Name: Uttam Kumar Verma

Submitted to: prof. Mahalaxmi

Title of the paper offered: religion and society in early India

Title of the work : Varna and other identity’s in Upanisad’s

MA history

Center for historical studies

Jawaharlal Nehru University.

Phone: 9818266526

Email:

Uttamverma1432@gmail.com
Varna and other identity’s in Upanisads
By

Uttam Kumar Verma

Contents
Varna and other identity’s in Upanisads......................................................................................................2
Acknowledgement.......................................................................................................................................4
Historical discussion around cast.................................................................................................................7
The eyes of The British historiographer......................................................................................................8
The sharp APPROACH of nationalist historian.........................................................................................11
the dominant presence of Marxism............................................................................................................13
Theories behind The origin of untouchability............................................................................................17
Bibliography..............................................................................................................................................19
Dating, editing and authorship: living through the everlasting dispute......................................................21
Finding The dates: a trial for the scholar...............................................................................................21
The dates of Upanishad’s: written through-out the centuries.................................................................21
The relationship of the text................................................................................................................22
Archeology, events and historical facts.............................................................................................23
Evaluation of the Words: the verification from linguistic positions...................................................24
Metrical evidence..............................................................................................................................25
With the help of religious and philosophical idea’s...........................................................................25
Outcome of the methods: Arranging chronologically............................................................................26
The dating and authorship of Brihadaranyaka and Chandogya Upanishad............................................26
AUTHORSHIP: who were the original creator’s?.................................................................................28
Varna And Other Identity’s In Upanishad’s..............................................................................................31
the Brahmin: priest or authority.................................................................................................................31
As a teacher: the relationship with the students.....................................................................................31
Threatening the competitive power: you’ré head will shatter apart.......................................................32
Representing the power: The Kshatriya class............................................................................................33
Women’s in Upanishad.............................................................................................................................35
questioning beyond everything: Women rishi’s.....................................................................................35
The fierce Gargi and her questions....................................................................................................36
Her second question...........................................................................................................................37
Maitreyi and Katyayani: the wives of Yajnavalkya...............................................................................37
 Usasti Cakrayana and his wife, Atiki.....................................................................................................38
Women’s: playing subordinate role.......................................................................................................39
objectification of women through the discriptive semenal process........................................................40
high scale misogyny..............................................................................................................................40
the desire for son...................................................................................................................................41
The Ksudra’s and the Varna class..............................................................................................................42
Bibliography..............................................................................................................................................44
Acknowledgement

Every one’s life is marked by various complexity’s; and his or her personality is shaped by many
great individual’s. and to show gratitude to everyone is very difficult task or we can simply say,
very impossible thing to do. Firstly I would like to express my heartiest gratitude to Mahalaxmi
Mam for her over-all generosity and constant support. Without her it would be very impossible
to walk in this difficult path. Because of her patience and relentless perseverance I am able to
finished this paper. I am also grateful to my Father Shri Sukhi Ram Verma and my mother
Bhagwantin for their ever-lasting love. Whatever I am today is just because of them; I still can’t
forget How my father travel for forty to fifty Kilometer’s while carrying me in his cycle. My
hearts starts beating when I remember those days when my father has to borrow money from
other’s to drop me into the school. I don’t know when I will able to repay this debt, and make
him happy through my work but still I am enormously fortunate to have their patience, love, and
support and feel immensely proud that I belong to them. After that I would like to show my
honest gratitude to very enthusiastic, influential, honest and the most energetic human being
Dheeru Yadav (popularly known as Kaleen Bhaiyya among us). Because of his open-handedness
and caring attitude I have able to work very hard. He always help me in difficult circumstances.
it is very impossible to find this type of companionship in this world. Next comes my greatest
sister, whom I considered the greatest human being on this earth miss Sonam with whom I spent
most of the finest moments in JNU. I also would like to acknowledge helping human beings who
are also in the list of my greatest friend’s Sandeep Kumar Maqbool, Harsh Ranjan, Gunjan
Kumari, Deepa Parihar, Kriti Sahu, Kanu Priya, Shrey Shahi, and other’s. there contribution’s in
my life can not sums in mere words. Because of their friendship I save myself from going into
the depressive faze. Because of These friend’s I have cross various obstacle and challenges
which comes while living in the negative environment In JNU. Where every day you have to
struggle with accessibility, where every-one reminds you with your disability, where the attitude
of the classmates is highly insensitive and unresponsive, these friend’s save me from going me
into the disastrous and tragic faze, and made me positive through-out this semester. How I can
forget the ever-lasting friendship with Rishi Kumar with whom I discussed various things related
to the field of Music, academics, cinema, relationship and what not! Because of him I have able
to perceive beyond academic’s. in other words because of him this last semester of mines
becomes productive. He wrote beautiful play’s such as attarah Sopan and Yuddha Viram under
the banner of Kalpa Chakshu our theater group. and offered me the most thrilling character’s
which made me famous around the college’s of Delhi University. Acting on the plays was
always in my dreams since school days and because of his vision I fulfilled it in this semester.
The character of Swami Ji will always remain memorable for me. At last I am greatly indebted to
the rishi’s (who wrote down the Upanisads) and other scholar’s whose work I have extensively
used and quoted for this paper.
Introduction:

The Upanisads are being considered very important text for reconstructing the past of our
ancient India. Each and every Upanisads represent different aspects of India; in order to
understand the entirety of India at that phase we need to be have considered reading these
Upanisads. It doesn’t mean that for this we have to over-look the importance of other texts such
as Veda’s, Dharmasastra’s, Purana’s or any other political or social texts. These texts have their
own place in the history: and historians of ancient India have acknowledge the contribution of
these texts very-well. Because of the critically exploration the socio-economic history of ancient
India have reinterpreted very well. These Upanisads not only gives us the account of spiritual
life of that time but it also helps us for the understanding of cultural, social economical and
philosophical life of that time. In this paper our purpose will be to inquire the situational analyses
of Varna and other identity’s in Upanisads . Therefore we will take the help of two major (firstly
written) Upanisads Brahadaranyaka and Chandogya Upanisads in order to look the situations of
Varnas and other identities in these texts.

Before going to the detail of the primary sources and looking to the historiography we need to
have clear-cut idea about The Cryptic Nature of these Scriptures. Most of the scriptures available
in the country, and for that matter anywhere in the world, are as stated and revealed by great
saints and based on their own realizations. To express these realizations, they had to depend on
probably the only course available i.e. a (any) language, mostly through the verbal system of
teacher to taught (guru-sisya parampara including sruti which means that which is heard) and
later through written scriptures also. In those days writing on tree barks/bhojpatras was difficult
and printing did not exist. To remember the content easily and to pass it on from one generation
to another, it was only natural under the circumstances that the message should be succinct and
desirably in the form of verse or verse-like prose. The ancient writers could not afford to diffuse
the issue since they had to rely on memory and oral traditions than on printed books. This
extreme conciseness led to brevity in expression by making the scriptures difficult to understand.
But thanks to their preserving memory; because of their generations of hard work we have still
these texts available as relatively complete form. The language and aphorisms of Indian
scriptures are often terse, succinct and cryptic, sometimes to the point of obscurity. This is true
of Vedas, Upanisads and most of all other scriptures.

As olevelle pointed that The Upanisads themselves became somewhat detached from their
respective Vedic branches and became the common property of all Brahmins under the generic
title “Vedanta,” meaning the end or conclusion and, in an extended sense, the essence of the
Veda. But latter it starts separating themselves from the original text and incorporated new ideas.
It shape the meaning of dharma, reflecting broader trends in the Upanisads which incorporate
serious considerations of the moral consequences of ‘acting’, and an increasing self-
consciousness in defining the merits of performing ritual activities, particularly as these issues
are expressed in the theory of karma. If these developments reveal certain new trends in the
application of dharma, it must still be admitted that dharma is of little significance in the older
Upanisads , and that when it does occur, it is restricted to something like the traditional duties of
conservative Brahmanism, not unlike the way it is used in the dharma literature.1

Given the importance of these basic texts, numerous documents, often espousing sectarian
viewpoints, were composed with the title “Upanisad,” and, at least among some segments of the
population, they enjoyed the authority and sanctity attached to the Vedas; most of these late texts
are ascribed to the Atharvaveda. Such Upanisads continued to be produced possibly as late as the
sixteenth century CE and number in the hundreds. In the first half of the second millennium CE,
furthermore, the early Upanisads were detached from the Brahmanas of which they were a part
and, together with these later Upanisads , gathered into collections; the number of Upanisads
included in these collections varied according to the region, 52 being a common number in the
north and 108 in the south.

According to Deussen (the philosophy of Upanisads ) the entire Upanisads can be classified into
fivefold according to the content and the nature of these Upanisads . They are: the pure Vedanta
Upanisads , Yoga Upanisads , Sanyasa Upanisads , Síva Upanisads and Vishnu Upanisads .2
When we look these text from upside it clearly looks like religious in nature. Where rishi’s
expressed their ideas and thoughts for the betterment of the society. but the main question is does
these text only represent religious and spiritual life of that time? Does it contained only the
spiritual and religious aspect of that era? Does it contained only the discussion about Brahman
and Atman? Can we not look these texts from the other aspects after analyzing these? Through
the description of the vivid text we will try to look upon the Varna and other identity’s of
Upanisads ; we will see how Upanisads looked upon women’s, the priests and other identities.
How these texts views them. Does these identity’s have acquired proper place in Indian society?

much discriminatory attitude was presence there for women's and ksudra community. for them
education was unimaginable; there was clear-cut instruction that they should not avail the
knowledge contained in the Upanishada. The same feeling inspires the warning repeated again
and again in the Upanisads , not to impart a certain doctrine to unworthy students. the teacher
shall not impart to anyone who is not his immediate pupil (antevdsin), who has not already lived
for a year in his house, who does not himself intend to be a teacher." Chand. 3. 11. 5 :-"
Therefore only to his eldest son shall the father as Brahman communicate it (this doctrine), but to
no one else, whoever he may be." (Brih. 6. 3. 12 :--")3 This (the mixed drink, mantha, and its
ritual) shall be communicated to no one, except the son or the pupil." Give this supreme secret)
to none who is not tranquii, who is not a son or at least a pupil." But if a woman or a S'udra
learns the Savitri formula, the Lakshmi formula, the Pralava, one and all go downwards after

1
Adam Bowles, Dharma, Disorder and the Political in Ancient India(2007 Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and:p. 104.
2
Paul Deussen, The philosophy of Upanisads (1906) Richmond:p.10.
3
Ibid: p. 17.
death. Therefore let these never be communicated to such! If anyone communicates these to
them, they and the teacher alike go downwards after death."4

Some of this source material consists of dialogues, debates, and formal teach- ings by well-
known teachers of the time, who are identified. Prominent and notable among these are
Yajnavalkya (in the BU), Uddalaka Aruni (in the CU), Janaka, Pravahana Jaivali, Ajatasatru,
Sandilya, and Satyakama Jabala. Many of these are, of course, Brahmins, who were not only
priests but also the theologians and teachers within the social hierarchy of the time. It is,
therefore, surprising that several prominent teachers of Upanisadic doctrines are presented as
kings, or at least as belonging to the Ksatriya class. The Ksatriya contribution to Upanisadic
thought has been an issue long debated among scholars. Many have gone so far as to claim that
the creative and new elements of Upanisadic doctrines were the creation of Kshatriyas. The
Upanisads themselves appear to lend support to such a view. They record numerous episodes
where a Brahmin or a group of Brahmins who claim to be learned are worsted in debate by a
Kshatriya, who then goes to established their rule over the territory.

Before going to the deep details about the description of varna and other identity’s of Upanisads
let us look to the historiography of the work’s on varna and Jati’s. in this discussion we will have
quick look of historians who have work specifically on Varna and Jati systum’s of ancient India.
We will begin with British historians and come till the latest work and see how the perception
has changed time-to-time. How historians have analyzed the social cultural and religious life
through the mirror of cast? How still cast has remain one-of-the most mysterious thing even
today for understandingIndian past? In what way these historians have look the impact of the
caste system’s? and how it could helps us to clear our historical doubts regarding the past.

