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EDUCATION IN A COMPETITIVE AND GLOBALIZING WORLD
REFUGEE EDUCATION IN
SOUTH ASIA
POLICIES, PRACTICES,
AND IMPLICATIONS
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EDUCATION IN A COMPETITIVE AND GLOBALIZING WORLD
REFUGEE EDUCATION IN
SOUTH ASIA
POLICIES, PRACTICES,
AND IMPLICATIONS
MAHBUB ALAM PRODIP

GOUTAM ROY
AND
DEBASISH NANDY
EDITORS

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Prodip, Mahbub Alam, editor. | Goutam, Roy, editor. | Nandy, Debasish, editor.
Gautama, 1980- editor.
Title: Refugee education in South Asia: : policies, practices, and
implications / [edited by] Mahbub Alam Prodip, Goutam Roy, Debasish Nandy.
Description: Hauppauge, NY : Nova Science Publishers, 2021. | Series:
Education in a competitive and globalizing world | Includes
bibliographical references and index. |
Identifiers: LCCN 2021025201 (print) | LCCN 2021025202 (ebook) | ISBN
9781536194593 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781536196733 (adobe pdf)
Subjects: LCSH: Refugees--Education--South Asia. |
Refugees--Education--Government policy--South Asia.
Classification: LCC LC3737.S68 R44 2021 (print) | LCC LC3737.S68 (ebook)
| DDC 371.826/914054--dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021025201
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021025202
Published by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. † New York

This edited book is dedicated to refugee children
and youth worldwide

This highly topical edited book offers a sober and balanced assessment of refugee education
in South Asia. It makes a remarkable contribution to deepening our understanding of
opportunities and challenges on educating refugee children and youth in host societies, which
are themselves struggling to enhance their formal and informal education systems. The
contributors of this volume rightly argue that educating refugee children and youth strengthens
their resilience to conflict and violence, and enables them to forge pathways towards self-
independence, dignity and wellbeing. By locating refugees and their education within the
international human rights discourse, this volume stands as an authoritative reference for
contemporary debates on refugee rights, empowerment and education policies.
Dr. DB Subedi
School of Humanities Arts and Social Sciences
University of New England, Australia
The book encompasses almost all the major areas of refugee education in South Asia
with due emphasis on the policy area. So far, my knowledge goes, this is the first endeavour of
its kind wherein educational situation of the refugee children of South Asia has been
elaborated thoroughly. There are paucity of data regarding education of refugee children. I hope
this book will fulfil this demand to a considerable extent. Moreover, in formulating policy and
selecting strategies this book will be very useful. For sustainable development, the policy
‘nobody will left behind’ is a must. This book will contribute a lot in ensuring education for
all in the world in general and South Asia in particular.
Dr. Siddiqur Rahman

Professor and Director (Rtd.)
IER, University of Dhaka
Bangladesh

CONTENTS
Foreword xi
Dr. Johanna Garnett
Acknowledgments xiii
Abbreviations xv
Chapter 1 Refugee Education as a Human Right:
A South Asian Perspective 1
Mahbub Alam Prodip
Chapter 2 Religious Education for Rohingya Refugee
Children in Bangladesh:
Purposes, Prospects, and Problems 19
Iqthyer Uddin Md Zahed
and Mahbub Alam Prodip
Chapter 3 Educational Status of Bihari
Refugees in Bangladesh 55
Nasrin Jabin and Tanzimul Islam

x Contents
Chapter 4 Formulation of Teacher’s Competency Framework

in the Context of Rohingya Refugee Education in
Bangladesh: Lessons Learned 87
Happy Kumar Das, M. Shahriar Shafiq
and G M Rakibul Islam
Chapter 5 Refugee Child Education in India:
In Search of Governmental Policy 117
Debasish Nandy, Mahbub Alam Prodip,
Anil Kumar Biswas and Golam Rabbani
Chapter 6 Understanding Refugee Education:
An Assessment of Afghan Refugees in Pakistan
and India through Policy Analysis 145
Sukanya Mukherjee
Chapter 7 Role of Education in Social Integration:
A Case Study of Bhutanese Refugees
of Nepal in Australia 171
Shafi Md Mostofa and Baki Md. Murtoza
Chapter 8 Access to Higher Education
for Refugees in South Asia 187
M. Mahruf C. Shohel, Goutam Roy,
Muhammad Shajjad Ahsan and Dev Raj Acharya
Chapter 9 Education for Refugees in South Asia:
Aid or Development? 223
Goutam Roy, Mahbub Alam Prodip
and Debasish Nandy
About the Editors 231
About the Authors 233
Index 239

FOREWORD
This edition focusing on refugee education in South Asia is a valuable

contribution to the field of emergency education for refugees. A
collaborative approach, utilising case studies written in-country by locals,
utilising in-depth fieldwork as well as a focused analysis of secondary data
and commentary, offers deep insights into the situation. As such, this edition
presents new understandings into what works as well as the numerous
impediments, with the potential for informing policy and developing more
effective practices.
South Asia is witnessing enduring conflicts and violence, as well as new
ones, and these are resulting in broad ranging displacement and movement
of humanity. As this book highlights, youth and children suffer greatly in
these conditions and education can assist in relieving their psychological
distress and offer them hope for the future. The international community has
recognized education as a ‘fourth pillar’ of humanitarian assistance along
with health care, water, food and shelter and it is vital that we support
governments, non-government organizations and educators, those on the
frontline, in their provision of education for a traumatised community.
As a researcher and lecturer in the field of Peace Studies, addressing
outcomes of conflict and violence for displaced youth is of particular
concern to me. I have discussed this in my research in Myanmar with
Rakhine Buddhists, and minority ethnic groups and presented some of this

xii Dr. Johanna Garnett
research in a recent co-authored chapter ‘Emergency Education for

Rohingya Refugee Children in Bangladesh: An Analysis of the Policies,
Practices, and Limitations’ in Comparative Perspectives on Refugee Youth
Education, published by Routledge, 2019. This edition continues this
discussion and is highly recommended to those working in the field of
education for refugees, emergency education and peacebuilding.
Dr. Johanna Garnett

Lecturer in Peace Studies and Sociology,
University of New England (UNE),
Armidale, Australia
May 2021.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The editors are thankful to many colleagues and friends who have
encouraged and supported us to chase this successful and significant work
on refugee education in South Asia. We would like to show gratitude to Dr.
Johanna Garnett at the University of New England (Australia) for her
inspiration, critical comments and guidance at various stages of preparation
of this book. We specially mention the support of Emeritus Professor Greg
Horsely and Professor Helen Ware at the University of New England
(Australia) for their valuable comments and suggestions. We would like to
extend our gratitude to Dr. DB Subedi, Dr. Sam Onapa, Dr. Shafi Md
Mostofa, Iqthyer Uddin Md Zahed and Obayed Al Rahman Hira at the
University of New England (Australia) for their continuous suggestions,
supports and encouragements.
We thank Professor Pranab Kumar Panday at the University of Rajshahi
(Bangladesh) for his advice in determining the topic of this book. Professor
Nurul Momen, Professor Pradip Kumar Panday and Dr. Abdullah Al Maruf
at the University of Rajshahi (Bangladesh) have helped us a lot during this
project. We also grateful to Professor Dr. Siddiqur Rahman at the University
of Dhaka (Bangladesh) for his support and guidance.
The editors are thankful to all authors for contributing their scholarly
write-ups to this volume within a short time. Despite having difficulty during

xiv Mahbub Alam Prodip, Goutam Roy and Debasish Nandy
pandemic COVID-19, the contributors have promptly responded to the

editors’ quarries. We are also thankful to those participants who had
responded during our study in different countries of South Asia and
Australia. We are thankful to the anonymous reviewers for reviewing the
manuscripts. Their suggestions were very useful while revisiting the content
of the book. The editors are grateful to Nova management for having
introduced this book. We would like to thank our families who supported us
along the journey with their encouragement and stimulating suggestions.
Mahbub Alam Prodip

Goutam Roy
Debasish Nandy

ABBREVIATIONS
AIADMK All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam

ARSA Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army
BIA Burmese Independent Army
BJP Bharatiya Janata Party
CZM Center for Zakat Management
CAA Citizenship Amendment Act
CBS Community-Based Schooling
COVA Confederation of Voluntary Agencies
CRC Convention on the Rights of the Child
DMK Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
DRC Democratic Republic of Congo
DAJI Development and Justice Initiative
DTM Displacement Tracking Matrix
ECDE Early Childhood Development and Education
EAD Economic Affairs Division
ECW Education Cannot Wait
FATA Federally Administered Tribal Areas
GED General Educational Development
GNMS Gandhi National Memorial Society
GCR Global Compact on Refugees

xvi Abbreviations
GCI Global Competitive Index

GIEP Guideline for Informal Education Program
IDPs Internally Displaced People
INEE Inter-Agency Network for Education in Emergencies
IOM International Organization for Migration
ISCG Inter Sector Coordination Group
ISDCM Integrated Services for Development of Children and
Mothers
INGOs International Non-Governmental Organizations
ISPR Inter Services Public Relations
JRNA Joint Rapid Needs Assessment
KP Khyber Pakhtunkhw
KAP Knowledge Attitude and Practice
LCFA Learning Competency Framework Approach
LTTE The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
MDGs Millennium Development Goals
NAP National Action Plan
NADRA National Database and Registration Authority
NID National Identity Card
NIOS National Institute of Open Schooling
NRC National Register of Citizens
NRL National Refugee Legislation
NGOs Non-government organizations
PDPA People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan
RAHA Refugee Affected and Hosting Areas
RSD Refugee Status Determination
SCI Save the Children International
SLIC Socio-Legal Information Centre
SAARC South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation
SSAR Solutions Strategy for Afghan Refugees
TCF Teacher competency framework
UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization

Abbreviations xvii
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

UNRWA United Nations Relief and Works Agency's
USPF Ubais Sainulabdeen Peace Foundation
WPRs West Pakistan Refugees
WHO World Health Organization
YPSA Young Power in Social Action

In: Refugee Education in South Asia ISBN: 978-1-53619-459-3
Editors: Mahbub Alam Prodip et al. © 2021 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 1
REFUGEE EDUCATION AS A HUMAN RIGHT:

A SOUTH ASIAN PERSPECTIVE
Mahbub Alam Prodip

Department of Public Administration,
University of Rajshahi, Bangladesh
ABSTRACT
This chapter focuses on the concept of the rights-based approach to

education and its broader connotation in the context of refugee children
and youth across South Asia. Also, the purpose of this chapter is to provide
a brief overview of the various policies and interventions implemented by
the governments and non-governmental organizations toward attaining the
prime level of education for refugees in South Asian countries. By
discussing the definition of the term ‘refugee,’ this chapter discusses how
education can be considered a human right. Finally, this chapter offers an
outline to this book and inaugurates a framework for a better understanding
of the nature of the rights-based approach to education. It also discloses the
multifaceted factors which influence or hinder access to the right to quality
education.

Corresponding Author’s E-mail: prodip.mahbub@yahoo.com.

2 Mahbub Alam Prodip
Keywords: Refugee education, refugee children and youth, human right,

relief, development, South Asia
INTRODUCTION
This book presents a variety of case studies analysing education policies

and practices for refugee youth and children in South Asia. These young
people are living in camps or temporary settlements or scattered throughout
receiving countries: Bangladesh, India, Nepal and Pakistan. Over the past
decade, the world has experienced a high influx of refugees due to war and
conflict, and at least 100 million people have left their homes to seek refuge
either within or outside the borders of their homelands (Damaschke-Deitrick
& Bruce, 2019; UNHCR, 2020a). Children encompass a substantial
percentage of those escaping their countries of origin or as part of the
resettled inhabitants in the camps and other relief centres (Sengupta &
Blessinger, 2018). Formal education has historically been considered a
tactical instrument in advancing refugee children and youth worldwide
because education plays a vital role in building resilience to conflict in
societies (Buckland, 2005). In recent years, education has emerged as an
influential instrument to lessen the consequences of conflicts by stimulating
equality and stability as well as offering a ‘safe heaven’ during the era of
conflicts because education can support sustaining and rebuilding lives in
post-conflict societies (Burde, Kapit, Wahl, Guven, & Skarpeteig, 2017;
Damaschke-Deitrick, Galegher & Park, 2019; Smith, 2010; UNHCR, 2018).
With a growing global refugee population, there is an urgent need to
understand how education is being provided but, more importantly, to
highlight the issues and difficulties related with the provision of refugee
education in order to improve the situation – hence this book.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
reported in June 2020 that 79.5 million people had been coercively displaced
worldwide due to violence, conflict, persecution, and the violation of human
rights. Among these forcibly displaced people, the number of internally
displaced people (IDPs) (we are not discussing IDPs in this book) and

Refugee Education as a Human Right 3
refugees stands at 45.7 and 26 million respectively (UNHCR, 2020b). This

book is concerned with refugees, those who have been forced to leave their
country and are fleeing conflict or persecution and crossing borders into
neighboring countries, or travelling to nearby countries seeking shelter and
security. It is estimated that 40% of these forcibly displaced people,
including refugees, are children below the age of 18. More than 48%, or 1.8
million, of these refugee children are out of school, which is a great concern
because education is a human right. The enrolment rate of refugee children
in primary and secondary level education stands at 77% and 31%
respectively, whereas enrolment of refugees in higher education is only 3%
(UNHCR, 2020b). It is important to know how refugee children and youth
receive education at the different levels, primary, secondary and tertiary, in
host countries in order to ensure quality education for refugee children.
Evidence shows that refugee children and youth who are provided with
adequate schooling, together with English language teaching are more likely
to secure employment and flourish (Shakya et al., 2010, p. 70). Despite these
potentially positive outcomes, refugee youth and children pose a number of
social, educational, and emotional challenges relating to education in host
countries. In order to resolve and address these issues facing refugee youth
and children, education systems in receiving countries require resources for
providing education at the three levels. These include adequate funding,
equipment and material resources for the students, and training for the
teachers. Refugee youth and children are traumatized both physically and
psychologically (Haffejee, 2015; Prodip & Garnett, 2019, p. 204), and
evidence shows that they require dedicated school-based assistance in order
to adjust to new contexts, communities and cultures (McBrien, 2005; Segal
& Mayadas, 2005).
South Asia comprises eight nations; Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan,
India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka and. South Asia is a region
that both generates and receives refugees, and in 2020, the region is host to
more than 3 million refugees. Most of them are living in Bangladesh (Biharis
and Rohingyas) and Pakistan (Afghans) (World Bank, 2019). Historically,
South Asian countries have experience in hosting a substantial amount of
refugee people: India received nearly 5 million people as refugees during the

liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971; more than 5 million Afghan refugees

found shelter in Pakistan when Russia attacked Afghanistan in 1979; Nepal
received a sizable proportion of Tibetans and Bhutanese refugees during the
1960s and 1990s; Bangladesh has provided shelter to more than 1.3 million
Rohingya refugees from neighboring Myanmar since 1978, together with
some 200,000 Pakistani Biharis since 1971. None of the countries, except
Afghanistan, are the signatory party to the 1951 Geneva Convention or the
1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees. Instead, host countries in
the South Asian region deal with refugee issues through various treaties and
conventions (Louie Albert, Stan Fernandes, & D’Sami, 2020). As a result,
none of the countries have concrete policies for refugee education in their
national education policies; although Nepal is one exception in that, it has
integrated Bhutanese refugee education into its national education system.
In general, the majority of host countries in South Asia have imposed
restrictions on refugees’ physical movement, which, in turn, has restricted
access to employment and education. These countries mostly provide
education to refugee children and youth from humanitarian perspectives.
The countries at the centre of this book are Bangladesh, India, Pakistan,
and Nepal. These countries are host to a number of refugee populations
including Afghans, Bhutanese, Bihari, East Pakistanis, Pakistanis,
Rohingya, Sri Lankan Tamils, and Tibetans. This edited book is designed to
present an overview of the educational status of refugees in these four
countries. As a result, it is vital to provide a conceptual framework to
understand the phenomenon of “education as a human right” within the
refugee context. Before moving to the next section, however, it is important
to conceptualise the term ‘refugee.’
WHO ARE REFUGEES?
Refugees are people who have fled war, violence, conflict or persecution
and have left their countries of origin to seek safety in another country. The
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) which acts as
“guardian” of the 1951 Geneva Refugee Convention and the 1967 Protocol

Relating to the Status of Refugees, provides the definition of a refugee as

“someone who is unable or unwilling to return to their country of origin
owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race,
religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political
opinion” (UNHCR, 2020c, para 1). This definition highlights two specific
areas: 1) the person who is identified as a refugee is out of a country of origin
physically, and 2) s/he does not want to return or is unable to return because
of psychological fear and distress of being mistreated. While psychological
fear consists of the fear of undesirable events that might be life-threatening,
mistreated involves the “fear of being persecuted for reasons of race,
religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political
opinion” (UNHCR, 2020c, para. 1).
The word “refugee” is often used as the interchangeable term or the
synonym of the words ‘migrants’ or ‘asylum seeker’ and therefore,
theorizing refugees could help to understand the identity of the refugee
people. There are, however, issues surrounding this formal definition of
refugees. Joly (2002), for example, has comprehensively addressed the
differences between refugees and migrants by pointing out two major factors
that differentiate refugees from (economic) migrants. First, she points out
that ‘they (refugees] left their homeland because a sudden transition
endangered the life they were managing, although this change need not
always be dramatic’ (p. 7). Second, she argues that ‘they (refugees) would
have lived in their country of origin if things had sustained as before the
transformation’ (p. 7). Asylum-seekers are different from refugees because
asylum-seekers are defined as “someone whose request for sanctuary has yet
to be processed” (UNHCR, 2017). This describes people who do not
perceive secure and might have been targeted just because of who they are
or what they are act or trust – for instance, for their religion, ethnicity,
political beliefs or sexuality seek asylum in other countries (Amnesty
International, 2020, Para 2). Furthermore, the concept of migrants or forced
migration is absent in the definition of the UNHCR. The International
Organization for Migration (IOM) provides a definition for forced migration
describing it as “migratory movement in which an element of coercion
exists, including threats of life and livelihood, whether arising from natural

and man-made causes” (IOM, 2020). We can see that the definition of a
refugee is clearly different from the definition of migrants or asylum-
seekers. However, Wiseman, Damaschke-Deitrick, Galegher, and Park
(2019) argue that, although the definition of refugees is specific the ‘refugee’
concept might be different in diverse contexts, particularly in how the
receiving country actually perceives them. Refugees could be wontedly or
unwantedly labelled by the receiving countries that might create a
misconception about them.
The above shows that there are some labels and conceptual confusions
in determining the definition of a refugee, especially for the countries who
are not signatory to the 1951 UN convention. Whilst a country accepts
refugees, this receiving country may consider a number of economic,
political, cultural, ideological or nationalistic factors that shape how they are
actually perceived by the host country (Moldovan, 2016). As a result, many
countries provide shelter for refugee populations on a temporary basis rather
than giving them refugee status. Internal politics and regional politics are the
two most likely determinants for such decisions, although international
pressure also plays a vital role because international organizations such as
UNHCR call for ensuring the rights of refugees in host countries (Jacobsen,
2006). Defining refugees is not an easy task, and although multiple
definitions exist, this book agrees with and utilizes the definition of refugee
provided by the UNHCR through the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol.
The respective authors use this definition; however, they also consider the
local or regional labels and dimensions in their chapters.
The rest of this Introduction discusses the theoretical debate of this book
– that is, education as a human right. Within the refugee context in South
Asia, it is found that education is offered to refugee children and youth from
a humanitarian aspect.
EDUCATION AS A HUMAN RIGHT
There has been an intensification in systematized bloodshed in the type

of armed conflict, war, political coercion and civil conflict since the end of

the Cold War. A new debate of ‘humanitarian intervention and protection’

appeared in the global community as a multifaceted global catastrophe
forged in the 1990s: the genocide in Rwanda, the Gulf War, war and
conflicts in Afghanistan, Angola, Liberia, parts of the former Soviet Union,
Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, and the former Yugoslavia (Retamal &
Richmond, 1988; Tawil, 1997). In such crises, the international community
has recognized education as a ‘fourth pillar’ of humanitarian assistance
along with health care, water, food and shelter (Kagawa, 2005).
Education has officially been accepted as a human right through the
approval of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) (UNICEF,
2007). The adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR)
in 1948 denoted the first successful attempt of the international community
to recognize a set of human rights1 that are universal (González-Cantón,
Boulos, & Sánchez-Garrido, 2019). A rights-based approach to education is
outlined in several human rights treaties including the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Convention
against Discrimination in Education (1960), the International Covenant on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966) and the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1981), and
recognized by governments as a significant instrument in the quest of
development and social transformation. Over the past twenty years, in
particular, the importance of a rights-based approach has been demonstrated
in many international goals, strategies and targets such as the World
Conference Education for All (EFA) at Jomtien (Thailand) in 1990, 2000
World Education Forum in Dakar (Senegal), the Millennium Development
Goals in 2000, and A World Fit for Children in 2002 (UNICEF, 2007).
In recent years, increasing importance has been placed on rights-based
approaches to development (Cornwall & Nyamu-Musembi, 2004; Uvin,
2007). In part, this shift has been the outcome of the failure of the needs-
based or service delivery approaches that have failed to decrease poverty
1
A human rights-based approach applies seven principles; i) Universality and inalienability; ii)
Indivisibility; iii) Interdependence and interrelatedness; iv) Equality and non-discrimination;
v) Participation and inclusion; vi) Empowerment; and vii) Accountability and respect for the
rule of law (see UNICEF, 2007 for detail).

significantly (Cornwall & Nyamu-Musembi, 2004; UNICEF, 2007).

Evidence shows that a needs-based approach focuses on safeguarding extra
capital for delivery of services to the particular groups, whereas a rights-
based approach aims to distribute existing capital more equally and assist
the marginalized individuals to claim their rights to this capital (Cornwall &
Nyamu-Musembi, 2004, p. 1417; Prodip & Garnett, 2019, p. 193). As Sen
(2005) points out, a rights-based approach focuses on the importance of “the
capacity (of an individual) to lead the kind of life he or she has reason to
value,” of which education is central.
A rights-based approach to development refers to empowering
disadvantaged groups, challenging repression and marginalization, and
changing power relations (Uvin, 2010, p. 172). Education is regarded as
central to development (Buckland, 2004; Dryden-Peterson, 2015; Pigozzi,
1999; Sen, 2005) and national, if not global, security (Cardarelli, 2018;
Deane, 2016). Since the 1990s, education sector provides emphasis on the
rights-based approach to education (Prodip & Garnett, 2019, p. 193,
UNICEF, 2007). The purpose of a human rights-based approach to
education is simple. It aims to appreciate, dignify, and protect a child’s self-
respect and greatest development through providing and guaranteeing a
quality education (UNESCO, 2011; UNIECF, 2007). The United Nations
Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has developed a conceptual framework of a
rights-based approach for education for all. The framework emphasizes
three dimensions; the right to access to education, the right to quality
education, and respect for human rights in education (UNICEF, 2007, p. 27).
The right to access to education requires a promise to safeguard universal
access to education throughout all stages of childhood and beyond,
availability and accessibility of education, and equality of education. In
order to ensure quality education, it is necessary to pay attention to a broad,
relevant and inclusive curriculum, rights-based learning and assessment, as
well as child-friendly, safe and healthy environments. A rights-based
approach requires an obligation to identify and respect the human rights of
children such as their identity, agency and integrity while they are in school
(UNESCO, 2004; UNICEF, 2007).

Education is also a humanitarian issue, perceived as fundamental to

relief programs and as a facet of relief-development transformation due to
its act in psychological coping and conflict prevention. It is mainly crucial
for children and youth who were afflicted by war and conflict, as a part of
an emergency feedback and for lifelong resurgence (Burde, Kapit, Wahl,
Guven, & Skarpeteig, 2017; Burde, Guven, Kelcey, Lahmann, & Al-Abbadi,
2015; Cardarelli, 2018; Dryden-Peterson, 2017; Mendenhall, 2014; Prodip
& Garnett, 2019; SinClair, 2007; UNESCO, 2001; Zeus, 2011).
Attaining the goals of the rights-based approach to education is
immensely more complex, as noted by the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) (2006). Several issues
including lack of resources and limited understanding of the potential
approaches or the rights pose a threat to incorporating a rights-based
approach to education (UNICEF, 2007, p. 23-24). These problems have been
evident to the international community for many years and there is no
magical wand/stick which can offer a simple solution to these problems.
Although this approach offers an ethical structure and a method for its
application, it may also show tensions, real or deceptive, between diverse
rights, among rights holders, as well as privileges and responsibilities
(UNICEF, 2007, p. 21). For example, without ensuring children’s right to
health and welfare, quality education can never be achieved. If children are
subjected to humiliating physical abuse or punishment, the optimum
development for children cannot be acquired (UNICEF, 2007).
A rights-based approach can provide education as either relief or aspects
of development for children and youth affected by war and conflict. The
following is an overview of the edited book.
STRUCTURE OF THE BOOK
This edited book includes nine chapters which combined reflect the
policies and practices of refugee education of four countries: Bangladesh,
India, Pakistan, and Nepal.

