the formation of the herding group, its members were gathered in
their conspecific groups, since they are all gregarious animals. The dogs were
always together, whether resting, sleeping, eating, playing or participating in
farm activities. They formed an extremely cohesive group and I do not remember
having witnessed any conflict between them, even when one of them finished his

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meal first and tried to ‘help’ the others. As territorial animals they also guarded
the farm against trespass by strangers on the farm. Horses were also always
seen close to each other, and they often met along the fences that separated the
active from the retired ones. However they were not so attached to the territory
as dogs, and stayed in place only because they were fenced in and could not
escape. Humans, like the other species, are gregarious animals and form groups
whose members are linked by kinship, personality or class affiliation. Like dogs,
they like to be together most of the time, whether working, eating, sleeping or
playing; and they are attached to their territory, warding off intruders. Regarding
the cattle herd distributed in the different potreiros, with the exception of isolated
bulls, they were never far from each other and also formed small groups which
were constituted on the basis of criteria very similar to those used by humans –
kinship, personality and ranking in the social order. In addition, it was quite
common to see them following routine circuits throughout the day, just like
humans.
Dogs behaved differently from cattle and horses in that they invariably
wanted to be together with humans. This peculiarity, discussed throughout this
study, has three main aspects: time spent living with humans, the
transformations resulting from this encounter and the specific role played by the
dogs in the context of the farm. The first aspect harks back to the long association
between dogs and humans, from the beginning of the domestication process at
least 15,000 years before the present. We have seen that dogs (descended from
the grey wolf) had social skills similar to those of humans, such as the formation
of small packs with strong bonds between individuals, a taste for being groomed,
cooperation in finding food and caring for pups, and an ability to communicate,
in addition to their predatory disposition. The second aspect was the result of the
joint participation of dogs and humans in the formation of a ‘plural community’
in continuous transformation. We have seen that the more docile wolves gave
rise to domestic dogs, and that their subsequent crossbreeding formed
subspecies with the most varied characteristics and abilities designed to match
human expectations, like the probable ancestor of the trio of São Luiz farm,
namely the border collie. But above all, the aspect mainly responsible for such a

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close and lasting relationship was what we could call ‘mutual paying attention.’
It was this reciprocity that brought about the most relevant transformations in
dogs and humans in order to create a place of confluence in which both would
be open to ‘becoming with’ each other. Of particular importance is the peculiar
ability of the dog to look directly into the face and eyes of humans. This look, full
of meaning, emotion and questioning, when reciprocated, establishes a mutual
understanding, or rather, a correspondence. As a result, emotional bonds
emerged from this coexistence, such as empathy, attachment, guilt and jealousy.
In short, what Miklósi and Topál (2013) called dogs’ ‘emotional competence’ was
the result of a developmental and transformational process stemming from their
long conviviality with humans. The third and last aspect concerns the role played
by the trio of dogs from São Luiz farm. As indispensable members of the herding
group, they are ‘insiders’ (Bolton, 2019) to the world of the farm.
Let us turn now from dogs to horses, and review the elements that account
for the successful formation of horse-rider pairs. First of all, aiming for an
effective haptic correspondence, it is very important for there to be an adequate
material interface between horses and riders. Prioritizing comfort and safety, they
must be properly equipped with riding clothes and harness. At the same time,
riders should maintain the indicated riding postures, namely the deep or
grounded seat, firm reins and feet in the stirrups with heels slightly down. With
all these conditions met, compatible and skilled horse-rider pairs should maintain
a satisfactory correspondence. However, it is still necessary to ask: (1) What
makes a pair compatible? (2) What are these skills – of affecting and being
affected – and how do horse and rider acquire them?
As we have seen in chapter 5, and as with human dance pairs,
compatibility is one of the key elements for the formation of successful horse-
rider pairs and it depends on the proper combination of characteristics belonging
to each participant, as we saw from comparing my riding experiences with the
mare Zaina and the horse Gateado. We found that characteristics developed by
horses and humans, respectively, with their conspecifics would influence their
relationships and performances as equestrian pairs. Among them, were physical
features such as weight, height, hardiness and bodily formation and their

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influence on mobility (trot and stumbling), and features of personality, including
tranquillity, restlessness, stubbornness, sociability, dominance and resilience. We
observed that the kinds of contacts established between horses and humans
would affect their relationships in riding contexts. This was illustrated by the
overly reactive behaviour of the mare Zaina to human contact, probably due to
negative experiences on the farm where she had worked previously. Evidence
shows how respectful, careful and affectionate treatment, directed towards any
being, would be more likely to produce positive social bonds, due to the reciprocal
character of social relationships. This applies, too, to horse-human relationships,
and is reflected in horse-rider encounters, as I was able to testify on São Luiz
farm.
The answer to the second question can be found in Merleau-Ponty’s (2005)
general conception of bodily expression, and in Ingold’s (2000) conception of
practical enskilment. As we have seen in previous chapters, horse riding entails
mutual bodily movements that produce sensations which demand, of both horse
and rider, responses in terms of perception, recognition, understanding and
action. In short, this ‘dialogue,’ through the synergy of these phenomenal bodies
in contact, only happens when they correspond. In addition, in horse-rider
experiences, the mutual grasp of bodily postures or gestures, which according to
Merleau-Ponty (2005) are emotions in themselves, is also a mutual grasp of
intentions. Thus the skills required of horse and rider lie precisely in the ability to
grasp and understand these gestures and intentions. Following Merleau-Ponty
(2005), in order to establish an effective correspondence in unfamiliar
environments, one has to participate in communal life and to draw the meanings
of gestures from their contexts of expression. These gestures, he argued, do not
convey something that already lies behind them, but are ‘intermingled with the
structure of the world’ (2005: 216), as well as founded in the common ground of
practical experience. Practical experience, still according to Merleau-Ponty, leads
to the acquisition of a particular habit or to ‘a rearrangement and renewal of the
corporeal schema’ (2005: 166) of a pre-reflexive order. Furthermore, for both
Merleau-Ponty (2005) and Ingold (2016), this habit would not be acquired
passively or automatically, but would rather involve action, movement and

241
intentionality, or what Ingold (2016) calls ‘attentionality.’ In other words, habit is
acquired by dwelling in it, by catching and comprehending movements with the
whole body. Hence, for Ingold (2000: 406), learning processes would be seen as
‘understanding in practice,’ leading to what he calls ‘practical enskilment,’ I would
characterise riding as an activity learned in practice, both for horses and for
riders. It is a process of enskilment, which becomes habitual when bodies have
understood it, and the knowledge that comes with it, in their whole body. In
short, riding skills would be acquired when horse and rider dwell in the domain
of the in-between, when they feel the movement, in Ingold’s (2016) sense of
‘going along together and answering to one another.’ Finally, correspondence in-
between horse-rider pairs is even more effective if riders have a basic knowledge
of equestrian physiology and ethology, which enables them to become more
receptive, aware and attentive to the feelings, emotions and moods of the horses.
These partnerships are based on, and always improved by, mutual knowledge
gained over successive encounters.