Historical discussion around cast

Not only major historian’s but number of scholars coming from various disciplines and
professions, such as Indologists, anthropologists, sociologists, economists, students of Indian
religions, not to mention reformers and politicians; after the studying the caste system of India
they tried to reformed it. After the advent of William Jones and his foundation of the Asiatic
society of Bengal. He encouraged more upon recovering lost ancient Indian historical texts. the
historical situation of ancient past have rigorously explored by these new comer British historian.
As a result the caste characteristics of Indian society was revealed. They tried to look the origin
of caste system through hierarchical means. But in the beginning they were unable to distinguish
between Varna A and Jaati. Then the writings of James mill and other historian’s came into the
fields which starts focusing the past of Indian turms of social and cultural sphere. They

4
Ibid:p.21.
highlighted the division of society center upon the caste and other notions and showed through
their historical work that the ancient Indian society has always remain backward and they were
divided on different regions and geographical territories. Thus the discussion of caste goes back
to 18th century. These narratives has been challenged by the nationalist historian. while revisiting
to the past written texts they have highlighted the positive aspects of ancient civilization.
Through the thorough research they have also shown that in the ancient times the ranges of India
have been united under the Asokan and Mughal rule. later comes the Marxist and socialist school
of thoughts who have extensively contributed for the understanding of the caste with their
thorough research. Prominent among them were D. D. Kosambi, R. S. Sharma, Romila thapar
and Irphan Habib. Later Suvira Jaiswal’s work also highlighted the origin of caste in India.

The eyes of The British historiographer

The discussion about caste among historians starts from the colonial time; The earliest and one
of the positive results of the British conquest and unification of India- one which kept pace that
process itself was the recovery of ancient Indian history on modern lines of historiography. The
Hindu, as the British found him, had a vague consciousness of the antiquity of his country’s
culture which, indeed, he was prone to exaggerate, but it was far from a genuine historical
consciousness as we understand the term. It was to this task of reconstructing the lost history of
India that the Orientalist or the Indologists addressed themselves. In the absence of genuine
historical texts, the work of reconstruction had to rely almost entirely on information obtainable
from literature and different kinds of archaeological finds like inscriptions, coins, monuments
and sculptures.

The first scholars who gives us the glimpse of the Caste system is Lawyer, historian, linguist,
botanist, civil servant, and literary theorist was the William Jones. He had an interest in
promoting understanding of and appreciation for Asian languages and cultures that led him to
make an original contribution to scholarship unrivalled in his time. He arrived in Kolkata In 1783
as the newest judge on the Bengal Supreme Court. In January 1784, with the support of Warren
Hastings, Jones founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal- the first organized effort to study the
history, society, and culture of Indi-and began learning Sanskrit in order to access Islamic and
Hindu laws in their original form. Because of his mission for the Indian Sanskrit tradition the
critical studies on ancient texts could be started and historical writing had begun in the field of
ancient India.

When the process of historical analyses was started These missionaries, colonial administrators-
turned-historians and ethnographers not merely just look at the caste construction of India but
they try to explain the various reasons behind the origin of the caste system. They talk about
various elements and factors which contributes behind this development. Various British
scholars have explain the reason’s which led to the development of caste in India; according to
Nesfield, a hereditary specialization of occupation was behind the root of this system; guilds had
petrified into castes in a hierarchical order, according to him because of the primitive occupation,
their ranking was lower.5 Risley has observed caste chiefly as an aspect of race, and he claimed
that the caste status had a simple correlation with the nasal index of its members.6 Senart was the
first historian who emphasized the occupational factor in the origin of caste, but his main
contribution lay in the fact that he clearly distinguished between varn and jati, ascertaining castes
with the latter and interpreting the former as ‘class’. The institutions of jatiand varna were for
Senart in essence independent of each other, but later became incorporated. The jatis were
grafted on the varnas by the brahmanas to maintain their superiority, but the varna scheme never
corresponded to leality, and the origin of the jatis could be traced to Inclo- European kin
groupings corresponding to the Roman gezs.7

James Mill sums up the society of India in these words: “The leading institutions of the Hindus
bear evidence that they were devised at a very remote period, when society yet retained its rudest
and simplest form. As soon as the cultivation of land, which yields a more secure and plentiful
subsistence, occupies a great share of the common attention, the inconvenience of this universal
mixture of employments is speedily felt. Perceiving the advantage which would accrue to his
countrymen from a division of employments, under the sanction of Heaven, the classification of
the people, and the distribution of occupations. Nor was it enough to introduce this vast
improvement; it was right to secure that the original members of the different classes should be
supplied with successors, and that the community should not revert to its former confusion.”8
After the description of class society and the duty’s of brahman’s kshatriya’s vaishya’s and
sudra’s. he touched the impact of class division and the chaotic caste separation in the following
words: “This distribution of the whole people into four classes only, and the appropriation of
them to four species of employment; the very simple state of society in which it must have been
introduced, was a great step in improvement, must have become productive of innumerable
inconveniences, as the wants of society multiplied. The different castes were strictly commanded
to marry with those only of their own class and profession; and the mixture of the classes from
the union of the sexes was guarded against by the severest laws. This was an occurrence,
however, which laws could not prevent. Irregularities took place; children were born, who
belonged to no caste, and for whom there was no occupation. No event could befall society more
calamitous than this. Unholy and infamous, on account of that violation of the sacred law to
which they owed their unwelcome birth, those wretched outcasts had no resource for subsistence,
excepting either the bounty of the established classes, to whom they were objects of execration
and abhorrence; or the plunder of those same classes, a course to which they would betake

5
S,N. Ketkar, History of Caste in India,2 vols (London, 1911): p. 47.
6
Ibid: p. 48.
7
Suvira Jaiswal, Caste: Origin, Function, and Dimensions of Change, Manohar (2000):p. 43-44.
8
James mill, History of British India, vol 1 (1817):p.156.
themselves with all the ingenuity of necessitous, and all the atrocity of much injured, men.”9 In
the above statement the mill believes that the caste division of that time had very catostraphicle
impact in the lives of the lower caste people’s: though his idea’s were carried with some
prejudices his description of the situational analyses of the caste seems to be quite accurate.

Celestine Bougle is also considered one of the major theoratition of the Indian caste system. He
asserted that the four varna system had never been more than an ideal; the real groups were
castes in other words the power is vested upon these castly groups. According to him the caste
society was based on three fundamental principles- hereclitary specialization, hierarchy and
repulsion or segregation of one group from another, these three principles have always remain
prominent in Indian society. that is the reason that this system is being considered unique which
have not able to change after the coming of 21th century.

Bougle's also gives emphasis of looking economic life of that time to determined the impact of
caste system. he heavily criticized the 18th century scholar’s who believes that caste system
comes as the result of premeditation of the priests, a voluntary creation, and he also remarked
that we must not exaggerate the power of religion over Hindu Civilization.10 According to him
the notions of caste did not resolute with the idea of purity or pollution instead of this the nature
of occupation contributes more on creating caste hierarchy.

Hutton (1946) presents very skeptical views of these theories behind the origin of the caste and
asserts that instead of looking different theories we should look the causes for the origin of the
caste system. Hutton also provides more than 15 possible reasons which helps for the 'emergence
and development of the caste system', such as ecological isolation, magical beliefs about certain
crafts, primitive ideas regarding 'the power of food to transmit qualities', tribal concepts of taboo,
soul-stuff, totemism, pollution, ceremonial purity, belief in the doctrine of karrrta, clash of races
and colour prejudice, and deliberate exploitation by a hierarchy.11 Hutton also states that because
of the caste system the Indian society has remain stable through-out the centuries despite facing
invasion from out-sider’s. he wrote: “Indian society has survived a vast number of invasions,
famines, revolutions and social upheavals of all kinds, including conquests by invaders of alien
religions essentially antagonistic to Hinduism, and there can be no doubt but this is largely due to
the caste system on which that society has constructed itself, a system which often survived even
conversion to Islam or Christianity. Muslim castes are a familiar phenomenon ; Momin or
Jolaha, for instance, a caste of Muslim weavers ; Lalkhani, a caste of Muslim R ajputs; Gaddi, a
caste of Muslim graziers; Mirasi, a caste of Muslim minstrels closely akin to the Hindu caste of
Dharhi, and so forth. Indeed, one Muslim caste, the Turkiya Banjara, have definite gotras, three
of which have Muslim names—Bahlim, Khilji and Shaikh.”12

9
Ibid:p. 171.
10
Celestin Bougle, Essays on tbe Caste System, tr, D,F. Pocock (London, 1971). Ibid., pp. 30-2, 36-38.
11
J.H. Hutton, Caste in India (Cambridge, 1946):p. 164.
12
Ibid: p. 126-128.
Hutton belongs to the last of the administrator scholars, and his concept of caste has been
critiqued by many leading social anthropologists. For Pocock, Hutton's work is based on
nineteenth-century evolutionism and ethnography and is an 'amorphous dossier of facts', lacking
in any guiding theory.13

Dumont criticizes Hutton for taking an 'atomistic' view of caste and neglecting to srudy the
system as a whole (not however in any empirical sense of the term but in an ideological sense)
for according to Dumont, 'caste is above all a system of ideas and values'.14

One may not believe the Hutton’s arguments for giving theory of caste for focusing one reasons
ideological or impirical that the caste system has gradually achieve his grouth comprising
multiple factor’s. he regards the caste system as 'a composite unit of many individual cells, each
functioning independently' and as such unduly minimizes the importance of those socio-
economic and cultural bonds which sustain the system making it an organic whole. His study of
Indian caste system has remain classic till the date and his arguments shaped the discussion of
the caste system very effectly.

The sharp APPROACH of nationalist historian

While research was under way by british historian the nationalist approach of understanding
caste have also shaped this debate. While discussing caste these nationalist historian’s did not
disregard the entire theories proprogated by the British historian’s but while incorporating their
idea’s they have added their more nuance understanding of caste. Nationalist approach to Indian
history may be described as one which tends to contribute to the growth of nationalist feeling and
to unify people in the face of religious, caste, or linguistic differences or class differentiation.
This may sometimes be irrespective of the intentions of the author. The nationalistic approach
has always given focus on the positive aspects of ancient India which has deliberately ignored by
the British Historian’s.

scholars like R.P, Chanda, N.K. Dutt, D. N. Majumdar and G.S. Ghurye, whose writings reflect
the sentiments of nationalism and social reform have broadly contributed for the understanding
of the caste system in racial lines. these scholars enlightened the origin of the caste system in
terms of the conquest of Aryans over Dravidians and of Dravidians over pre-Dravidians, and
their view’s are still propagated and shaped the debate of the nature of the caste system. Ghurye
emphasized the role of the Brahmana’s in developing the caste system for maintaining such
purity. According to him, Risley's anthropometric tests showing correspondence berween the
social ranking of a caste and nasal index of its members was broadly valid for northern India.15
after the analyses of anthropometric survey of 1941 D. N. Majumdar concluded that the ancient
13
Suvira Jaiswal (2000):p. 47.
14
Louis Dumont, Homo Hierarcbicus (Delhi, 1970), pp. 27-33.
15
G.S. Ghurye, Caste and Class in India (Mumbai, 1957): p. 63-64.
Indian’s were totally homogenized and the racial differentiation has not contributed for the
growth of caste.

In turms of south India the racial division is discussed uponed the origin of caste; it is
believed by the historians and the scholar’s that the Brahman’s have imposed their racial
tendenciesupon the Dravidians. Thus Trautmannq criticized those who confused varna
with 'caste' or 'class' and remarked that varna is a sacred concept which needs to be
differentiated from caste. He contends that varnas are a divine creation and immutable,
but castes may fuse together or split into smaller castes; new castes may also be enrolled.
This controversy is not new. As we have discussed in the previous section, Senart was the
first scholar who distinguish between varna and caste and Hutton validated the
distinction. While distingvishing Varna mex weber in economics terms says that Varna is
estate or status groop not as a form of class understood by the most of the historian’s.
much of the historical discussion’s have been carried on to identify the differences
between Varna and Jati; Jaati is been shown to work in the local sfere but the Varna
construction’s have remained same in entire India. the varna are divided on the bases of
their functions; but the Jati is based on hierarchical framework where brahmana’s were
given highest positions. Because of these complexity’s around Varna and jati some
historian’s tent to look the origin of the caste through the historical development. Irawati
Karve (1905-1970) remarks that untouchability is a characteristic of the caste structure
from top to bottoms and that the system goes back to Harappa culture in which the jati
specializing in pounding grain lived in a cell-like isolation, which fact was misinterpreted
by archaeologists as evidence of slavery.16 While contributing to the same debate Romila
Thapar explain’s that Varna and Jati is interrelated to each-other; in other words Varna’s
represented theoretical aspects and Jati represent the functional aspects of the Caste. She
argues that these aspects were presented since the time of Harappan civilization; where
the class distinction was alrady their when the Aryan cames in india they just broad
orgzational change’s with them.