This is the first chapter in which Prodip presents the background

information as well as provide the conceptual understanding of this book.
Besides, the detailed discussion about two terms and concepts such as
‘refugee’ and ‘education as a human right’ illustrates the direction of the
book.
In Chapter Two, Zahed and Prodip focus on the purposes, prospects and
problems of religious education for Rohingya refugee children in
Bangladesh. Through a series of case studies conducted in Kutupalong
Extension Camp in Cox’s Bazar, they find that the government of
Bangladesh does not have any policy to provide religious education to
Rohingya refugee children in the camps. However, some non-government
Islamic organizations established a handful of madrasas in order to provide
Islamic education to Rohingya refugee children. This religious education is
neither being offered as relief nor being provided as development for
Rohingya refugee children. However, both education providers and
receivers consider religious education provides eternal rewards, and the
children are enthusiastic about learning religious education, so this lack of
religious education in Bangladesh is causing problems. Zahed and Prodip
find that religious education has two potential outcomes: gaining Islamic
knowledge and discipline, as well as creating job opportunities for Rohingya
refugee children in the future. They also find that both education providers
and receivers face a number of challenges including institutional weakness,
lack of financial resources, lack of enough facilities, and lack of motivation.
Therefore, they argue that religious education for Rohingya children in the
madrasas in the camps should be integrated into the national madrasa
curriculum in Bangladesh in order to protect children’s dignity and honor.
Through a qualitative study, Jabin and Islam investigate the educational
status of the Bihari refugee children in Geneva Camp in Bangladesh in
Chapter Three. They find that the educational status of Bihari refugee
children residing in different camps in Bangladesh has improved over the
last decade – since 2010. Most children in the Geneva Camp are now
receiving educational facilities and two-thirds of the school-going children
are girls. Yet, the authors have identified some persistent challenges,

including social and economic barriers that restrict Bihari children in

receiving a quality education in the camp.
In Chapter Four, Das, Shafiq and Islam focus on the development
process of the Teacher’s Competency Framework (TCF) in the context of
Rohingya refugee education in Bangladesh. Through a qualitative strategy,
they have used participatory observation throughout the process with an
expert working group, the members of which have vast knowledge and
experience of working in an emergency context. The authors have developed
a comprehensive TCF framework that has four domains, 15 sub-domains
and 48 competencies. Within this framework, teachers are categorized into
four groups and indicators were established. The authors argue that the TCF
will guide the sector and partners to develop assessment techniques and tools
to measure the teachers' competency level who are working in different
learning facilities. TCF has been developed to identify teachers’ level of
competencies and their professional development needs. Thus, it works as
the foundation for a Teachers’ Professional Development (TPD) framework,
which will act as a guide to improve the competency level of every teacher
through different professional development programs and practices.
In Chapter Five, Nandy, Prodip, Biswas, and Rabbani focus on the
education policies and problems for different kinds of refugee children in
India. They find that although India does not have any particular policy to
deal with refugees, the government of India provides some education to
refugee children from a humanitarian perspective with the assistance of
some NGOs and UN agencies. The authors argue that despite the lack of a
concrete education policy, India is very much “caring instead of scaring” in
providing education to refugee children. Yet, some challenges including a
lack of financial resources, limited psychosocial support, paucity of
acceptance by the host, and the poor health of refugee children often hamper
the provision of an adequate education to refugee children in India.
In Chapter Six, Mukherjee focuses on some underlying causes that
hinder Afghan refugees in receiving education in Pakistan and India. She
argues that both India and Pakistan have been facing many challenges in the
process of securing the right to education of Afghan refugees. Pakistan and
India have faced some common problems including lack of financial

resources, lack of security, linguistic barriers and discrimination, lack of

proper documentation, lack of availability of transports, lack of access to
quality education, physiological disorders, together with the dependency of
governments of Pakistan and India on UNHCR and NGOs in providing
quality education to Afghan refugees. She argues that repatriation is the only
durable solution in order to secure the bright future of Afghan refugees.
In Chapter Seven, Mostofa and Murtoza explore to what extent and how
education contributes to the integration of Bhutanese refugees of Nepal in
resettled nations, with a focus on Australia. Utilising the available evidence
from primary and secondary sources, they find that although Nepal is not
legally obliged to offer education to Bhutanese refugees, the government of
Nepal has integrated refugee education into their national education system.
The results suggest that the high-quality education provided by Nepal has a
significant contribution to the integration of Bhutanese refugees in resettled
countries. However, the lack of technical education in the camps in Nepal
has slowed down this process of integration in Australia.
In Chapter Eight, by exploring available academic and grey literature,
based on examples from different regions, Shohel, Roy, Ahsan and Acharya
highlight the importance of providing access to higher education for
refugees and the common challenges in Chapter Eight. They find that the
legal status of a refugee in a host country, the lack of necessary
documentation, together with restrictions on movement, and financial
constraints are the key challenges for refugees in South Asia in gaining
access to higher education. This is important because legal and practical
barriers prevent them from exploring opportunities to increase access to
higher education. They argue that opportunities for high-quality higher
education could provide refugees with the resources, skills and networks that
can assist them to succeed in life despite all of the physical, mental,
economic, political and socio-cultural challenges they encounter in their life
journeys. They conclude that higher education can provide them with the
knowledge, skills and expertise to contribute to the communities they belong
to or integrated to as well as the society as a whole, rather than becoming a
burden for the society.

Finally, in Chapter Nine, Roy, Prodip and Nandy summarize the

findings of the previous eight chapters in line with the conceptual framework
provided in the introduction chapter. Besides, based on the arguments of the
whole book, the authors provide some brief recommendations to improve
the existing situation of the refugee children and youth of the South Asian
countries. The concluding remarks discuss the possible ways that the state
policy-makers can consider.
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Chapter 2
RELIGIOUS EDUCATION FOR ROHINGYA

REFUGEE CHILDREN IN BANGLADESH:
PURPOSES, PROSPECTS, AND PROBLEMS
Iqthyer Uddin Md Zahed1 and Mahbub Alam Prodip2,*

1
School of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences,
University New England, Australia
2
ABSTRACT
Since 1978 around 1.2 million Rohingya from Myanmar have fled to
Bangladesh as refugees. The most recent influx of 2017 has resulted in
nearly 742,000 Rohingya reaching Bangladesh. Currently, around 912,000
Rohingya are living in two registered refugee camps as well as in the
makeshift settlements around Cox’s Bazar. In the Rohingya refugee
community, around 683,000 are children. Most of these children do not
have access to any kind of educational opportunities and there are fears for
a “lost generation.” To meet educational requirements, several

Corresponding Author’s E-mail: prodip.mahbub@yahoo.com.

20 Iqthyer Uddin Md Zahed and Mahbub Alam Prodip
international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) and non-

governmental organizations (NGOs) in Bangladesh are offering informal
and non-formal educational opportunities to refugee children in both
registered camps and makeshift settlements. Also, a handful of Rohingya
refugee children go to madrasas to receive religious education. This
chapter aims to understand the purposes, prospects and problems of
religious education for Rohingya refugee children in the makeshift
settlements in Bangladesh. A qualitative research strategy was applied in
this chapter and one of the authors collected primary data through semi-
structured interviews, key informant interviews, and author’s observation.
The results reveal that religious education is not being provided as either
relief or as development aid for the Rohingya refugee children as there is
no official recognition of this religious education in the makeshift
settlements. Both education providers and receivers consider religious
education provides eternal rewards and the children are enthusiastic about
learning Islamic education. Religious education has two potential
outcomes: gaining Islamic knowledge and discipline and creating job
opportunities for Rohingya refugee children in the future. Both education
providers and receivers face a number of problems including institutional
weakness, lack of financial resources, facilities, and motivation.
Keywords: Rohingya refugee children, religious education, purpose,

prospects, problems.
INTRODUCTION
There are approximately 68.5 million refugees and about 41.3 million
internally displaced people (IDP) worldwide (UNHCR, 2019). Among
them, more than one million Rohingya refugees from Myanmar have found
shelter in Bangladesh (Lee, 2019). The Rohingya Muslims have been living
in Rakhine (formerly known as Arakan) for centuries before the British
arrived in Arakan. The Rohingya are the most unfortunate and forgotten
people of the world driven out from their own space in Rakhine of Myanmar.
The Arakan was an independent state until 1784 when Burmese King
Budawpaya invaded it. From that time, the Arakanese Muslims were
maltreated and compelled to leave in the ancestral lands. The Rohingyas
have been subject to forced labour, torture, killing, rape of females and girls,
slaughter of males and were at last pushed out of the country (Lee, 2019;

Religious Education for Rohingya Refugee Children … 21
Macmanus, 2015). The Rohingya had citizenship rights under the citizenship
law of 1948, but the NeWin’s Citizenship Law of 1982 made Rohingyas
aliens and they lost all fundamental rights in the country. Under the 1982
Citizenship Law, Rohingya national identity cards were rescinded, and they
no longer have legal documents, such as proof of citizenship such as birth
certificate (Haque, 2017). Myanmar government had sponsored ultra-
nationalist Monks and Buddhists for anti-Rohingya campaign to eliminate
Rohingya from the country (Anwary, 2018; Subedi & Garnett, 2020). The
massive ejections in Arakan were in 1784, 1942, 1978, 1992, 2012, 2015,
and 2017 (Ahmed, 2010; Mohajan, 2018; Nguyen, 2018). On 25 August
2017, attacks by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on 30 police
outposts in Maungdaw, Buthidaung, and Rathedaung townships in northern
Rakhine State (formerly Arakan) resulted in Myanmar military
counterinsurgency operations, and nearly 700,000 Rohingyas fled to
Bangladesh (Prodip & Garnett, 2019, p. 191). Overall, more than 1.2 million
Rohingya were forced to migrate to Bangladesh at different times by the
clearance operations of the Tatmadaw, the Burmese Army (Lee, 2019;
Prodip & Garnett, 2019; Uddin, 2020).
More than 683,000 of these refugees are children living in the registered
and makeshift settlements (Children on the Edge, 2018; UNICEF, 2019; UN
News, 2018a). These children aspire for learning opportunities to prepare
them for the future (UNICEF, 2019). Some international non-government
organizations (INGOs) and non-government organzsations (NGOs) in
Bangladesh are offering scope for emergency education1 for refugee
children in both registered camps and makeshift settlements (GEC, 2018;
Prodip & Garnett, 2019). In recent years, around 280,000 children aged 4 to
14 are getting emergency education provided by the overall education
sectors of refugee education in Cox’s Bazar, whereas an estimated 97% of
youth and adolescents in the age group 15-18 do not receive in any type of
formal learning (UNICEF, 2019). The INGOs and NGOs provide education
1
Emergency education is for children, youth, and adults who affected by natural disasters, human-
made disasters and complex emergencies provided by the UNESCO. It provides education in
an emergency to ensure life-saving information available to children and their families;
protects children and youth from attack, abuse, and exploitation; supports peacebuilding; and
provides physical and psychological safety to children.

in the camps which is supporting psychosocial health for the Rohingya

refugee children in Bangladesh (Prodip & Garnett, 2019). Besides
emergency education, thousands of Rohingya refugee children are receiving
religious education in madrasas2 and maktabs3 in the makeshift settlements,
which does not have any guidelines from either the Bangladesh government,
or the Inter-Agency Network for Education in Emergencies (INEE). Against
this backdrop, this chapter aims to investigate the purpose, prospects and
problems of religious education for Rohingya refugee children in
Bangladesh. The results reveal that there is no particular policy for offering
religious education to Rohingya refugee children in the makeshift
settlements. Religious education is neither being provided as relief nor being
offered as development for Rohingya refugee children. Both education
providers and receivers believe that religious education offers eternal
rewards and the children are mostly enthusiastic about religious education.
Both education providers and receivers have faced many challenges, such as
lack of institutional supports, lack of financial resources, lack of enough
facilities, and lack of motivation in religious education.
This chapter has five parts. The second part reviews the literature on the
history of the Rohingyas, the current situation of Rohingyas in Bangladesh,
refugee and education, and the religious education of Rohingyas in
Myanmar and Bangladesh. The third part explains the research method
followed by the findings of the research in the fourth part. The fifth and final
part analyses these findings and provides a conclusion with
recommendations.
2
Madrasa is an institution specially designed for Islamic education and culture. Islamic law and
jurisprudence (fiqh), as well as other subjects, generally taught in the Madrasa. The Madrasa
education commenced by prophet Muhammad (Sm) who established “Darul Arqam” at the
Safa hill of Makkah. Subsequently, Islamic schools become very popular in the Islamic world.
3
Maktab is the primary level institution where teaches Arabic letters to learn how to recite the
Holy Quran. It is known as Noorani or Furqania Madrasa in the Indian subcontinent. Local
mosques are usually used as Maktab.

LITERATURE REVIEW AND CONCEPTUAL DEBATES
A Brief History of Marginalization of Rohingya Refugees

in Myanmar
The Citizenship Law of 1982 in Myanmar made members of the

Rohingya community stateless although had been living there for hundreds
of years (Hein, 2018; Shahabuddin, 2019). The argument for denying the
Rohingyas citizenship was the government’s stance that they are illegal
Bangalis who came during the colonial period (Balazo, 2015; Leider, 2014).
After Burma gained independence, the Union Citizenship Law of 1948
recognized the Rohingya as an ethnic race of the country (Balazo, 2015;
Haque, 2017; Ibrahim, 2018) and the Burmese constitution guaranteed them
full rights as citizen (Green, 2013). The Citizenship Law of 1982 was a
premeditated law to withdraw citizenship from them (Lewa, 2009).
The Rohingya’s current status is linked with their position with fighting
the British in World War ΙΙ. The Rakhine-Rohingya conflict started at this
time. The Rohingya took part alongside the British in WWΙΙ while the
Buddhist people took the side of the axis power of Japan (Gill, 2014).
Following this decision, with the help of Thakin’s party, ultranationalist
Buddhist of Myanmar imposed severe communal violence on Rohingyas
(Pedersen, 2018; Yegar, 2002). Japan took control of Akyab on 23 March
1942, and many of British soldiers, Karen and others had died by the
bombing of the Japanese air force. The British troops fled away on seeing
the Japanese entering Burma. As consequences, the local Buddhists and the
Burmese Independent Army (BIA) created communal attacks on the
Rohingyas. About 100,000 Rohingyas were killed during this violence
(Adelman, 2016). This is known as the Massacre of 1942 (Diamond, 2017;
Pedersen, 2018) and thousands of Muslims looked shelter in Chittagong in
the southern part of British Bengal now called Bangladesh (Akhado, 2018;
Razzak, 1995). No Rohingya leader got the chance to sit in the pre-
independence negotiations with all ethnic groups or to join in the signing of
the historic treaty that established the Union of Burma (Razzak, 1995).

After the military coup d’état in 1962, Burma Socialist People’s Party
of Ne Win claimed that the 100,000 Indians and 12,000 Pakistanis, were
illegal settlers who had come in Burma during the British period (Alam,
2019; Lubina, 2016). The Burmese government took steps to expel them and
cancelled their citizenship (Frontières, 2002). Those initiatives of Ne Win
helped to target the Rohingya with the object to gain more popularity among
the Burmans (Thawnghmung, 2016). The Burmese military government
launched an operation named Operation Naga Min (Dragon King) in 1977-
1978 to register the citizens and prosecuting the illegals. Rakhine State has
targeted mass persecution of the Rohingya people. About 200,000 of
Rohingya fled to Bangladesh to save their lives (Barany, 2019; Pedersen,
2018). In 1982 Burma’s junta declared a new citizenship law that
calculatingly excluded Rohingyas from the country’s citizenship rights.
Even though the Citizenship Law Act of 1948 protected them as equal
citizens of Burma with all the other ethnic groups, in 1982, the new
Citizenship Law almost overnight made Rohingya Muslims stateless legally
(Haque, 2017; Hein, 2018). Denial of their citizenship works as a legal
reason for the Myanmar government to expel Rohingya people from the
country. In 1991-1992, about 250,000 Rohingyas crossed the Naf river and
found shelter in Bangladesh due to their experience of forced labour and
rape, killing by Myanmar’s military (Barany, 2019; Frontières, 2002; Kader
& Choudhury, 2019).
On October 2016, the Arakan Salvation Army (ARSA), attacked border
posts in northern Rakhine state and killed nine national border police. The
military responded to this attack brutally and pushed more than 87,000
Rohingya people into Bangladesh (Kipgen, 2019). Since 2012, about
120,000 Rohingya have been kept inside in camps in central Rakhine state
that they have described as “concentration camps.” The Tatmadaw
(Burmese Army) retaliated to ARSA attacks with extrajudicial killings,
rapes and the burning of hundreds of villages in each operation (Alam, 2019;
Barany, 2019).
The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) had attacked about
thirty police posts and an army base in Rakhine state on 25 August 2017
(Barany, 2019; Kipgen, 2019). Zultan Barany argues that the purpose of this

attack was to seek international attention to the Rohingya’s persecution and

to seek funds from the Middle Eastern countries, especially Saudi Arabia
and the United Arab Emirates (Barany, 2019). In this attack, they made
damaged 10 policemen, one soldier and an immigration officer (Kipgen,
2019). The Tatmadaw reacted very quickly to the attacks of ARSA. They
engaged in mass killing, torture, raping of women and girls, and burning
down entire villages, slaughtering and burning children etc. About 392
villages were partially or entirely burnt down by the Tatmadaw and local
Buddhists (Alam, 2019; Bari, 2018). About 10,000 people died in this
Tatmadaw operation. Nearly 70% of those killed by gunshot wounds and
9% of those victims burned to death in their homes (Barany, 2019; Khan,
2017). About 742,000 people fled to Bangladesh. The United Nations
describes it as a ‘textbook example of ethnic cleansing’ (Khan, 2017;
UNHCR, 2017). Zoltan argues that Tatmadaw’s operation was pre-planned
and ARSA attack was a perfect excuse for them to conduct an operation of
ethnic cleansing (Barany, 2019).
Rohingya Refugees in Camps Today
Bangladesh refused to sign the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967

Protocol. Bangladesh is also not a signatory party to the 1954 and 1961
Stateless Persons Conventions (Abrar, 2015). As a result, Bangladesh is not
legally obliged to provide for the necessities of the refugees (Prodip, 2017).
However, Bangladesh has accommodated more than one million Rohingyas
on humanitarian grounds (Akhter & Islam, 2019; Anwary, 2018). The
Burmese government continues its genocidal activities, and ethnic
cleansing; on the other hand, Bangladesh has kept receiving Rohingyas since
1978 (Zarni & Cowley, 2014). After being uprooted and displaced from their
own country, Rohingyas have been living in basic conditions in two refugee
camps in just 26 square kilometres of land at Cox’s Bazar. The camps are
the among most crowded places in the world where about 40,000 people
have been living per square kilometre. Ullah (2011) reported that six to
seven persons in a family dwelling in a 10 by 16 feet room. More than 20

people share a toilet. They have to wait in queue for using the toilet and
bathing and cooking. The refugees are at risk of landslides and floods during
the monsoon season (World Vision, 2019). Refugee children have a high
level of post-traumatic stress disorder, depression and at high risk of disease,
malnutrition, and physical abuse. ISCG et al. (2019, p. 33) mentioned the
refugees do not have access to their own livelihoods and survive with 100%
food assistance. Rohingya refugees are living in overly crowed and cramped
places that put them at extreme risk of COVID-19 transmission. Sixty-six
cases of COVID-19 had been officially identified as ‘positive’ and there
were six deaths in the Rohingya camps in Cox’s Bazar as of 29 July 2020
(Banik et al., 2020). The Bangladesh government restricted Rohingya
children attending local schools with government curriculum (HRW, 2019).
Rohingyas are not officially allowed to go outside of the camps and not
permitted to marry locals (Prodip & Garnett, 2019). Uddin (2020) argued
that the Rohingyas are leading their lives as a ‘Sub-human’ (Uddin, 2020).
Refugees and Education
Education is a fundamental human right for all people and is particularly

critical for children and youths affected by conflict as a part of the
emergency response and for life-long recovery (UNESCO, 2000). Education
for refugees in crisis is now recognized as a vital aspect of psycho-social
recovery for war-affected children; and the programs are facilitated under
the umbrella organization of the Inter-Agency Network for Education in
Emergencies (INEE) (Prodip & Garnett, 2019).
Education is viewed as a humanitarian concern, considered as integral
to relief programs and as a feature of the relief-development transformation
due to its role in psychological coping and conflict prevention (Burde, Kapit,
Wahl, Guven, & Skarpeteig, 2017; Burde, Guven, Kelcey, Lahmann, & Al-
Abbadi, 2015; Cardarelli, 2018; Dryden-Peterson, 2017; Mendenhall, 2014;
SinClair, 2007; UNESCO, 2000; Zeus, 2011). In 1948, the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) officially recognized education as
one of the human rights (UNICEF, 2007). A rights-based approach to

development promises to reduce repression and marginalisation by

empowering marginalised groups and altering power relations (Uvin, 2007).
The purpose of human rights-based education is simple, as it seeks to
recognize and endorse the dignity and optimum development of a child
through providing and guaranteeing a quality education (UNESCO, 2011).
Education is also perceived as central to development (Buckland, 2004;
Dryden-Peterson, 2015a; Pigozzi, 1999; Sen, 2005) and national (Cardarelli,
2018; Deane, 2016).
Studies on crisis and post-crisis education are limited (Burde et al.,
2015). Most research has forced refugees in the emergency phase. Research
on education for refugees tends to focus on formal and non-formal education
in countries of settlement, i.e., the United States, Australia, and Lebanon
(Dryden-Peterson, 2015b & 2016). Research on emergency education in
refugee camps is much less common due to restrictions on access to the
camps (Jacobson & Landau, 2003).
Research on Rohingya education is also limited and has been conducted
primarily by aid agencies and organizations. Prodip and Garnett (2019)
argued that there is a global expectation that Rohingya refugee children have
access to some forms of education during their stay in the various camps
within Bangladesh. In the study of Rohingya refugees in Malaysia,
Letchamanan (2013) argued that the refugees require social consideration
and empathy because they are stateless and unlikely able to return their home
country. Prodip (2017) argued that the educational status was better in the
camp compared to Myanmar’s discriminatory educational institutions. He
also mentioned the gender discrimination in the schools. Prodip and Garnett
(2019) claimed that despite involving enormous challenges, emergency
education learning centers provide safe and child-friendly learning
environments and offer psycho-social support for many Rohingya children
who have gone through serious trauma. However, sustainable quality
education in an emergency context is yet to be ensured due to lack of policy
formation by the government of Bangladesh. Prodip and Garnett (2019) and
Prodip (2017) studied the quality of informal/non-formal education for
Rohingya refugee children in camps in Bangladesh, yet it would be fair to
say that religious education for Rohingya children is under-studied.