9.5. The inspection task

We can now proceed to describe the various cattle management activities
carried out by the herding group on São Luiz farm, in a comprehensive and
informed way. These activities, briefly presented in chapter 4, can be divided into
routine and occasional tasks. The former, which will be presented in this section,
consist of daily inspections throughout the property in order to check the
condition of the fences, or if there are animals missing or needing care. Among
the tasks of the farm, routine inspection requires least from the herding group.
However, approaching it in detail will allow us to evaluate not only aspects
involved in other activities, but also certain peculiarities that are exclusive to it.
Mounting excitement among the dogs heralds the start of the activity. The
horses watch from afar and also sense that they will soon be summoned up for
work. However, unlike dogs who would spontaneously join the venture, horses
need to be calmly and gently ‘invited’ to participate, an invitation that invariably
encounters tension and resistance. This difference in behaviour between dogs
and horses in relation to their incorporation into the herding group, accentuated

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in Zaina’s case, reflects the distinct response of what had once been prey animals
to the approach of predators – in this case humans. But above all, the difference
is due to the peculiar relationship that dogs and humans have built over time,
not only in general terms but also specifically on São Luiz farm. Despite the
history of domestication and their familiarity with human contact, the horses still
hesitate to join the working group of the farm. However, after overcoming this
initial resistance with the placement of the bridle-reins set, the horses take on a
new disposition and relationships begin to be guided by the formation of horse-
rider pairs.
As previously described, inspection consists only of checking the conditions
of the herds and fences; nevertheless it requires cooperation and harmony from
the whole group. For example, as the area to be covered and the number of
gates to be opened and closed is large, with some places not easily accessible,
the gait used is the trot, which allows the task to be completed in approximately
five hours. Therefore, one of the central requirements of the inspection is for the
group to maintain the trot rhythm. While this appears deceptively simple and to
require no great effort, in fact several necessary elements need to be brought
into correspondence in order to achieve a good collective performance.

Figure 53 - The Lasier-Tordilho pair accompanied by Duque at the beginning of the

inspection task. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's collection).

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 In general, the group needs to remain cohesive, the pace should be such
as to enable cattle to be counted and their health evaluated, and the condition
of the fences and gates to be examined. Therefore, the dogs should follow the
rhythm of the group, which is dictated by the trot kept by the horse-rider pairs.
However, in order to achieve this rhythmic attunement in-between horses, riders
and dogs, several requirements have to be met, and a fine-tuning in-between
horses and riders is fundamental.
We have seen in the previous section how horses and riders learn to affect
and be affected during the ride, and have reviewed other factors that positively
influence effective correspondence in riding pairs. But, as we saw in the last
chapter, we also know that joint activities that require participants to synchronize
their movements call for a rhythmic correspondence between them.
Correspondence in riding is not the result of cause-effect relationships, since we
cannot say, for example, whether it is the haptic correspondence that leads to
rhythmic correspondence or vice versa. We know, however, that the
correspondence of horse-rider pairs emerges in the domain of the in-between.
What we can say is that the more effective the haptic correspondence, the
greater the chance of achieving an attunement between horse and rider. This
tuning, in turn, involves several aspects that studies in the field of dance and
music highlighted as fundamental. These studies help us to better understand
the dynamics of horsemanship.
As for the rhythm maintained by the dogs in inspection tasks, unlike the
horse-rider pair in which the haptic sensory modality stands out, here it is vision
and hearing that maintain the correspondence with the other members of the
herding group. In fact, during inspection tasks, dogs merely accompany horses
and riders, so their more active participation will be discussed in the following
section, on the occasional tasks of driving and gathering. Before turning to these,
however, it is important to mention the riders’ skills in counting herds and
identifying possible animals needing care.
In my participation in the inspection tasks of the farm, I was struck by
Lasier’s ability to count the cattle in the potreiros, especially since we maintained

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a relatively fast pace. However, the ease with which he assessed the health status
of the animals at a distance was even more impressive. In this sense, his memory
stood out because he knew beforehand the number of animals per potreiro. I
asked him how he recognized sick animals even at a distance and while riding so
fast, and the answer was: ‘I recognize their condition by their bodily posture,
whether grazing, walking or lying down, as well as by their distance from the
herd.’ Thus, once again, the importance of a physiological and ethological
knowledge of the animals with whom we lived is confirmed. In addition, Lasier’s
‘keen’ vision is actually the result of a long process of ‘practical enskilment’
(Ingold, 2000) that began in childhood, on his parents' farm. As we saw in the
previous chapter, vision is dynamic and active, it interrogates what it sees, and
a ‘skilled vision’ (see Grasseni, 2007), like that of Lasier, expresses this learning
by asking the most important questions about the animals he sees. And of course,
what makes this vision possible is the position of the rider on horseback, which
affords a privileged view of the surroundings, in terms of both the amplitude and
the range of the visual field.

9.6. Gathering and driving tasks

The task of cattle gathering involves the fullest participation of the herding
group, as it demands the work of the dogs and at least two horse-rider pairs.
Here we can see the different roles played by members of the herding group,
and the dynamics of their cooperation, in its greatest extent, in addition to the
techniques of driving the herds and the behaviour of the cattle in a more direct
relationship with dogs and riding pairs. Having discussed all aspects contributing
to effective rhythmic correspondence between dogs, horses and humans to
ensure successful performance, the current section will focus on specific aspects
of gathering and driving, and on the elements that stand out in this context.
Among these I would highlight the following: configuration, mainly in terms of
position and distances between herding group members and herds; cooperation
and complementarity in the roles played by each member; the rhythms of
activity; and the skills required. On the side of the cattle, I would emphasize: the
formation of the herd at the beginning of their gathering; the configuration of