One of the main figure of Nationalist historian R. G. Bhandarkar While writing on the religious
and caste development and differences of Hinduism and Buddhism presented very different
aspects. with special focus to Buddhism he wrote: “From times of old there existed in the Indian
com-- munity such persons, who were called Sramanas and belonged originally to all castes.
These gave themselves to contemplation and sometimes propounded doctrines of salvation not in
harmony with the prevalent creed. Buddhism was not even a revolt against caste, for though men
from all castes were admitted to the monastic order, and though in the discourses of Buddha
himself and others the distinction of caste is pronounced to be entirely worthless, still the object
of those who elaborated the system was not to level caste-distinctions. They even left the
domestic ceremonies of their followers to be performed according to the Vedic ritual.”17
16
Irawati Karve, Kinship Organization in India (London, 3rd ed (1965) p. 7.
17
R. G. Bhandarkar, A Peep Into the Early History of India: From the Foundation of the Maurya Dynasty to the
Downfall of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty (322 BC - Circa 500 Ac) [1920]:p. 11.
the dominant presence of Marxism

the contribution of Marxist thoughts regarding the caste construction of Indian society have
always remain the backbone of Indian historiography. The first Marxist who analyzed the cast
problems of Indian Society was D. D. Kosambi. A well-known Marxist historian his works are
still consider masterpiece by most Indian historical scholar’s. Kosambi had devote a good deal of
attention to the history of the caste system, since ‘caste is an important reflection of the actual
relations of production, particularly at the time of its formation’, and belief in its ‘inevitability’,
an important factor in the maintenance of class structure in India. A proper assessment and
analysis of its role was important, for, as he puts it, the relations of production ‘are not
determined simply by the economic level, nor immediately by the tools, but depend also upon
the previous social history of the particular group of men’.18 he discuss the his detail explanation
of Indian caste system in his book titled: “The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India(1956)”.
He strongly argues that the central feature of Indian caste system have heavily impacted the
village or the rural life in India. he propounded the theory that the Brahmana caste was formed
with the fusion of Harappan and Aryan priestly elements.19 Kosambi also held that the
beginnings of the caste system should be traced to the formation of a servile caste from the
Dasas, 'the descendants of Indus settlers who had provided the surplus for Indus cities, being
persuaded thereto by some method other than force, say religion'. He explane the feature of this
caste system that this system created division in the society which was divided in many groups
but they seems to living together but in the actual sence they are not.

Only Member’s of the same caste are allowed to marry and form social relation; different caste
can not marry with each-other according to the religion. But the law gives full permition in this
regard and that was the reason which was responsible for the decay of caste system in urban
India.20 this stratification of indian society explane a great deal of information regarding indian
history which should be researched further in great detail. According to him many caste owed
social and economic status to their present or former refusal to take food production and plough
agriculture. The lowest castes often preserve tribal rites, and myths. A little higher up we see
these religious observances and legends in transition, often by assimilation to other parallel
traditions.21

Kosambi maintained that one of the clues to an understanding of the Indian past is the factor of
the transition from tribe to caste-from small localized groups to a generalized society. This

18
The Many Careers of D.D. KOSAMBI Critical Essays Edited by D.N. Jha (october 2011):p. 131.
19
An Introduction to the Study of Indian History (Popular Book Depot, Bombay, 1956):p. 56-57
20
Ibid: p. 98-99.
21
Ibid: p. 98.
transition was largely the result of the introduction of plough agriculture in various regions
which changed the system of production, broke the structure of tribes and clans, and made caste
the alternative form of social organization. Indicative of such a change is the evolution of clan
totems into clan names and then into caste names.22 He credits indus weally civilization for the
transferization process from tribe to caste.

Kosambi’s arguments were boundless as a scholar he provided a general hypothesis for the
study of caste within the framework of historical materialism. He does speak of caste as not
something which had had a continuous existence from the time of Harappa but it originated in
Gangetic basin with different production method.23 According to him, the formation of a servile
caste from the defeated Dasa and Sudra tribes led to the developmenr of new relations of
production in Aryan sociery. This was the origin of 'the older northern caste system', evidently
varna, from within the tribe’s') But in peninsular India caste-cum-class developed under external
stimulus owing to the confrontation and assimilation of the materially and technologically
superior Aryans and the aborigines of varied cultural levels and territories.24 Caste and
occupational rules became rigid only in the stagnant Indian villages with the emergence of
feudalism. According to Kosambi Later these existing castes have assimilated the tribes into the
same existing method’s of production’s.

The contributions of the slaves in economic productions is widely debated among historian’s;
though Kosambi declined any kind of possibilities of slave mode of productions by anyone
weather they were from lower caste or to any tribal community’s. although Devraj Chananas and
R. S. Sharma86 have shown that slaves were employed in large number in the production
process in certain regions of India during the post-Vedic and Mauryan times.25 Even Sharma
believes that the Vedic society was also formed on the bases of ranking of social status . but
because of the absence of surplus or we can say agrarian-economic growth. Only some warrior
or priestly family employs slaves who were captured in war’s for the domestic work. Even after
the passing of the vedic society Sharma believes that the Varna system had not developed into its
fullest capability. The two upper Varna’s enjoys preveledge’s and they controlled political and
economic resources. The other two Varna’s the Vaisya and Sudra class gave their labour services
to these two Uper varna’s.26 Sharma characterizes later Vedic sociery as a 'small-scale non-
monetary peasant society' in which there was unequal distribution of the produce of land but
which nevertheless retained prominent tribal characteristics. It was only with the greater
utilization of iron for crafts and agriculnrre around 500 ec in eastern UP and Bihar that larger

22
D, D, Kosambi, Myth and Reality Studies in the Formation of Indian Culture (Popular Prakashail, Bombay, 1962):p.
57.
23
An Introduction to the Study of Indian History (Popular Book Depot, Bombay, 1956):p. 56-57
Ibid: p. 62.
24
The Many Careers of D.D. KOSAMBI Critical Essays Edited by D.N. Jha (october 2011): p. 136.
25
Devraj Chanana, Slavery in Ancient India (Delhi, 1960): p. 17.
26
R. S. Sharma, Perspectives in Social and Economic History of Ancient India (Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 2003):
p. 47,
surpluses became available, and this provided the material foundation for the emergence and
stabilization of class society and its instrument, the state.27

By continuing the arguments of Kosambi’s description of transformation from tribes to caste he

explore the transformation process in same line. He believes: The use of iron for large-scale field
cultivation had, by the sixth century BC, transformed the tribal, pastoral and egalitarian pre-class
Vedic society into a full-fledged class-divided social order. The new order required large labor
power which was procured by force of arms and perpetuated by law and custom, religion and
ideology-all interwoven into a social structure called the varna system.28

While analyzing to The Sudra class, as the dharmasastras were to ordain, he argues that they
have to serve the three higher varnas, while Manu would reduce him to slavery. The Indian helot
was saddled with all kinds of disabilities - economic, politico-legal, social and religious - and
was subjected to a kind of generalized slavery.29 Sharma writes that "...the Sudra skill, together
with (he agricultural surplus produced by the Vaisya peasants, provided the material basis for the
development of ancient Indian society, which in this sense was a vaisya-sudra formation."30 In
the Gupta period (c. AD 300-600), the Sudras gained some religious and civic rights and in many
respects were placed on a par with the Vaisyas. Many of the Sudras were now peasants with
enlarged social and religious rights.

Later these factor’s converted into the form of Varna crises. The crisis is clearly reflected in the
description of the Kali age in the portions of the Puranas relating to the third and fourth
centuries. The Kali age is characterized by varnasankara, that is, intermixture of varnas or social
orders, which implies refusal of the vaishyas and the shudras (peasants, artisans, and laborers) to
perform the producing functions assigned to them, that is, the vaishya peasants declined to pay
taxes and the shudras refused to make their labour available. They did not respect the varna
boundaries relating to marriage and other types of social intercourse. In the face of this situation,
the epics emphasize the importance of danda or coercive measures, and Manu lays down that the
vaishyas and shudras should not be allowed to deviate from their duties. The kings appear as
upholders and restorers of the varna system.31

D.D, Kosambi and R.S. Sharma have stressed the role of Brahmana’s in the expansion of
agricultural settlements and acculturation of backward tribes. To increase the cultivation of the
land new areas were been explored. occasionally they were also superimposed over existing
settlements. However, it is clear that the main contradiction was not between brahmanas and
cultivater’s. but the struggle’ happened between Brahman’s and the depressed class of
untouchables-now known as Adi Dravidas-and lower caste. These Adi Dravidas supplied
agriculture labor to the cultivating land’s.
27
Suvira Jaiswal (2000):p. 63.
28
R. S. Sharma, Sudras in Ancient India, (1958):315.
29
Ibid: p. 316-317.
30
Ibid:p.318.
31
Sharma:p.344.
Narendra Vagle (1966) has analysed the socialigical turms with scientific precision. In his work
society at the time of Buddha. He looked at the various group available in the Pali text and
concluded that those days the society was not constructed on the tribal lines and the jati’s has to
provide extensive labor. he analysed the Pali texts using the techniques of modern sociology for
reconstructing the data. his analysis of inter-personal relationships in the social, religious and
political spheres miss the mark to convey out their congruence with the system of economic
relations, with the result that whereas he speaks of the 'threefold system of ranking' (social,
political and religious), he ignores the evidence on wider socio-economic classes in a post-tribal
society.32

Another Marxist scholar, B.N. Dutt, at about the same time discussed the class character of
social and political institution’s from the RigVedic age to the end of the early medieval period.
The research work of B. N. dutt has expanded the work of R. S. Sharma. He has drawn our
attention towards technological and economical change’s which marked the shift in agrarian
economy. He further argue that economic change together with the presence of large, politidally
dominant foreign groups and the activities of heretical sects, such as Buddhism andJainism,
created a crisis in the established order and led to the loosening of control over the Sudras, and
their transformation into sharecroppers and a class of dependent peasantry on the one hand and
greater exploitation and decline in the status of the free peasantry represented by the vaisyas on
the other, The feudal tendencies grow more with the land grants to religious and secular
beneficiaries and the abandonment of fiscal, administrative and judicial rights by the state over
the donated area, The process led to the division of the soil among the greatest possible number
of sub-feudatories or intermediaries. Romila thapar remarks that social mobility 'in Indian
society did not necessarily mean a change in the actual status of a caste but perhaps more often
the attempt to improve the ritual status or else to deny its importance.33

One more argument regarding the prominence of caste system is believe to have related to the
Islamic invasion. It is believe that after the coming of Islam to save the Hindu society from mass
conversion into the Islamic faith the Varna system becomes rigid. But while critiquing to this
argument its believe that during the time of crises the caste or Varna system becomes flexible. if
the Muslims were indeed viewed as the 'common enemy' and a threat to 'Indian independence',
the natural reaction of the brahmanical society would have been to unite rather than intensify the
segregation of communities.

Burton Stein while discussing the caste collaboration asserts that there was no any relation
between brahman’s and warrior class. The brahmana’s were living the as spiritual guides and
neighbors of the 'respectable' peasant communities on the Coromandal plains long before the rise
of the Pallavas, and the brahmana and peasant alliance was 'voluntary' and ‘of mutual benefit'. As

32
Narendra Vagle, society at the time of Buddha, (1966) :p. 26.
33
Romila Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History, p 129'
there was no need for brahmanas to collaborate with warriors, there is no viable ksatriya caste in
south India.3435

Theories behind The origin of untouchability

The history of untouchable’s has not been present in nationalist historiography. The causes
behind the origin of the untouchable class has deliberately ignore by those historians who wants
to present India’s past glory in positive line. Haimendorf put forward an interesting hypothesis in
favor of the urban origin of untouchability. He stated that the untouchables have no particularly
close connection with the soil; they are generally craftsmen like leather workers and weavers, or
menials working as watchmen, sweepers, etc., whose services are essential to urban life but may
not be needed in the rural areas; and he points out that even today there is no need for scavengers
in the smaller Indian villages. Further, whereas in the villages nearly everyone is engaged in
agriculture and there is less contempt for manual labor, towns have greater economic and
cultural disparity and poor people living in squalor and compelled to pursue 'unclean'
occupations are inevitably segregated and banished to the urban periphery in a society which
identifies personal cleanliness with purity. Furer-Haimendorf admits that once the idea of
untouchability developed in urban or semi-urban settlements it could spread to villages as well,
as 'it is everywhere the towns which set the standard.36 Though he provided the urban origin of
untouchability but he could not able to specify the exact time frame when it had originated.