Religious Education in Myanmar
Myanmar schools teach children in the school about the five pillars of
the country that establish the society of Myanmar. The five components are
farmers, workers, students, monks, and the military (Tin, 2008). Myanmar
is a predominantly Buddhist country: almost 90% of people follow
Theravada Buddhism (Kadoe & Husein, 2015). Buddhism is connected with
the educational curriculum in Myanmar.
Muslim make up 3.9% of Myanmar’s population, most of them whom
had been living in North Rakhine (Kadoe & Husein, 2015). The best quality
of Islamic education is provided in the two largest cities including Yangon
and Mandalay. However, the Rakhine region is different from any other
town in Myanmar regarding religious education (Warnk, 2009). There are
more Madrasas in Arakan than in any other city of Myanmar. Rakhine has
1200 registered mosques out of 2,500 registered mosques in Myanmar
(Berlie, 2008). Islamic schools are known as Madrasa and Maktab that
taught predominantly male students for ten or more years (Kadoe & Husein,
2015). Subsequently, many of student used to go to India, Pakistan,
Bangladesh, Saudi Arabia, Egypt or Turkey for further study (Berlie, 2008).
Muslim parents in Myanmar send their children to Maktabs and the
government public schools simultaneously. The children can study in
Maktabs after school or at weekends (Aye, 2014).
The curriculum of Islamic education in Myanmar is not updated. These
Madrasas teach Islamic history, Quranic Arabic, Quranic exegesis (tafsir),
and Hadith (Berlie, 2008). The various textbooks may be a hundred years
old (Kadoe & Husein, 2015). The books are written in Arabic, Urdu, and
Parsi, though the teachers are not skilled in those languages (Warnk, 2009;
Yin, 2005). Most of the teachers cannot speak Burmese which is the national
language of the country (Yin, 2005). The teachers in Madrasa hardly
understand the economic and social aspects of the country, as they are not
educated in the secular subject matters and disinclined to assimilate different
faith people of the country (Kadoe & Husein, 2015; Yin, 2005).
However, Islamic schools have a continuous appeal to many students.
When the government denied citizenship of Rohingya people, this led to the

closure of many government public schools in Rakhine. As a result,

Rohingya children have no chance to go to school; the only option is to go
to the Madrasa. This is the only chance for Rohingya children to access
education (Berlie, 2008; Warnk, 2009).
The government is trying to cut the number of mosques and Madrasas
in Rakhine. It is also trying to take control of the Islamic education of
Myanmar (Berlie, 2008). One of the discriminatory steps to reduce Islamic
culture in the country is the restriction on movement for Rohingya people
(Warnk, 2009). After the military coup in 1962, pupils were stopped from
going abroad for further Islamic education, which led to a decline in Islamic
educational institutions in the country. Religious conflicts ruined many parts
of Rakhine in recent years. Ultra-nationalist Buddhists targeted Muslim
Rohingya people in different military operations since 2012. Mosques,
Madrasas and houses were burned and thousands of people were driven out
of the country. Many Muslim religious leaders were killed brutally in 2017
(Kadoe & Husein, 2015).
Religious Education for Rohingya Children in Bangladesh
The government of Bangladesh allowed Rohingya refugee children to

have access to primary and kindergarten schooling in two registered camps
since 1997 (Feeny, 2001). Secondary level education was also initiated after
2007, and Rohingya children were allowed to enrol at grade 7 (BBC News,
2019). Overall, 21 primary schools and two secondary schools were
established in two registered camps: 11 in Nayapara and 10 in Kutupalong
(Prodip, 2017). With regard to the present crisis, the Bangladesh government
has permitted a number INGOs and NGOs to use ‘Minimum Standards for
Education in Emergencies’, the handbook implemented by the INEE, to
provide emergency education to Rohingya refugee children in the camps and
makeshift settlements (Prodip & Garnett, 2019). The primary emphasis of
this emergency education is to offer basic literacy and numeracy for ages
between 5 and 14 years old, as well as to give psycho-social and recreational
support (GEC, 2018). Emergency education has three types, such as early

learning (5-6 years old), basic learning (7-10 years old), and life skill
learning (11-14 years old) (BRAC Education Programme, 2017; Prodip &
Garnett, 2019). It is noted that many refugee children also enrolled in
Madrasa to obtain religious education in the camps and makeshift
settlements (BBC News, 2019). There is no officially recognized Madrasa
and Maktab in the makeshift settlements in Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh.
However, thousands of Rohingya children receive religious education in the
camps on the initiative of parents and Islamic organizations, and NGOs. It
is a Muslim culture to teach children lessons in Arabic so that they can recite
the Holy Quran. For instance, millions of Bangladeshi students receive
religious education under government recognized two systems of religious
education: Aliyah Madrasa and Qoumi Madrasa (Bhowmik & Roy, 2020).
The Aliyah Madrasa has five stages: Ebtedayee (Primary), Dhakhil
(Secondary), Alim (Higher Secondary), Fazil (BA), and Kamil (MA), the
last of which entitles a person to be a qualified Islamic scholar (Hossain,
2016). Aliyah Madrasas teaches the Quran, the Hadith, Arabic literature, and
Fiqh. It includes secular subject like Bengali, English, Mathematics, Social
Science, General Science, Islamic History, Geography, Physics, Chemistry,
Biology, Mathematics, and Agricultural Science (Begum, 2017). The Qoumi
Madrasa teaches Quran, Ilmu Tazbeed, Hadith, Fiqh, Usul al-Fiqh, Arabic
Literature, Arabic Grammar, Ilmu al-Balagat, and Ilmu al Mantiq (Begum,
2017). Few Qoumi Madrasas like Hathazari Madrasa teaches the secular
subjects, such as Bengali and English at secondary level up to class nine.
After class nine, it teaches 27 different Islamic subjects until Dawra-e-
Hadith (MA). Most of the Qoumi Madrasas emphasis is on learning Urdu
language (Bono, 2014). The Islamic centers at the refugee camp in Cox’s
Bazar do not follow or authorise the Madrasa education curriculum that
followed by Aliyah and Qoumi Madrasa in Bangladesh.
Religious education is usually offered in Madrasa, Maktab, and Mosque
where teachers teach Islamic studies and Arabic. Predominantly, the
refugees themselves with the support of Bangladeshi Islamic groups have
built a network of Madrasas in the camps where children have access to
Quran-based religious education (UCANEWS, 2019). The exact number of
Madrasas in the camps is unknown. However, Hefazat-e-Islam, a non-

political Islamist organization, helped in establishing more than 1,500

Madrasas, Maktabs, and mosques in the camps (France 24 English, 2019).
In this connection, this research aims to explore the issues surrounding
the practices of religious education, which Rohingya refugee children are
currently getting in Bangladesh. The specific research questions are:
1) What are the purposes of providing religious education to Rohingya

refugee children in Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh?
2) What are the prospects and problems of religious education for
Rohingya refugee children?
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS
This investigation has applied the qualitative research approach. One of

the authors visited Kutupalong extension camp in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh
from 02 January 2020 to 28 February 2020. Primary data was collected
through semi-structured interviews, key informant interviews, and author’s
observation. Around 17 respondents were selected for the interviews. These
respondents included four students, five teachers, five parents, two donors
and one NGO official at camps 1E, 2E, IW, and 2W of the Kutupalong
extension camp. The age ranges of the four children were 12-14 years old.
In this study, “donor” refers to Rohingya people who provide financial
assistance regularly to ensure the functioning of the Madrasas and Maktabs.
Interviews were conducted only after the written consent of respondents was
provided. One of the authors has visited three Madrasas to observe the
interaction between the students and teachers, method of teaching,
infrastructure, and the culture of the institution.
Secondary data was collected from peer-reviewed journal articles,
books, NGO reports, newspaper articles, online materials, and grey
literature. The data were analysed using the thematic analysis method, an
organic approach to coding and theme development.

FINDINGS FROM THE FIELD
The results of this study are presented into three broad categories:
purposes, challenges, and prospects of religious education.
Purposes
Interviews with education providers reveal that the religious learning

centers do not follow any specific policy, such as emergency education
guidelines or madrasa board curriculum in Bangladesh in offering religious
education to Rohingya refugee children. However, they do believe that it is
their moral duty to offer religious education to Rohingya refugee children.
This study has identified two main reasons including gaining eternal rewards
and children’s enthusiasm for offering religious education to Rohingya
refugee children in the makeshift settlements.
Gaining Eternal Rewards
A Muslim believes in life after death, which is known as Akhirah or

eternal life. In the Day of Judgement, all people will be judged based on their
deeds in earthy life. God will reward people with access to heaven for good
deeds and punish by setting in hell for those who have acted evil ways.
According to Muslim belief, this life is called eternal life. This study
finds that Rohingya parents predominantly prefer Madrasas to learning
centers for eternity. Being Muslims, Rohingya children are keen to gain
Islamic knowledge. It is hard for Rohingya children to learn about religion
without being admitted to Madrasas. They argue that the Al-Quran is the
primary source of knowledge for learning Islam. If they go to school, they
do not get the opportunity to learn the Al-Quran. They believe that learning
the Al-Quran can offer them a peaceful eternal life as their acquired
knowledge about Islam can satisfy Allah. A parent of Rohingya children
explains why their children prefer religious education:

We are Muslim. It is our responsibility to teach our children the Holy

Quran. As a parent, if we do not do this, we will get punishment in the day
of judgement, and children will also be punished for not learning the Holy
Al-Quran. As Muslim, we believe in life after death, which we call eternal
life. To persist contentment in eternal life, we say prayer to Allah and send
our children to a madrasa where they can learn moral behavior. If my
children go to the Madrasa, they can learn and pray to the one and only
Allah simultaneously. So, they [Children] are involved in prayers
throughout the study in Madrasa. Gaining heaven is the reward for
worshipping Allah. We send our children to the Madrasa for this reason.
(Participant: Parent of Rohingya refugee children, 1E)
Enthusiasm
This study identifies that enthusiasm of children towards religious

education encourages the parents and religious leaders to offer Islamic
education to Rohingya refugee children. The teachers of Madrasas said that
Rohingya children are curious to learn Islamic education rather than the
emergency education provided by the INGOs and NGOs. The children
believe that being a Muslim, religious education is more important than the
other types of informal and non-formal education. They explained that
religious education could teach them moral attitudes and help them to be
honest in real life. A Rohingya refugee child explains why he prefers
Madrasa to the learning centers:
I do not think that general education can offer me any sort of religious
lesson. Being a Muslim, I want to know about Islamic education which can
offer me the right way to lead a better life in the long run. It is also my firm
duty to know about the Al- Quran and Hadith.
(Participant: Rohingya refugee children, 1W)
It is noted that some of the Rohingya children would go to the Madrasas

while they were in Myanmar before coming to Bangladesh. They think that

the religious lesson is easier to study than other emergency education

provided in the camps. A Rohingya boy said:
I would go to the Madrasa in Myanmar. I found that many NGOs

provided emergency education to Rohingya children. I also had this
opportunity to enrol in learning centers. However, I have preferred to go to
the Madrasa to learn Islamic norms and values. I feel that an Arabic lesson
is easier to learn than an English lesson.
(Participant: Rohingya refugee children, 2E)
Interviews with the teachers and parents also reveal that these children
do not want to go to the learning centers. One of the parents of the Rohingya
children explained:
My boy is twelve years old. Initially, I told him to go to the learning

centers. He went to the learning centers for a few days. However, he said
that he wanted to go to Madrasa. He argued that Muslim people should
learn Islamic education first. I also think that he is right in his decision.
(Participant: Parent of Rohingya refugee children, 2W)
The statement of a teacher supported the claim of this parent:
Some of these children come to the Madrasa willingly. They want to

learn Islamic knowledge. If they go to learning centers to receive general
education, they can get food, clothes, bags, umbrella, and other necessary
things. However, they have chosen Madrasa by themselves.
(Participant: Rohingya teacher, 2E)
Overall, the findings reveal that education providers do not follow any
particular policy in providing religious education to Rohingya refugee
children in the makeshift settlements in Bangladesh. Education providers
and receivers believe that offering/receiving religious education can offer
them rewards in eternal life. The children are also enthusiastic about gaining
Islamic education.

PROSPECTS
Although religious education does not have government recognition,

this can offer some prospects for refugee children in the camps. These
prospects are discussed under two broad categories, such as knowledge and
discipline, and future career.
Knowledge and Discipline
The majority of the Rohingya people in the camps are not educated, as
they did not have the right to study in Myanmar (Mahmood, Wroe, Fuller,
& Leaning, 2017). Although the parents are illiterate, they want their
children to be educated. They argued that education could enhance their
knowledge to adapt to the changing situation in the camps. A parent of
refugee children said:
Anyone can gain knowledge from any method of education. It does

not matter what you learn in Burmese, Arabic, English or Bengali.
Knowledge is the same but it is depicted in different languages. The
teachers in Madrasa taught here Arabic and helped our children to become
a Hafez [a title for people who have completely memorised the Quran]. A
Hafez is a respected person in our community.
The teachers said that Islamic knowledge is necessary for Muslim

people. Learning Islamic knowledge is compulsory for each Muslim. It is
also their [teachers] ethical obligation to teach refugee children to acquire
religious knowledge. Interview with a teacher revealed:
Many children go to the learning centers for acquiring knowledge on

Burmese, English, and Mathematics. However, children are not taught
religious education. As a Rohingya Muslim, it is our duty to learn Islamic
knowledge. Being Muslim, we also think that we should teach them how

to recite the Al-Quran and know Hadith. Therefore, their religious

knowledge will be enriched besides general education.
(Participant: Rohingya teacher, 1W)
Religious education not only offers how to acquire Islamic religion but
also teaches children how to be disciplined in their lives. As many children
witnessed violence in Myanmar, they have often been violent at home.
Sometimes, they also misbehave with their friends and parents. Religious
education teaches discipline and moral lesson. A teacher reported:
When Rohingya children first came to the Madrasas, I found them

aggressive. They did not listen to their teachers and parents. They often
made noise in classrooms. Now, they have been changed significantly after
coming here. They are now gentle and obey their teachers and parents.
Parents mentioned that religious education made their children gentler

than previously while they did not go to Islamic schools. Children would
spoil their time watching television in a tea stall. After going to the Madrasa,
they do not spend much time in the tea stall. Instead, they help their parents’
work at home. A parent said:
There are many tea stalls in the refugee camp; most of the time, these
places are crowded with people watching television and listening to songs
on the tape recorder. If my son does not go to the school or Madrasa, he
will join in the crowd of a tea stall. Thus, I send my son to the Madrasa so
that they can learn the discipline.
Future Career
The teachers and parents realize that religious education cannot offer a
bright future for refugee children. However, they also believe that religious
education can offer them at least a hope for their future career. The teachers

argue that if refugee children can have the opportunity to return to Myanmar,
they will be able to be admitted to Madrasas again. A teacher mentioned:
We know that offering religious education will not have a practical

impact on refugee children’s lives. However, if they can return to Myanmar
again, they can have the opportunity to continue their studies in Madrasas
in Myanmar.
(Participant, Rohingya teacher, 1W)
Parental opinion reveal that there is no significant difference between

emergency education and religious education in the camps. Refugee children
who study in learning centers do not receive any formal certificates. Even
they cannot sit for a formal certificate examination in Bangladesh. Further,
they are not sure about their future. Rohingyas have realized that they would
not be able to return to Myanmar soon. In this context, it is wise to send their
children for religious education. Many Madrasas and Maktabs are being
established in the camps. If these children can get a comprehensive
education on Islam, they will have a chance to be a teacher in those
institutions. Interview with a parent disclosed:
I found that many religious institutions are established in the camps.

We do not also expect that we can return to Myanmar soon. Thus, it is wise
to send my child to the madrasa. If he can learn very well, he will have the
chance to be a teacher of a madrasa in the camp.
(Participant: Parent of Rohingya refugee children, 1E)
Besides, some parents argue that if the government of Bangladesh

allows the refugee to work outside the camp, this education will help their
children to get a job, especially in religious institutions. Another parent said:
We do not know whether we will go back to Myanmar or stay in

Bangladesh. In any case, if we are allowed to stay in Bangladesh
permanently, my child will have a chance to get a job in religious
institutions.

Overall, the discussion suggests that religious education offers Islamic

knowledge and help in changing the violent behavior of Rohingya refugee
children.
PROBLEMS
Despite having some prospects, a number of challenges are observed

concerning religious education for Rohingya refugee children which are
discussed below in four broad categories: institutional weakness, lack of
financial resources, lack of enough facilities, and lack of motivation.
Institutional Weakness
The government of Bangladesh is not concerned enough about the

Madrasas for Rohingya refugee children in the camps. Lack of Bangladesh
authority’s recognition, religious education at camp would be turned into
dejection. Further, non-recognition makes it hard for education providers to
offer religious education. Interview with NGOs officials revealed that the
government suspect religious education as there is no formal approval of
Madrasa. One of the NGO officials said:
We are offering Islamic education to refugee children in Madrasas.

However, the government approved only emergency education. As a result,
we cannot assure our students that they can have a better opportunity in
terms of managing work in or outside the camps.
(Participant: NGO official, 1W)
Rohingya refugee children who receive emergency education in the

makeshift settlements do not receive any kind of certificate from the
education providers (Prodip & Garnett, 2019). This study also found that
Rohingya children who receive religious education do not get any sort of
certificate from madrasas. A teacher reported:

We do not have any capacity to provide formal certificates to

Rohingya children who have studied in Madrasas. The main reason is that
religious education does not have formal recognition from the Bangladesh
government. If the children could receive a formal certificate, they would
have a chance to get a job in the near future.
There is no standardised curriculum in the learning centers to be taught

to refugee children. Education providers have locally developed materials to
continue their educational activities in the camps (Prodip & Garnett, 2019).
This study also found that there is no curriculum for religious education in
the camps. Even education providers do not develop any materials to teach
religious education to refugee children. They traditionally teach Al-Quran
and Hadith to them. They cannot offer them other subjects such as Bengali,
Maths, and English. A teacher said:
We mostly teach refugee children how to recite the Al-Quran. We do

not have a standardised curriculum which is followed by the Madrasa
Board in Bangladesh. I do not see any opportunity to develop a formal
curriculum for religious education for Rohingya children in the camps.
Interviews with religious education providers and teachers revealed that

the shortage of teachers is one of the significant challenges for religious
education in the camps. Minimal teachers manage a large number of students
in classrooms. Another teacher said:
The teachers teach refugee children free of cost. They do not get any
remuneration from the Madrasa. Even Madrasas and Maktabs do not have
enough funds to provide an honorarium to teachers. As a result, the number
of teachers is minimal. It becomes challenging for us to control a huge
number of children in the classroom.

Lack of Financial Resources
One of the mystifying aspects of religious education is the lack of

resources. This study found that Madrasas do not receive any fund from the
Bangladesh government. In most cases, the local religious community
collects funds to run the Madrasas. Rohingya people in the camps also
donate a certain amount of money to continue religious education smoothly.
An NGO official said:
We do not receive any sort of financial help from the government.

Rohingya people usually collect funds from their community to run
Madrasas and Maktabs. Moreover, some non-political Islamic
organizations donate funds to run religious education in the camps.
However, this is not enough to meet the cost associated with religious
education.
(Participant: NGO official, 1W)
This study also found that teachers educate refugee children without
receiving remuneration. They believe that it is their moral obligation to teach
them in the camps. Nevertheless, they pointed out that they also have to look
after their families. Thereby, they do not come to Madrasas often. Interview
with a parent revealed:
Sometimes my boy returns from the Madrasa without receiving a

lesson. One day I asked him, “Why do you return to home from the
Madrasa very soon?” He said that his teachers did not come to Madrasa
today. The teachers sometimes have to spend time on other income-
generating activities.
(Participant: Parent of Rohingya children, 1E)
A teacher explained why he does not come to Madrasa frequently:
I try to come to Madrasa regularly to teach refugee children. However,

I have to find some works to earn money to maintain my family. I teach
here without any incentive. I understand that children suffer a lot if I do not

come to Madrasa. If I would receive a certain amount of wages, I could be

regular in the Madrasa.
An interview with another teacher revealed:
I teach them without receiving a salary. The leaders of the Rohingya

community collect rice and other necessary daily commodities and provide
us as honorarium. I think it is my moral duty to teach them Islamic
knowledge.
(Participant: Rohingya teacher, 2E).
Lack of Enough Facilities
Interviews with the respondents revealed that lack of facilities limit

education providers to offer better education to refugee children in the
camps. It emerged that the Madrasa does not have enough textbooks for
children. They only teach them the Al-Quran for religious education as said
by a teacher:
The Holy Al-Quran is the main source of knowledge for religious

studies for Rohingya refugee children in Bangladesh. We cannot provide
them other materials like pen, pencils, writing papers, and books to the
students. We cannot afford to buy a blackboard. You (researcher) can see,
we are using a broken and an old blackboard.
It is observed that there was not enough space for refugee children in
Madrasas. More than 60 children sit together in a small room. The teachers
consider this tiny space unhealthy for the children. Refugee children do not
feel comfortable while they study in Madrasas. A teacher said:
Thousands of Rohingya people are living in a small camp. We

managed to provide a small space to build a Madrasa in this block. We
have to accommodate more than 60 students in each shift which has

potentially an adverse effect on children’s education. However, we do not

have any option rather than allowing them to come to the Madrasas.
Interviews with teachers also revealed that they could not provide
educational equipment to Rohingya refugee children in Madrasas. A teacher
said:
We do not have enough facilities for our students in the Madrasa. We

do not have blackboards and chalk. As a result, students only memorise the
verse of the Holy Quran. We cannot even provide writing papers and pens.
Students sit on the ground, as we do not have any bench. Thus, children
sometimes have lost their interest in studying here.
Lack of toilet facilities has increased health vulnerabilities of Rohingya

refugee children. Due to having inadequate toilet facilities, children
sometimes become sick and cannot come to learning centers regularly. A
teacher reported:
One of the most critical obstacles is not having enough toilet facilities
for refugee children in the Madrasas. There is also no separate toilet
facilities for girls in the learning spaces. When students went to use the
toilet, they took a long time to get back in the class because they have to
stand in a line to use the toilet.
Another teacher mentioned:
We have more than 50 students in each shift. Children use only one
toilet. We do not have enough space and money for making more toilets in
the Madrasas. We need permission from the camp authority to build toilets
in the camps. As a result, children are often queuing up to use the toilet,
and take a long time to return to the classroom. Children often become sick
and are absent from the class.

Lack of Motivation
In most cases, providers for emergency education established child-

friendly spaces which helped to reduce traumatised behavior of refugee
children in the camps. Rohingya refugee children do not go to the learning
centers for study but pleasure (Prodip & Garnett, 2019). However, this study
found that Madrasas are not child-friendly for refugee children. These
spaces do not have an option for children to enjoy such as playing, dancing
and singing songs. As a result, those refugee children who have attended for
religious education are still traumatised. Sometimes, they have become
violent with their friends in classrooms. A teacher said:
One of the greatest obstacles of religious education is the lack of a

child-friendly environment in the Madrasa. I have observed that children
who go to learning centers have many options to have fun with other
children. However, we do not have this option. Thus, some children are
still traumatised and have become aggressive in some cases.
Refugee children who regularly go to the learning centers to receive

emergency education receive food from the education providers. Refugee
children are offered lunch with biscuits, rice and meat. They also receive
bags, pen, pencils, writing papers, and an umbrella (Prodip & Garnett, 2019).
However, this study found that children do not receive any kind of food or
other materials from Madrasas and Maktabs. They even have to buy their
educational equipment at their own costs. One interview with a parent
revealed:
Children who go to the learning centers receive a meal during

lunchtime. However, Madrasas do not offer any food to children. Students
return to their own house to take a meal. The parents also cannot provide
nutritious foods to their children. Thus, some children do not feel interests
to go to Madrasas.
(Participant: Parent of Rohingya children, 1W)

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
This chapter aims to understand the status of religious education of the

Rohingya refugee children in Bangladesh. This study set out to provide
answers to the following two questions: 1) What are the purposes of
providing religious education to Rohingya refugee children in Cox’s Bazar
in Bangladesh? 2) What are the prospects and challenges of religious
education for Rohingya refugee children in Bangladesh? The findings reveal
that although the government of Bangladesh does not have any policy for
offering religious education to Rohingya refugee children in the camps, the
education providers and receivers are keen for religious education for eternal
rewards and children’s enthusiasm. The education providers and parents of
Rohingya refugee children believe that gaining Islamic knowledge can offer
them peaceful eternal lives. The children also prefer to study in Madrasas
as they consider Islamic education is more valuable than the other types of
education for their lives. The parents and children both have a willingness
to receive religious education. Parents regard it as their moral duty to send
their children to Madrasa or Maktab. The parents consider it a prayer to
almighty God and expect rewards in eternal peace in life after death. The
education providers, parents and children feel the Madrasa and Maktab are
the best places to learn morality and honesty. This inclination continues from
Rakhine in Myanmar, where Islamic institutions were more than any other
states in the country (Warnk, 2009).
This study finds that there are some prospects of religious education for
Rohingya refugee children in the camps. Rohingya parents are determined
to protect their culture and religion by sending their children to Islamic
education centers (Berlie, 2008; Warnk, 2009). It found that Rohingya
refugee children have gained religious knowledge and learned discipline.
The teachers and parents realize that religious education may offer a job
opportunity for their children, as many Islamic schools are in the camps.
Religious education could provide them with a secure job when they return
to their homeland; it will also help them if they can receive an opportunity
to be integrated in Bangladesh, resettled in third countries or repatriated in
their homeland in the near future.