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the herd according to the different characteristics of the animals; the indicated
pace of the herd while driving; and the driving force of the herd.
Cattle were gathered on São Luiz farm for various purposes, such as
relocating the animals to different potreiros, separating groups for sale, and for
tasks requiring the use of cattle-handling facilities (castration and the marking of
steers, vaccination, applying medication, insemination, among other things). The
activity consisted of gathering the herds from specific potreiro(s) and driving
them to the mangueiras57 and pens. These were the moments when the whole
herding group worked actively in a coordinated manner, demonstrating
fundamental aspects of the relationships involved, whether intra- or interspecific.
The complementary roles of group members could be seen in the distances
between each, and in their respective positions vis-à-vis one another. This
complementarity was evident in the different life experiences, personalities and
skills of each participant. The dogs, for example, would be positioned according
to their distinct characteristics (figure 54). Campeiro, the youngest, more restless
and bold, would be ahead of the group watching the flanks of the herd; Duque,
the most obedient and cautious, positioned beside horses and riders, kept the
pace of the herd and waited for a rider's command; while Gaiteiro, the oldest,
quiet and patient, stayed behind the group, gathering dispersed cows. The horse-
rider pairs, in turn, formed an arc behind the herd, replacing the windscreen-
wiper movement that is required to drive the cattle when there is only one pair
(figure 51). The most skilled and attuned pairs would occupy the lateral positions
(to the left or right of the arc), while the least skilled and experienced pair (in
this case myself) was positioned in the centre. The group worked as a whole
thanks to the way the distinct physical characteristics of each species – dog,
horse, human – with its particular strength, speed, agility and sensory capacities,
complemented those of the others.

57
Large corrals (see figure 64).

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Figure 54 - Usual configuration in the tasks of gathering cattle on the São Luiz farm.

As for the formation and configuration of the herd, it followed the social
order or ranking of the animals within it, depending on their life experience, age,
sex, personality, affinity groups and habituation to human contact, as we saw
earlier. On São Luiz farm, the cattle knew what was happening when they saw
the working group approach, so they would already start to form groups of
affinity (figure 55). Here, the most active animals took up positions to the front,
and the calmest individuals remained in the rear. At first, the animals positioned
in front would resist being driven, requiring the intervention of both the horse-
rider pairs positioned at the sides of the arc, and the dogs. However, escape
attempts did not last long and the lead cows were soon brought into line. In the
meantime, the calmer animals merely followed the rest. In the end a large group
of animals would form a kind of line snaking towards the headquarters of the
farm (figure 56). However the driving rhythm was set by the continuous advance
of the herding group within the herd’s flight zone, to which the herd responded

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by seeking to keep the ‘intruders’ at a distance considered safe – that is, the
flight distance. The motivating force behind this dynamic was fear. Thus, the
different flight distances sustained by the animals, and their gradients of fear,
defined the configuration of the herd. As we have seen, the slower the pace, the
better the results. For this reason, a walking pace was recommended, since it
was the least stressful for the animals, and made for a safe and effortless drive.
In addition, as Lasier commented, the animals had to be given enough time to
adjust to situations and react appropriately. When passing through gates, for
example (figure 57), it was necessary to give them time to see and cross them.
Lasier also commented on the importance of observing the behaviour of cattle,
so that the farm’s infrastructure could be adapted to it. ‘The cattle taught us what
would be the best places for the gates,’ he told me.

Figure 55 – Two distinct affinity groups formed during cattle gathering, with the Lasier-
Tordilho pair on the right. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's collection).

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Figure 56 - Cattle forming a single group heading towards the headquarters of the farm,
with Duque on the left and Campeiro on the right. (São Luiz farm, February 2017,
author's collection).

Figure 57 - Cattle slowly passing through a gate. Note the distance of the pair Nilceu-
Tostada and Campeiro (left) from the herd. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's
collection).

Another revealing aspect of relationships between the animals in question

lay in the ways they were transformed with the formation of the herding group.
The most evident transformations occurred in relations between horses and dogs.
Dogs and horses, when not together in the working group, would stay apart.
Sometimes the dogs would bother the horses, running after them and barking,
apparently just for fun. But when incorporated into the herding group there was

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no hint of animosity between them. The relationship between horses and cattle
also changed with the formation of the working group. Their relation, when
horses were not mounted, was very tranquil. Cattle were not troubled by the
proximity of horses, and it was common to see them grazing together. In fact,
they were not much interested in each other, to the extent that there was certain
indifference on both sides. But when the horses were part of the herding group,
relationships became less than friendly, such that the cattle avoided the approach
of the horses. In general, outside the context of the working group, relationships
were based on each species’ ancestral disposition as prey or predator. Cattle and
horses had once been prey to predatory wolves, the ancestors of dogs. But when
incorporated into the herding group, horses shifted position to join the dogs as
potential predators, probably because horse-rider pairs were perceived by cattle
as a unit. The arguments of Lestel et al. (2006) and Ingold (2013) support this
view. They suggest that relations between humans and non-human animals
would converge towards a sociality different from that which each would normally
form with its conspecifics, leading these different species towards a cooperation
residing in their plural sociality. Lestel et al. (2006) express interspecific
differences as ‘convergence’ factors in terms of ‘complementarity,’ while Ingold
(2013: 21) argues that ‘whether we are speaking of human or other animals,
they are at any moment what they have become, and what they have become
depends on whom they are with.’
The dynamics of cattle gathering on São Luiz farm varied, depending on
the potreiros where the task was being carried out. The gathering was more
peaceful in ‘cleaner’ potreiros (flatter and without areas of dense bush), since the
herd would form spontaneously. The animals, able to perceive each other’s
movements, could gather calmly and without escape attempts. But in ‘dirtier’
potreiros, the task demanded more intense activity from the herding group,
whether to locate ‘hidden’ groups of animals or to gather them into a single herd.
However, the additional efforts required in the latter situations also revealed the
complexity of coordination in the herding group. The horse-rider pairs had to
move with great harmony and at speed to reach the fleeing animals, and the
dogs were the first to intervene (figure 58). In such situations, dogs perceived

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what was required of them mainly from the movement of the horse-rider pairs,
since they were always attentive to the commands of the riders and the dynamics
of the pairs. This coordination could be seen when the direction of the herd’s
movement had to be changed, as we can see in figure 59, where the pair Nilceu-
Tostada and the dogs Campeiro and Duque are ‘attacking’ the front of the herd,
which had moved to the right, in order to get it to veer to the left. Sometimes
the dogs (mainly Campeiro) would become very excited and had to be restrained,
to avoid direct conflicts with the cattle, either by whistling, calling their names or
asking them to stay away (figure 60). In addition, it was common to see the dogs
looking at the faces of the riders, either waiting for a command or looking for
information to guide their actions (figure 61).

Figure 58 - Campeiro intervening to return a cow to the herd in a ‘dirty’ potreiro. (São
Luiz farm, February 2017, author's collection).