While looking to the growth of Saucacdra and the Tantricism and how iit incorporated
untouchable’s into the new ideological sphere suvira Jaiswal writes: “Saucacdra, the ideology of
pure/impure, and Tantricism were two sides of the same coin produced by interaction with
aboriginal tribal population and their assimilation. The former reflects the preoccupation of the
orthodox with the preservation of purity by maintenance of social distance, the latter involved
breaking of social taboos and incorporated. Social protest to brahmanical orthodoxy. Both were
responses to the deepening of class contradictions.”37

Vivekanand Jha has defined four major developmental stages of untouchability. He points out
that the gguedashows no knowledge of people who must not be touched, Neither do the later
Vedic texts give any indication of untouchability, although the tribal groups of the Candalas and
the Pulkasas are mentioned with malice and revulsion.38 In the second faze which extended
around 200 A. D. certain tribes like Candala and and the Pulkasas emerge clearly as
34
Suvira Jaiswal, ( Caste: Origin, Function, and Dimensions of Change, Manohar (2000):p. 74.
35
Burton stein, Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India, Oxford, (1995) :p.185.
36
Suvira Jaiswal, ( Caste: Origin, Function, and Dimensions of Change: p. 88-89.
37
Ibid: p. 95-96.
38
Vivekanand Jha, Candalas - Untouchability and Caste in Early India, Primus Books; (2017) :p. 135.
untouchables. The third phase, could be considered continuation of the second phase, throws up
some more ethnic groups as untouchables, but the peak is attained in the fourth phase from eo
600 to 1200, when a number of occupational groups such as the carrnakaras and the raiakas are
degraded to untouchable starus and several new ethnic groups are added to the list.39
Commenting on Jha's conclusions, B.N.S. Yadava emphasizes the material roots of the
institution of untouchability. He agrees with Jha in linking the increase in the number of
untouchable groups in early medieval times to the stagnant village economy which allowed little
mobility to artisans and crafrsmen. 40

The origin of caste and its development has broadly analyzed by Suvira Jaiswal in her work
“Caste: Origin, Function and Dimensions of Change” published in 2000. She look beyond
historical traditions and argues that the caste complexity’s has grown very slowly and mark the
establishment in Indian social system. She further believes that during the time of Rig Veda the
caste system had not become a complex reality. She revealed that the grihapati supposed to have
the head of the family was actually the leader of an extended kin-group, and later when the
transition happens from a pastoral to a sedentary mode. It led to increased social stratification
with the grihapati becoming an archetype of the patriarchal principle. According to Jaiswal the
economic inequality contributes to the rize of social inequality and as a result the notion of caste
takes the birth.

According to Jaiswal endogamy is basic to the morphology of caste but for its origin and
sustenance one has to look beyond hypersymbolic manifestations and other ideational
explanations which merely beg the question by making it an attribute of the Indian mentaliry.41
As we shall try to show, endogamy evolved gradually and acquired rigidiry with the growth of
patriarchy in a varna-based class society. A major problem is that evenMarxist histolians who
regard caste as class on a primitive level of prodqctionl') have ignored the role of patriarchy and
subjugation of women in its ideology and rules of endogamy.

Thus the study of the origin, development, evolution and crises on caste and Varna in Ancient
India has been analyzed very carefully by many historians. Because of their contribution many
aspects of caste and Varna have been discussed. From the britisher’s to Marxist all the scholar’s
deserve remarkable appreciation for unfolding the truth. They highlighted the dominant presence
of the caste in every sphere of that time. Because of the caste system the relative power was
maintained by the Brahmana’s and Kshatriya’s. The four Varna construction which originally
constructed at that time still haunts the Indian society.

39
Ibid: p. 136.
40
Suvira Jaiswal, ( Caste: Origin, Function, and Dimensions of Change: p. 97.
41
Suvira Jaiswal, ( Caste: Origin, Function, and Dimensions of Change: p. 6.
Bibliography
Bhandarkar R. G., "A Peep Into the Early History of India: From the Foundation of the Maurya
Dynasty to the Downfall of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty" (322 BC - Circa 500 Ac) [1920]

Bougle Celestin, "Essays on the Caste System", tr, D,F. Pocock (London, 1971)

Bowles Adam, "Dharma, Disorder and the Political in Ancient India", Martinus Nijhoff
Publishers (2007

Chanana Devraj, "Slavery in Ancient India" (Delhi, 1960)

Dumont Louis, "Homo Hierarcbicus" (Delhi, 1970)

Ghurye G.S., "Caste and Class in India" (Mumbai, 1957)

Hutton J.H., "Caste in India" (Cambridge, 1946)

Jaiswal Suvira, "Caste: Origin, Function, and Dimensions of Change", Manohar (2000)

Jha D.N., "The Many Careers of D.D. KOSAMBI" Critical Essays, delhi (october 2011)

Jha Vivekanand, "Candalas - Untouchability and Caste in Early India", Primus Books; (2017)

Karve Irawati, "Kinship Organization in India", (London, 3rd ed (1965)

Ketkar S,N., "History of Caste in India", 2 vols (London, 1911) Paul Deussen, "The philosophy
of Upanisads ", Richmond (1906)

Kosambi DD, An Introduction to the Study of Indian History (Popular Book Depot, Bombay,
1956):p. 56-57

Kosambi DD, "Myth and Reality Studies in the Formation of Indian Culture", (Popular
Prakashail, Bombay, 1962)

mill James, "History of British India", vol 1 (1817)Paul Deussen, "The philosophy of Upanisads
", Richmond (1906)

Sharma R. S., "Perspectives in Social and Economic History of Ancient India" (Munshiram
Manoharlal, Delhi, 2003): p. 47,

Sharma R. S. "Sudras in Ancient India", (1958):315.

stein Burton, "Peasant State and Society in Medieval South India", Oxford, (1995) :p.185.
Thapar Romila, "Ancient Indian Social History: Some Interpretations", Orient Blackswan (1
June 2010)

Vagle Narendra, "society at the time of Buddha", (1966)

Part-2 primary sources

Dating, editing and authorship: living through the everlasting dispute

Finding The dates: a trial for the scholar

The dating of ancient sources have always been remain a difficult chalanging process for the
historians and indologist. These scholar’s have to go with the long tiring process in order to fix
the date of the texts. Most of the times the problem of ancient manuscript’s becomes the major
problem in order to ascertain the dates of the texts. Rarely do we have the original manuscripts of
ancient books.  Surviving copies generally date centuries—and often millennia—after the date of
the original composition.  Unfortunately, it is often the case that we don’t know—and frequently
cannot know—the original date of a composition, especially anonymous compositions with
vague historical allusions. even the popular texts and epics have also faced same tricky crises
with dates. Every ancient Indian texts; from Mahabharata to Ramayana; from the Veda’s to
Upanisads from the Dharamsastra to Buddhist and Jainist texts all of those have suffers with the
same controversies regarding with dates. To reach the any substantial conclusion scholars have
use these methods to date any texts:

1- Examining explicit references to dates given in the text.

2- Examining synchronisms between dates, events or people described in a text with outside
information. 
3- Establishing the final date of the writing (or editing) of a text based on the last
historically datable event mentioned in the text. 

By Applying these methods, scholar’s gives us aprox dates which he considers accurate
according to his studies. But still they have face criticism from their fellow scholar’s and fellow
translator’s. after the large scholarly debates and continuous arguments any proper conclusion
was being formed regarding the dates of any texts. dating has always remain most chalanging
aspects for any scholar’s. but still they have dealt these dating issue from their ut-most capacity
and contributed their understanding for the growth of historical development. Now we will
discussed the dates and authorship of our primary sources.

The dates of Upanishad’s: written through-out the centuries

To dates the Upanisads chronologically is very tiring process and determining the exact date is
also impossible; but the scholar’s have try to reach in a particular consensus by analyzing the
social, economical, cultural and grammatical constructions of these texts. In north India the
generally accepted number of Upanisads is 52 and on the other hand in south India the number
increase more than doubled to 108. By now most of us aware the number’s of Upanisads as 108.
In the modern days scholar’s also accepts the total counting as 108: even in 108 Upanisads these
have been categorize in various form; in these; the first 13 as mukhya, 21 as Sāmānya Vedānta,
20 as Sannyāsa, 14 as Vaishnava, 12 as Shaiva, 8 as Shakta, and 20 as Yoga. By varying number
and different categories we can logically and arguably assert that these texts have been written
time-to-time and additions have carried on for age’s.

The date of the Upanishad is still a matter of debate. For many traditional Hindus the question is
irrelevant, since in essence, at least, the whole of Śruti literature is considered to be apauruṣeya,
not of human origin, and of primordial antiquity, containing truths to be rediscovered in every
age of the world. If we aside this fact; The more challenging aspects to this is the available
manuscripts which have written more than two millennia later than a reasonable date of
composition for the texts) that they provide no insight into when the texts first came into being.
According to Signe Cohen Scholars rely on five main methods that are used to date ancient
Sanskrit texts:

(1) The relationship of the text to other known texts from ancient India;

(2) References in the text to things that can be dated through archaeological methods, such as the
use of iron or rice cultivation, or to historical figures or events;

(3) Linguistic evidence;

(4) Metrical evidence;

(5) The development of religious or philosophical ideas in the text.42

In the following sections we will discuss each of these methods in further detail.

The relationship of the text

It is well-known fact that the relationship of the texts of other’s available texts with similar time
frame could benefit us to get more accurate and precise dates of any texts. To decipher the dates
of Upanishad’s we can also look through the chronology of Hindu texts. most of the scholar’s
agree that First come the four Vedas (the Ṛgveda, Sāmaveda, Yajurveda, and Atharvaveda), then
the ritual texts call the Brāhmaṇas, then the more arcane ritual texts of the Āraṇyakas, and then

42
Signe Cohen, The Upaniṣads A Complete Guide, Routledge (2018):p. 22-23.
the Upaniṣads. Later, after the Upaniṣads, follow the great epic poems of the Mahābhārata
(which includes the well-known Bhagavadgītā) and the Rāmāyaṇa, and the mythological texts
called the Purāṇas. There is no reason to doubt this relative chronology, which is further
supported by linguistic and metrical evidence.43 The language of the Vedas is, for example, far
more archaic than the language of the older Upaniṣads, which is in turn more ancient than the
language of the epics. Based on the development of language, meter, and ideas, it is should be
assume that the oldest Upanisads were composed around 500–700 BCE.

Archeology, events and historical facts

To we have to clearly denote the dates of Upanishad we also need to look carefully towards the
development of Veda’s and its relationship to archeological facts. It is generally accepted in the
Indian tradition that the Rigveda is the oldest of the four Vedas, that the Atharvaveda is the
youngest, and that the other two Vedas (the Sāmaveda and the Yajurveda) fall somewhere in
between. One One argument frequently used by the scholar’s is that while dating of the Vedas
they pointed out that the references to metal in the Vedic texts. Bronze, gold, and copper are
mentioned in all the Vedas, but references to iron are only found in the Atharvaveda. Since iron
is attested in the archaeological record in India from around 1000 BCE, many scholars have
consequently dated the Atharvaveda to around 1000–900 BCE. Others have pointed out that
silver is not mentioned in the Rigveda either, and have consequently dated the Rigveda to before
4000 BCE. It is, of course, quite probable that the authors of the poems of the Rigveda were well
acquainted with silver or iron without mentioning it in their hymns to the gods. It should be
noted from the above discussion that the dates of the Veda’s could not be determined accuracy.