Religious education being offered by the Rohingya communities, local

communities, and NGOs are helping Rohingya refugee children to learn the
Holy Quran. The teachers and parents are trying to facilitate religious
education; but it is not enough for a number of reasons, such as institutional
weakness, lack of financial resources, lack of enough facilities, and lack of
motivation in the Madrasas. Most significantly, religious education in the
camp has entirely failed to minimise the disturbance of traumatised children
(Prodip & Garnett, 2019). To ensure quality education, it is essential to
receive government recognition, to develop a proper curriculum and
textbook, as well as to ensure the teacher’s salary and a child-friendly
environment in the camps.
At this stage, religious education is not viewed as relief or as
development for the Rohingya refugee children in Bangladesh.
Consequently, some recommendations are offered in order to improve the
quality of religious education for Rohingya refugee children in Bangladesh.
1) The government of Bangladesh, UNHCR, representatives of

Rohingya community and education providers/NGOs should work
together to minimise the disparity between emergency education
and religious education for Rohingya refugee children in
Bangladesh. Moreover, education providers should also focus on
child-friendly spaces in Madrasas in order to recover the mental
trauma of Rohingya refugee children.
2) The government of Bangladesh should integrate refugee-religious
education into the national curriculum of the Madrasa Board.
Education providers should provide a certificate of education to
recognize student’s achievements.
3) Education providers should provide the salary of the teachers of
Madrasas to ensure the quality of religious education.
4) UNHCR, INGOs and NGOs should mobilise enough resources for
Madrasa and Maktab to make possible religious education for
Rohingya refugee children in Bangladesh.

Finally, further research is needed to understand the effectiveness of the

religious education of Rohingya refugee children. Future research can be
done on the following issues: Why does the government of Bangladesh not
concentrate on the religious education for Rohingya refugee children in the
camps? To what extent and how do the INGOs and NGOs can play roles in
providing religious education for Rohingya refugee children? What is the
impact of religious education on Rohingya refugee girls?
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We would like to express our deep gratitude to Emeritus Professor Greg

Horsley, and Professor Helen Were at the University of New England,
Australia for their useful critiques, comments and corrections of this
research work.
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Chapter 3
EDUCATIONAL STATUS OF BIHARI

REFUGEES IN BANGLADESH
Nasrin Jabin1,* and Tanzimul Islam2

1
Department of Peace and Conflict Studies,
University of Dhaka, Bangladesh
2
Department of Media Studies and Journalism,
University of Liberal Arts, Bangladesh
ABSTRACT
This chapter aims to understand the current educational status of

Bihari refugees in Bangladesh. The study applied a qualitative research
strategy where primary data was collected through semi-structured and key
informant interviews. The findings of this chapter reveal that the
educational status of Bihari refugees in the camps in Bangladesh has been
improved over the last decades. Most Bihari children, especially girls, now
have access to educational facilities in the camps. Although Bihari
generations born in Bangladesh have received citizenship recognition, lack
of proper residential address and other legal documents, harsh camp

Corresponding Author’s E-mail: tanjila.n.jabin1996@gmail.com.

56 Nasrin Jabin and Tanzimul Islam
environment, low income, and lack of health facilities often hinder them
from receiving education in the camps. This chapter suggests that the
government should address these issues in order to ensure quality
education for Bihari refugees in Bangladesh.
Keywords: Bihari children, refugee education, educational status,

Bangladesh
INTRODUCTION
There is a saying that “when two bulls fight, the grass suffers, and this
is a perfect statement to depict the situation faced by refugees as they live in
some of the worst humanitarian conditions amid the denial of their basic
human rights (Reliefweb, 2019). Over 70.8 million people from over 134
countries are forcibly displaced from their countries of origins, and 41.3
million people are forcibly displaced from their homes by civil or interstate
war (Asia Pacific, 2019; UNHCR, 2019). Around 25.9 million people are
refugees, and 3.9 million people are stateless worldwide today (UNHCR,
2019). According to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA)
Situation Report 2019, refugees are always unwelcome, ill-treated and
persecuted, although the magnitude of the experiences may vary. Millions
of refugees’ safety is shattered and being separated from family members
and friends sometimes adds additional sufferings and sorrows, especially for
the women and children (Crisp, Talbot, & Cipollone, 2001). Learning
opportunities can ensure an enabling environment in which the cognitive and
emotional development of all is easily reachable. Educating refugees,
particularly the children and youth, is a better way to rebuild their lives by
gaining knowledge, achieving skills, and participating in social interactions
and activities (Crisp et al., 2001).
In today’s world, where some countries play a refugee generating or
receiving role or both, refugee education has been receiving wider attention
as a refugee is an undeniable part of human civilization. Bangladesh is
among those countries that generated refugees in 1971 to neighboring India
and has received Rohingya refugees from Myanmar since 1978. However,

Educational Status of Bihari Refugees in Bangladesh 57
the Rohingya refugees living in the camps in Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh do

not have the right to receive a formal education (Prodip, 2017). One-fourth
of school-aged children have access to such learning centers that are
temporary, whereas around 400,000 children do not receive any formal
education (Reliefweb, 2019).
Apart from Rohingya refugees, another group of people known as
‘Bihari’ have been living in Bangladesh since 1947. It has been identified
that a major section of the Bihari people sided with the authority of West
Pakistan during the liberation war of Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) in
1971. This stateless group of poor people are living in Bangladesh as an
isolated group with countless uncertainty (Van Schendel, 2009, p. 173).
Despite making official claims for Bangladeshi citizenship, the Bihari are
deprived of some important citizenship rights, particularly passport
issuance. In an attempt to safeguard its international image, the Government
of Bangladesh made a commitment to implement equal citizenship rights for
the Bihari minority group. However, the Bihari are still living as an ‘artificial
minority,’ according to Farzana (2009).
The Bihari refugees are still living without proper education, habitation,
health facilities, and any social dignity and the Bengali people term them as
‘Stranded Pakistani’ or ‘Bihari Refugee’. Currently, an estimated 400,000
Bihari refugees are living in 116 different camps in 13 different districts in
Bangladesh (Rafe, 2019). Dhaka district alone hosts 100,000 Biharis in 45
settlements among which Geneva Camp is the biggest. Among these Bihari
refugees, children and women are the most vulnerable people in the camps.
Around 95% are illiterate and, thereby, they are socially underdeveloped.
Education, which is a basic human right and for which no compromises can
be made, is denied for this group of people, making them more vulnerable.
In this connection, this chapter aims to understand the educational status of
Bihari refugee children in Bangladesh. This chapter employs two specific
research questions to reach to the research objective. The research questions
are: a) What is the present educational status of Bihari refugees in
Bangladesh? and, b) What challenges do the Bihari refugees face in
receiving an education? This study applied a qualitative research strategy
whereas descriptive profiling was used whenever necessary. The findings of

this chapter reveal that though the educational status of Bihari community
in Bangladesh has been improved over the last decades, the quality of
education is quite poor in the camps. Consequently, and they are being
deprived of educational facilities though education is a basic human right.
This chapter suggests that the government of Bangladesh should ensure the
necessary conditions to improve the quality of the education of the Bihari
refugees.
WHY REFUGEE EDUCATION MATTER?
In comparison to the children of the same age around the world, refugee
children hold the worse situation of being out of school, around five times
more likely (UNESCO, 2016). While 92% of non-refugee children attend
primary education, this rate for refugee education is 61% globally. Besides,
among the adolescents, 23% of refugee children attend secondary school,
this number is 84% for the non-refugee children and only 1% make them
able to go to university (UNHCR, 2017). Moreover, there is no ample
concentration on the matter of refugee education if the host country is the
least developed or developing one, for example, Bangladesh. Bangladesh is
currently hosting two strands of refugees: Rohingya and Bihari, among
whom the Bihari are in the worst condition. Furthermore, because of less
global attention, as it has been one of the most protracted unsettled refugee
issues, the Bihari people barely found any political leader to highlight their
plight. Education is not a choice but rather their right. For the Bihari people,
education is a gateway to bring a better and brighter future, and without it,
the opportunities of the Bihari refugee children and youth will remain
limited, a situation that will lead them to a future with a bucket of
uncertainties.

REFUGEE EDUCATION IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
This world has been experiencing flows of refugees from the very
beginning of civilization. Some countries like Afghanistan, the Democratic
Republic of Congo, Myanmar, Somalia, South Sudan, and Syria, generate
refugees. Some countries include Australia, Canada, Norway, and Sweden
receive refugees. Very few countries like Bangladesh play both roles. In the
past decades, countries such as Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Iran, Kosovo, Liberia,
Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia, and Sudan, have produced large numbers
of refugees, pausing a challenge for the displaced in rebuilding their
community and getting back to normal lives. Again, countries such as
Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Germany, Iran, Jordan, Lebanon, Pakistan, Sudan,
Turkey, and Uganda have received refugees (Amnesty International, 2020).
Due to isolation, poverty, and displacement, around four million refugee
children are not involved in school activities (UNHCR, 2017). Education for
refugee children as emergency response in any country has been given a
strong priority and support because this is a proven way to minimize the
psycho-social impact of trauma (Prodip & Garnett, 2019). It is a known fact
that the scourge of any violence runs deep psychologically and children are
the most affected segment of the victims in any violent situation. UNHCR’s
Refugee Children: Guidelines on Protection and Care highlights that the
psychological wellbeing of refugee children is not less important than their
physical health. The guideline denotes the unique psychological
characteristics that children own (UNHCR, 2001). There is a positive
interlink among non-discrimination, participation, and survival and
development of children. On the other hand, an unsecured and disrupted
environment may lead children to such a negative psychological growth that
builds a revenge attitude, conflict and mistrust (Bramsen & Poder, 2018).
Historically, education has been playing an essential role in promoting
societal cohesion by developing values and social and national identities, as
well as in developing human capital. It is usually conceptualized concerning
trade and economic development. Various aspects such as social, political
and economic issues as well as interrelations among the societies shape
education and vice versa (Robertson, Novelli, Dale, Tikly, Dachi &

Alphonce, 2006). According to the definition of the United Nations

Development Program, “Education is one of the building blocks of human
development. It is not just a basic right, but also a foundation for progress in
other areas, including health, nutrition and the development of institutions
and democracy. Conflict undermines this foundation and contributes to the
conditions that perpetuate violence. Violent conflict destroys educational
infrastructure, reduces spending on schools and teachers, and prevents
children from attending classes. Schools are often a target for groups hostile
to the government because of the association with state authority” (UNDP,
2005, p. 159). Access to education is considered as a fundamental human
right in a number of international legal frameworks. Article 28 of the United
Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) in 1989 states that
“Each child has the right to education” (United Nations Human Rights,
2020). More importantly, refugee children are protected by this accord
because “all CRC rights are to be granted to all persons below 18 years of
age (Art. 1) without discrimination of any kind (Art. 2).” Again, Article 22
of the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees states that refugees
should be given the alike action as is provided to nationals for basic
education. In addition, Article 28 emphasizes on ensuring education as an
integral part of relief and reconstruction activities (Machel, 1996).
Education programs have been designed for refugees in developing
countries by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) because it has been experienced that lower and middle-income
countries were hosting refugees more than double than the high-income
countries (Amnesty International, 2020). For example, in Zambia, a
community-based education program was offered to refugee children with
specific emphasis on recreational activities. Children of refugee camps in
Zambia were taught English, literacy, community approaches, and peace
education. In Sierra Leone, refugee children were brought under the
education program, which met the psychological needs of the children. The
teachers’ guide for that program consisted of two domains; the first domain
comprised of literacy and numeracy, and the second domain comprised of
six elements: trauma healing, physical education and corporal expression,
art, music, drama, and peace education (Crisp et al., 2001). The education

program was successful in terms of reducing sleep difficulties, irritability,

and bad dreams largely. The peace education program for young people and
adults in Kenya is also worth mentioning in this regard. The peace education
program included a significant segment of ‘Life Skills,’ which incorporated
‘active listening, understanding emotions, cooperation, problem-solving,
prejudice reduction, negotiation and mediation,’ and this program is
developed through class activities followed by discussions targeted for the
HIV/AIDS prevention, early pregnancy, environmental harm, depression,
suicide and conflict (WHO, 1999). Moreover, the Kosovo refugee children
were given special attention to bring out a durable solution because a deep
sense of abhorrence was inherited by them, and that sense became an
accepted norm as they used to think about revenge every time. The UNHCR
took necessary steps towards reconciliation, which would help to build
tolerance and respect for others. It was challenging because there was a large
portion of refugee children who are children with special needs and were
greatly traumatized. Tanzania, a country with many refugees from two
neighboring countries, initiated community-based and capacity-building
approaches in order to support both formal and non- formal education of its
refugees, managing recreations, cultural and peacebuilding activities. For
Tanzania’s refugee education program, broadening the education concept
was one of the key targets, and finally, a progressive improvement was
experienced in its quality and management (Crisp et al., 2001).
Furthermore, in some countries like Pakistan and the Democratic
Republic of Congo (DRC), educating female refugee children and
adolescents was given special emphasis on refugee education (Crisp et al.,
2001). In Bangladesh, the Rohingya refugee children are being enrolled in
schools inside shabby camps, not in local communities outside of the refugee
camps, and they are not allowed to attend public or school examinations
(HRW, 2019). Rohingya children in refugee camps do not go to school
instead ‘temporary learning centers’ where ‘facilitators’ look after the
classes and teachers conduct the classes. Each center has two teachers who
teach Rohingya children in the learning center (Prodip & Garnett, 2019).
Moreover, the learning centers are not enough in number and their schooling
time is only two hours a day. Most classes are for the pre-primary and early

grades students, and adolescents or adults are not offered any formal
education. Around one-fourth of school-aged children go to the temporary
learning centers, meaning that around 400,000 children and youth are not
getting any formal education (Tancred, 2019). Plenty of impediments, which
exist in the education of Rohingya refugee children, have been identified,
and these impediments not only include lack of resources but also allow for
services of the policy of the host country, which is flatly violating the right
to education of the refugee children (Prodip & Garnett, 2019). Moreover,
the status of education received by Bihari refugee children is not quite
satisfactory, and a good number of reasons such as the unwillingness of the
government, their vulnerable identity and socio-economic condition, among
others, are responsible for this low status.
BIHARI REFUGEES IN BANGLADESH

With no right to vote, get a job, or obtain a passport, millions of people
in today’s world are floating because they are citizens of nowhere. A good
number of reasons behind statelessness exist, and some of the reasons worth
mentioning are political upheaval, discrimination, differences in laws,
exclusion of a targeted group of people from a territory, nationality based on
descent, abandonment, and lack of means to register children. The Rohingya
and the Bihari in Bangladesh are two of the vulnerable minority groups of
stateless people who frequently face discrimination, harassment, violence,
and severe socio-economic hardship (Lynch & Cook, 2006).
The refugee phenomenon is an integral part of Bangladesh since it has
played dual roles as a refugee generating and receiving country (Bashar,
2006). During the liberation war in 1971, Bangladesh generated about 10
million refugees who crossed the national border of Bangladesh (the then
East Pakistan) and sought refuge in neighboring India after facing brutal
aggression by the Pakistani military force (Khasru, 2016). After nine months
of bloody war, the country got freedom from Pakistani occupation and
became an independent state. Although Bangladesh is not a party to the 1951
Convention Relation to the Status of Refugees, she presently holds two large

groups of stateless and helpless people, the Rohingya and the Bihari on
humanitarian grounds. After a few years of independence, Bangladesh
experienced the first influx of 200,000 Rohingya refugees who were
persecuted by the Myanmar military force in 1978 (Jabin, 2020).
Immediately after the first influx, another flow of Rohingya refugees was
received followed by 15 years of military rule in 1991-1992 (Lynch & Cook,
2006). According to the Inter Sector Coordination Group (ISCG) of the
United Nations, 706,000 Rohingyas arrived in the Cox’s Bazar districts of
Bangladesh between 25 August 2017 and 21 June 2018 (Khatun &
Kamruzzaman, 2019). These arrivals raised the Rohingya population in
Bangladesh to more than 918,936, and as of 21 June 2018, that number rose
to 1.3 million.
Apart from the Rohingya refugees, another group of the refugees, who
have been living in Bangladesh before the independence, are the Bihari.
They are also called the Urdu-speaking Muslim minority or stranded
Pakistanis and have no citizenship and are regarded as stateless for more
than 45 years. They have migrated from India to East Pakistan (present
Bangladesh) during the partition of 1947, primarily fearing communal
uprisings and finding themselves stateless after the independence of
Bangladesh (Bashar, 2006; Haque, 2013; Khan, 2015). Although, between
1974 and 1992, 175,000 Biharis were repatriated to Pakistan, the number of
Bihari population living in 66 camps in Dhaka and throughout 13 other
districts across the country is quite large (Lynch & Cook, 2006). They are
the vibrant example of effective stateless people who are not protected by
the bureaucratic state structures of either Pakistan or Bangladesh (Haider,
2018; Malik, 1996). In 1982, this section of people got a new name of
‘stranded Pakistanis’ or ‘non-Bangladeshis’ by the International Convention
on Biharis held in Geneva (Rahman, 2003) and also are now commonly
recognized as internally displaced people as well as a minority group that
any researcher can barely ignore (Choudhury, 1992).
Writing about ‘The Bangladesh Urdu-Speaking Community New
Generation: New Challenges focused on two major issues about the Bihari,’
Ilias (2012) argued that the first phase of the legal recognition of Bihari as
Bangladeshi citizens is over and the next phase is for the restoration of their

social and economic rights as Bangladeshi citizens. The author primarily

showed the concern of young men and women living in the Bihari camps
about their birth and growth in Bangladesh and yet not getting citizenship
rights; rather, they are termed as ‘Stranded Pakistanis’ (Haider, 2018). The
Bihari refugees have understood that the end of their statelessness would
provide them with the right to enjoy various social, cultural and economic
opportunities and facilities. However, those expectations seem to be
farfetched, except for a verdict of the Supreme Court granting Bangladeshi
citizenship to the children of Bihari refugees who have been born and
brought up in the refugee camps (Majumder, 2008), and steps have yet to be
taken to address this issue. It is true that some of these refugees received
‘National Identity Card’ and cast their votes in the last general elections, but
they are still treated as ‘Stranded Pakistanis,’ stateless and refugees (Ilias,
2012). This situation of citizenship rights of the stateless Bihari, that is more
than a dream to them considering their vulnerable socio-economic and
political condition, is a matter to address that several scholars are concerned
about (Ahmad, Ahmed & Faruque, 2004; Arif, 2015; Bashar, 2006; Farzana,
2008; Haider, 2018; Majumder, 2008).
According to a report of UNHCR, “the number of out-of-school refugee
children has increased by 500,000 in the last year alone. If the current trends
continue, hundreds of thousands more refugee children would be added to
these disturbing statistics unless urgent investment is made” (UNHCR,
2017). The extent and number of refugee children without any facility of
receiving an education are increasing day by day, where refugee crises exist
around the world. This is also true in the case of Bangladesh; where the
Bihari minority has been living for so many decades with more than 250,000
Bihari people are living in the urban Bihari Camps for so many decades
(Rafferty & Gilmer, 2010). The present condition is unsuitable for the Bihari
people and the national and international community should focus more on
education than their social status, even though funding for their assistance
has become tighter (Crisp et al., 2001). The colossal costs of depriving
refugees of education are astronomic because without education refugees are
unable to progress, contribute to the society, and produce anything to
develop themselves and their society. It is also evident that a refugee who is

not able to go to school or other training programs is more likely to turn out
to be frustrated and entangled in illegal or criminal activities. Again, an
illiterate and inarticulate refugee remains incapable of defending his or her
rights (Crisp et al., 2001). A report published on ‘Access to Education for
Refugee and Migrant Children in Europe’ by UNHCR (2016) highlighted
the necessity of education (pre-primary, primary, secondary, and upper-
secondary) for the refugee and migrant children in different urban and rural
refugee camps in various European countries.
In South Asia, the urgency of educating refugee children and youth is
implicitly catered for but when it comes to developing countries like
Bangladesh, refugee education is a luxury. The initiative ‘Reaching Out of
School Children’, by the government of Bangladesh, is a six-year-long
project. The project aim was to educate five hundred thousand deprived
children, who are from low-income families and deprived of basic human
rights by 2015. This may turn out to be successful for the poor local children
of this territory, but there is skepticism on how many Bihari refugee children
will be benefited from this project. The project is not beneficial to the
children living in urban refugee camps, as the parents do not have official
papers such as National Identity Card (NID), home address, and parents’
occupation that might help them get access to education. Furthermore, poor
parents cannot afford the expenses of their child’s education, and this
highlights another significant challenge. The existing education facilities,
offered by non-governmental organizations up to the primary level that costs
no money, are generally inadequate because of lack of sufficient schools,
teachers, funding, government’s goodwill, and infrastructural support.
Therefore, all of these inadequate amenities account for the high illiteracy
rate in the urban Bihari camp areas. This study focuses on the analysis of
education policy for Bihari refugees in Bangladesh. The status of education
facilities received by the Bihari refugee, particularly children, and the impact
of their socio-economic condition on education will also be analyzed. A
good number of studies have focused on their political stance, human rights,
citizenship rights, wellbeing and woes, leaving concerns about their
education almost untouched. It has also been observed that the attention and
priorities of the international community has shifted to Rohingya refugees,

away from the Bihari who have experienced more than four decades of
homelessness and statelessness.
RESEARCH METHOD
This study investigates the educational status of Bihari refugees who are
living in the Geneva camp in Bangladesh. A qualitative research approach
was applied and primary data was collected using semi-structured and key
informant interviews. There are 60 scattered Bihari camps across the
country. However, the study was conducted only in one camp. Geneva camp,
situated at Mohammadpur in Dhaka district, is the biggest settlement for
Bihari refugees in Bangladesh, where more than 40,000 Bihari people (the
Urdu-speaking community) dwell. In total 47, respondents were selected
purposively for interviews. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with
22 Bihari boys and 18 Bihari girls to know educational facilities and
problems in the camp. Key informant interviews were conducted with 4
parents, 2 teachers, and 1 NGO official in the camp.
Data analysis was performed through quotation and statement analysis,
but basic numbers or ratios are used to offer a sense of weight in the answers
from respondents. Informed consent was gained from the respondents in
order to preserve their privacy and anonymity. Secondary data was collected
from various sources such as books, book chapters, journal articles,
conference papers, open source reports from various NGOs, documents from
the UN organizations such as UNHCR and UNFPA. Additionally, situation
reports, news and feature articles from contemporary newspapers were also
used.
FINDINGS FROM THE FIELD
Educational Status
There is a very limited official arrangement for providing institutional

education to Bihari children in the camp. However, some semi-official or

non-governmental organizations are offering education to them. The

educational status of Bihari refugees is shown in Chart 3.1.
Chart 3.1 shows that 20% of Bihari children did not receive any
academic education while 37% of them received primary education. It also
shows that 30% reached up to the secondary level and this was the highest
degree of education there before the verdict of the Supreme Court in 2008
regarding the Citizenship status of Bihari people. Since 2010, a good number
of the Bihari people received National Identity Card (NID) as well as got the
inspiration to pursue higher education. Presently, around 13% of Bihari
youths have reached up to higher secondary or graduation level of education
which means these youths are studying in colleges or universities. Most of
these youths either have completed their graduation or are about to finish
their courses. The rate of enrolment of Biharis in primary and secondary
education has been improved in recent times, although they lagged in
comparison to Bengali people. Moreover, a good number of Bihari children
are admitted to English Medium schools, particularly from nursery to grade
four.
Several international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) and
non-government organizations (NGOs) in Bangladesh are providing either
formal or non-formal education to the Bihari children and youth. Some
INGOs and NGOs, such as Integrated Services for Development of Children
and Mothers (ISDCM), OBAT Helpers, AWARD, Center for Zakat
Management (CZM), initiate and manage funds for bringing educational
opportunities and facilities to Bihari children and youths. Among them,
‘OBAT helpers’ is directly and highly involved in education-related issues
for the Bihari people. There are two educational institutions, one school and
one madrasa, that provide education to Bihari people in Geneva Camp. Both
institutions in Geneva Camp are run and financed by OBAT Helpers. The
children pay BDT/ 20 as a monthly fee for any class (from class Nursery to
class Ten) in these institutions. This fee was fixed by the Bihari leaders and
OBAT Helpers in order to make students feel that they are not receiving free
education rather they are pursuing it by their ability. A young Bihari student
studying in class VIII says:

I am receiving education by paying a fee and I [myself] am able to pay

the fee because the amount is so affordable [to pay]. But it has been
developed just a few years ago in order to make children like us feel proud
that we did not receive education for free [of cost]. I am satisfied and
happy.
(Participant: Bihari refugee boy, grade VIII, Geneva Camp).
Source: Author’s Interview, 2020.
Chart 3.1. Educational status of Bihari refugees in the Geneva Camp.
Another surprising issue is found that the ratio of boys and girls in
school is 1:3, which means about 70% of the students are girls and the rest
of 30% are boys. The school is presently facilitating 650 students where the
number of girls and boys are 455 and 195, respectively. Yet, this is not the
picture before 2010 rather the situation was so poor at that time. The opinion
of a teacher in this regard is stated below:
Girls are very active and keen to learn than boys because the majority
of the boys in this camp grow with a tension of earning money and
supporting their families. For this reason, many boys left the school in
search of money to support their family members. As a result, the number
of boys is very low compared to girls in the camp school.
(Participant: Bihari refugee teacher, Geneva Camp).
Interview with a student revealed:
I have so many friends in my class because the maximum of them are

girls and my mother asked me to make friendship with girls only. But, I

have a few friends who are boys. We are good in position also. The student
whose roll number is 1 is also a girl. We come to school and go back home
after school together.
(Participant: Bihari refugee girl, grade VIII, Geneva Camp).
The curriculum also got a new shape after the declaration of citizenship
rights by the Supreme Court in 2010. Since 2010, a wind of positive change
has started to blow over the Geneva camp. After the verdict, in just ten years,
the rate of enrolment among the Bihari refugees in schools has been doubled
and the number of university-going students has been increased with the set
curriculum. Currently, there is no difference between the Bengali and Bihari
people in terms of the curriculum of education and government scholarships.
A Bihari boy noted:
I received a scholarship from the government for achieving a golden

A+ in class SSC (Secondary School Certificate) and other students of my
class also got A+. It was a record last year because it never happened that
so many students appear SSC from this camp and almost all of us did good
result. Our teachers were so happy and thanked us.
(Participant: Bihari refugee boy, grade XI, Geneva Camp).
Challenges of Education
This chapter also aims to find out the barriers that the Bihari refugees
face with regards to their education in the camp. The identified issues are
discussed below.
Lack of Documents
Many of them now hold National Identity (NID) cards, certificates of
Secondary School Certificate (SSC), Higher Secondary Certificate (HSC),
and bachelor degree. At the same time, almost 82.5% of the respondents said
that they did not get the opportunity to be admitted to any school outside the
camp due to financial hardship. About 92.5% of children do not receive any
sort of government or non-government financial aid, particularly for

education. Even if any family wishes to admit their child to a school outside
of the camp beyond their economic status, they also face the challenge of
having no permanent address or other legal documentation such as
electricity bill indicating their address. A Bihari girl says:
We do not have any permanent address to mention and we need to hire

others’ address if we wish to get admitted to a college or university. Lack
of electricity bill, house holding number, permanent address sometimes
made us feel helpless.
(Participant: Bihari refugee girl, grade X, Geneva Camp).
Another kind of difficulty they face, which is very much related with
education, is that they cannot go beyond the national boundary for medical
treatment, business purposes, or receiving higher education though some of
them possess the National Identity Card (NID) which identities them as
nationals of the country. They only hold a common address that is ‘Geneva
Camp’ with no particular address, and lack of electricity bill, right to own
property, holding number, or access to visa facilities due to lack of passports.
All these challenges add an additional dimension of complications and
obstacles for these unprivileged group of people. Particularly, it is an
additional obstacle in receiving education because unless they are allowed
to go beyond the national boundaries, they will not be able to receive higher
education. The statement of a project officer in this regard is stated below:
Bihari refugees do not have any identity except ‘Bihari’ which is

sometimes used as slang. They do not get any visa as we do not have any
address, legal document to show the police when they come for
verification. They cannot buy even a single piece of land for the same
reason. The only way out in this regard is ‘illegal means.’ They are bound
to make papers with a fake address to run business, buy property, go abroad
for medical treatment and pursuing higher education. This should not be
done it. But what else they can do?
(Participant: Project officer, OBAT Helpers, Geneva Camp).