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Figure 59 - The pair Nilceu-Tostada and the dogs Duque (to the left of the pair) and
Campeiro (to the right) run to 'attack' the front of the herd in order to make it turn to
the left. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's collection).

Figure 60 - Campeiro is faced by a cow for getting too close to the herd, a situation that
required the dog’s reprimand, also by humans. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's
collection).

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Figure 61 – Duque looking at Nilceu’s face waiting for some command or information to
guide his action. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's collection).

Especially in these coordinated actions that require quick responses from

members of the herding group, the correspondence that emerged in the domain
of the in-between of horse-rider pairs (defined here as units) and dogs was
mainly based on the combination of visual and auditory sensory modalities, which
behaved synergistically and were amplified by body movements. Thus, drawing
on our argument in the last chapter, multisensory experiences which combine
sounds, visions and gestures promote an empathetic, joint, coordinated, attuned
and rhythmic action in-between horse-rider pairs and dogs. It is worth noting, in
passing, that on São Luiz farm, young dogs learned to herd in a spontaneous
way, by accompanying, observing and imitating the most experienced dogs in
the tasks of the farm. In addition, they learned from humans who would guide
their actions during herding practices through gestures, vocalizations and
whistles. Theirs was a kind of ‘practical enskilment’ (Ingold 2000). Given the
predominance of vision in the dogs’ sensorium, it is evident that joint activities
calling for cooperation and rhythmic coordination entailed a certain visual
entanglement. Finding themselves in the same setting, their reciprocal glances

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would meet in the middle, interrogating and answering to each other. Visual
correspondence, it seems, plays a fundamental role in the practical enskilment of
herding dogs.

Figure 62 - The dog trio of the São Luiz farm accompanying the Lasier-Tordilho pair on
an inspection task. Campeiro on the left, Duque at his side and Gaiteiro behind the riding
pair.

Returning to the task of driving: when the cattle come together in a

cohesive herd and are moving at walking pace along with the herding group, all
share the same horizon. At this pace and configuration, another important visual
element stands out, namely peripheral vision, as explained before. This visual
modality responds mainly to movements on either side of the seer (see Downey,
2007), allowing pedestrians to accompany one another in the ‘intrinsically social
activity’ of walking along together, as Ingold pointed out with regard to
pedestrians on a city pavement:
While walking side by side, pedestrians can remain aware of and
coordinate each other’s gait and pace through peripheral vision, which
is especially sensitive to movement, even though they may not ‘see’ one
another directly. (Ingold 2011: 245)

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Cattle, too, as they walk along together in the herd, coordinate their movements
by peripheral vision (see Figure 63).

Figure 63 - The convoy moving in the same gait, pace and rhythm, where peripheral
vision plays a prominent role. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's collection).

9.7. Tasks in cattle handling facilities

After the gathering, the herds were driven to the cattle facilities (figure
64) to be handled. The handling facilities were used to meet many demands
related to cattle (see chapter 4), but here I will present only those that I
witnessed in my fieldwork, that is, the separation of animals for sale, application
of vermifuge and treatment for keratoconjunctivitis. The work inside the facilities
was carried out either by horse-rider pairs (in the case of the separation of herds
for sale) or by humans (other activities). Dogs were not allowed to participate in
these activities, not only because they were unnecessary, since handling was
made easier by the restricted space, but also because the aim was to maintain
the most peaceful environment possible.

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 Figure 64 - Cattle handling facilities on São Luiz farm.

The task of separating groups of cattle for sale took the following circuit:
the complete herd was taken to Mangueira 1 through Gates 1 and 2; then Gate
1 was closed; a horse-rider pair stood next to open Gate 2 while another horse-
rider pair sent to Pen 1 the animals that would form the group for sale. This task
could present difficulties either when an individual resisted separation from the
rest of the herd or when animals resisted separation from their affinity groups. It
required dexterity of the horse-rider pair performing the separation. In the tasks
I witnessed, the Nilceu-Tostada or Zaina pair remained at gate 2 while the Lasier-
Tordilho pair performed the separation. The operation consisted of removing
from the herd the animals chosen to compose the group for sale, which were
generally separated one by one, until a group of animals of the same age and
size had been formed. To achieve this meant having to invade the cattle flight
zone, against the resistance of the animals, requiring of horse and rider to move
in synchrony with speed and agility, as if they were one. The following figures
illustrate certain moments of this activity.

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Figure 65 - Herd entering the handling facility through Gate 1. The Lasier-Tordilho pair
on the left, the Nilceu-Tostada pair on the right and Duque in the centre of the picture.
(São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's collection).

Figure 66 - The Lasier-Tordilho pair already inside Mangueira 1 starting the process of
separating the cows and oxen that would form the group for sale. At this stage, a smaller
group of animals containing individuals for sale was separated from the herd. (São Luiz
farm, February 2017, author's collection).

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Figure 67 – A cow/ox chosen for sale being separated from the rest of the herd by the
Lasier-Tordilho pair. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's collection).

Figure 68 - A cow/ox chosen for sale being directed to Pen 1 through Gate 2 by the
Lasier-Tordilho pair. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's collection).

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Figure 69 - A cow/ox resisting entering Pen 1, requiring the intervention of the Lasier-
Tordilho and Nilceu-Tostada pairs. This picture shows the dexterity required of horse-
rider pairs to get around the problem. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's
collection).

Figure 70 - A cow/ox (on the left) entering Pen 1 through Gate 2 under the supervision
of the pairs Nilceu-Tostada and Lasier-Tordilho. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's
collection).

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Figure 71 – Some of the animals that will form the group for sale inside Pen 1. They
watch the activity taking place in front of them. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's
collection).

After completing the separation, the group for sale (in the example shown
in the Figures, this numbered 28 oxen/cows) was kept in a specific potreiro while
the others were returned to their original one. This activity, in addition to
requiring the fine-tuned work of the horse-rider pairs, generated tension among
the cattle, which was expressed in the attention they paid to what was going on,
and in their loud mooing throughout the process. Their distress was in part due
to the intense handling that the task demanded, but it was mainly because of the
way the affective ties of the herd were broken by the separation. However, as
we will see below, the stress level was even higher in tasks that required
vaccination and ophthalmological care.
Cattle were most fearful of the tasks that demanded work in the pens (1
and 2), the crowd pen (3), the single file race and the squeeze chute, because
of both the confined space and the proximity to humans. With restricted
movements and human pressure to move them from pen 1 to the squeeze chute
(a mandatory circuit for vaccinations and eye care), the cattle became extremely
nervous, as was clear from the expressions in their eyes, their mooing and intense
excretion (of faeces and urine). Handling the animals was therefore very difficult
and delicate, requiring strength and care to avoid accidental injury to cattle and
humans. In addition, since the herds were subjected to such treatment several
times (with different vaccines and booster vaccines to deal with diseases like
keratoconjunctivitis), some animals were traumatized and strongly resisted
traversing the circuit, causing them to stall mainly in the single file race. Great

260
effort was required to deal with such eventualities. On some occasions,
fortunately not many, animals had to be hauled out from the single file race with
ropes tied to the horses. In the last resort, to conduct the herds through the
circuit of handling facilities, it was sometimes necessary to use tools of coercion
to get animals to move, such as flags, tail twist, sticks with spurs and electric
prods – though the latter two were used sparingly so as not to cause trauma in
the animals. The following figures illustrate the process.