Similar speculation has also made regarding the Upanisads : The general view of Indologists is
that the five early Upanisads (Brhadaranyaka, Chandogya, Taittirıya, Aitareya and
Kausıtaki)belong to 800-600BC. Even the most conservative dating places Brihadaranyaka and
Chandogya Upanisads to the pre-Buddhist era. This estimate is based on the language used as
well the their relationship to the corresponding Brahmanas (one of the 4 sections of the Vedas,
others being Samhita, Aranyaka and Upanisads ). While regarding the dating of these text Patrick
Olivelle says that, ‘any dating of these documents that attempts a precision closer than a few
centuries is as stable as a pack of cards’44 Jonardon Ganeri, while added to this discussion writes:
“the prose Br.had¯aran. yaka [BU] and Ch¯andogya [CU] are the oldest, and pre-Buddhist; they
are also edited texts with different chronological strata, but roughly seventh to sixth centuries
bce. The other three prose Upanis.ads, Taittir¯ıya [TU], Aitareya [AU] and Kaus.¯ıtaki [KsU],

43
Ibid: p. 22.
44
Patrick Olivelle, The Early Upanisads: Annotated text and translation New York Oxford Oxford University
Univercity Press (1998):p. 12.
are probably pre-Buddhist too, and sixth to fifth centuries bce.”45 Same argument have also
express by olivelle: “The scholarly consensus, well founded I think, is that the Brhad- aranyaka
and the Chandogya are the two earliest Upanisads. We have seen, how- ever, that they are edited
texts, some of whose sources are much older than others. The two texts as we have them are, in
all likelihood, pre-Buddhist; placing them in the seventh to sixth centuries BCE may be
reasonable, give or take a century or so.”46

The same view is also carried on by Valerie J. Roebuck «2003» It seems probable, at least, that
the main teachings of theBrihadaranyaka Upanishad , attributed to the sage Yājñavalkya, are
immediately pre-Buddhist. (Parts of the rest are if anything older.) Yājñavalkya presents the
doctrine of reincarnation as a new and unfamiliar one, whereas in the earliest Buddhist texts that
we have it is already fully developed.4748 Apart from this There is little internal evidence to link
the Upanisads to historical events that are known from elsewhere. The most that we can say
confidence is that the material culture described in the earlier Upaniṣads appears entirely
compatible with what the archaeological evidence tells us of the citybased culture of the sixth
and fifth centuries BCE. It is possible to place the Upanisads in a rough sequence among
themselves. The Brihadaranyaka, Chāndogya, Taittirīya and Aitareya Upanisads are generally
agreed to be the earliest.49 All have strong links with the earlier Vedic material, and are mainly in
prose with verse passages. later Upaniṣadic texts (the Maitrī Upaniṣad in particular) may display
some familiarity with Buddhist ideas. There are, however, others who have argued that the
authors of the Upaniṣads knew nothing at all about Buddhism.3 If the “middle Upaniṣads,” such
as theKatha , Śvetāśvatara, and Maitrī were composed around the time when Buddhism arose or
some centuries after, this may place these texts around the fourth–second century BCE.50

Evaluation of the Words: the verification from linguistic positions

The written language of these texts are archaic Sanskrit: which has also saw the development
from time-to-time. However, through the deep understanding of gramitical and linguistic
construction we can decifer the dates of the Upanisads . As Cohen wrote: “The archaic Sanskrit
of the Vedas differs, both in grammatical features, vocabulary, and rules for sound combinations
(sandhi) from classical Sanskrit as it is found in the epic poems Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa and
later texts. The language of the Upaniṣads ranges from late Vedic Sanskrit in Upaniṣads like the
Bṛhadāraṇyaka to classical Sanskrit in many of the Vaiṣṇava and Śaiva Upaniṣads. While the
45
Jonardon Ganeri, The Concealed Art of The Soul Theories of Self and Practices of Truth in Indian Ethics and
Epistemology, oxford univercity press (2007):p.13.
46
Olivelle (1998):p. 12.
47
Valerie J. Roebuck, The Upaniṣads, second ed, Penguin Books (2003):p.22.
48
Yohanan Grinshpon, the Upanishadic story and the hidden vidya; personality and possession in the
Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, (1998):p. 4.
49
Valerie J. Roebuck, The Upaniṣads: p. 22-23.
50
Signe Cohen, The Upaniṣads A Complete Guide, Routledge (2018):p.26.
linguistic evidence cannot help us arrive at a precise date for a particular Upaniṣad, it is
immensely useful for dating Upaniṣads relative to one another.”51 Because of the linguistic and
grammatical constructions the indologist and translator Olivelle believes that the Brihadaranyaka
and Chandogya Upanisads are written earlier52 the same belief is also asserted by Valerie J.
Roebuck.53 And place the dating of these texts as pre-Buddhist.

Metrical evidence

For the next two sections we will relay upon the scholarly work of Cohen who try to decipher the
dates of Upanisads with these two methods; according to him many of the older Upanishadas are
composed in the form of prose; many of the other latter works are in verse. The metrical form of
these texts could help us to decode the dates. He elaborate further more: “The two main meters
(verse forms) used in the Upanisads are triṣṭubh-jagatī, a meter that consists of four lines of
eleven or twelve syllables each, and anuṣṭubh-śloka, a meter with four verse lines of eight
syllables each. The rhythms of Sanskrit meters are not determined by stressed and unstressed
syllables, as in English, but by the patterns of long and short syllables, as in Latin. There are
several variations of each of the Sanskrit meters, and it is possible to trace the historical
development of each meter.”54 Thus the metrical analyses of the Upanishadic texts can therefore
be helpful both in dating Upaniṣadic relative to one another and in identifying later interpolations
with one text. Even we can identify the addition and editing fazes of these texts.

With the help of religious and philosophical idea’s

The another method of identifying the chronological dates of Upanisads is the development of
religious and philosophical idea’s of that time. After time-to-time the religious and philosophical
tendencies changed and new way of religeo-philosophical understanding emerge in the historical
sphere. Though this method is very least reliable for reconstructing the dates but still if we look
these factor’s with the aforementioned method it would lead us with great accurate result. But
because the short-coming of this method it has not used frequently by the scholar’s. with this
method the comformation of the dates of the Brahadaranyaka and Chandogya Upanishad could
be decrypt. The dates of these Upanisads to the pre-Buddhist era has also confirmed by the same
methodology.

51
Ibid:p. 25.
52
Olivelle (1998) :p. 12.
53
Valerie J. Roebuck, The Upaniṣads: p. 20-21.

54
Signe Cohen, The Upani?ads A Complete Guide, Routledge (2018): p. 26.
Outcome of the methods: Arranging chronologically

It has always remain very difficult challenge to chronologicaly arranged the dates of Upanisads .
But still by following the aforementioned methods scholar’s have timelined the written dates of
the Upanisads in the following sequences:

(1) The Mādhyaṃdina recension of the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad;

(2) Chāndogya Upanishad;
(3) Aitareya Upanishad;
(4) Kauṣītaki Upanishad;
(5) The Kāṇva recension of the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upanishad;
(6) Taittirīya Upaniṣad;
(7) Īśā Upanishad;
(8) Praśna Upanishad;
(9) Muṇḍaka Upanishad;
(10) Kaṭha Upanishad;
(11) Śvetāśvatara Upanishad;
(12) Kena Upanishad;
(13) Maitrī Upanishad;
(14) Māṇḍūkya Upanishad;
(15) Mahānārāyaṇa Upanishad;
(16) Kaivalya Upanishad;
(17) Bāṣkalamantra Upanishad;
(18) The later Vaiṣṇava, Śaiva, Śākta, Saṃnyāsa and Yoga Upaniṣads.

Source: Signe Cohen, The Upani?ads A Complete Guide55

The dating and authorship of Brihadaranyaka and Chandogya Upanishad

Brihadaranyaka Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad

Date pre-Buddhist ~9th to 6th century BCE (some
believes fifth century BCE also)
55
Ibid: pp: 24, 26-27.
Author(s) Yajnavalkya
Type Mukhya Upanisads
Linked Veda Shukla Yajurveda
Linked Brahmana part of Shatapatha Brahmana
Linked Aranyaka Brihad Aranyaka
Chapter’s 6
Main Philosophy: Ātman, Brahman
Translator used: Patrick Olivelle (1998)

scholar’s agreed upon the dating of the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad between eighth to sixth
century BCE. As olivelle believes “In its present form, this Upanisad has seen at least three
editorial phases.56 The first consists of individual passages, dialogues, and stories that may have
been preserved in the memory of individuals or groups. In the second phase different editors at
different times must have made three independent collec- tions of them, collections that are
preserved as the three sections of the BU. That these sections must have existed as separate texts
is indicated by the genealogy of teachers appended to each, as well as by the repetition of the
story of Yajnavalkya and his two wives in both the first and the second sections (2.4 and 4.5). It
is, of course, likely that these sections underwent further expansion in the third phase, when an
editor appears to have woven these separate texts into a whole and included them within the
Satapatha Brahmana. Of the three, the first two sections exhibit greater internal consistency,
while the third, which even the native tradition regards as supplementary, consists of disparate
and often unconnected fragments. Never- the less, this section is important especially in showing
the diversity of secret recipes—rites, incantations, and esoteric knowledge—that constituted the
literature that we have come to call Upanisads.

As we have discussed above The Chandogya Upanishad was written during the same time when
Brihadaranyaka Upanisads were written. The Chandogya (the Upanisad of "the singers of the
Samaveda," i.e., the Udgatr priest) is a section of the Chandogya Brahmana belonging to the
Tandya school of the Samaveda. Like the Brhadaranyaka, the Chandogya is the work of an editor
or a series of editors who created an anthology of passages and stories that must have previously
existed as separate texts.57 The unifying theme in these Upanisads according to olivelle the
speculation regarding the cosmic and ritual correspondences of the Saman (the Samavedic chant
in the Soma sacrifice: see CU 2.2.1 n.) and especially of the High Chant (Udgitha), the central
element of a Saman. The preoccupation with these chants is consistent with the fact that the
authors were Samavedic priests. In a similar fashion, the works of the Rgveda speculate on the
Uktha (AA 2.3.1, 4), the Rgvedic recitation (BU 1.6.1 n.), and the Brhadaranyaka begins with
the parts of a horse, consistent again with the fact that the Adhvaryu, the Yajurvedic priest, is in

56
Patrick Olivelle translation of Upanishads (Brihadaranyaka):p. 29-30.
57
Olivelle 1998:p. 166.
charge of butchering the sacrificial animal. The fact that the Chandogya and the Brhadaranyaka
include versions of identical passages and stories indicates that the editors of both have drawn
from a common stock of Upanisadic lore.58

While determining these texts on the bases of linguistic principles we need to remember the
simple fact of chronology and geography. For example, the Chāndogya Upaniṣad uses the past
form perfect far more often than the imperfect in narratives. According to cohen This linguistic
fact may be interpreted in two different ways.59 It is either a sign of very late composition for an
Upaniṣad, or a sign that the text was composed in the Central Eastern area. He asserts that When
other linguistic factors are taken into consideration, it becomes apparent that the latter
explanation is the more likely one.60

Chandogya Upanishad छांदोग्य उपनिषद

Date: 800 to 600 BCE.
Type Mukhya Upanishad
Linked Veda Samaveda
Chapter’s: 8
Translation Used: Patrick olivelle

AUTHORSHIP: who were the original creator’s?

Classifying the authors of these texts (Upanisads ) also become very tedious process;
Radhakrishnan states, "almost all the early literature of India was anonymous, we do not know
the names of the authors of the Upanisads ".61 The vedic literature and Upanishadic literature
have multiple author’s: these texts comes into the beings into existence because of the undying
perceivable work carried by the Rishi’s who not only wrote these texts but transfer these into
generation-by-generation as could be seen in the genealogy’s provided in the last chapters of
every Upanishad.