Engaged with Income-Generating Activities

This study finds that most Bihari youth are working as day laborers,
mechanics, rickshaw-pullers, barbers and waiters in small hotels. The
following Chart 3.2 presents an idea about the engagement of income-
generating activities of Bihari refugee youths in the camp.
Chart 3.2 shows that most Bihari refugee youths earn their livelihood by
doing odd jobs or petty business and the average range of their monthly
income is between BDT 11,000 to 15,000. Moreover, a few of the Bihari
refugee youths earn less than BDT 7,000 per month. These Bihari refugee
youths find it difficult to continue their study due to their commitment to
income-generating activities. A Bihari refugee parent stated:
I used to work as a day laborer since childhood because my parents

were too poor to send me to school. My monthly income is only 10,000
BDT/- and we are eight members in our family. Now I am also unable to
send my children to school. Only the youngest daughter goes to school,
whereas my son, who is now 13 years old, goes with me to work. I cannot
run my family with these limited earnings. Thus, I asked my son to come
with me and contribute to my family. I understand that education is
necessary for my children’s future. However, I am unable to send my son
due to his engagement with income-generating activities.
(Participant: Parent of a Bihari refugee child, Geneva Camp).
This study also found that some of the Bihari refugee girls take part in
income-generating activities with a view to helping their families. They
often do tailoring, designing dresses with yarn and fabric paint, hand
embroidery, making vanity bags and purse, and other retail items. As a
result, some of them cannot continue their studies in the camp school. A
Bihari refugee girl explained how she helped her family, which in turn
prohibited her from going to school.
I design the clothes and make vanity bags at our home with my mother.
I used to go to school in my early childhood but my parents wanted me to
earn money for my family. I learnt to design clothes from my mother. My

father sells the clothes we designed. Maybe I could go to school if I had a

brother.
(Participant: Bihari refugee girl, age 14, Geneva Camp)
Source: Author’s Interview, 2020.
Chart 3.2. Engagement of Bihari refugee youths in income-generating activities.
Unhealthy Environment and Health Vulnerabilities

They experience health problems due to unhygienic and over-crowded
living conditions in the camps that often interrupt the smooth functioning of
the education system. Infectious diseases are widely spreading side by side
some serious illness.
Source: Author’s interview, 2020.
Chart 3.3. Percentage of Bihari refugees get proper medical treatment in the camp.

The rate of dysentery, diarrhea, and other water-borne diseases, along

with the health problems commonly faced by the women and girls, is very
high. The unhealthy environment and health vulnerabilities of Bihari
refugees is shown in Chart 3.3.
In response to the unhealthy environment and health vulnerabilities,
only 32.5% of Bihari people have reported that they received basic health
facilities, and almost 67.5% of them are deprived of better health care. A
Bihari refugee girl explained how health vulnerabilities create an obstacle to
her access to education in the camp:
The camp environment is so dirty as water remains clogged all over

the years. Dengue and fever are common for us. My younger brother died
from dengue a couple of years ago and he didn’t receive many health
facilities. As we are poor, we could not admit my brother to a good hospital
instead gave him treatment at home.
(Participant: Bihari refugee girl, age 15, Geneva Camp).
Lack of Study Places at Home

Interviews conducted with Bihari refugees found that children do not
have enough space to study at home. On average, five family members live
in a small room where children do not have any facilities to study. The
following Chart 3.4 shows how Bihari refugees live in the camp.
Chart 3.4 shows that families with 6-10 members inevitably
accommodate themselves within 2- 3 tiny rooms where they cannot even
breathe properly. Most family members stay outside the house during most
of the daytime and only remain inside the house when necessary, especially
at night. Mainly, the elderly family members stay at home. Children spend
their time playing on the road outside their houses and those above five years
of age help their fathers or guardians at work. Such a gathering and
overcrowded camp environment create barriers to the education of Bihari
refugee children. One of the girl’s opinion in this regard is given below:

Our house in the camp remains full of people and noise. Every time
they keep talking in high voices, play music, get involved in family feuds
and fight with each other. Women in this camp are more disturbing. They
talk loudly. In this situation, it is not possible to study at home.
(Participant: Bihari refugee girl, age 9, Geneva Camp).
It was also found that although a limited number of Bihari refugee

children have enough space to study at home, overcrowding and noises in
the camp further create obstacles to their studies, as explained by a girl:
I have a small table and a chair in my house where I can continue my

study after returning from school. However, our neighbors watch TV
series, play music at a high volume, and the barbershops also play music
all the time. People often get involved in quarrels. They keep talking and
gossiping with each other loudly. I cannot even concentrate on my study.
(Participant: Bihari refugee girl, grade-VIII, Geneva Camp).
2.5
2
1.5
1
0.5
0
1 to 5 6 to 10
Source: Author’s interview, 2020.
Chart 3.4. Number of rooms and family members for the Bihari refugees in the camp.
Some other Bihari refugee children identified the lack of electricity as a

further restriction to their pursuit of education at home. One student stated
as follows:
We do not get sufficient electricity in the camp. The cut of electric

power four to five times is a daily occurrence in the camp. Thus, we cannot
study at home. This situation becomes too difficult for us when exam
knocks at the door. During exam nights, we feel the need of electricity. No

one even cares for our exam. There is no conducive environment to study
inside or outside the house due to the noise.
(Participant: Bihari refugee boy, grade VII, Geneva Camp).
Religion and Early Marriage

This study found that religion does not have a direct impact on Bihari
refugee girls’ education in the camp. However, religion has an indirect
impact on Bihari refugee girls’ education. The poor parents are less willing
to send their daughters to school. Instead, they marry off their child at a very
early age. They also believe that it is their religious duty to marry off their
daughters as they become mature. The statement of a project officer is given
below:
I know a girl who used to study in our school and she was very
meritorious. She obtained GPA-5 in her PSC (Primary School Certificate)
and JSC (Junior School Certificate exam in class VIII) examinations. We
also managed a monthly stipend for her to continue education, as her
parents were too poor to bear their daughter’s educational expenses. We
expected that she would go to university one day and would do something
for the improvement of the education of Bihari refugee children. However,
no sooner she had passed the SSC, her parents gave her to marry a boy.
She was no longer allowed to get herself admitted to a college by her in-
laws. We tried to make her parents and in-laws understand to let her
continue education but they did not listen to us at all. We also promised
them we would manage a stipend or a job in a primary school so that she
can manage all costs associate with education. However, her parents
explained that it was their religious duty to marry off their daughter as she
has become mature.
(Participant: Project officer, OBAT Helpers, Geneva Camp).
DISCUSSION: EDUCATION IS A CRYING NEED

FOR BIHARI REFUGEES
Whenever a group is isolated and decides to seek refuge in another

ethnic or cultural territory, it faces major psychological, environmental,

cultural and linguistic problems. Above all, adapting to a different habitat

adds a new dimension to the battle of the refugee’s life resulting to a number
of physical problems. Along with the scarcity of suitable jobs, this situation
leads to low income and living standards, creating hindrances in access to
nutritious food and good health. Thus, education plays both a direct and an
indirect role in the sustenance of a positive for a community, by enabling
them to get good jobs, contribute to their families and society, and maintain
a good standard of living. Moreover, education helps refugees to adapt easily
to new environments and build relationships. If they do not get
comprehensive guidance through education or fail to identify the correct
path, the outcome maybe cultural and structural violence. Therefore,
education creates the awareness of one’s specific rights as a social being and
to behave responsibly towards family and the society at large. It is, therefore,
a challenge to expect tolerant and civil behavior in the backdrop of the
existing inadequate refugee education and social system. The Bihari or
refugee badge keeps them psychologically isolated, exposing them to anti-
social behavior and activities. In such a situation, the lack of tolerant and
socially accepted behavior rises continually, as a void in leadership is
created and normal life gets disrupted. When a child at the camp is
discriminated at an early age in terms of education, a severe inferiority
complex is more likely to prevail, and isolated livelihood begins. The
enrolment of the boys is comparatively lower and this creates unexpected
problem to their own society as well as to the country as well. At some point
the child will start feeling deprived and grievances will gradually grow in
him or her. Thus, the importance of education for the Bihari community is
greater than anything that can be described here.
Efforts in getting education overnight to get out of the low quality of life
is a goal that is unachievable. First, it is necessary to attain vocational skills
in the form of education and workshops. These skills can be mechanical,
practical or technical, and in the case of women, they can also include
sewing, handicrafts and fancy product making, among others. For this to
happen, a participatory approach and community development are most
needed whereby all men and women would cooperate in capacity building,
for example, health awareness, education and health campaign. In addition,

there is a need for regular advocacy and awareness campaigns, and such
campaigns are missing in Bihari camps in Bangladesh. The entire system of
education that has already been discussed should be in accordance with the
method of peace education. If education spreads knowledge among the
people, it will also make them skilled effortlessly. As a result, they will
improve themselves from the poor living standards, low income and scarcity
of food. Furthermore, when they become skilled, a positive attitude will be
created in them. Additionally, getting peace education will also create
behavioral changes in them. And, finally, ensuring basic education or
primary education to all Bihari children will be a good solution for a
sustainable learning environment.
Along with infighting among the Bihari, there are significant allegations
of involvement in petty terrorism, drug trafficking, and clashes with
Bangladeshis. In this case, peace education can help them, especially in
changing their attitude and behavior. The role of peace education is also
undeniably relevant for maintaining peace among the Bihari, and is crucial
for empathy with neighbors. This aspect is important for generating respect
for differences in society, and is significant for building relationships
because peace education is suitable for peacebuilding as well as to promote,
cultivate and manage relationships. In order to ensure social and
environment sustenance, and also to avoid cultural and structural violence
among the Bihari, the education system needs to be reconstructed through
peace education. In this regard, through peace education, they will know
how to deal with the problems of violence in order to achieve social
protection and equip themselves with the practice of peace as refugees. They
will get a comprehensive guide to alternative solutions instead of violence.
Considering this context, the pathway to achieve secondary and tertiary level
learning competencies might be helpful.
Expansion of social development will be visible if education can be
enhanced by keeping the methods and components constant. This study
represents such an outcome that it would be possible to accomplish social
development in such areas as in better lifestyle, nutritious food, relief from
unemployment, and better health service with the help of education. So, they
should be provided with an education that especially emphasizes on the

concept of peace education. Along with this, advocacy and awareness

campaigns regarding education and health should be taken into account. All
this will bring improvement in their knowledge, skills, attitude and behavior
which will be considered a part and a medium of their social development
towards better accommodation, health service and employment
opportunities. Therefore, this study shows that the social development of
Bihari refugees will be enhanced through education.
While it ensures education for the refugee youths, peace education
emerges as a very first strategy as youth are the most explosive segment of
the refugee population, and peace education can contribute in behavioral
changes. A good number of studies have already established a significant
positive relationship between the promotion of peace education and
behavioral changes in reducing violence, fighting, aggressiveness and
conflict (Uko, Igbineweka, & Odigwe, 2015). Peace education is widely
embraced cordially for contributing to the physical, emotional, intellectual
and social growth of children and youth, particularly for whom the education
plan is designed. However, the Bihari refugee or the stranded Pakistanis in
Bangladesh, who constitute one of the worst segments of victims of political
upheaval, frequently face various discriminations, harassment, aggression,
and severe socio-economic hardship for years on end (Lynch & Cook, 2006).
Amid the lack of ample educational institutions (basically schools), many
schools in the refugee camp were closed due to a lack of funding. Studies
have also shown that only six boys from an entire Bihari refugee camp went
to school and progressed to secondary schools, a picture that is regrettable
to see. Bihari children and youths are spending the most important part of
their life either without receiving education or with no opportunity to get
new books from the government. Education, thus, has become a luxury for
the Bihari refugee. This lack of education, along with an already improvised
and devastated economy, barely offers them any opportunity either inside or
outside of the camps. Moreover, those who are somehow able to manage a
job face unfairness and persecution. Since the strategy of building capacity
within the education sector is a pre-requisite for development, education has
become a crying need for the Bihari refugee, with a more focused part in
peace education. Education helps promote their knowledge, skills, attitude,

and values, which may empower them by enhancing the opportunity of

getting employed and getting more involved with social opportunities, and
by bringing self-reliance and economic freedom. Importantly, all this paves
the way to development.
CONCLUSION
This book chapter aimed to understand the educational status of Bihari

refugee children in the camps in Bangladesh. The empirical analysis of the
education policy and education facilities received by the Bihari minorities in
Bangladesh depicts their vulnerable position in society and the reluctance of
the Government of Bangladesh in catering for their other rights and
facilities. Bihari children are born in Bangladesh and growing up in an
environment of denial of one of the most basic human rights, the right to
education, which can barely bring anything positive for them as well as the
country. Since education for refugees is a sensitive matter that relates to so
many issues like income, food and health, economic and social security,
conflict, and living standards, the opportunities of education, at least primary
and secondary education, for the Bihari refugees should be enhanced. No
matter whether such initiatives will be being taken by the government of
Bangladesh or any other non-government organization, the Bihari should be
granted proper education facilities, which have become their crying need
since these facilities pave the way for development. Besides, ensuring
education for all Bihari children and engaging them in vocational and
technical education and activities could help the Bihari people to improve
their vulnerable situation. Providing the Bihari refugee with appropriate
education facilities, which is a priority humanitarian right, will make them
appreciate the reality on the ground, as well as hasten their social integration
with effective communication in the Bengali communities. Though it has
been a long time, more than four decades, that Bangladesh is hosting and
dealing with the Bihari minority, there is still much room to facilitate and
utilize their potential and energy, and deal with them more constructively.
Moreover, the study applies a significant area to focus enhanced education

facilities for the Bihari community in Bangladesh through peace education,

community integration, training, workshops, and other inclusive approaches
amid resource scarcity, high population growth and other hindrances the
country faces.
Policy Recommendation and Direction of Future Research
Prioritization and sound investment in Refugee education by the

government of Bangladesh and Inter-Governmental and Non-Government
Organizations can ensure the Bihari people living in the camps have better
education facilities. In order to ensure quality education and increase
employment opportunities for the Bihari, the government can focus on
adopting specific policies of the refugee to include them in a particular
manner. As Bangladesh gives emphasis on Education for All and SDG
targets from the very beginning, therefore, without ensuring quality
education, achieving such targets might be an incomplete. Moreover, the
inclusion of peace education in their education program is also important as
such programs may help develop their sense of belongingness, cooperation,
and resilience. The education providers and project officers should also be
brought under the peace education program.
The Convention on the Rights of the Child has obliged governments of
every state to address and advocate the promotion of education of child
refugees within their national borders. The governments of some refugee
receiving countries in Europe and Australia were supportive of refugee
education programs, while some governments have placed restrictions.
Whatever the situation, either cooperative or restrictive, refugee education
is a crying need, especially for the Bihari refugee in Bangladesh. The
academic success of the refugee children will ensure their psychological,
social, and economic well-being, and this will progressively contribute to
addressing the indicators of development. In order to experience a well-
developed and confinement free Bihari community, the points mentioned
above need to be addressed appropriately.

With the help of international, national and regional actors, both

governments and non-government organizations, more developed and
flexible strategies should be incorporated in order to provide education
facilities as well as ensure a healthier and more enabling environment for
the Bihari refugees in Bangladesh. Furthermore, one of the areas of future
studies can be the impact of Bangladeshi citizenship upon the life of the
Bihari community where, exploration can be made on how much impact the
verdict by the Supreme Court, after a long effort, has had in giving them a
better living standard and recognizing their human dignity. Another further
area to study regarding Bihari refugees can be the contribution of the Bihari
refugee in the socio-economic perspectives of Bangladesh because many of
the Bihari are contributing by working as translators of Urdu poetry and
other literature into the Bengali language. Moreover, many of them are
skilled at designing women dresses and different types of clothes that are
being sold across the country. A more scholarly focus should be made on
the Bihari community of Bangladesh.
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Chapter 4
FORMULATION OF TEACHER’S
COMPETENCY FRAMEWORK IN
THE CONTEXT OF ROHINGYA REFUGEE
EDUCATION IN BANGLADESH:
LESSONS LEARNED
Happy Kumar Das1,*, M. Shahriar Shafiq2

and G M Rakibul Islam3
1
Institute of Education and Research,
2
Primary Teachers’ Training Institute, Bangladesh
3
Department of Educational Administration,
Noakhali Science and Technology University, Bangladesh
ABSTRACT
The chapter portrays the development process of the teacher’s

competency framework (TCF) in the context of Rohingya refugee

Corresponding Author’s E-mail: hkdasdu@gmail.com.

88 Happy Kumar Das, M. Shahriar Shafiq and G M Rakibul Islam
education in Bangladesh. Prior to developing the teacher competency

framework, a situation analysis of teachers’ professional development
(TPD) provision in Cox’s Bazar, including a study of teachers’ knowledge,
attitudes and practices, was conducted to assess teachers’ existing
professional competencies and identify their needs. Researchers have used
participatory observation throughout the process with an expert working
group who had vast knowledge and experience of working in the
emergency context. As part of developing the TCF, researchers conducted
surveys among teachers, focus group discussions (FGDs) with teachers,
teacher development professionals and education program officers,
observations of teaching-learning practices, key informant interviews with
key members of the education sector and document reviews. Relevant
stakeholders’ participation was ensured in this process. Furthermore,
learners’ competency framework and expectations of the education sector
members have been taken into account while developing TCF. With
funding support from Education Cannot Wait (ECW) through UNICEF
and UNHCR, Save the Children initiated this assignment for the education
sector to standardize inputs for TPD to deliver quality teaching and
learning to the Rohingya children in Cox’s Bazar camps. Development of
the TCF was a participatory approach where relevant stakeholders of Cox’s
Bazar Education sector worked together with the authors through different
workshops. The process started with situation analysis that explored field
situations and needs. Based on the situation analysis, the TCF framework
was drafted and then finalized by the working committee through several
workshops. The TCF framework included 4 domains, 15 sub-domains and
48 competencies. After that, it has leveled the teachers into 4 categories
based on their competencies and set indicators for each level. However,
develop-test-revise could be done and fine-tuned based on the field
findings after applying the framework for teacher development purposes,
which did not happen here due to time constraints and lack of a predefined
work schedule. TCF has been developed to identify teachers’ level of
competencies and their professional development needs. Thus, it works as
the foundation for the Teachers’ Professional Development (TPD)
framework, which will guide the education sector along with its all partners
to design training programs and professional development activities to
improve teachers’ knowledge, attitude and skills over time. This chapter
explains this process step by step along with all challenges faced while
developing TCF.
Keywords: Teacher’s competence, competency framework, refugee

education, Rohingya education, Bangladesh

Formulation of Teacher’s Competency Framework … 89
INTRODUCTION
After the Rohingya influx on 25 August 2017, an estimated 921,000

Rohingya refugees took shelter in Cox’s Bazar (REACH, 2019) including
the refugees who have been temporarily living in two official camps,
makeshift settlements, and host communities across the district. Out of that
population, approximately 530,000 are children falling under the 4-24 age
bracket (Joint Education Needs Assessment, 2018). Bangladesh is not a
signatory country to the 1951 Geneva Convention relating to the status of
Refugees and the 1967 Protocol of it. At the same time, the country did not
sign the 1954 and 1961 Conventions that are related to the Status of Stateless
Persons (Abrar, 2015). Therefore, the treatment and status of the Rohingya
in Bangladesh have become a controversial issue. Though Bangladesh is free
from any obligation to provide necessary supports for the refugees (Ahmed,
2010), it has opened the border for the displaced Rohingya refugees despite
its lack of resources. However, the UN agencies and different national and
international agencies provided the necessary support for the Rohingya to
fulfill their daily needs. Along with the life savings supports, the UN
agencies, international non-government organizations (INGOs), national
and local non-government organizations (NGOs) have been engaged in
providing education for 350,000 Rohingya children in 3200 learning centers
under the Education Sector in Cox’s Bazar, jointly led by UNICEF and Save
the Children since November 2017 (JENA, 2018). Some other organizations
that provide education to Rohingya children are United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), OBAT Helpers, Community
Development Center (CODEC), MUKTI, Dhaka Ahsania Mission (DAM),
DanChurchAid (DCA), BRAC, Young Power in Social Action (YPSA), etc.
(Prodip & Garnett, 2019). However, delivering quality education for
Rohingya children is hugely challenging due to a number of technical,
contextual and policy level constraints including lack of government
permission for conducting formal education, inadequate numbers of learning
centers, recruitment of qualified teachers, high drop-out rate and lack of
proper teaching-learning environment (Prodip, 2017).