Figure 72 - Cattle in Pen 2 awaiting vaccination and eye care. One can see their
configuration in a semi-circle in order to maintain a considered safe distance from
humans. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, picture by Vanessa Zamboni).

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Figure 73 - The herd being taken from Pen 2 to the Crowd Pen (3) through the use of
flags by Lasier and me. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, picture by Vanessa Zamboni).

Figure 74 - A traumatized individual resisting entering the Crowd Pen, therefore requiring
additional effort from the handlers. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, picture by Vanessa
Zamboni).

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Figure 75 - The herd in the Crowd Pen waiting to be taken to the Single File Race and
Squeeze Chute. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, picture by Vanessa Zamboni).

Figure 76 - Cattle in the Single File Race, where they would be vaccinated. Those
individuals with keratoconjunctivitis would be treated in the Squeeze Chute. (São Luiz
farm, February 2017, picture by Vanessa Zamboni).

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Figure 77 - Cattle being vaccinated by Lasier in the Single File Race and Nilceu preparing
a solution against horn flies that would be applied to the withers of the animals. (São
Luiz farm, February 2017, author's collection).

Figure 78 - Expression of fear in the eyes of cattle confined to the Single File Race. (São
Luiz farm, February 2017, author's collection).

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Figure 79 - Individual being treated for keratoconjunctivitis in the Squeeze Chute by
Lasier. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author's collection).

Figure 80 – Cattle being released from the Single File Race after vaccination, under
Lasier’s supervision. (São Luiz farm, February 2017, author’s collection).

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9.8. Conclusions
We have seen that cattle, like the other animals discussed here, are
emotional beings with different personalities, but that this is more evident to
breeders in dairy than in beef production. In the latter case, the emotional
conflicts suffered by farmers in relation to their animals, when it comes to their
eventual sale for slaughter, are resolved by maintaining emotionally detached
from the cattle, and by viewing them solely as a commodity.
We have reviewed some of the sensory properties of cattle, their social
order, and characteristics stemming from their origins as prey species that are
extremely relevant to activities of handling. Of these, the most important is the
flight zone, a distance that, when invaded by predators, promotes the movement
of the herd. In cattle herds, this distance is determined by the various levels of
fear displayed by individual animals, and it is responsible for the configuration
and rhythm developed by the groups in motion. In short, it is their driving force.
It is a basic principle of cattle management, we found, that animals should
remain as calm as possible. Rules for gathering, driving and handling cattle in
management facilities add to our understanding of the herding activities carried
out by the working group on São Luiz farm. Distances, positions and movements
are adopted by drivers in relation to the herds so that handling can take place
smoothly. We also saw how animals are best handled in confined spaces such as
mangueiras, pens, single file races and squeeze chutes.
I have examined the tasks undertaken by the whole herding group, or part
of it, during my fieldwork on the farm, drawing on material developed throughout
this work to analyse the relationships established in-between human and non-
human animals, on a small scale, in the management practices of cattle herds on
São Luiz farm. I have shown how the character of relations change, from the
intra-specific relations obtaining among conspecifics prior to the formation of the
herding group, to interspecific relations within the work of the group itself,
following its formation. This confirms Ingold’s (2013) argument, that animals are
what they become, and that becoming is always a becoming-with (Haraway
2008).

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 Addressing the question of how the herding group is able to maintain the
pace and rhythm of the trot, we returned to the main elements responsible for
tuning between horses and riders: compatibility and riding skills acquired in
practice. We had already concluded from our review of dance and music studies
in the last chapter that the multisensory character of perceptual phenomena gives
rise to the correspondences necessary for groups to act rhythmically and in
synchrony, thus achieving performances compatible with the common goals
sought in joint activities. As for the rhythm kept up by the dogs, we saw that
visual and auditory modalities were predominant in maintaining a
correspondence between them and horse-rider pairs. Moreover, this rhythmic
correspondence was amplified by the same elements that give rise to
correspondence between horse and rider, that is, the salience and clarity of the
pulse of the trot, which produces the entrainment effect, the social entrainment
that comes from sharing in a rhythmic event, the impulse for rhythmic
synchronization promoted by participatory discrepancy, kinaesthetic empathy,
emotional contagion, and the multisensory character of perceptual phenomena.
Finally, we highlighted Lasier’s ability to assess the health status of cattle,
supported by his knowledge of bovine physiology and ethology, as well as by a
long process of ‘practical enskilment’ that endowed him with ‘skilled vision’
(Ingold 2000, Grasseni, 2007).
In the activities of gathering and driving cattle, involving animals of all the
species under investigation here, the following aspects were emphasized: the
dynamics of configuration, in terms of the positions occupied by and distances
between participants; the cooperation of members of the herding group and the
complementarity of their skills; the rhythms of activity; the formation of the
herds; the pace and force of driving; and the auditory-visual correspondence in-
between dogs and humans. We saw that the configurations of the herding group
depended on the skills, personalities, ages and life experiences of each member,
expressed in terms of cooperation and complementarity between group
members. As for the formation and configuration of herds, we found that this
depended on the flight distances sustained by individuals or their gradients of
fear in relation to members of the herding group, varying with each individual’s