The authorship of the Principal Upaniṣads is as enigmatic as their date. According to tradition,
they were transmitted by the sages who act as teachers in the texts: Yājñavalkya in the
Bṛhadāraṅyaka Upaniṣad, Uddālaka Āruṅi and others in the Chāndogya, ŚvetāŚvatara in the
Upaniṣad that bears his name. The most detailed account is in the ‘lineage chapters’ of the
Bṛhadāraṅyaka, which trace the teaching back from one Pautimāṣya or Pautimāṣī-putra, via some
fifty generations of human and divine students and teachers, to its ultimate source, either Āditya,
58
Ibid:p. 166.
59
Valerie J. Roebuck, The Upaniṣads: p. 25.
60
Ibid:
61
S Radhakrishnan, The Principal Upanishads George Allen & Co., (1951) P. 22.
the sun-god, or the supreme reality itself. Yājñavalkya himself appears in one of these lists. But
these lists seems to refer to the content of the texts – the truths believed to be embodied in them –
rather than the words in which the texts are expressed. It is clear from the Upaniṣad itself that
Yājñavalkya gave his teachings in his own words, to suit the circumstances and the people
questioning him, and it seems reasonable to assume that the other teachers in the lineage did the
same. So the tradition seems to have nothing to say about the actual form in which these
teachings were handed on, or who assembled them into the literary form in which we have them
today. different sets of questions have always been asked regarding the authorship and the
composition of the Upanisads (specifically Brihadaranyaka and Chandogya Upanishad in this
regard); ‘Who were their authors?’ ‘When and where were they composed?’ ‘how many addition
have been carried on?’ These are very difficult questions to answer, because the Upanisads have
come down to us as anonymous documents and, apart from evidence internal to the texts them-
selves, no external evidence exists regarding their authorship or dates. Therefore, we can only
relay upon the primary texts; no any other external secondary sources are available to determined
the dates and authorship and therefore situation becomes very tricky to answer the above
questions. While discussing to the issue of authorship Olivelle stated that some of the earliest and
largest Upanisads—at least the Brhadaranyaka, the Chandogya, and the Kausitaki—are
anthologies of material that must have existed as independent texts before their incorporation
into these Upanisads by an editor or a series of editors.62 He further point-out that Several such
source texts are included in more than one Upanisad, leading us to be- lieve that the editors at
least partly drew upon a common stock of episodes and teachings.63 It means that the editor have
the common idea of different Upanisadic scriptures. Some of this source material consists of
dialogues, debates, and formal teach- ings by famous teachers of the time, who are identified.
Prominent among these are Yajnavalkya (in the BU), Uddalaka Aruni (in the CU), Janaka,
Pravahana Jaivali, Ajatasatru, Sandilya, and Satyakama Jabala. For example in Brahadaranyaka
Upanishad in total 6 Adhayaya every Adhayaya have different undertones even in each Adhyaya
the scholarly debates has changed. Therefore, it indicated that these texts have edited several
time during their composition and after that.

According to the Valerie J. Roebuck, the Upanisads are clearly transmitted orally by generation-
to-generation. Though it is impossible to tell the actual dates of writing.64 If we accept her theory
then the written dates of these texts have to push-back one or two century ago. And the
possibilities are very limited in this regard.

the authors of these texts have always of course, belongs to Brahmins, who were not only priests
but also the theologians and teachers within the social hierarchy of the time. But the Kshatriya
aspects of writing these texts have also been feel through-out the discussion among the scholar’s.
many scholar’s and translator’s clamed that the creative elements of Upanishadic doctrines were
the creation of Ksatriyas class. Even in Upanisads have also supported this views where in
62
Olivelle (1998):p.11.
63
Ibid:p. 11-12.
64
Valerie J. Roebuck, Upanishads (2003):p. 23.
neumrous episodes the learned bhramhan’s have performed worst in the debate with Kshatriya.
the relationship with these two upper class have remain very complex in ancient India. as olivelle
claims At one level “the relation was symbiotic; the cooperation between these two groups, in
whose hands power was concentrated, permitted both to thrive. Both have supported each-other
for the maintenance of power. At another level, the two groups were rivals for power and
prestige. The entire Brahmanical ideology of society and the science and practice of ritual were
designed, on the one hand, to enhance Ksatriya power and, on the other, to ensure the recognition
by the Kshatriyas that the source of their power was the Brahmin.65 We will discuss these power
issues in great detailed in latter sections.

65
Ibid:p. 13.
Varna And Other Identity’s In Upanishad’s

There has been very few works originated among scholar’s with special concern with
Upanisads . In the recent decades These texts have been critically looked in the prospective of
different individuality. Apart from giving individual focus they have also starts looking these
texts in terms-of class conscious (Varna Conscious) in Indian context. the much celebrated
Upanisads has to be looked critically from the different aspects; “how Upanisads looks different
identity’s?” “how these texts represent the women’s?” “how these texts defined the power
struggle and conflicts?” “does the nature of fight was only philosophical?”

the Brahmin: priest or authority

how much power the Brahmins’ have is very difficult to observe; the main work they perform
was performing sacrifice’s for the Yajna; apart from this they took part of various debates in
order to gain various things such as cow’s, land’s etc. as the performing sacrifice are not only
most important for the king but for the priest it is also the matter of great importance. To gain
this priestly work these Brahmin’s focus more of a ritual knowledge. When any Brahmin’s have
more ritual knowledge he prefer always to perform the great Yajna or sacrifice organized by the
king. And when he did-not get the opportunity of performing Yajna

than he went to give threats: the debates and discussion in Upanisads are characterized as
competitive and aggressive, risking the reputations of brahmins and sometimes exhibiting
political rivalries. the story of UΣasti Cåkråyaˆa (aka UΣasta Cåkråyaˆa) (CU 1.10–11). In this
episode UΣasti accuses a number of brahmins of performing a sacrifice without having proper
knowledge.

As a teacher: the relationship with the students

Like-wise other ancient religious texts the importance of teacher and the duties of students has
highlighted. The teachers were mostly from the priestly class who taught the students after the
consideration of his or her Varna. The student is taken in the Upanayana sanskara after the
process of taking water from him.
In the Upanisads teaching becomes an object of discourse. In these examples it is not merely the
knowledge itself that is emphasized, but the process of teaching and the interaction between
teacher and student. With the discussion with the teacher a student try to grab the knowledge.
And the students have to repay this by serving him with his utmost capability.

Whenw Indra and Virocana decided to learn about atman and initially approach Prajåpati, they
arrive in the presence of their prospective teacher carrying firewood.66 These two narrative
details, the approach of the student and the offering of firewood, feature in the Íatapatha
Bråhma£a account of the upanayana, and appear in a number of the teacher/student dialogues
throughout the Upanisads . Together, these descriptions establish that it is up to students to seek
out a teacher and that they should arrive willing to work for him. The usual tasks that students
perform for teachers are tending the fires and taking care of the cows.67 Thus the lives of the
Brahmin’s were depended upon the work consistaly performed by the students in order to gain
worldly and spiritually knowledge. They were being continuously tested by the teacher’s to
prove that they are the worthy of knowledge.

Threatening the competitive power: you’ré head will shatter apart

The Brahmin’s were always in competition with each-other; they engaged in dialogs, debates,
and other types of philosophical discussion. When we closely look into these discussion we
found that these dissentful discussion’s carried the indirect threats, struggle for the monetary and
other wealth and aggressive political and intellectual competition among Brahman’s.

We found this type of aggressive threats and tactical strategy mainly between the dialogs of
Yagyavalka and kurupunchala. Where, when Yagyavalka applies the same methods to silence
their opponents. While elaborating to the same; Brian Black wrote: “Certainly, the most curious
aspect of the brahmodya is the recurring warning: “your head will shatter apart!” (må te m¶rdhå
vyapaptat). This threat appears in almost every significant brahmodya, both public and private,
and is thus a vital characteristic of these exchanges. Additionally, this threat is one of the
elements of the brahmodya that distinguishes these exchanges from dialogues between teachers
and students, as well as dialogues between Brahmins and kings. Whether this warning represents
the loss of face or the curse of death, these words are employed as a threat to silence opponents
and clearly point to the highly competitive character of these exchanges between brahmins.”68
Even the same tactics is also applied upon the women Rishi Gargi which we will look in the
coming sections; “women’s in Upanisads ”.

66
Patrick olivelle (1998) (Chandogya Upanishad 8.7.2)
67
Brian Black, The Character of the Self in Ancient India Priest, Kings, and Women in the Early Upanisads, New York
univercity Press (2007): p. 41.
68
Ibid: p. 80.
in Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 3.9.18 there is also very interesting thing to observe: when sakalya
answers all of the questions fearsly yagyavalka accuse him: “Poor Sakalya! I'm afraid these
Brah- mins have made you their cat's-paw.” It might be also said that in BU the most influential
scholar was Yajnavalkya and more than 50% contents carry his idea’s. but the thrate of
shattering apart the head also comes in Chandogya Upanisad; when discussion was heated
slowly and between Silaka Salavatya and Caikitayana Dalbhya Salaka accuse Caikitayana of
carrying lack of knowledge he threaten him by saying: “"It is very clear, Dalbhya, that your
Saman lacks a foundation. And now if someone were to say, 'Your head will shatter apart!' your
head is bound to shatter apart."” After this threat he surrounder’s himself and offered to learn
from him.

Similarly when the Kuru region was devastated and every one was struggling for food; Usasti
Cakrayana went to get in the Yajna of king for the purpose of getting sacrificial rights. Where he
threaten the competitive priest by saying this: "Hey Pras- totr! If you sing the Introductory Praise
without knowing the deity that is linked to it, your head will shatter apart!" He said the same
thing to the Udgatr priest: "Hey Udgatr! If you sing the High Chant without knowing the deity
that is linked to it, your head will shatter apart!" And he said the same thing also to the Pratihartr
priest: "Hey Pratihartr! If you sing the Response without knowing the deity that is linked to it,
your head will shatter apart!"69 after that they stopped singing and sat down in silence. Then the
patron of the sacrifice said to him: "Sir, I'd very much like to know who you are." And he
replied: "I am Usasti Cakrayana." "It is you, sir, whom I have been searching for to carry out all
these priestly functions. I selected these others only when I couldn't find you. But now, sir, you
yourself should carry out all the priestly functions for me." "All right. But let these same priests,
who were authorized at that time, sing the songs of praise. You must, however, give me the same
amount of money that you give them." "All right," said the patron of the sacrifice. In this
description of the story two thing is evident: the first one is the superiority of the knowledge and
struggle for the wealth. And the other one was the threats offered for getting the priestly power.70

Representing the power: The Kshatriya class

After the Brahman the much celebrated class depicted in the Upanishad’s are the Kshatriya’s.
they entire state power are vested on them. in the Upanisads we found a number of dialogs and
discussion between Kshatriya’s and Brahman’s. while looking to these discussion some of the
scholar’s even goes to claim that the Upanishad’s possess Kshatriya Authorship. some of these
discussion features a Brahmin giving a king a private instruction, while others depict the king
teaching the brahmin. Indeed, the king teaching a brahmin is a prominent motif throughout the
69
Olivelle: p. 210.
70
Olivelle : p. 206. CU 1.11.6-11.
late Brahma as and early Upanisads , according to olivelle and Brian Black both believes that the
dialogues not only featuring the king as teacher, but overtly claiming that particular teachings
actually originated among theKshatriya’s.7172 In both theBrihadaranyaka Upanishad and the
Chandogya Upanishad, King Pravåhaˆa Jaivali explicitly asserts that his knowledge had never
reached the brahmins before. The Chåndogya Upanishad account makes an even stronger claim,
maintaining that the Kshatriya monopoly on political power is founded on an exclusive
possession of this knowledge: “Prior to you, this knowledge has not gone to the brahmins.
Therefore, in all the worlds government has belonged only to theKshatriya’s” (CU5.3.7).73

Similar episodes are narrated with reference to kings Asvapati Kaikeya (CU 5.11-24),74
Ajatasatru (BU 2.1),75 and others. The relationship between the priestly and royal classes in
ancient India was complex. At one level it was symbiotic; the cooperation between these two
groups, in whose hands power was concentrated, permitted both to thrive. At another level, the
two groups were rivals for power and prestige. The entire Brahmanical ideology of society and
the science and practice of ritual were designed, on the one hand, to enhance Ksatriya power and,
on the other, to ensure the recognition by the Ksatriyas that the source of their power was the
Brahmin. It is naive, therefore, to accept the literary evidence of the Upanisads regarding their
Ksatriya authorship at face value and as historical fact.

We also get to know many kings who taught kings and Brahman’s for competing power and
authority. For example, Ajåtaßatru, the king of Kåßi, teaches about the vital functions in an
attempt to compete with Janaka, his political rival. His teaching is characteristic of the
knowledge attributed to kings throughout the UpaniΣads and is presented in direct contrast to the
ritual knowledge of the brahmin Gårgya. Aßvapati, the king of the Kaikeyas, teaches about
åtman vaißvånara to six brahmins (ÍB 10.6.1.2; CU 5.11.4). He is depicted as a generous patron
who provides food and accommodation for brahmins and who privileges brahmins known for
their knowledge of Upanishadic teachings over priests who perform sacrifices. Finally,
Pravåhaˆa, the king of Pañcåla, teaches Uddålaka aruni about the five fires and the two paths of
the dead and claims that his knowledge is directly responsible for his royal power. Pravåhana’s
these encounter’s not only depict him as an ideal king, but also outline the proper etiquette by
which brahmins should approach the king when seeking patronage. Taken together, these stories
about kings illustrate a ksatriya orientation in many teachings in the early UpaniΣads. The texts
not only present kings as major characters, but also frame many of the teachings specifically
within a political context that addresses the concerns of kings.