To address and solve these issues in more collaborative ways, the sector
along with its partners has started its work by developing a Learning
Competency Framework Approach (LCFA) for the children outlining core
subjects. The LCFA was later named as Guideline for Informal Education
Program (GIEP).
While there has been progressing in standardizing curriculum for
students, learning outcomes are unlikely to improve without the provision
of continuous, quality, and gender-sensitive teacher training opportunities.
As a whole, according to the Global Education Monitoring Report (2019),
recruiting qualified, experienced and well-trained teachers is a constant
barrier to providing quality education to all children across the globe.
Similarly, in Cox’s Bazar, it is estimated that only 21% of Rohingya teachers
who have arrived after August 2017 had higher than secondary level
education (JRNA, 2018). The situation is further complicated by the low
levels of teacher competencies. The majority of them are either under-
qualified or unqualified and do not have sufficient ability in basic child-
centered methodologies as well as content mastery, which further leads to
poor learning outcomes. In addition to their inadequate knowledge and
skills, teachers who are currently working in learning centers have also been
traumatized by the crisis and need support to recover and remain motivated
to teach. To address this lack of professional skills of teachers, education
sector partners, over the past months since the influx, have provided training
supports in order to build basic teaching competencies and facilitate the
learning of children in the refugee camps. The sector partners identified that
a standardized and commonly agreed TCF would help them to set the
Education Sector Teacher Quality strategy and recognize the strengths and
weaknesses of the teachers, and plan TPD accordingly.
With funding support from ECW through UNICEF and UNHCR, Save
the Children initiated an assignment to develop a TCF for the education
sector to standardize inputs for teacher’s professional development. It is
expected that trained and qualified teachers will deliver quality teaching-
learning to the Rohingya children in Cox’s Bazar camps.

To develop the TCF, the authors have used a participatory approach

where relevant stakeholders of Cox’s Bazar Education Sector were engaged
with the assignment and received their input and feedback in every stage of
the work. The work has been started with a knowledge, attitude and practices
(KAP) study to explore the existing needs and analyze the situation of the
sector that helped to develop the TCF and guide further to develop the TPD
plan and packages based on the framework. Taking the findings of the KAP
study into consideration, the authors have drafted a TCF with domains,
subdomains and competencies for teachers. This framework has been
finalized by a working committee formed with the relevant stakeholders.
Then the teachers were leveled into 4 categories based on the competencies
set in the TCF and set indicators against each competency for each specific
level. Stakeholders’ participation was ensured during the planning,
fieldwork, workshop and finalizing of the TCF. Finally, a TCF assessment
toolkit was developed by the authors to measure and monitor teacher
competency on a regular basis and periodically. The experience gained from
the whole process of developing TCF in the context of refugee education has
many learning points for researchers, policymakers, and development
practitioners. This paper articulated the TCF formulation process in Cox’s
Bazar emergency context and lessons learned from the journey.
This book chapter is divided into 5 sections to illustrate the process in
detail while the first section discusses the background information of the
TCF development for Cox’s Bazar emergency context. The second section
illustrates the situation of education services in Cox’s Bazar with major
programs, target groups, learning facilities and expected teacher
qualifications. The third section portrays the detailed description of the TCF
development process including literature review, situational analysis,
collaboration among partner organizations, stakeholders’ involvement and
formulating the TCF. The fourth section describes the challenges, scopes
and opportunities involved in the TCF development process. Finally, the
fifth section concludes by discussing the overall learning from the journey.

EDUCATION ARRANGEMENT IN ROHINGYA

CAMPS IN COX’S BAZAR
Before embarking on the main discussion, it is necessary to explain the

ongoing education arrangement in Rohingya Camps in Cox’s Bazar, which
will shed some light on the context. According to the government’s National
Task Force on Rohingya issues, Rohingya children who entered after August
2017 cannot receive any formal or non-formal education and use Bangla as
the medium of instruction for their education (REACH, 2019). In addition,
as the government worked on the repatriation of Rohingya people to
Myanmar, humanitarian groups were instructed to build temporary
structures instead of permanent structures in the settlement areas. Since then,
humanitarian education providers have constructed about 3200 learning
centers and developed an informal curriculum based on the GIEP for about
350,000 children (JENA, 2018).
Education programs are mainly conducted in learning centers, based on
the GIEP/LCFA guideline, where level 1 to level 5 is suggested for
providing basic education to the displaced Rohingya children following a
multilingual approach (ACAPS, 2017; Translators Without Borders, 2017).
However, most of the centers are now conducting teaching-learning
activities for level 1 and 2, and level 3 has started recently in some learning
centers. The education sector of Rohingya camps lack the adequate number
of qualified teachers and core materials for level three and above and formal
approval from the government for level 4 and 5. Each learning center has
two teachers; one is a Bangladeshi, and another is a Rohingya. The minimum
qualification for a Bangladeshi host community teacher is HSC or equivalent
certificate who teaches English language, Math and Science, and for a
Rohingya teacher is 10 years’ experience of schooling to teach Myanmar
language and Life Skills (Reidy, 2020). However, a significant portion of
these teachers does not have the required qualifications (JRP, 2019). This is
because qualified people are not available in the Rohingya community in the
camps.

Table 4.1 The education program in Cox’s Bazar

emergency context at a glance
Sl. Education Target Subject Learning Teacher Teacher

No. program group taught place qualification
1 Basic 4+ to 15+ Myanmar Learning 2 teachers (1 Rohingya
Education years old Language, center Rohingya teacher:
(Level 1 to children English teacher + 1 Grade 10
Level 5) language, Bangladeshi completed
Math, teacher Bangladeshi
Science, teacher: HSC
Life Skills
2 Home-based 4+ to 6+- Pre- Community- 1 or more Varies
learning year-old reading, based Volunteers, organization
(alternative children pre-writing, learning Facilitators, to
modality of pre- facility elder organization
learning due numeracy siblings
to limited Adolescents Subjects Varies
space in/for and youth suggested organization
learning for Level 5 to
centers. in GIEP organization
3 Co-Shared Depends on Depend on Co-Shared Depends on
learning availability the Space program
and scope modality linked with
with other and scope and
programs with other organization
programs
Source: KAP study report (Das, 2019).
Due to having limited numbers of learning centers, narrow space, unsafe

environment and inadequate Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH)
facilities, and parents/community’s disinterest, a handful number of
Rohingya children do not have access to educational facilities in the camps.
In this regard, some alternative modalities are used to provide education to
Rohingya children. For instance, volunteers and/or elder siblings or
facilitators facilitate home-based learning to teach 4+ to 6+-year-old
children, adolescents, and youth (VSO, 2018). In this home-based learning,
GIEP level 1 competencies and approaches are being followed for the
children aged 4+ to 6+ and GIEP level 5 competencies and approaches are
being followed for the adolescent and youth group. A number of
implementing partners of Cox’s Bazar Education Sector including Plan
International and DanChurchAid (DCA) are conducting home-based

learning. Besides, the use of Co-Shared Space is another model to provide

access to education alternatively to Rohingya children due to the narrow
space in learning centers (Vincent, 2020). This modality uses the space on a
shared basis with other programs in the camp area to maximize the
accessibility for more children. Table 4.1 has presented the education
programs in Cox’s Bazar emergency context of different organizations,
where the name of the program, target groups, subjects and other issues has
been exhibited.
TCF DEVELOPMENT PROCESS
Prior to developing the TCF for setting out the required specific
competencies for teachers in the emergency context, a brief study has been
conducted by the authors in cooperation with the relevant stakeholders of
Cox’s Bazar Education Sector to understand the existing knowledge, attitude
and practice of the teachers and their needs.
This TCF is the result of a wide-ranging consultation process involving
teachers, technical officers, education experts, teacher trainers, and other key
stakeholders. All these stakeholders of the education sector have played a
significant role to develop a credible and valuable tool of the TCF for teacher
trainers, field-level technical staffs and education specialists. At the same
time, all other issues of these diverse contexts (such as- emergency context,
teachers’ academic qualification, psychosocial needs etc.) have been taken
into consideration while developing the TCF. The following Figure 4.1
portrays the logical process of developing TCF and its further use.
According to Figure 4.1, at first, the authors have conducted a brief
study to explore the present educational situation in different learning
facilities, teachers’ knowledge, attitude and practice, as well as training
needs of teachers. A working group was formed including field experts from
different education partners based on the study report. This group has
assisted the authors to draft and finalize the TCF after sharing it with other
members of partner organizations through several workshops. A set of tools
have been prepared to assess the competencies of teachers. With the help of

working group members, four types of assessment tools (Competency

Assessment Test, Observation Checklist, Interview Questionnaire for
Teachers, and Record and Document Checklist) have been developed and
finalized through a rigorous process. Finally, the TPD framework has been
developed to guide the education sector (along with its all partners) to design
training programs and professional development initiatives for teachers in
order to improve their knowledge, attitude and skills over time. There is a
strong link among these steps, and they are interconnected and
interdependent.
Figure 4.1. The development process of the TPD framework and relation
among different components.
Throughout this journey of formulating the TCF for refugee education

in the emergency context of Cox’s Bazar Rohingya camps, there are some
milestones and takeaways to revisit, which are discussed below.
Reviewing Related Literature, Policy, Guidelines,

and Documents
The literature review included the Inter-agency Network for Education

in Emergencies (INEE) Training Pack and Core competencies for teachers

in Emergency context, LCFA/GIEP documents and Guidance Note on

Facilitators Development Framework developed by Cox’s Bazar Education
Sector, existing teacher training manuals and modules used by different
organizations in Cox’s Bazar emergency context, teacher competency
framework used in Myanmar, teacher standard and competency framework
used in Bangladesh, a study conducted by the Education sector and its
partner organizations including Education Need Assessment (2019) and
Joint Education Needs Assessment (2018) of Rohingya Refugees in Cox’s
Bazar, Teacher Assessment Report (2019) by Room to Read, etc.
The document review suggested a set of core competencies necessary to
work as a teacher (learning facilitator) in emergency contexts. INEE
Training Pack for Teachers in Crisis Contexts (2016) suggested 5 domains
of core competencies for primary school teachers include: i) teacher’s role
and wellbeing, ii) child protection, wellbeing and inclusion, iii) pedagogy,
iv) curriculum and planning, and v) subject knowledge. The LCFA
Guidance Note on Facilitators Development suggested teacher
competencies in these areas: i) subject knowledge, ii) pedagogy, iii)
curriculum and planning, iv) center/learning space management, v)
communication skills, vi) community engagement, and vii) special
emergency needs. Furthermore, LCFA/GIEP documents including core
materials used for teaching-learning and teacher training manual/module
indicated the specific competencies needed to deliver desired skills to the
learners. A review of TCF used in Myanmar and Bangladesh helped to
understand the competency sets as desired in the context of Myanmar and
Bangladesh. In addition to this, a review of education needs assessment and
teacher assessment reports suggested that most of the teachers who worked
in Cox’s Bazar emergency context do not have the required qualifications
and relevant skills necessary for delivering expected learning competencies
to the children. Nevertheless, as the Rohingya teachers had to undergo
unexpected experiences, their personal wellbeing and psychosocial needs
should be taken into account while deciding upon their competency area.

Field Visit and Situation Analysis
As this case was quite unique in terms of its breath and depth, it needed
careful attention to study the context, nature of the problem and way to solve
it. Thus, the authors have visited the study area several times and had in-
depth discussions with students, teachers, supervisors and other educational
stakeholders to enhance their insight. After visiting the field twice, the
authors developed data collection tools and strategies for a Knowledge,
Attitude and Practice (KAP) study. Data was collected from the diverse
sources of the education sector that included a review of relevant documents,
observation of learning centers/spaces, surveys and discussions with
teachers/facilitators (both host community and Rohingya teachers),
discussions with technical staffs and teacher trainers, members of Technical
Working Group (TWG), and interviews with the representatives from the
key organizations involved in facilitation and management of education
programs in Cox’s Bazar Education Sector including UNICEF, UNHCR,
Save the Children International, Room to Read International, Plan
International, DCA, CODEC, and BRAC. The methodological procedure of
the study has been summed up in the following Table 4.2.
Table 4.2 KAP study methodology at a glance
Data source Data collection strategy Unit Total sample

Teacher/facilitator KAP Survey 6 camps 120 (60+60)*
Teacher/facilitator FGD 6 FGDs (3+3)** 42
Learning Center Session Observation 6 camps 33
Technical staff and FGD 2 FGDs 20
teacher-trainer
TWiG Members FGD 1 FGD 12
Education Sector KII 8 Organizations 10
Key members
Document review Study reports, monitoring and assessment reports, stakeholders’
consultation reports, workshop reports, framework/guideline on education
and teacher development by the Education Sector and its partner
organizations.
* 60 host community teachers and 60 Rohingya teachers.
** 3 FGDs with host community teachers and 3 FGDs with Rohingya teachers.

Figure 4.2. Area of findings explored through the KAP study.
In total 33 learning centers/spaces were visited from different

organizations in 6 camps including 2 hours long observation of learning
sessions on different subject areas of the host community and Rohingya
teachers using a semi-structured observation checklist that focused on
teachers’ knowledge, skills and practice to deliver the learning competencies
to the children. 120 teachers from both the host community and Rohingya
community were surveyed by using a self-reported semi-structured KAP
survey tool to collect data on their knowledge, attitude/values and practice-
related teaching competencies. The survey tool was developed based on the
competence mentioned in INEE Training Pack and LCFA/GIEP Guidance
Note on Facilitators Development and was finalized after piloting. The
survey covered the teachers who were involved in different organizations
and worked in 6 camp areas to understand if there is any difference in the
case of an organization or geographical area. Furthermore, 6 FGDs with
different facilitator groups such as those are involved with basic education,
home-based learning support and co-shared learning space, were conducted
including facilitators from both the host community and Rohingya

community for in-depth understanding of teachers’ perspectives. To verify

the findings from the higher management, one FGD was conducted with the
technical staffs who supervise and monitor teachers/facilitators’ activities in
the field and one FGD was conducted with the teacher trainers. FGDs with
TWiG members and KII with the education sector key members helped to
understand teachers’ needs and the sector’s expectations regarding teacher
competency.
Table 4.3 Training provided to the teachers
Sl Training name Duration Content

1 Basic training 4-6 days Education in emergencies, pedagogy, child
protection, Psycho-social support, Disaster
risk management, Health & hygiene
2 Core materials training 2 days GIEP, teacher’s guide, core materials
3 Refresher’s training (cluster- 1 day in Teacher support, challenges faced in the
based) every previous month, preparation for next
month month
4 Inclusive education training 2 days Disability and inclusion
(for the partner organizations
only)
5 Need-based training 1 -3 days Content is determined based on the need of
the participants.
The findings of this study portrayed a clear picture of the problem and
guided the researchers to the next step. The findings illustrated teacher’s
qualifications, competency level, motivating and demotivating factors along
with scopes and challenges involved with teachers’ competency (please see
Figure 4.2).
The findings revealed that although minimum education qualification
was set as grade 10 completion for the Rohingya community teachers,
around half of them do not have the qualification and almost a quarter of the
host community teachers do not have HSC level qualification set as a
minimum qualification for them. Even most of them have a lack of relevant
experience prior to working in Cox’s Bazar emergency context. According
to this study, three-fourths of the host community teachers and more than
two-thirds of the Rohingya community teachers had no teaching experience

before working in Cox’s Bazar emergency context. Due to the lack of

education qualification and prior teaching experience, most of the teachers
lacked relevant training or certification for teaching jobs. However,
education sector partners provided some sort of training called basic
training, core material training, refreshers training, inclusive education
training, and need-based training to the teachers, which has been presented
in Table 4.3. The duration of this training ranges from 1 to 6 days and varies
from organization to organization. Thus, the training was not sufficient to
provide relevant teaching skills to the teachers/facilitators.
The KAP survey revealed teachers’ knowledge, attitude and practice
related information in the areas of i) teacher’s role and wellbeing, ii)
emergency context and sensitization of displaced children, iii) child
protection, wellbeing and inclusion, iv) GIEP and planning, v) subject
knowledge, and vi) pedagogical knowledge. Findings showed that less than
one-fifth of both host community and Rohingya community teachers had
sufficient knowledge, understanding, and skills in the area of teacher’s role
and wellbeing; child protection, wellbeing and inclusion; and pedagogical
knowledge. In the case of emergency context and sensitization of displaced
children, less than one-fourth and one-third of the host community and
Rohingya community teachers respectively showed sufficient knowledge
and attitude. Besides, one-third of the host community and one-fourth of
Rohingya community teachers respectively had sufficient knowledge and
skills on GIEP and planning. However, the teachers’ performance was found
comparatively better in their subject area than other domains of
competencies where more than half to two-thirds of the teachers showed
sufficient knowledge of their assigned subjects. It should be mentioned here
that subject knowledge was measured only on Level 1 and Level as other
levels were not introduced till the study period in the learning centers.
Several motivating and demotivating factors were found that influenced
teachers’ professional development initiatives and efforts and need to be
considered during designing teachers’ competency framework. The
motivating factors reported by the teachers were the company of children,
acceptance and love by the children and their parents, ability to teach new
skills to the learners, teacher’s respect in the community, opportunity to

work for change in learners’ life, getting relevant support and recognition
from the supervisors, organizations and community people and safe and
healthy work environment. The demotivating factors identified by the
teachers were the lack of scope of professional up-gradation based on
teachers’ qualification and performance, poor financial and other benefits
compared to any other jobs in Cox’s Bazar emergency context, lack of
reward and incentives for better performance, dirty and unhealthy
environment, lack of safety and social security, child absenteeism and lack
of parents and community awareness for education. Consequently, skilled
teachers have left their teaching profession and found other jobs. Thus, the
teacher dropout rate is high in the education sector. And, the teachers who
stayed in their job, are demotivated to change themselves into better teachers
over time.
Other challenges were identified in the KAP study comprise- lack of
space in the learning centers and teacher training centers, language barrier,
etc. The participants suggested to include essential competencies in the TCF
and mechanisms to achieve them in the teacher development framework.
Teachers further added that introducing a career ladder based on their
qualifications and different incentive packages would increase their
motivation. Thus, this study revealed the gaps in current teacher
competencies and development initiatives, which in turn guided the design
of the TCF and the TPD frameworks.
Collaboration among Humanitarian Partners
As the education for Rohingya children was a shared responsibility of

the sector partners, strong collaboration among them was required to define,
understand and solve the teacher-related issues. All the humanitarian
education providers work collaboratively in the camps, which is called the
education sector coordinated by UNICEF. Different types of partners were
working together in education sectors including donor partners,
management/coordinating partners and implementing partners. The authors
have ensured the involvement of various levels of partners in formulating

the TCF. As part of this TCF development, the authors have communicated
and collaborated with all levels of partners to design an effective framework
considering different levels of needs, expectations and variability of
resources and supports.
Involvement of Relevant Stakeholders in the Process
Similar to the involvement of education sector partners, it was necessary

to include relevant field-level stakeholders in the design and development
process of the TCF. It was significant to get the teachers’ viewpoint towards
the TCF, as it would be applied to them ultimately. Therefore, a working
committee for TCF development was formed by merging stakeholders (i.e.,
teacher/facilitators, teacher trainers, technical staff including teacher
supervisors, teacher development experts, and representatives) from
different levels and partner organizations purposively to ensure their
effective involvement in the process. The committee conducted several
meetings and workshops from the beginning to the end of the assignment for
TCF development purposes. Moreover, they shared relevant documents,
resources and opinions related to the TCF through email. The activities
include drafting and finalizing the methodology and tools for KAP study,
conducting KAP study, finalizing the KAP study report, setting domains,
subdomains and specific competency for the teachers, determining teacher
levels based on their competency, determining competency indicators for a
different level of teachers, and finalizing the competency framework. The
working committee members critically analyzed every stage of the TCF
development, identified the gaps and suggested further development of the
framework and relevant documents.
Development of TCF
After completing the initial tasks of identifying teachers’ competency

level, gap and training needs, the authors have started the formulation

process of the competency framework. A successive approach was followed

to formulate the framework, which included identifying the domains and
subdomains of teacher competency, determining the specific competency
under each domain and subdomain, setting different competency level of the
teachers, determining competency indicators for different levels of teachers,
compiling the full framework and developing user guidelines. At the first
stage, the authors have identified domains and subdomains of teacher
competency considering the findings from the literature review, KAP study,
and stakeholder consultation. As mentioned earlier, the INEE Training Pack
suggested five domains and the LCFA/GIEP Guidance Note on Facilitators
Development suggested seven domains/areas of competency where three
domains/areas of competency - i) curriculum and planning, ii) subject
knowledge and iii) pedagogy - were found common. Uncommon domains
were i) teacher’s role and wellbeing, ii) child protection, wellbeing and
inclusion, iii) center/learning space management, iv) communication skills,
v) community engagement, and vi) special emergency needs and none of
them were found insignificant for teachers in Cox’s Bazar emergency
context. Even KAP study and stakeholder consultation suggested that
teachers need knowledge, skills and support on their personal wellbeing and
development along with understanding special emergency needs of children,
their protection and wellbeing. To perform their professional roles as
facilitators and mobilize parents and community people, teachers should
have the knowledge and skills on their professional roles and duties, learning
space/center management, communication and networking, parent and
community engagement. To address these issues and make the right choice,
the authors have listed all the domains suggested in above-mentioned
documents, KAP study and stakeholder consultation and then shared the
domains with the working group. Based on their discussion and suggestions,
the authors determined four competency domains including i) subject
knowledge and understanding, ii) pedagogical knowledge and practice, iii)
special emergency needs and child wellbeing, and iv) teacher’s role and
professional development, which is shown in Figure 4.3. Each domain
described the basic characteristics of teachers’ job that are the fundamental
skills for professional effectiveness in emergency settings.

Figure 4.3. Domains of teacher competency.
Unlike the INEE Training Pack and LCFA/GIEP Guidance Note on

Facilitators Development, each domain was then extended into some
subdomains to cluster similar competencies. Each sub-domain describes
specific characteristics of teachers’ expertise that are fundamental skills of
their professional effectiveness. In the domain subject knowledge and
understanding, 4 subdomains were set based on the subjects listed in
LCFA/GIEP, which included i) language knowledge and understanding
(English and Myanmar), ii) mathematics, iii) life skills, and iv) science. The
pedagogical knowledge and practice domains were divided into 5
subdomains that were i) planning ii) classroom management, iii) instruction,
iv) assessment and feedback, and v) pedagogical aspects of inclusion.
Special emergency needs and child wellbeing are classified into two
subdomains named i) special emergency needs, and ii) child protection,
wellbeing and inclusion. The last domain of teacher’s role and professional
development was clustered into four subdomains including i) general roles
and responsibilities, ii) learning facilities management, iii) stakeholders’
engagement and support, and iv) personal wellbeing and development. Thus,
a total of 15 subdomains were determined under four domains of teacher
competency. The domains and subdomains are explained categorically in
Figure 4.4 of the next page.

Figure 4.4. TCF at a glance.
After finalizing the domains and subdomains, the authors have started
drafting the specific competencies for teachers in Cox’s Bazar emergency

context. Specific competencies are the basic components of each

competency standard. They explain a range of actions related to teachers’
professional knowledge, skills, and attributes to apply in their teaching
context. Specific competencies represent identifiable features that help to the
attainment of the overall competency standard. The authors have first drafted
relevant competencies based on the findings from the literature review, KAP
study, and stakeholder consultation and shared with the working committee
through a two-day workshop. The committee members reviewed the
competencies on domain-based groups and then shared their feedback and
suggestions. Based on the feedback and suggestions, the authors have
finalized the specific competencies. A total of 48 competencies were
finalized and the number varied in the case of domains and subdomains (see
Table 4.4).
Table 4.4 Number of specific competencies for different domains

and subdomains
Competency Domain Competency Subdomain Number of Specific

Competencies (SC)
1. Subject knowledge and 1.1 Language (English and Myanmar) 6 SC
understanding 1.2 Mathematics 3 SC
1.3 Life Skills 4 SC
1.4 Science 4 SC
2. Pedagogical knowledge 2.1 Planning 2 SC
and practice 2.2 Classroom management 3 SC
2.3 Instruction 5 SC
2.4 Assessment and feedback 2 SC
2.5 Aspect of pedagogical inclusion 4 SC
3. Special emergency 3.1 Special emergency needs 2 SC
needs and child wellbeing 3.2 Child protection, wellbeing and 4 SC
inclusion
4. Teacher’s role and 4.1 General roles and responsibilities 3 SC
professional development 4.2 Learning facilities management 3 SC
4.3 Stakeholders engagement and 1 SC
support
4.4 Personal wellbeing and 2 SC
development

Table 4.5 Example of specific competencies for a domain

and its subdomain
Competency Competency Specific Competency

Domain Subdomain
3. Special 3.1 Special 3.1.1 Teacher demonstrates an understanding of the
emergency needs emergency needs unique social and emotional needs of the displaced
and child Rohingya children.
wellbeing 3.1.2 Teacher demonstrates the capacity to provide and
refer to mental health and psychosocial support
strategies to support children regain a sense of stability
in conflict contexts.
3.2 Child 3.2.1 Teacher demonstrates knowledge on the rights,
protection, status, and background of displaced Rohingya children
wellbeing and in their care.
inclusion 3.2.2 Teacher demonstrates knowledge and practice for
promoting a learning environment free from any form
of abuse and discrimination including sexual and
gender-based violence.
3.2.3 Teacher supports students’ development and
maintenance of healthy interpersonal relationships,
cooperation, and acceptance of diversity.
3.2.4 Teacher demonstrates knowledge of child
protection and wellbeing including local child
protection reporting and referral systems.
Specific competencies are written in a generic manner by using relevant

action verbs so that teacher competencies seem clear and comprehensive to
the reader. The competencies used general statements instead of using
measurable indicators. An example of specific competencies is added above
(see Table 4.5) to clarify how specific competencies for a domain and its
subdomains are written.
Based on the specific competencies, teachers were divided into four
levels to reflect on their competency level and further link with their
professional development framework including career path, financial
benefits and other facilities, and reward and incentives. The TCF presents
what teachers need to know, understand, and do for achieving their purposes.
It presents an integrated model that recognizes four teaching domains to
draw upon within several areas of competencies of professional practice.
Each specific competency has indicators that are categorized into four levels.