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life experience, age, sex, personality, affinity groups and habituation to human
contact. Regarding the pace of driving, walking proved to be the most suitable,
since it facilitated the work of the herding group. It was the safest rhythm for
everyone, besides allowing the cattle to follow the best paths and to have enough
time to adjust to changing situations. Furthermore, due to the way these activities
bring all four species (humans, dogs, horses, cattle) into contact, one could
observe the passage of horses, on their incorporation into the herding group,
from a condition of prey to that of predator, as horse-rider pairs are probably
seen as predatory units by both cattle and dogs. We also saw that the different
dynamics of the activities in question demand a variety of responses from the
herding group, leading to greater or lesser emphasis on the sensory modalities
responsible for their correspondences. For example, in actions that require quick
and agile interventions by the working group, such as reintegrating individuals
into the herd or changing its direction of movement, the necessary attunement
and coordination between horses, riders and dogs reaches its peak. Since they
consisted of multisensory experiences, these actions help bring about the
required correspondences between dogs and riders through a communion of
sounds, visions and gestures, which unfold in kinaesthetic empathy, emotional
contagion and entrainment. However when dogs, horses, riders and cattle move
at walking pace, peripheral vision assumes a prominent role in maintaining the
rhythmic correspondence that emerges in-between them, transforming them into
a singular plurality or, in short, a convoy.
Finally, the tasks in the cattle handling facilities showed us situations that
require speed and agility – or, in a word, dexterity – from horse-rider pairs. Here,
witnessing the behaviour of cattle mainly in contexts of confinement, certain
aspects of the relations between cattle and humans, alone or on horseback, are
even more evident. The strongly gregarious character of cattle in what they
perceived to be dangerous situations stood out, showing how the separation of
individuals from the herd or from groups of affinity generates agitation, stress
and fear. We saw that fear can overwhelm cows and oxen, despite their size and
strength, suggesting that it is a hangover from an ancestral fear of predatory
attack. This fear, expressed in terms of flight distances from human predators,

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was intensified in animals with restless personalities or who were traumatized by
past handling experiences. For this reason, the main priority in efficient cattle
handling, especially in confined situations, is to create the most peaceful
environment possible for the conduct of activities, avoiding any action that could
generate negative memories for livestock, which could recur on subsequent
occasions.

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Chapter 10
General Conclusions

To conclude this study, let me begin by recapitulating the reasons that led
me to carry out this research: why, out of so many possibilities, I chose to work
on the topic of relations between humans and nonhuman animals in this
particular context. There are many answers, but I focus here on those I consider
fundamental to this study. First, I believe that making the boundaries between
nature and culture more permeable, if not eliminating them altogether, is one of
the best paths towards a healthier planet. I have sought to follow this path by
investing in a study that would help close the gap between human and non-
human animals. A second answer, which must already be clear, lies in my
affective ties to herding activities and the animals involved in them, or in the
charisma they hold for me (see chapter 7). These emotions, affections and
dispositions emerged in the herding experiences of my childhood, and have
continued to motivate me in a quite visceral way. Thirdly, this research gave me
an opportunity to try out a scientific approach that, unlike more rationalist or
symbolistic perspectives, fully and comprehensively acknowledges the existential
condition of being-in-the-world. Everything in this thesis responds, albeit in
different ways, to these three fundamental motivations.
The chapter on domestication outlines what we know of when, where, how
and why the lives of cattle, dogs, horses and humans began to converge. It
provides, in addition, an approximate picture of how the animals that would later
form cattle herding groups at the southern tip of American continent would have
begun to associate. Then, in the next chapter, we told the history of how south-
eastern South America was constituted and developed as an important pastoral
territory. What stood out, here, was the introduction of cattle and horses by
Spanish and Portuguese crowns, combined with the favourable ecological
conditions of the Pampa biome to the adaptation, multiplication and diffusion of
herds. The emergence of estâncias – from which current local plural communities,
or farms, were derived – created the necessary conditions for the birth and

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perpetuation of the characteristic herding groups of the Rio Grande do Sul,
comprised by dogs, horses and humans.
The chapter that follows, on São Luiz farm, in addition to placing the farm
in its historical, geographic and ecological context, relates how the historical
trajectories of these animals, and of their association, reached its climax in the
Pampa region. This was evident in the establishment of properties, enclosures
and fencing, providing for a closer relationship between human and nonhuman
animals; better control and organization of herds by land division; the use of new
techniques of breeding and pasture cultivation; and, specifically on the São Luiz
farm, the respectful and careful conviviality of humans and nonhumans. In light
of this conviviality, we should not underestimate the role played by nonhuman
animals, as historical agents in their own right, in the formation of the region.
We have seen how and why these specific animals began to associate, what
brought them together and, in part, why their association has persisted so
durably to the present day. Yet this question of persistence could only be fully
answered as the research progressed, as we will see below.
In chapters 5 and 6, which analyse respectively the relationships of
humans with horses and with dogs, I identified the elements that play key roles
in the correspondences established between them in herding activities. For
horses as for humans, I have emphasized the aspects that contribute to well-
riding, or what make for harmonious and tuned horse-rider pairs. However there
are also elements of friction in these pairings, as could be seen from the
contrasting encounters I had with the horses Gateado and Zaina on São Luiz
farm. But I also observed that well-riding is significantly influenced by factors
other than just the character of horse and rider, each taken on their own. First,
there are factors that are given prior to the constitution of horse-rider pairs.
These include the establishment of farm territories, the prolonged coexistence of
horses and humans, and adaptations to the farm infrastructure to meet the needs
of the horses, the development of more sophisticated techniques of training, and
the improvement of riding equipment for the safety, comfort and effective
correspondence of horse-rider pairs. In addition, humans have extended and
deepened their knowledge of equine physiology and ethology. These efforts have

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helped to establish more balanced relationships with horses, which, besides being
already recognized as sentient and emotional beings, are themselves able to
perceive human affects, feelings, sensations, emotions and moods. Second, there
are factors that emerge through interactions between horses and their riders, in
terms of the way the characteristics of each – including physical features, past
experiences, personality, wills and contexts – affect their compatibility or
incompatibility in riding performances. Third are factors that arise from the
correspondences of horse-rider pairs in the domain of the in-between, mostly
involving bodily contact mediated by riding aids, and a feeling for movement
expressed in terms of rhythm, balance, posture, position and following the
movements of the horse. This feeling is learned in practice, through a process of
what Ingold (2000) calls ‘enskilment:’ it is both a ‘doing-undergoing’ (Ingold,
2016) and a ‘becoming with’ (Haraway, 2008). Once suffused throughout the
whole body, skills become habitual; enskilled bodies may thus be said to ‘dwell
in habit’ (Ingold, 2016).
In the case of dog-human relations, as with horse-human ones, I have
emphasized the elements that contribute to the correspondence established in-
between dogs and humans in herding activities. However, I first tried to show
why this relationship, which underpins their effective collaboration, has been so
successful. The long conviviality of dogs and humans is reflected in
transformations, on both sides, that are both cultural and behavioural. Here
again, these transformations are both done and undergone. Among them, I
highlight one that deeply impacted on their relationship: the emergent ability of
dogs to look into human faces or eyes. Following Haraway (2007), I argue that
this reciprocal paying attention is exemplified in the plural community of São Luiz
farm. It is precisely from their prolonged coexistence with humans, along with
both spontaneous and induced crossbreeding, that breeds of dogs arose, namely
Border Collies and Ovelheiros, which are above all defined – according to
institutions that regulate their breeding – by their ability to control herds of
animals. I presented the history of the Border Collies, from which the canine trio
of the São Luiz farm are probably descended, aiming to highlight the principal
skills with which they are endowed. These include the perception of movement;