71
Brian Black, The Character of the Self in Ancient India Priest, Kings, and Women in the Early Upanisads, New York
university Press (2007):p. 103.
72
Olivelle translation of the Upanishad (1998):p. 18.
73
Patrick Olivelle, (1998) CU 5.3.7 "As you have told me, Gautama, before you this knowledge has never reached
Brahmins. In all the worlds, therefore, government has belonged exclu- sively to royalty." :p. 258.
74
Olivelle :p. 261.
75
Ibid: p. 81.
Women’s in Upanishad

“How do religious texts looked women’s?” this is the one of the most essential question which
every one should ask to get the clear-cut idea that “how these religious texts have depicted the
other fifty% population. Which has always remain unrecognizable through-out the history.” now
during the 21st century when while during researching in any topic all types of aspects social,
economic, cultural, religious, even environment factor’s have been analyzed carefully by the
scholar’s. even in every subjects of research the gender aspects have been encourage to look
upon. So with the same spirit I will also try to look how the women’s have been represented in
these Upanisads . Looking into the gender aspects we will critically comment in these texts. as
Brian Black put; demonstrate that gender is an essential aspect of philosophy in the UpaniΣads
both because of the explicitly male soteriology represented by a number of the teachings and
because the genders of the literary characters have an impact on what they say and how they
interact with each other.76 According to the formulations of classical Hinduism, knowledge of the
Vedic literature was restricted to men of the upper three classes (Varna’s) who had become
‘twice-born’ by undergoing initiation with the sacred thread. But in the Upanisad’s we meet
women who can debate Sruti as equals with men. In the Brihadaranyaka Upanisad,
Yajñavalkya’s wife Maitreyi is called a ‘scholar of sacred lore’, and her interest is treated as
entirely admirable. In the great debate of brihadaranyaka Book III, Gargi Vacaknavi disputes on
equal terms with the male scholars. Not only does she regard herself as the equal of anyone there
except Yajñavalkya himself (III.8.1, 12),77 but the other Brahma?as17 seem to take her at her
own estimation. (In view of what subsequently happens to Vidagdha Sakalya,18 I do not think
we can take Yajñavalkya’s warning about ‘asking too many questions’ (BU III. 6.1) as being
patronizing.)

Indeed, throughout the UpaniΣads the portrayals of female characters are neither static nor
consistent. As wives, mothers, and philosophers, female characters are not reduced to one
uniform image or a single social role.78 Despite the diversity of the characters, however, most of
the women portrayed in the UpaniΣads face similar obstacles in their discussions with men, with
another recurring theme in these dialogues being the lack of authority of female speakers.
Women do speak, but their speech is not assigned the same status as the words of men. In the
UpaniΣads, although the presence of women is necessary, the voices of female speakers are
continually restricted and muted.79

questioning beyond everything: Women rishi’s

76
Brian Black, The Character of the Self in Ancient India (2007):p. 140.
77
See olivelle :p. 108-109.
78
Brian black : p. 143.
79
Ibid :p. 144.
The early Upanisads also present at least two women, Gargi Vacaknavi80 and Maitreyi, the wife
of Yajnavalkya81 as participating in theological disputes and discussions. The fact that these
women are introduced without any attempt to justify or to explain how women could be engaged
in theo-logical matters suggests the relatively high social and religious position of at least women
of some social strata during this period. This is confirmed by a ritual for obtaining "a learned
daughter" recorded in brahadaranyaka Upanishad8283

In this regard These Upanisads have been prays for asking difficult questions. There are also
arguments that the Upanisads have bring dialogs and debates. But the actual fact whether these
texts allow's critical thinking or simply saying does these texts encourage asking critical
questions specially if these questions were being asked by the women. Let us look these
questions asked by the women rishi’s and what it meant in those days. Apart from this we will
also looked how scholar’s have interpreted these questions.

The fierce Gargi and her questions

In the Upanishad we know that only few women’s has able to make in the Upanishad; Gargi
Vacaknavi is only one who ask very difficult questions. In the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad she
enquire upon two questions in other words we can say she had opportunity to ask two questions.
Her question cross the boundary of existence and reach till God; the questions were so
threatening and curiously asked that at the end Yajnavalkya had to threaten her that “if you asks
such question regarding God your head will shatter apart”. Let us move towards first question
she directly asked to Yajnavalkya in chapter 3 of Brihadaranyaka Upanishad.

Brihadaranyaka Upanishad 3.6.1 Then Gargi Vacaknavi began to question him. "Yajnavalkya,"
she said, "tell me—since this whole world is woven back and forth on water, on what, then, is
water woven back and forth?" "On air, Gargi." "On what, then, is air woven back and forth?"
"On the worlds of the intermediate region, Gargi." "On what, then, are the worlds of the
intermediate region woven back and forth?" "On the worlds of the Gandharvas, Gargi." "On
what, then, are the worlds of the Gandharvas woven back and forth?" "On the worlds of the sun,
Gargi." "On what, then, are the worlds of the sun woven back and forth?" "On the worlds of the
moon, Gargi." "On what, then, are the worlds of the moon woven back and forth?" "On the
worlds of the stars, Gargi." "On what, then, are the worlds of the stars woven back and forth?"
"On the worlds of the gods, Gargi." "On what, then, are the worlds of the gods woven back and
forth?" "On the worlds of Indra, Gargi." "On what, then, are the worlds of Indra woven back and
forth?" "On the worlds of Prajapati, Gargi." "On what, then, are the worlds of Prajapati woven
80
Olivelle (1998) (BU 3.6, 8)
81
Olevelle (1998) BU 2.4; 4.5,
82
Olevelle (1998) BU 6.4.17.
83
Valerie J. Roebuck, The Upani?ads, second ed, Penguin Books (2003):p.22.
back and forth?" "On the worlds of brahman, Gargi." "On what, then, are the worlds of brahman
woven back and forth?" At this point Yajnavalkya told her: "Don't ask too many questions,
Gargi, or your head will shatter apart! You are asking too many questions about a deity about
whom one should not ask too many questions. So, Gargi, don't ask too many questions!"
Thereupon, Gargi Vacaknavi fell silent.8485

In the above Sloka we saw that Gargi continuously asked her question to Yajnavalkya (woven
back and forth?) until he threatens her “You’re head will shatter apart”. After this threat she fell
client because their might be many reason’s the first one could be the threat of her life for
questioning God. The other one could be the widespread presence of Brahmin and king could
make her life danger. The interesting point to note in the questing session is that while replying
to Gargi Yajnavalkya while answering to her question repeats her name: (on the wourld of this
and that Gargi).86

Her second question

When Gargi returns with the discussion she ask another two question by expressing these words
to his fellow Brahman’s: "Distinguished Brahmins!" she said. "I am go- ing to ask this man two
questions. If he can give me the answers to them, none of you will be able to defeat him in a
theological debate."87 It testify her confidence where without afraid she challenge to Yajnavalkya
"I rise to challenge you, Yajnavalkya, with two questions, much as a fierce warrior of Kasi or
Videha, stringing his unstrung bow and taking two deadly arrows in his hand, would rise to
challenge a rival. Give me the answers to them!"88 after that she ask’s another two philosophical
questions regarding the nature of time and Brahman and when Yajnavalkya successfully answer
to these then Gargi told to his fellow Brahman’s that none of you can ever defeat him in the
theological arguments.

Maitreyi and Katyayani: the wives of Yajnavalkya

In the brihadaranyaka Upanisad we found the short and breaf discussion about the wives of
Yajnavalkya namely maitreyi and Katyayani. The same story is repeated in two times as it is in
the second and fourth chapter of Brihadaranyaka Upanisad with miner editing.89 In this story
discussion between Yajnavalkya and his wife is being explained. Yajnavalkya said to his wife
"Look—I am about to depart from this place. So come, let me make a settlement between you
84
See brihadaranyaka Upanishad 3.6.1 for the further detail.
85
See olivelle translation of the Upanishad (1998) :p. 85 for the full description.
86
Olivelle: p. 108.
87
Olivelle :p. 89.
88
Ibid: p. 91.
89
The same story appear in brihadaranyaka Upanisad 2.4.4 (olivelle :p. 90) and 4.5.51 (olivelle: p. 127).
and Katyayani."90 In this, Maitreyi asked in reply: "If I were to possess the entire world filled
with wealth, sir, would it make me immortal?" "No," said Yajnavalkya, "it will only permit you
to live the life of a wealthy person. Through wealth one cannot expect immortality." the desire
of wealth of Matreyi made us to thing that those days either possessing wealth was preferred the
most. Weather she had economic freedom or not is not known. When he informs that she can not
attain immortality by possessing the wealth, she surrender’s herself and asked "Tell me instead,
sir, all that you know."91 Through the reply of Yajnavalkya we also got to know that between his
twowives he loves the Matreyi the most the possible reason might be that she was good in
theological and intellectual discussion. on the other hand, Katyayani was only have knowledge
of womanly work as we got to know from the BU 4.5.1 where it is clearly written: “Now,
Yajnavalkya had two wives, Maitreyi and Katyayani. Of the two, Maitreyi was a woman who
took part in theological discussions, while Katyayani's understanding was limited to womanly
matters.”92 That was the reason that Yajnavalkya share’s his knowledge to Matreyi; “You have
always been very dear to me, and now you speak something very dear to me! Come and sit
down. I will explain it to you. But while I am explaining, try to concentrate.” Then he inform the
philosophical secret that in this world every-one hold everything for the love of him or herself.

In this discussion the life of Katyayani remain behind the wall’s. through the description of this
Sloka we can assume that Katyayani was involve on doing house-old chores such as cooking,
cleaning and other womanly matter’s. she carries the responsibility of the all the arrangement for
the house. Despite absence from the philosophical and intellectual sphere she manage everything
but still unable to get the ultimate love and respect from her husband.

Usasti Cakrayana and his wife, Atiki

In the previous section while discussing the life of matreyi and Katyayani we found that
Katyayani possess knowledge of “womanly matter’s” but still her exact characteristic is not been
revealed. But in the Chandogya Upanisad we found the description of Atiki the wife of Usasti
Cakrayana; who is been portrayed as the ideal wife who sacrifices her food to save her husband.
Later his husband went to the king and performed the Yajna by giving the same threat ‘you’re
head will shatter apart’

The story is based on the land of the Kuru which is devested and the crises of food was evident
in those regions. It goes like this: “One day he came to beg from the rich man while he was
eating some groats. And he told Usasti: "All I have is what I have been served here. I have
nothing else." Usasti replied: "Give me some of that." So he gave him some and said: "Here is
something to drink." And Usasti replied: "That would be drinking your leftovers!" "But aren't
these also leftovers?" "Yes," he replied, "but if I don't eat them I'll die. Drinking the water, on the

90
Ibid: p. 90.
91
Ibid: BU. 2.4.4
92
Olivelle : p.127.
other hand, is optional." After he had eaten himself, Usasti took the remainder to his wife. But
she had already gathered ample almsfood. So she took what Usasti gave her and saved it. The
next morning Usasti got up and said: "If only I had some food, I'd be able to earn a little money.
That king over there is getting ready to perform a sacrifice,93 and he may well choose me to carry
out all the priestly functions." listening to this; His wife told him: "But, my lord, we still have the
groats." And gave him the groats she saves in the previous night. He ate them and arrived at the
sacrifice after it had already started. And later while claiming to the superiority of his knowledge
and threatening the Brahman’s of shattering the head if they pronounce wrongly; he got the
priestly functions with the same amount of wealth like other Brahman’s were given. The process
of getting priestly rights had alrady looked in the previous section.