The indicators were classified teachers’ competency levels as- a) foundation

level teacher, b) developing level teacher, c) proficient level teacher, and d)
expert-level teacher. Among them, the foundation level refers to the teacher
who exhibits the basic and entry competencies of a teacher who just joined
as a fresh teacher, indicates a strong need for CPD to improve his or her
teaching competencies. A developing level indicates the teacher who
demonstrates a degree of teaching competencies but still relies more on peer
teacher or colleagues to improve his or her teaching competencies, indicates
the need for CPD to improve his or her teaching competencies. Proficient
level teacher displays a comprehensive level of proficiency on the various
competencies and an in-service or CPD program is still required to update
his or her teaching practice. Finally, the expert level teacher shows high
mastery of teaching competency and could lead, guide or train some
colleagues through professional learning communities in school. S/he can be
relied upon to become a master teacher in the specialized subject area that
s/he is trained professionally. The competency levels were set based on a
review of national and international teacher competency frameworks and
teacher competency assessments done for Cox’s Bazar Emergency Context.
Moreover, insights from stakeholder consultation and the working
committee helped to set the levels for the teachers’ work in the emergency
context.
After finalizing the teacher’s competency level, competency indicators
for each competency level were set to appoint the distinguished determinant
against each specific competency. Competency indicators are competency-
related actions that provide examples of the professional behavior that need
to be demonstrated by the professional who has achieved a specific
competency standard. Indicators specify the level of competency a teacher
belongs to the competency level. The authors first drafted the indicators for
different levels of teachers against each competency level. The indicators
were written in measurable action verbs so that the competency can be
measured by using specific tools developed for teacher competency
assessment. During drafting the competency indicators, relevant national
and international TCF were consulted in this regard.

Moreover, the reality of the field was kept in mind, thus, the authors
have tried to keep the indicators as simple as possible. Once the draft was
completed, it was shared with the working committee and other relevant
stakeholders through a two-day workshop. The participants were first
informed of the indicators and then divided into different groups to work on
the indicator sets. They worked, and discussed in a group and then presented
their findings, feedback and suggestions in plenary. Thus, the indicators
were finalized through the plenary discussion engaging all the relevant
stakeholders in the workshop. The indicators were presented in a linked way
so that readers can easily understand how the indicators relate to the domain,
subdomain and specific competencies. An example of indicators is shown in
Table 4.6 to make it clear how they are presented in the document.
When all the components of the framework are completed, the authors
have compiled the whole framework and developed a user guideline that
included the structure, guiding principles and use of the framework to
identify teachers’ competency level, track their progress and finally to guide
the professional development framework and initiatives. The whole
document is shared with the working committee and relevant stakeholders
of the education sector to get their inputs. Finally, it was revised and
finalized by incorporating the feedback and suggestions provided by the
working committee and other stakeholders.
As part of this TCF, the authors have developed a toolkit for TCF
assessment. The toolkit included teachers’ recruitment competency list,
competency test questionnaires and interview questionnaires for teachers,
performance monitoring tools, class and learning facilities observation
checklist, document and record checklist, and a user guideline for the TCF
toolkit. The toolkit was revised and finalized by incorporating the feedback
and suggestions provided by the relevant stakeholders. However, the authors
could not use the toolkit for TCF assessment purposes due to the time
constraint of this assignment.

Table 4.6 Example of competency indicators for a different level

of teachers against specific competencies
Domain 2: Pedagogical Knowledge and Practice

Sub-domain 2.1: Planning
Competency statement: The teacher understands how to link concepts and use different
perspectives to engage children in critical thinking, creativity, and problem-solving related to
local and global issues.
Specific competency 2.1.1: The teacher demonstrates knowledge and understanding of the lesson
plan and follows the plan properly for conducting teaching-learning activities effectively.
Foundation Level Developing Level Proficient Level Teacher Expert Level Teacher
Teacher Teacher
Demonstrates Demonstrates Designs revised lesson Designs contextualized
limited knowledge basic knowledge plans considering the lesson plan considering
and understanding and understanding learning objectives and learning needs and
of the lesson plan of the lesson plan deliver the lesson different learning styles
structure. structure. properly. (including of the students to
Demonstrates Demonstrates using of teaching aids) ensure that learning
partial use of the proper use of the outcomes are achieved.
provided lesson provided lesson
plan. plan.
Specific competency 2.1.2: The teacher demonstrates skills to identify teaching and learning
resources/materials for the lesson.
Foundation Level Developing Level Proficient Level Teacher Expert Level Teacher
Teacher Teacher
Uses provided Uses appropriate Demonstrate a Exhibits ability to
resources/ resources in comprehensive develop and use
materials on a facilitating understanding of innovative and need-
limited scale in learning. teaching and learning based low/no-cost
facilitating resources for specific materials available in
learning. lessons. the surroundings.
Formulating the TCF should have been a cyclic process where it would
be firstly developed, then tested and finally revised again based on the test
result. However, this cycle was not followed thoroughly this time.
Assessment tools were developed to test the TCF and revise, but due to some
limitations and challenges, the tools were not used to test the TCF in the
field. However, it was highly recommended by the authors and therefore a
user guide had been developed for the field staff to test the TCF using those
tools following the guidelines. It was expected that the education sector
would finalize the TCF using the test results.

Before developing teachers’ knowledge, skills and attitude, it was

important to know their existing positions. In doing so, a scale or standard
is required and a set of tools to measure where they posit. Therefore, before
developing the TPD framework and training packages for the teachers, TCF
and measurement tools were obvious that were served by this framework
and tools developed later. However, the TPD framework should be linked
with the competency framework so that relevant training and professional
development packages can be developed aligned with the teacher’s
competency level. Moreover, financial benefits and other facilities, rewards
and incentives, and work environment need to be linked with the TCF and
other findings revealed through literature review, KAP study, and
stakeholder’s consultation. In this regard, a longitudinal study was essential
to explore how TCF is being interpreted in the field, how the teachers’
competency level and their progress are tracked and finally how it is being
reflected in the TPD framework. Based on these findings, TCF, TCF tools,
TPD framework and TPD packages need to be revised.
CHALLENGE, SCOPE AND OPPORTUNITY
Lack of enough time and a predefined work schedule by the donor made
this whole assignment challenging for the authors to complete following all
necessary steps. Due to these challenges, the cycle of develop-test-revise
would have not been followed, which might challenge the reliability of the
TCF. On the other hand, field visits, opinion exchange with the stakeholders
and understanding the context have widened the scope of the work and
helped the authors grow insights. In addition, strong collaboration among
different humanitarian partners indicates potentials for implementing TCF
and developing teachers’ professional knowledge, skills, and attitude.
Being in the field, working in this work reveals potential learning
opportunities from different dimensions which enabled the authors to
comprehend the context better. This one, working on the field, is the ultimate
takeaway and learning point for the authors as well as for educationists,
researchers, policymakers and development practitioners. Finally, there is

still an opportunity to conduct a comprehensive study comprising the TCF,

TCF assessment tools, TPD framework and TPD packages to assess the
inter-linkages of the components and their effectiveness for further
development of the components.
CONCLUSION
The TCF developed for Cox’s Bazar emergency context works as the
solid foundation of the TPD framework. The TCF will guide the sector and
partners to develop assessment techniques and tools in order to measure the
competency level of the teachers who are working in different learning
centers. The TPD framework will also guide to improve the competency
level of every teacher through different professional development programs
and practices. It is suggested that, at the beginning of every year, teacher’s
competency assessment has to be done and based on the findings, the TPD
programs will be planned and designed. In order to identify the effect of
TPD on teachers and monitor their classroom performance, a separate
performance monitoring tool will be used. Nevertheless, it is highly
recommended that one should pilot the tools and revise them accordingly
before using them at a mass level, which will improve the creditability of
the tools and the framework.
The process of formulating TCF for the education sector in the
emergency context of Cox’s Bazar Rohingya camps has laid the ground for
this discussion. Participation in this process and learning from the journey
are worth sharing with the stakeholders. Thus, the authors have shared the
key takeaways, reasoning, and what they would have done differently if they
could. The learning process illustrated in this chapter would be used as
guidelines for developing the TCF as well as the TPD Framework to develop
quality teachers to ensure quality education in the emergency context of
other countries.

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Chapter 5
REFUGEE CHILD EDUCATION

IN INDIA: IN SEARCH OF
GOVERNMENTAL POLICY
Debasish Nandy1,*, Mahbub Alam Prodip2,

Anil Kumar Biswas3 and Golam Rabbani4
1
Department of Political Science,
Kazi Nazrul University, West Bengal, India
2
3
The University of Burdwan, West Bengal, India
4

Corresponding Author’s E-mail: debasishnandy.kc@gmail.com.

118 Debasish Nandy, Mahbub Alam Prodip, Anil Kumar Biswas et al.
ABSTRACT
This book chapter aims to understand how the central government and
various states of India offer education to different kinds of refugee
children. By reviewing the existing literature, this chapter finds that India
does not have a discrete education policy for the refugees, as India is
neither a party to the 1951 Geneva Convention relating to the status of
refugee nor its 1967 protocol. India provides education to refugee children
on humanitarian grounds although the treatments towards refugees vary
based on nationalities and religions. Considering the diplomatic equation
and domestic politics, the state governments of India, with the help of
INGOs and NGOs, arrange quality education for Tibetan and Tamil
refugees. Afghan refugees who are Hindu and Sikh, also, receive
educational facilities from the Indian government. India does not offer
educational assistance for East and West Pakistani refugees as well as
Rohingya refugees. This is because most of these refugees are Muslims
and as a result, these refugee children receive basic education in the camps.
This chapter also finds that a number of issues including language, non-
cooperation of the locals, lack of financial resources, violence and
harassment create an obstacle to refugee education in India. Furthermore,
the recent Citizenship (Amendment) Act of 2019 has made the future of
education for refugee children uncertain in India.
Keywords: Refugee children, education, policy, India
INTRODUCTION
This book chapter aims to understand from existing literature how the
central government and different states of India provide education to
different kinds of refugee children. India has received a large number of
refugees from neighboring states and other nations, although it does not have
any policy to legalize the admittance and status of refugees. India is, also,
neither a party to the 1951 Geneva Convention relating to the status of
refugee nor its 1967 protocol (Valatheeswaran & Rajan, 2011). Under
India’s Registration of Foreigners Act of 1939, the Foreigners Act of 1946,
and the Foreigners Order of 1948, the official term for “refugee” is
“foreigner,” and the term is used to mean foreigners provisionally or

Refugee Child Education Policy in India 119
enduringly residing in the country (Nair, 2007; Valatheeswaran & Rajan,

2011). According to the Act of 1946 and the Order of 1948, India allows
foreigners with limited facilities such as restrictions on physical movement.
India’s Citizenship Amendment Act of 2003 defined all outsiders who
arrived in the country without legal documents as illegitimate migrants, with
no exclusion for refugees or asylum-seekers (Chimni, 1994). Despite having
a lot of challenges India could manage the inflows of refugees at the
administrative and political level (Valatheeswaran & Rajan, 2011). For
example, India has permitted rights to Tibetan refugees that have not been
firmed to other refugee groups. This right has allowed them to include in
paid occupation and other economic activities, and even to travel overseas
and return to India (Chimni, 1994).
People of the then United Pakistan sought refuge in India during the
partition period, and this trend has continued after the partition. India has
also witnessed the influx of Tamil refugees in the 1960s and 1970s.
Furthermore, over 5 million people have fled to India from Bangladesh (East
Pakistan) during the liberation war in 1971. Several Nepalese, Tibetans,
Afghans, and Burmese refugees have crossed the borders and sought refuge
in different parts of India since the 1960s. The question of Chakma refugees
from Chittagong Hill Tracks and Rohingya refugees from Myanmar has
generated a lot of controversies and tensions in India (Louie Albert, Stan
Fernandes, & D’Sami, 2020). For instance, India has officially refused to
accommodate Rohingyas due to concerns of internal state security. Despite
the controversies, Rohingya refugees have been randomly settled in West
Bengal, Hyderabad, Delhi, and other states. Due to the increasing fear of
terrorism, internal conflicts, and crimes, India has adopted a “close door”
policy for refugees. Yet, the persecuted and tortured people of neighboring
countries have found India a haven to seek refuge or asylum. As a result,
India has opened-up its various borders at different times to accept the
arrival of refugees. As of December 2020, the number of refugees and
asylum seekers in India stands at 195,891 and 11,957 respectively (UNHCR,
2020).The asylum seekers and refugees consider India a haven due to the
nature of the state and society. The question of refugees in India denotes
three broader aspects:

(1) humanitarian aspect, (2) socio-economic aspect, and (3) legal aspect.
Overall, India has provided shelter to millions of refugees since its
independence based on humanitarian perspectives.
The refugee issue has been a more complicated and a politicized matter
in India due to the emergence of the debate of ‘legal and illegal migrants’.
This new debate is raised by the Assamese leaders against the migrants of
Bangladesh in Assam in the name of ‘Son of the Soil.’ Following the recent
Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), 2019, it is apparent that India’s policy
towards accepting refugees, irrespective of all countries in South Asia, has
changed dramatically. The present refugee policy has been formulated based
on religious minorities, particularly for some countries such as Afghanistan,
Bangladesh and Pakistan (Shankar, 2020).
The Constitution of India has ensured the rights of education for every
child.According to Article 45; education is permitted and obligatory for all
children up to the age of 14 years. The Constitution (86th Amendment) Act
of 2002 affixed a new article 21A which states that the state shall make it
obligatory to offer free and necessary education to children among the age
group of 6 to 14 years. Right to Education Act (2009) is a landmark initiative
of the Government of India for solidification of the education structure in
India. Under the act, it is mandatory to complete the elementary level of
education for all children. However, these acts and provisions did not
introduce a separate provision for ensuring the education of refugee children
in India. Although India does not have any policy for refugee education,
different states have arranged education for refugee children.
Several studies in India examine the socio-economic position and living
environments of refugees (Bhaumik, 2003; Bose, 2004; Dasgupta, 2003;
Kharat, 2003; Nakama, 2005; Prasad, 2007). However, there is limited effort
to explore the education policies for refugees and their educational status in
India. In this regard, this chapter aims to understand how the central
government and different states provide education to different kinds of
refugee children in India.

A CONCEPTUAL OUTLINE OF THE STUDY
The definition of a refugee can be found in the 1951 Geneva Convention

and regional refugee instruments, as well as the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees’ (UNHCR, 1951) Statute. According to the
UNHCR, “A refugee is somebody who has been forced to escape his or her
country because of harassment, war or violence. A refugee has a well-
founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, political
opinion or membership in a particular social group.” Globally, many people
are presently exiled and hunt for refuge for numerous reasons, such as
environmental calamities, economic destruction, abuse of human rights, and
fear of oppression (Vaghri, Tessier, & Whalen, 2019). About 1% of the
world’s population are refugees, displaced, and stateless, whose lives and
education are often disrupted due to conflict and violence in the host
countries (Skjerven & Chao, 2018). In general, fear, anxiety, frustration,
social aloofness, sexual abuse, and other human rights violations are
common experiences by the refugees (Takizawa, 2010).
The nature of a state, capacity of a state, and nature of the society of the
host state are important variables for ensuring refugee child education.
Refugee familiesoften have dreams to secure and ensure prospects and
careers of their children (Banks & MacDonald, 2003). Parents of refugee
children ponder education as means to make the future of their children and
replace their losses (Mosselson, 2006). Especially, uneducated refugee
parents encourage their children to study the vernacular linguistic
proficiency of the host country along with the schools’ curriculum. Yet,
there is a common perception that refugee children often face discrimination
at home and in schools with respects to their education in host countries.
According to Dryden-Peterson (2015),
“the refugee education is of low and uneven quality globally. As a

result, even those resettled refugee children who have been able to access
education in countries of the first asylum are likely to have skills and
knowledge for the below-expected grade level for their age. …Refugee
students face several different forms of discrimination in first-asylum

country schools. These schools often have curricula emphasizing the host
country’s history and culture, while neglecting refugees’ origin countries.”
The plights of refugee children in host countries are numerous. Lack of

financial resources is one of the major obstacles to refugee child education.
It is expected that governments and NGOs working in the host countries
would provide basic social and educational services to migrant/refugee
populations (Sengupta & Blessinger, 2018). Refugee children also go
through a severe traumatic experience as they remember memories of their
homelands. Furthermore, their traumatic experiences are often exacerbated
by the unfavourable conditions of the host countries they find themselves in.
These traumatic and psychological problems often have a negative impact
on their academic exercise (Prodip & Garnett, 2019). In some cases, refugee
school-going children have become victims of violence and racism. Worse
still, they often experience sexual harassment in host countries. Healthcare
is another challenging issue for refugee child education. Due to malnutrition,
refugee children cannot study properly. In many cases, due to different
cultural, religious, linguistic, and ethnic identity, they are often unable to be
accommodated in the host countries (Bunn, 2018). The linguistic problem
often creates an obstacle to refugee children to have access to education.
Most of the refugee families are not accustomed to the language of host
countries.
INDIA’S APPROACH TOWARDS THE REFUGEES

AND REFUGEE EDUCATION
Although India holds a flexible approach in treating of specific refugees

such as Tibetan, Chakma, and Hajong (Chaudhary, 2004), there is no state
refugee law which can identify the rights of refugees as well as govern their
issues (Anantachari, 2001). Officially, India did not agree to accept the
international obligations to protect refugees and secure the minimum
standard of treatments (Bhattacharjee, 2008). Due to the lack of acts, rules,
or legislation, India adopted a temporary approach towards different refugee

influxes since 1947 (Krishna, 2020). Despite not being a party of the 1951
Geneva Convention and its 1967 Protocol, India follows the international
laws and norms for securing certain rights and services for the refugees
(Feller, 2006).
India’s approach to receiving and integrating refugees is described as
tolerance and goodwill. No organized group violence or state-sponsored
violence has been noticed over the refugee groups in India. The diverse
nature of Indian society and vast territories collectively help in integrating
refugees. The initial integration approach has been changed after passing the
Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) of 2019. The CAA of 2019 has been
vehemently criticized for determining the eligibility criterion for Indian
citizenship based on religion. The non-integration approach and violent
attitude have been noticed in Assam towards East Pakistani Bengali
refugees. The number of Bengali-medium schools is decreasing in Assam
due to the tactful policy of the state government. The ethnic nature of
particular regions such as Assam has raised some questions about India’s
earlier approach in treating refugees (Krishna, 2020). The structural barriers
including language, culture, and local environment often create barriers to
refugee families and refugee child education.
In 2012, UNHCR published an education strategy where an equality
approach is suggested for the education of refugee children. That approach
is inclusive and suggests that refugee children’s education can be part of
national education systems (UNHCR, 2012). The insertion of refugees in
state education arrangements has been implemented as a universal policy
approach, but the outline of annexation is different (Peterson, 2020). India’s
policy towards the Sri Lankan Tamil and Tibetan refugees is inclusive. Thus,
the government of India and local administrations have directly provided
benefits to these two refugee groups. Furthermore, Sri Lankan Tamil
refugees get extra-care due to the political support of India Tamil-led
political parties such as Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and All India
Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK). Regarding Tibetan
refugees, there is a long-term diplomatic tug of war between India and
China, a tactic India uses to expose Chinese oppressive nature. In the case
of other refugee groups, India is liberal and accommodative in terms of

approving legal settlements. Refugees who have gained entry to India in the
past from Afghanistan, Myanmar, Somalia, Iraq, Pakistan, and other
countries are not well treated as India consider them a socio-economic
burden. Therefore, these refugee groups are more reliant on the UNHCR for
more facilities and support (UNCHR, 2017). However, India is continuously
granting a huge number of refugees from neighboring states in accordance
with the aims and objectives of the UNHCR. Consequently, the UNHCR
considers India a trustworthy member country in giving shelter and treating
the refugees and asylum seekers despite being the world’s second-largest
populated country. India's Citizenship Act of 1955, which works to include
persecuted minorities, is a generous move that also demonstrates progress in
accommodating refugees. Regarding refugee child education, India has
taken some steps. Several INGOs and NGOs are working towards providing
education for refugee education.
The Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019 mandated that a person who
belongs to the Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Persis, and Christian community
compelled to migrate from their homeland in neighboring Afghanistan,
Bangladesh, and Pakistan to India on or before December 31, 2014, can
become a legal citizen by appeal (Shanker, 2020). Thus, Hindus, Sikhs,
Jains, Buddhists, Christians, and Paris who are victims of religious
persecution in Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan have a right to migrate
to India, and their children have the right to receive education in Indian
educational institutions. Muslims have been eliminated from the list by the
logic that the country was divided based on religion in 1947 and the Muslim
population created a separate state for their own. However, the state is not
denying the citizenship rights of Muslims who have sought citizenship in
India.
REFUGEES IN INDIA
India is a refugee receiving country. It has warmly received Tibetans,

Sri Lankan Tamils, Afghan Sikhs, Pakistani Hindus and Christians, and
Chakmas from Bangladesh as refugees.

It has, also, provided shelter to other refugees from Afghanistan,

Myanmar, and African and Middle Eastern countries. This section presents
the discussion of five refugee groups in India including Afghan refugees,
East Pakistani refugees, Pakistani refugees, Sri Lankan Tamil refugees, and
Tibetan refugees.
Afghan Refugees
Historically, Afghan people are well connected with India. India is a

destination for Afghan traders who are well-known as Kabluiwalas (people
who are from Kabul). These Afghans used to travel crossways the highlands
to sell spices, dry fruits, and attars (perfumes) (Tagore, 1892). Afghanistan
is unsafe for minority Sikhs and Hindus during the 1990s. Due to continuous
persecution and uncertainty of life, Afghan minorities have taken shelter in
India, especially in Delhi in the early 1990s (Bose, 2004). The influx of
Afghan refugees began in 1979 when Soviets invaded Afghanistan and has
continued throughout the Taliban regime. In earlier times, mainly Hindu and
Sikh refugees used to come to India, but later on, due to security reasons, the
ethnic Taliban started to come to India (Venkatraman,2016). The UNHCR
report (2019) states that almost 200,000 Afghan refugees are currently living
in different parts of India. However, the number of registered Afghan
refugees in India is only 11,000 (DW, 2020). Initially, India granted
citizenship to Hindu and Sikh Afghans who entered India after escaping the
violence in their homeland (Bose, 2004). Since 1999, the Indian
Government’s Foreigners Regional Registration Office dropped to
reintroduce their habitation visas. However, India has allowed the UNHCR
to operate programs and provide facilities such as emergency assistance,
occupational training, lawful advice, immigration support, employment, and
other basic amenities (Louie Albert, et al., 2020).