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a keen sensitivity or ability to feel subtle changes in body posture; focus and
memory; a liking for herding tasks and willingness to work; activity, agility and
speed; curiosity, companionship and tractability. Struck by the contrasting
personalities of Gaiteiro, Duque and Campeiro, I resolved to dedicate a section
to this theme, in order to identify features that help to characterize their distinct
personalities. The notion of personality I have adopted here is founded on its
procedural and relational character; in this sense it is neither fixed nor innate,
but rather in continuous development, depending on the trajectories of the
individuals concerned and on the relational contexts in which these trajectories
play out. In short, personality is continually emergent from relationships
established throughout life. Finally, I argue that the correspondence of dogs and
humans in the herding group of the farm is mainly founded in visual reciprocity,
though it also has an acoustic dimension. When the dogs look into human eyes,
they do so in a way that is charged with interest, questions and emotions.
However, this attention to human gaze is amplified by further signals, which
include vocalizations, head turning, head-nodding and pointing, contributing even
more to the coordination of herding. To sum up, mutual understanding and skills
of correspondence, founded in the ancient conviviality of dogs and humans, are
further refined by dogs’ observational learning both with humans and with their
own conspecifics.
In the next chapter, on emotions, we saw that to regard nonhuman
animals as emotional beings remains highly controversial, especially in the hard
sciences. That is why I adduced several studies, from different disciplines and
orientations, that attest to the emotional nature of nonhuman animals, mainly
dogs and horses. In doing so, I emphasised the need for a multidisciplinary
approach to such a difficult issue. Some studies not only provide evidence for the
emotional condition of nonhuman animals; they also argue that animal emotions
are every bit as subtle and complex as those experienced by humans. With this,
the controversy becomes even more intense because the dominant trend,
especially in the hard sciences, is to reject any suggestion that nonhuman animals
experience emotions such as empathy, jealousy and guilt, that call for self-
awareness or reflection. Nevertheless, current studies have produced very

273
convincing results, revealing that nonhuman animals can experience
sophisticated and complex emotions such as those mentioned above. In this
regard, I highlight works based on what I have called ‘amateur perceptions,’ that
is, perceptions which come from deep knowledge and engagement of those who
live with animal partners, and who are thus in a privileged position to make
observations that are sensitive, sophisticated and wide-ranging. Moreover,
following Merleau-Ponty (2005) and Ingold (2000), I take emotion, understood
as feeling and sentience, to be a mode of active relational experience in and with
the world. While emotion has its source in living beings’ ability to perceive and
be perceived, it also has a social dimension in its bearing on the relationships
that emotive beings have with one another. This led me to focus on those aspects
of dog-horse-human relations that emerge in the domain of the in-between in
emotional contexts or situations, and that induce them to form cohesive units.
Here, ‘emotional contagion’ stands out. The effects of contagion include
synchronicity, resonance or coordination in-between individuals, intensified by
familiarity and closeness. According to de Waal (2011), emotional contagion
fosters the sharing of feelings and ‘forms the basis of empathy.’
Specifically for dogs, we saw that their social competence and strong
attachment to humans leads them to form social units founded on shared feelings
of friendship (Miklósi and Topál 2013; Miklósi 2015). In societies where dogs are
treated like human children, the formation of dependency relations towards their
owners or caretakers leads them to lose their autonomy in decision-making. This
was not so, however, for the working dogs on São Luiz farm. Here, the main
social-emotional elements that allow the herding group to work as a team,
combining harmony, coordination, cooperation and tuning, are: bonds of
attachment, providing mutual affection and cooperation; kinaesthetic empathy,
which helps to coordinate movements; moderate emotional distance, advisable
for working dogs as it promotes the autonomy required in activities of this nature;
and the ability to perceive emotions through facial expressions, gestures and
tones of voice.
Turning from dogs to horses: because they were originally prey animals
that would tend to hide their emotions for their own protection, admitting to their

274
condition as emotional beings is even more controversial than it is for dogs.
However, as with dogs, studies in both the hard and soft sciences, but mainly in
the former, claim to identify equine emotionality through analyses of motor
patterns, body posture, facial expression, vocalisations, exploratory behaviour,
training, memory and judgment. Soft-science approaches, for example, have
used ethnographies and surveys to study sport and leisure horse-riding. Here
again, amateur perceptions, from people who have enjoyed prolonged
conviviality with horses, provide an ideal resource for the study of equine
emotions. From these studies, my own included, we can conclude that horses,
like dogs, are unquestionably emotional beings, and are indeed susceptible to
emotions comparable to those of humans. To perceive the emotions of these
‘introverted’ animals calls for attention to the subtleties of their expression, for a
knowledge of their peculiarities and, above all, for long coexistence with specific
individuals.
Furthermore, to become a good rider it is important to develop a ‘feel’ for
the animal. ‘Feel’, or ‘sense of feel’, is a jargon term in horsemanship, and is
considered essential for riders to achieve harmonious, confident and effective
relationship with their riding partners. Some researchers express such ‘feel’ in
terms of empathy (Nosworthy, 2013), a kind of energy that circulates between
horse and rider and which has to be understood by riders in order that they can
‘interpret’ their horses’ emotions. We could define ‘kinaesthetic empathy’ (after
Dashper, 2016) as a sort of correspondence achieved through the mutual
perception of bodily motion. Other scholars define it in terms of effective
communication (Wipper, 2000; Brandt, 2004), or rhythmic synchrony (Game,
2001), between horse and rider. It is generally agreed that a rider needs to be
attentive to his own body and the sensations he experiences during the ride, and
to learn to become aware of the feelings and sensations involved in the activity.
This is a matter of ‘learning to be affected,’ as Nosworthy (2013) puts it. In short,
there are many demands for riding well, but what is most indispensable is the
sensitivity of riders and horses to the subtlety of the emotions that emerge in the
in-between – or in a word, emotional correspondence.