Women’s: playing subordinate role

There is very vague and unscientific theory’s is being propagated which defies the creation of
human’s and animal’s in very differently which is somewhat quite similar to the Christian theory
of creation of men. The first thing that åtman does with his wife after creating her is to copulate
with her, with the result of their union being that human beings are born (1.4.3). In this myth,
åtman is linked to a particular construction of gender relations that prioritizes male over female
and defines women as created by, from, and for men.94

Despite the privileging of the male role, however, procreation is represented as a process that is
inherently interactive. After their initial copulation, åtman’s wife thinks to herself, “How can he
have intercourse with me after having generated me from himself. Now, I will hide myself”
(1.4.4). The story then relates how she hides in the form of a cow, but then he becomes a bull and
copulates with her. From this union cattle are born. She then takes the form of various other
animals, and in every case åtman assumes the male form of each animal and copulates with her.
From these unions all the animals are born. Significantly, this account points towards later
creation myths where the primordial female takes a more active role in creation. At the end of
this myth, åtman thinks to himself, “I, indeed, am creation, because I created all this” (BU 1.4.5).
according to brian black The comments of åtman, however, do not seem to represent the creation
process as it is described in this myth. As we have seen, each case in which the specific animals
are born happens because the wife has initially taken on the identity of each animal. Thus, the
first instance of every species occurs only when the wife assumes a new form for the sake of
hiding. Despite the fact that åtman takes credit for creation, the narrative shows us that living
beings did not come into existence from åtman alone, but by means of patn¥’s activity. As in the
Prajåpati myth, this Upanishadic account defines creation in such a way that it downplays the
procreative agency of the woman, yet nevertheless illustrates the inherent complementarity
among male and female in the process of creation.95 Despite this active female participation,
these creation myths tend to reduce the images of the female body to that of a sexual body.96
93
Olivelle (1998):p. 210.
94
For the full description see olivelle translation of the Upanishad (1998) :p. 48-49.
95
Brian black, (2007) :p. 152.
96
Ibid olivelle :p. 50.
objectification of women through the discriptive semenal process

as through the description of above sections we have almost got the idea that in these texts the
importance of women’s have remain very less; not only they were given subordinate role. In
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 6.4.13 the objectification of the women’s could also be found where
she had compare with the Yajna and doing sex with her is also a form of Yajna or sacrifice.
When Prajapati eats the sacrificial food he thought "Now, why don't I prepare a base for that
semen?"97 thereafter, he created woman and, after creating her, had intercourse with her. Her
vagina is compare with the sacrificial duties. It stated: “Her vulva is the sacrificial ground; her
pubic hair is the sacred grass; her labia majora are the Soma-press; and her labia minora are the
fire blazing at the center. A man who engages in sexual intercourse with this knowledge obtains
as great a world as a man who performs a Soma sacrifice, and he appropriates to himself the
merits of the women with whom he has sex. The women, on the other hand, appropriate to
themselves the merits of a man who engages in sexual intercourse with them with- out this
knowledge.”98 Thus in the above verse it is evident to note that her sexuality is being objectified
by these texts. her parts of the body is compare with the worldly pleasure and her sexual organ
was being limited to reproducing children’s. this particular telling of the story concludes by
comparing a woman’s body to a soma sacrifice, where only the sexual and generative organs
from the woman are mentioned. Whereas a man’s body is a microcosm for the entire universe,
the female body is reduced to a sexual and procreative body.99 Not only female body but the
male body has also described as the procreative body. For example in Chandogya Upanisad
description of the såman of Våmadeva, explicitly male sexual actions are linked to different
aspects of the chant: “Inviting a woman is the hi‰kara (initial humming), expressing desire is
the praståva (prelude). Lying beside her is the udg¥tha, lying on top of her is the pratihåra
(response). Climax is the nidhana (finale)” (2.13.1).100

high scale misogyny

the highly misogynistic attitude of this text could also been seen through the lending verses.
While reading to this one may conclude that the lives of women was-not-so good in terms of
equal access to everything. In the Brihadaranyaka Upanisad the character of auspicious women is
define by this: “Surely, a woman who has changed her clothes at the end of her menstrual period
97
Olivelle :p. 154.
98
Ibid : p. 154, BU 6.4.13.
99
Brian black :p. 157.
100
Chandogya Upanisad 2.13.1-2 When he calls, it is the Him-interjection. When he asks, it is the Introduc- tory
Praise. When he lies down with the woman, it is the High Chant. When he lies upon (prati) the woman, it is the
Response (prati.hara). When he ejaculates, it is the Concluding Chant. When he withdraws, it is the Concluding
Chant. This is the Vamadevya Saman woven upon sexual intercourse. Olivelle :p. 191.
is the most auspicious of women.(BU 6.4.7.)” If women refuse from having sex the beating from
stick while refusal to sex is also emphasized; in this the commandment is very similar to Quranic
conjuncture.101 To prove this point let us look the brihadaranyaka Upanisad 6.4.7 where it is
clearly written that after the end of her menstrual period one should invite her for sex and if she
refuse; firstly he should bribe her and if she don’t agree on this then he should beat her through
the stick. Let me quote the exact verse: “When she has changed her clothes at the end of her
menstrual period, therefore, one should approach that splendid woman and invite her to have sex.
Should she refuse to consent, he should bribe her. If she still refuses, he should beat her with a
stick or with his fists and overpower her, saying: ““I take away the splendor from you with my
virility and splendor.”” And she is sure to become bereft of splendor. (BU 6.4.7”102 Roebuck sees
this passage as an “apparent encouragement of domestic violence,” yet points out that it is
unclear “whether actual or symbolic violence is intended”.103 Despite the fact that this passage is
embedded within ritual and perhaps should be taken metaphorically, the violent and aggressive
portrayal of the brahmin man is consistent with the depiction of the confrontational masculinity
of verbal debates.104

the desire for son

in the Upanisads the birth of the son is being given very high regard. We encounter many
instances where the means and method of getting son is being extensively told. I. E. in
chandogya upanisaed 1.5.2 “I sang the praise of only the sun. Therefore, I have only you for a
child. Turn to its rays, and you will have many children." That is with respect to the divine
sphere.”

In the sixth chapter of Brihadaranyaka Upanisad we encounter a number of mixtures with rice
and milk that should be prepared by a man’s wife, for him and her to eat together (BU 6.4.15–
18). There are four sets of characteristics that are then described for potential offspring and a
different mixture that should be made and eaten for each one. The first desired offspring is a son
with a fair (ßukla) complexion, who will learn one Veda; the second is a son with a brown
(kapila) and yellow (pi‰gala) complexion, who will master two Vedas; and the third is a son
with dark (ßyåma) complexion and red eyes (lohitåkƒa), who will learn three Vedas.
Surprisingly, the fourth offspring mentioned is a daughter (duhitå), who is described as learned
101
Quran 4:34, Men are in charge of women by [right of] what Allah has given one over the other and what they
spend [for maintenance] from their wealth. So righteous women are devoutly obedient, guarding in [the
husband's] absence what Allah would have them guard. But those [wives] from whom you fear arrogance - [first]
advise them; [then if they persist], forsake them in bed; and [finally], strike them. But if they obey you [once
more], seek no means against them. Indeed, Allah is ever Exalted and Grand.
https://quran.com/4/34#
102
see olivelle (1998):p. 157.
103
Valerie J. Roebuck, The Upaniṣads, second ed (2003):p. 410.
104
Brian black: p. 158.
(pa£¿itå). Although these instructions for how to secure a female child at first seem inconsistent
with the male bias of this section, in fact learned women are necessary for these rituals to
work.105 Even when the baby was born the husband firstly take over him and tell three times
“speech” into his year then give to her mother for breastfeeding.

The Ksudra’s and the Varna class

The Upanisads also supports the same theory of Varna creation of the society which is
prominent in the Rig-Veda but some different changes but the spirit and the purpose was same:
to justify the division of the society into the Varna class. Let me quote the verse where the theory
is promulgated: Brahadaranyaka Upanishad 1.4.11 In the beginning this world was only
brahman, only one. Because it was only one, brahman had not fully developed. It then created
the ruling power, a form superior to and surpassing itself, that is, the ruling powers among the
gods—Indra, Varuna, Soma, Rudra, Parjanya, Yama, Mrtyu, and Isana. Hence there is nothing
higher than the ruling power. Accordingly, at a royal anointing a Brahmin pays homage to a
Ksatriya by prostrating himself. He extends this honor only to the ruling power. Now, the
priestly power (brahman) is the womb of the ruling power. Therefore, even if a king should rise
to the summit of power, it is to the priestly power that he returns in the end as to his own womb.
So, one who hurts the latter harms his own womb and becomes so much the worse for harming
someone better than him. (the power structure is the managed by the above lines which we have
already looked in the Kshatriya section) Brahman still did not become fully developed. So it
created the Vaisya class, that is, the types of gods who are listed in groups—Vasus, Rudras,
Adityas, All- gods, and Maruts. It still did not become fully developed. So it created the Sudra
class, that is, Pusan. Now, Pusan is this very earth, for it nourishes this whole world, it nourishes
all that exists. It still did not become fully developed. 106107

So its stated by the above quote that this varna construction has a direct sanction from the
Brahmin the superior force who control the universe. Therefore, the class (Varna) system can
never been challenged by anyone. Further in the Bhihadaranyaka Upanishad 1.4.14 it has stated
that after creating all the Varna classes the Brahmin has created the law (Dharma) which needs to
be followed.

Not only the class creation is justified but many instances it has been also highlighted that those
who will do good deeds will be born in the upper Varna and those who will not will be born in
the sudra or out-caste family. To justify this point it is evident to quote Chandogya Upanisad
5.10.7 "Now, people here whose behavior is pleasant can expect to enter a pleasant womb, like
that of a woman of the Brahmin, the Ksatriya, or the Vaisya class. But people of foul behavior

105
Ibid:p. 155.
106
Patrick olivelle (1998) P. 49-50.
107
For the full Sloka see Brihadaranyaka Upanishad 1.4.10-1.4.14.
can expect to enter a foul womb, like that of a dog, a pig, or an outcaste woman. 8 "Then there
are those proceeding on neither of these two paths—they become the tiny creatures revolving
here ceaselessly. 'Be born! Die!'—that is a third state."108 Not only this threat is being produced
on this but example were also been shown to the bad deeds; “A man who steals gold, drinks
liquor, and kills a Brahmin; A man who fornicates with his teacher's wife— these four will fall.
As also the fifth—he who consorts with them.” the meaning of this threat could be understood in
this way that those days the idea of curtailing sexual freedom and to established the moral rule
they carried this threat. Even in the above quote it also seeks the possibility that the students
some-times indulged with the teacher’s wife in a relationship. And to stop these it has
extencively written: “A man who fornicates with his teacher's wife.” Will be born on the sudra or
out-caste family.

much discriminatory attitude was presence there not only for women's but sudra community. for
them education was unimaginable; there was clear-cut instruction that they should not avail the
knowledge contained in the Upanisada. The same feeling inspires the warning repeated again and
again in the Upanisads , not to impart a certain doctrine to unworthy students. the teacher shall
not impart to anyone who is not his immediate pupil (antevdsin), who has not already lived for a
year in his house, who does not himself intend to be a teacher." Chand. 3. 11. 5 :-" Therefore
only to his eldest son shall the father as Brahman communicate it (this doctrine), but to no one
else, whoever he may be." (Brih. 6. 3. 12 :--")109 This (the mixed drink, mantha, and its ritual)
shall be communicated to no one, except the son or the pupil." Give this supreme secret) to none
who is not tranquii, who is not a son or at least a pupil." But if a woman or a S'udra learns the
Savitri formula, the Lakshmi formula, the Pralava, one and all go downwards after death.
Therefore let these never be communicated to such! If anyone communicates these to them, they
and the teacher alike go downwards after death."110

Thus in conclusion it can be said that the interpretation of Upanisad in a different point-of-view
needs to be carry on. In this paper we look extensively How the attitudes of Upanisadic author’s
was their towards women’s. how despite the competitive power struggle between Brahman’s and
Ksatriya class they still maintained their power and wealth. How because of the discriminatory
attitude towards sudra class these knowledge have not transformed to them. even it has been
emphasized that those who will do bad deeds will born in the sudra and out-caste family.

It is the correct time that we should critically look these religious texts in terms of gender and
caste constructions. However, the research has started to be carry on in these field but only few
works have originated to deal with these questions. Therefore, much needs to be explored.

108
Ibid p. 237.
109
Ibid: p. 17.
110
Ibid:p.21.
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