275
 The chapter ‘Towards a Theory of Correspondence,’ in addition to
presenting a formal definition of this concept centred on the notion of in-between,
complements the emotional dimension discussed in the previous chapter with a
focus on the dynamics of human-horse-dog relationships established in herding
activities. This leads to a more encompassing approach to the multiple elements
involved in these plural encounters. In order to develop a theoretical framework
for analysing the activities under investigation, I draw on studies from the
performing arts, especially dance and music, once again demonstrating the need
for a multidisciplinary approach to an anthropology that aims to go beyond the
human. I have attempted in this chapter to bring a phenomenological perspective
to the correspondences of dogs, horses and humans in the domain of the in-
between. Starting from the premise that ‘we are our body, … we are in the world
through our body, and … we perceive the world with our body,’ as stated by
Merleau-Ponty (2005: 239), these correspondences occur through the perceptual
modalities of our bodies. Taking movement to be a condition of the body as a
phenomenal entity, as well being fundamental to the experience of being-in-the-
world, I emphasise the dynamic dimensions of these encounters. Finally, since
we are dealing with collective activities that call for attunement between
participants, I show that these correspondences are not just dynamic but also
rhythmic.
The conclusion to be drawn from the above is that dogs, horses and
humans correspond in herding activities through multisensory experiences that
are inseparable from bodily movements, and therefore from the gestures and
facial expressions that constitute them, along with a communion of sounds,
visions and emotions, which together promote an empathic, joint, coordinated,
attuned and rhythmic action in-between them. Furthermore, in the particular
context of herding activities, when humans work with dogs visual-auditory
correspondence predominates, whereas with horses the haptic dimension
prevails. Drawing mainly on dance and music studies, I show how rhythmic
correspondence is achieved and what elements contribute to it. Dancers
correspond with one another and with their audiences primarily through the
combination of vision and bodily movement, from which we derive notions of

276
kinaesthesia, proprioception, kinaesthetic empathy, kinaesthetic affect and
emotional contagion. When dance is combined with music, rhythmic events or
performances lead to the attunement, synchronization and stimulation of
movement. Specifically in dance, we see that kinaesthetic empathy is closely
linked to the unfolding of movement dynamics in time, and that the harmony of
the performance is greater, the more markedly rhythmic the event. Thus dwelling
in harmonious joint activities entails the synchronized and rhythmic
correspondence of participants. Turning to specifically musical performances, we
can observe how the induction of human movements in response to rhythmic
performance is related to a repetitive temporal pattern marked by a clearly
perceived pulse and beat.
This synchronization of movement with beat is defined as entrainment. A
concept also used in studies of horsemanship, entrainment is about the in-
between correspondence of bodily movements and rhythmic musical
performances, with special emphasis on their emerging synchronization.
Moreover, synchronisation with rhythmic events increases when it is shared
socially, that is, through social entrainment, and even more so if perceptual
systems are combined. The haptic effect nevertheless stands out in relation to
the others. As for the phenomena that entice bodies to move, in musical
performances a deliberately induced temporal discrepancy has a stimulating
effect that is especially appreciated since it invites bodies to participate, impelling
them to move or even to dance – an effect known as groove or swing.
Furthermore, because these participatory discrepancies emerge from the
relations between movements, that is, from difference in repetition,
correspondence can only be achieved through a feeling of rhythm grounded in
attention to difference.
In the final chapter, dealing with the joint actions of the herding group in
cattle handling, my main objective has been to analyse the action of the entire
herding group, based on what has been learned from this research. This chapter
also shifts attention to the one group of animals still to be considered, but whose
presence calls the herding group into being – namely, the cattle – emphasizing
those aspects of cattle behaviour that significantly affect the work of the herding

277
group. This also provides an opportunity to describe the activities of the farm
that I took part in during my fieldwork: routine inspection of potreiros and herds;
gathering and driving herds for the cattle handling facilities; and care and
separation of herds for sale within these facilities. Drawing on photographic
images, I went on to discuss some basic principles of handling beef cattle which,
in addition to giving a clearer view of the dynamics of the farm, are fundamental
to the correspondences that emerge in between dogs, horses and humans during
the activities in question.
Some key topics to emerge from this discussion are as follows. First, beef
cattle, as emotional beings endowed with different personalities, like all the
animals discussed here, stir up emotional conflicts in farmers, who try to solve
them by remaining emotionally detached from the cattle, and by viewing them
solely as commodities. Second, the cattle flight zone, a common characteristic of
the animals’ response to the approach of predators which stems from their
original condition as a prey species, is a key element of social organization which
is also critical for driving herds during handling, and is most directly responsible
for their rhythm while under way. Third, the character of the relationships
between animals depends on the contexts in which they are introduced, such as
when the horse, on joining and taking part in the herding group, changes from
prey (in relation to dogs) to predator (in relation to cattle). Fourth, the
herdsman’s ability to identify the health condition of cattle, defined as skilled
vision (Grasseni, 2007), gives us another example of the learning process in
practice – that is, of practical enskilment. Fifth, when dogs, horses, riders and
cattle move at walking pace, peripheral vision assumes a prominent role in
maintaining the rhythmic correspondence that emerges in-between them,
transforming them into a singular plurality or, in short, a convoy.
As a final word, I would like to draw attention to certain themes that run
through this entire study. A phenomenological perspective proved to be pivotal
for addressing the relationships established between human and nonhuman
animals, not only as a theoretical and methodological point of view, but also
because it positions my own stance of being-in-the-world. In addition to providing
a theoretical framework that could embrace the relationships between beings

278
immersed in one and the same world, this perspective has allowed me to
structure my research along three dimensions that, along with the historical, have
intersected to give rise to this study, namely the sensory, the emotional and the
dynamic. From there I have developed a theory of correspondence. Above all,
however, a phenomenological approach suggests a way of dwelling in the world
that is transformative, in which all inhabitants correspond and are the active
subjects of these transformations, participating together in a continuous process
of doing undergoing.
The last issue I want to raise concerns the species category, which
although not a central concern of my discussions, nevertheless emerges
indirectly. The different personalities of the horses Gateado and Zaina, and of the
dogs Gaiteiro, Campeiro and Duque, as well as the different temperaments found
in cattle – not to mention changes in character, status and condition, for example
when participating in different social contexts or when horses change from prey
to predators during participation in the herding group, or when individuals are
considered insiders or outsiders to certain communities – all lead us to question
a taxonomic arrangement of animals based purely on species. Beyond its
reductionist character, the species concept hampers our understanding of
relations between different beings as processes of mutual and ongoing
transformation. Animals, as we have seen, are what they become, and that
becoming is always a becoming-with. In this study, all the key characters –
Gateado, Zaina, Gaiteiro, Campeiro and Duque, alongside Lasier, Nilceu and
Alessandro – are considered workers and full participants in the herding group,
and therefore as insiders in the context of the São Luiz farm, so making this plural
community a world of becoming with.

279
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