East Pakistani Refugees
India has witnessed two major waves of influxes of East Pakistani

refugees (now Bangladesh) since its independence. The first influx was seen
in 1947 during the partition of India and Pakistan, and the second influx
occurred in 1971 during the liberation war of Bangladesh. In 1971, India
gave accommodation to 10 million refugees who were fleeing the war
between the Pakistani Army and Bangladeshi forces (Louie Albert et al.,
2020). Most of the early refugees from East Bengal (Bangladesh) belonged
to the upper and middle caste Hindu groups who are known as thebhadraloks
(educated and financially sound gentlemen). They settled mainly in the
urban areas in Kolkata (formerly Calcutta).
The continuous conflicts between the Bangladeshi refugees and the local
communities have often stimulated violence, resulting in death. The conflict
is often brutal in some north-eastern states including Assam, Manipur, and
Tripura. This is because Bangladeshi refugees and the continuous flow of
illegal immigrants have altered the social demography of the area and made
the locals a minority in their homeland, as claimed by the local communities
and tribal groups. For instance, more than 80 people died due to the clash
between the locals and Bangladeshi refugees in Assam in 2012 (Louie Albert
et al., 2020).
West Pakistani Refugees
According to William Henderson, ‘partition of the densely populated

subcontinent of India in August 1947, touched off a paroxysm of fratricidal
slaughter and one of the greatest mass migrations of human
history’(Henderson, 1953). After the partition, millions of Hindu, Sikh, Jain,
and Parsi people migrated to India as refugees from West Pakistan. Most of
them left their homeland and came into India empty-handed. The refugees
of West Pakistan have settled in northern and western parts of India since
1947. Many of them have suffered economically and legally, as they could
not obtain Indian citizenship. A handful of West Pakistani refugees had also

settled in Jammu and Kashmir and due to a special character of the early
state, the non-Kashmiri people had no right to become owners of landed
property in the state. However, in 2019, after scrapping the article 370 and
35A of the Indian Constitution, the state of Jammu and Kashmir has divided
into two different union territories. On 31 October 2019, Ladak has also been
a union territory. The West Pakistani refugees are now able to hold domicile
certificates by the Union Territory Administration. Consequently, West
Pakistani refugees are getting permanent resident status and receiving Rs. 5
lakhs per family on-time financial assistance (Bhat, 2020).
Sri Lankan Tamil Refugees
Due to persecution and inhuman acts against Tamil Hindus in Sri Lanka
during the 1960s, thousands of Tamil refugees entered in Tamil Nadu. The
marginalized Sri Lankan refugees then started to live in various camps. The
Tamil Nadu government is very generous towards the Tamil refugees and
their children due to ethnic sentiments. About One Lakh Tamil refugees are
residing in Tamil Nadu out of which 59,714 people live in 107 refugee
camps and about 30,000 live outside the camps (Prathap, 2019). The
political parties of Tamil Nadu are supportive to Tamil refugees and they
have demanded a dual citizenship option for the Tamil refugees.
In recent years, most Tamil refugees are living in state-run camps, and
those suspected of The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) affiliation
are imprisoned in ‘special camps’, while some dwell outside the camps. The
government of India provides assistance and ration of elementary supplies
and services including shelter, healthcare, electricity, sanitation facilities
and free education to Tamil refugees who live inside the camps. Tamil
refugee who live outside the camps are often the middle and upper-middle
class people and do not receive government aid. Due to LTTE activities, the
government of India constantly monitored Tamil refugees in the camps and
imposed restrictions on their movement. As a result, the chances of job
opportunities and integration with local communities are very difficult and
limited (Louie Albert et al., 2020).

Tibetan Refugees
In 1959, due to Chinese aggression and operation, the Dalai Lama, along
with 100,000 followers, fled Tibet and arrived in India seeking political
asylum. The government of India granted asylum to Tibetans on
humanitarian grounds. Consequently, the relationship between China and
India took a significant blow. Tensions on border issues between the two
nations and Chinese violation on Indian Territory started to increase with a
higher occurrence in the wake of New Delhi’s decision to offer a haven to
these fleeing Tibetans. The Tibetan refugees settled in Dharamshala,
Himachal Pradesh in India. Currently, around 85,000 Tibetan refugees are
living in India (Louie Albert et al., 2020). There are some reasons behind
the special treatment of Tibetan refugees in India which, include: (1)
consideration of Buddhism and peace; (2) diplomatic equation with China;
and (3) Tibetan refugees have no voting rights in India.Tibetan refugees
have residential certificates that they need to renew once a year. Tibetan
refugees are moderately skilled, self-sufficient, hardworking, and
disciplined. They have the commercial ability and separate organization to
work.
The Indian government and the UNHCR have declared Tibetans in exile
as refugees and have helped to resettle them away from their homeland. The
Tibetan refugees have been continuously living with other local Indian
citizens and considered as a ‘peaceful’ community (Louie Albert et al.,
2020).
Rohingya Refugees
The Rohingya are the most persecuted ethnoreligious group of people in

the world who have been tortured by the military, police, clergy, and
majority Buddhist people of Myanmar (Prodip, 2017). According to
Huennekes (2018),‘the Rohingya are a homeless Muslim marginal from the
north-western province Rakhine in Myanmar who are subjected to illogical
arrests, compulsory labour, rape, genocide, and land confiscation’

(Huennekes, 2018). Since 2014, many Rohingya people have been obliged
to flee their country and found shelter in Bangladesh, Thailand, Indonesia,
Cambodia, Laos, India and other countries. Nearly 40,000 Rohingya
Muslims and a small group of Christians are in India (Louie Albert et al.,
2020). Since then, the Rohingya people have been settled in informal camps
in Jammu, Delhi, Hyderabad, and Jaipur, and some parts of West Bengal.
The West Bengal government is comparatively generous to the Rohingya
people. However, Rohingya are living in unhygienic conditions and
surviving through casual construction work. In the absenteeism of a
legitimate outline for handling refugees, India planned to send them to
Myanmar. Moreover, several Rohingyas have been sent to prisons as they
are treated as illegal migrants in India and their children are sent back home.
At present, there are nearly 100 Rohingya Muslims lodged in various prisons
in West Bengal. Rohingya students in the national capital are slowly but
surely heading towards a better life, with improved access to education and
a promise for a better life (Arulappan, 2019).
Currently, the UN Refugee Agency in India recognizes 16,500
Rohingyas. The current BJP-led government has focused on Hindu
nationalist ideology to implement the Hindu majoritarian agenda (Mander,
2020). This government considers them illegal settlers and not refugees
arguing that Rohingyas in India pose a ‘threat’ to national security.
Notwithstanding, the Rohingyas settled in different parts of India without
legal papers making them more vulnerable to potential threats, violence, and
poor living standards (Louie Albert et al., 2020).
EDUCATION FOR REFUGEE CHILDREN IN INDIA
There is no official education policy for refugee children in India.

However, some INGOs and National NGOs are currently providing
education to refugee children and youths in India.

Afghan Refugee Child Education
Many Afghan refugees live in the Lajpat Nagar area of Delhi and some
groups are working to offer elementary education to their children. One of
the active organizations is the Bridges Academy. It is an NGO located at
Lajpat Nagar in Delhi which is working on the education of Afghan refugee
children. The academy is allowing hundreds of Afghan children to learn
basic science, mathematics, social science, and English. The ratio of teachers
and students stands at 1:30. The institute is following an international
standard of high school education system called General Educational
Development (GED). If the refugee students qualify for this examination
and ensure a high school certificate, they can be admitted to maximum of
the universities in Canada and the US. The government of India has given a
provision for Afghan students to participate in the National Institute of Open
Schooling (NIOS) through which, Afghan children may accept dual
certificates (The Asian Age, 2017). However, both the education providers
and the receivers face a communication problem with academic instructions.
This problem is because the language of Afghan refugees is different from
the education providers in India. To develop the communication skills of
Afghan children, this institute is providing special language care.
East Pakistani Refugee Child Education
The children of East Pakistani Bengali refugee camps in West Bengal

were not privileged to receive a formal education. The East Pakistani
refugees had also settled in Tripura and Assam during the partition in 1947.
The Tripura government had arranged requirements for the Bengali refugees
and tried to incorporate refugee children into the state education system. On
October 15, 1971, the government of India had given a data on East
Paklistani refugee influx in Tripura. As per data, between 1947 to February
1971, about 5.17 lakh East Pakistani Bengali refugees entered into Tripura
(Talukdar, 2018). Conversely, the Assamese government had taken a very
antagonistic attitude towards the Bengali refugees. The situation has been

made worse after passing the CAA in 2019. Initially, the Bengali refugees
could study in their indigenous language despite the non-cooperation of the
indigenous Assamese people. In Assam and the North East India, the effect
of CAAA has not only been political issue, but also an identity one (Dhavan,
2019). Now, the third-generation Bengali have been compelled to study in
the Assamese language. Day by day, the number of Bengali medium schools
for refugees has been reduced. Most refugee camps are situated in Kolkata
surrounded areas. They are now receiving citizenship and their children are
getting the necessary basic education. Over the times, East Pakistani
refugees have been integrated into mainstream society and their children
have been receiving educational facilities from the government.
After ensuring the basic requirement of their livelihood, members of the
colony tried to establish schools in their colonies and send their children to
West Bengal State government-run primary schools. Some colonies
collectively developed schools for the education of their children and tried
to establish a linkage with the government for receiving aid (Roy, 2012).
The colony-dwellers succeeded to form the schools and gradually were able
to overcome their financial constraints in managing various jobs and small
businesses.
West Pakistani Refugee Child Education
West Pakistani refugees settled down in Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir,

Uttar Pradesh, and Delhi. Initially, the government of India arranged
education for refugee children in government schools. Indian Sikh
community also helped a lot in educating refugee children. In recent years,
the Sikh community strongly argues for providing formal education to
refugee children in local schools on humanitarian grounds. They have talked
to the Directorate of Education and Delhi’s Education Ministry to provide
them with education free of charge. A few children have managed to be
registered for admission in the school, but not all of them could get
admission. Before passing the Citizens Amendment Act of 2019 (CAA), the
Pakistani Hindu and Sikh refugees had to face many difficulties to be

admitted to schools. After the CAA, officially, Pakistani refugee children

can be admitted to Indian schools (Katiyar, 2020).
Sri Lankan Tamil Refugee Child Education
A good thing has been noticed in Tamil refugee camps in Tamil Nadu is
that parents of refugee children are literate. So, the parents can provide
elementary education for their children and they are very serious to send
their children to refugee schools for further education. The active role of the
NGO and the local administration have jointly initiated to provide a better
atmosphere in the refugee sites. The case of Sri Lankan Tamil refugees is
exceptional in comparison with other refugees in India. The reason being,
Sri Lankan Tamil refugees have a deep-rooted relationship with the Tamil
people of India. Due to the ethnic affinity, Tamil political parties such as
DMK and AIDMK always applied a favourable policy towards Tamil
refugees. As such, the state government of Tamil Nadu has been successful
in managing the issue of Sri Lankan refugee child education through
alternative channels. However, after the introduction of the Citizenship
Amendment Act 2019, Sri Lankan refugees in Tamil Nadu have been
disadvantaged because there is no particular provision for the refugees from
Sri Lanka (Valatheeswaran & Rajan, 2011).
Due to the lack of government policy on the education of refugee
children, the onus of educating the refugee children has fallen on the NGOs.
A non-governmental organization (NGO) has been dynamically assisting in
vaccination, food supplementation, among others, especially to under-five
children and expecting women in this population. This NGO has built
common public toilets at the boundary of the refugee site. Furthermore,
some members of the camps are being trained by the NGO to provide pre-
primary and pre-school education. For instance, Organization foe Eelam
Refugees Rehabulitation (OfERR) arraned a variety of programs to promote
education among Sri Lanka Tamil: nursery education, primary and
secondary schooling, eveningclasses, higher education, computer training,
and school and college student forums (Mayuran, 2017, p. 77). It is

noteworthy that basic education is confirmed for each chaild in the camps.
OfERR also assists the poor students to access higher education by offering
scholarship. More than 3,526 students have already completed their
graduations or diplomas include banking, IT, nedicine, engineering,
business, and social work. The government of Tamil Nadu state support in
permitting access to higher education for Tamil refugees (Mayuran, 2017).
Tibetan Refugee Child Education
More than 120,000 Tibetans are living in India (DeHart, 2013). The aim
of founding distinct schools for Tibetan refugee children in India was to
provide quality modern education to refugee children and conservancy of
the Tibetan language and culture. The Tibetan people are committed to
cultural and spiritual education alongside modern education. The Tibetan
refugee community, NGOs, and the government of India have established
60 separate schools for Tibetan refugee children in India. The Tibetan
Children’s Villages (TCV) School is one of them, which was established in
1960. Initially, the Tibetan parents in exile funded the TCV School. In recent
years, TCV School Lower Dharamshala is considered as a high standard
school with both primary and secondary level education. TCV school
provides guidance and career information service to students that they can
prepare themselves to seek admission in colleges and progress through
scholarship program offices. As of December 2017, there were 2000
students who studied in various fields of higher studies or training. Tibetan
refugees in India receive higher studies through the Dalai Lama Institute for
Higher Education in Bangalore run by the TCV. The higher studies include
general university degrees, vocational, professional, diplomas, and research
courses. Until 2010, more than 600 Tibetan refugee students received
overseas scholarships for higher studies in many developed nations such as
Australia, Denmark, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Israel, Japan,
Mongolia, Norway, Poland, Russia, Taiwan, Thailand, Netherlands, UK and
US. Apart from the higher studies, a handful of Tibetan refugees in India
who are less academically talented but have the potential of technical skills

in various trades receive technical education through the Vocational

Training Centres (VTCs) (Rajeev, 2017).
Rohingya Child Education
Education for Rohingya refugees depends on non-state initiatives since

the Indian government does not support Rohingya education. With the
support of the UNHCR and several other NGOs such as Bosco Foundation,
Zakat Foundation, and Ubaid Sainulabdeen Peace Foundation, Rohingya
refugees are receiving their basic education in India. Ubais Sainulabdeen
Peace Foundation (USPF) provides basic education to refugee children and
youth under a project named ‘School of Humanity’ (Prathap, 2019). The
USPF has set up madrasas and learning centers at refugee camps and has
appointed teachers on a paid basis. This NGO is providing the basic
knowledge of Hindi and English to Rohingya children. The basic problem
for educating the Rohingya children in India is the language barrier. Most of
the family members are uneducated and cannot speak in the local language.
Thus, both education providers and receivers face a communication hurdle
during schooling. It is also noticed that they have no strong desire for
educating their children.
Rohingya children are facing systematic violence, which is organized by
some local people who are against of Rohingya refugees. Some violence is
politically motivated by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The family
members of Rohingya are being forced on many issues in the camps, which
generate problems in child education to the respective families (Pande &
Das, 2018). Rohingya refugees are living in the Kalindi Kunj refugee camp
in Delhi and the adjacent areas of the refugee camp are defamed for anti-
social activities where, local criminals often torture Rohingya children. In
Delhi, a privately run school named Gyandeep Vidya Mandir is educating
the Rohingya children up to class-VIII. The government of India in
collaboration with the UNHCR has taken a new initiative for the education
and health security of refugee children in India to which, the Rohingya

children are beneficiaries. Additionally, some individuals offer tuition to the

Rohingya people in Delhi (Pande & Das, 2018).
Some Rohingya children attend non-governmental aided Madrasa to
learn Quran and Islamic education. Most of Hyderabad’s Rohingya live in
makeshift camps and small settlements on donated land scattered across the
city’s outskirts. In West Bengal, the Rohingya people have been temporarily
settled in Hardaha and Baraipur of South 24 Parganas district. Some Muslim
NGOs are helping them and trying to educate them. The favourable
treatment of the Rohingya refugees by the government of West Bengal is
justified by the fact that the government has a pro-minority policy and hence,
the allegation of minority appeasement against it. Despite the lack of an
education policy of the government of West Bengal regarding the Rohingya
refugee child education, it is friendly towards Rohingya refugees
(Khandekar, 2017). At the center, the BJP-led government has instructed the
state governments to identify the illegal Rohingya immigrants and to deport
them, but the West Bengal government is sympathetic to Rohingya (Kundu,
2018), who are living at Harda village under Baruipur South 24 Parganas
(S). Local NGOs too have taken some initiatives for the education of
Refugee children.
REASONS BEHIND THE LACK OF POLICY

ON REFUGEE CHILD EDUCATION
There is no separate policy for refugee child education in India. There

were some basic reasons for not adopting a particular refugee policy in India.
First, different waves of influxes have created unusual difficulties for India
since its partition in 1947. It was very difficult for India to accommodate
many kinds of refugees through a particular legal framework and take the
responsibilities for their shelter, food, jobs, health, and education. Second,
social and legal issues are also responsible for not introducing an integrated
policy for refugee education in India. Consequently, India was not able to
manage the over-burdened refugee crisis in different states. Furthermore, the

lack of financial assistance from the aid agencies discouraged India from
formulating a policy for refugee education. Third, the members of the civil
society were divided into two parts regarding the accommodative policy
towards the refugees. Moreover, many non-bordering people were against
refugee entry and settlement. For instance, Assam has held a negative view
of refugees due to the protection of their identity. Due to the anti-refugee
attitude of the Assamese government and other North-eastern states, it was
very difficult for the Central government to formulate a policy framework
for the refugees. Some political parties and civil society members were very
critical about the generous policy of India. Thus, it was very difficult for
India to make a bridge between international obligations and domestic legal
framework for effective implementation of refugee children’s education in
India (Vijayakumar, 2002).
CONCLUSION
This book chapter examined to what extent and how the government of
India and its different states provide education to different kinds of refugee
children in India. Based on the existing literature, this chapter found that
India does not have a separate education policy for the refugees since India
is not a signatory party to the 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status
of Refugee and its 1967 protocol. India provides education to refugee
children on humanitarian grounds although the treatments towards refugees
vary based on nationalities and religions. The Afghan, Tibetan and Sri
Lankan Tamil refugee children receive special measures from the Indian
government concerning their education while, East and West Pakistani
refugees, as well as Rohingya refugees, are neglected. Considering the
diplomatic equation and domestic politics, the state governments of India,
with the help of INGOs and NGOs, arrange quality education for Tibetan
and Tamil refugees. Afghan refugees who are Hindu and Sikh also receive
educational facilities from the Indian government. Indiadoes not offer
educational assistance for East and West Pakistani refugees as well as

Rohingya refugees. This is because most of these refugees are Muslims and
as a result, these refugee children receive basic education in the camps.
Several issues including language, non-cooperation of the locals, lack of
financial resources, violence and harassment create an obstacle to refugee
education in India. Furthermore, the recent Citizenship (Amendment) Act
(CAA), 2019 has made the future of refugee children uncertain in India. The
refugees, especially Muslims, are in a more vulnerable condition after the
enactment of the CAA in Assam. As a result, Muslim refugee children will
be deprived of getting education from the Indian government.
Overall, the education policy for refugees in India has become
complicated and politicized. India’s country-specific treatment towards
refugees and their education shows clear discrimination in ensuring quality
education among the different kinds of refugee children in India.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on the above discussions, some recommendations are provided to

progress the excellence of refugee child education in India, as follows:
1) The government of India should consider the formulation of refugee

child education after CAA of 2019. After passing the CAA of 2019,
the government of India will no longer entertain illegal refugees
from any country. As for the existing refugees, the government of
India can consult with the concerned states to formulate an
education policy for the refugee children following the basic
principles of the UN declaration of human rights.
2) The state government and NGOs must get and confirm essential
information on the children’s family-background.
3) Education guidelines and suitable interventions should be in place
regarding refugee children before they attain in schools.
4) The government should develop prospects to confirm their
observation to work fruitfully with refugee children. Intensive
association with government and policymakers is desirable to

overcome the challenges. Helpers are indispensable for both the

evaluation and teaching of refugee children to learn the native
language (Hoota, 2011).
5) After figuring out the total refugee camps in India, a common policy
can be formulated for the refugee children following the Right to
Education Act (2009). There is a need to frame and implement an
appropriate policy under which every child across the country will
come under one education ambit. Since the government has taken
the policy of accommodation, trivializing it is also a responsibility
of the government to accommodate everyone in the education
system.
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Chapter 6
UNDERSTANDING REFUGEE EDUCATION:

AN ASSESSMENT OF AFGHAN REFUGEES
IN PAKISTAN AND INDIA THROUGH
POLICY ANALYSIS
Sukanya Mukherjee
Sammilani Mahavidyalaya, Kolkata, West Bengal, India
ABSTRACT
Education for Refugee children is one of the most sensitive issues in

the world today. Due to conflict and persecution, Refugee children usually
drop out of schools as they are forced to seek refuge in other countries.
Refugees in some countries face numerous restrictions on their entrance in
national schools and have access solely to unregistered, non-formal and
informal schools. As a result, they are deprived of receiving the formal
secondary and tertiary level of education. The emerging issues related to
Afghan refugee education are also no exception in this regard. There are

Corresponding Author’s E-mail: sukanya.kgp@gmail.com.

146 Sukanya Mukherjee
almost 2.5 million registered refugees from the Islamic State of

Afghanistan, which comprise the second-largest expatriate population in
the world. Most Afghan refugees (95%) are in Pakistan and Iran, with a
smaller number in India. This chapter explores the underlying causes that
hinder Afghan refugee education in Pakistan and India. This is a document
review based on secondary data. The chapter tries to focus on some
important policies through which Afghan refugee education (mainly
situated in Pakistan and India) constantly changing to a new move. This
chapter also argues that both Pakistan and India have been facing
immeasurable challenges to secure the right to education of Afghan
refugees which might be eliminated through robust policy
recommendations as well as cooperation at national and international level.
Keywords: Refugee children, education, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India
INTRODUCTION
Education is an essential component for human development by which

displaced and marginalized migrants can elevate themselves out of
impoverishment and participate meaningfully in developmental activities in
the society. Providing amenities to learn and progress can empower refugee
children and adults to steer fulfilling lives, their goals, development of
personality and other constitutive means for the full realization of human
rights (UNESCO, 2019). People, who are forced to migrate to other
countries and geographic locations due to problems experienced in their
lands and referred to as refugees, actually bring several problems (especially
in the field of socio-economic and cultural) with them out of which the
subject of the right to education is a grievous blow. The uncertainty of
education exposes refugee children to the real world challenges through a
life of struggle and depravity (Arabaci, 2014, p. 668). According to
UNHCR’s report, in 2018, approximately 35% of exile kids weren’t
attending primary school programs and nearly 75% of adolescents weren’t
attending secondary school. Only 3% of refugees were listed in tertiary
education internationally compared to 37% of non-refugee students
(UNHCR, 2019a).

Understanding Refugee Education 147
Several challenges regarding right to education for refugees are not

solely restricted to childhood. The average period that an expatriate spends
in exile is more or less 20 years, that is quite a whole childhood. Thus, a
lifelong learning perspective must be taken into account (UNESCO, 2019).
For instance, Afghan refugees are some of the largest displaced populations
in the world. Three decades of continual conflict has driven the education of
Afghan refugee children discontinued or restrained, due to suffering with
various challenges that are primarily outside their control (Jenner, 2015).
Today, almost 2.5 million Afghans remain in exile, primarily hosted by
Pakistan and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Pakistan is the second-largest
refugee-hosting nation all-inclusive, hosting around 1.5 million Afghan
outcasts, a figure that accounts for 10.5% of the total refugee population in
the world. Iran has around 950,000 Afghan refugees in their land (Jenner,
2015). Along with Pakistan and Iran, it is noteworthy that India has a long
tradition of opening borders for Afghan refugees. Since the Soviet invasion
of 1979 and the collapse of Taliban regimen in 2001, India has been a host
country for Afghan refugees (Akcapar, 2017, p. 124). According to the
UNHCR Report (2018), there were 195,891 refugees in India; almost 11,000
are from Afghanistan. This figure excludes asylum-seekers and others who
are either not enrolled with the United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) or stay undocumented (Saxena, 2020). Over 60% of the
12,000 Afghan displaced people enlisted in India are Hindu and Sikh who
initially went to Afghanistan from Punjab (Akcapar, 2017, p 124). On the
subject of refugee children, it was reported that almost 16% of Afghan
refugee children are not enlisted in any type of school in India due to
monetary constraints (JIPS, 2013).
Repatriation could be a better solution for the Afghan refugees and their
children to secure their future. However, the political and economic situation
of Afghanistan is still too volatile for them to go back to their home county.
Therefore, alternative strategies need to be worked out to manage the
refugee population and their education (Ghufran, 2006, p. 84). With the help
of UNHCR, several initiatives have already been taken by the government
of Pakistan and India to protect the right to education of Afghan refugees.
However, there are still some impediments which require careful study to

address. In this backdrop, this book chapter explores the underlying causes
that hinder Afghan refugees from receiving education in Pakistan and India.
AFGHAN REFUGEES IN PAKISTAN AND INDIA
Education enables children and youth to flourish from all aspects of life,
not just to survive. The right to education is vital for every child, but it can
provide awareness and skills for refugee children to rebuild their lives and
help them move forward, for themselves and their families, to a more stable
and prosperous future (UNHCR, 2016a). But in reality, the failure to provide
education for more than 5 million school-age refugees and, on the other
hand, constant conflicts and increased forced displacement ultimately reflect
the lack of stability and sustainable development opportunities. A solution
to those goals, peace and prosperity, and helping refugee children to fulfil
their potential and desires, can only be a good standard of education for all.
Millions of Afghan men, women and children have been forced to leave
their homes and seek shelter in foreign lands by decades of conflict, war,
and serious human rights violations. Though figures have fluctuated over the
years and a range of waves have been identified, according to the UNHCR’s
report (2018), the second-largest refugee group in the world is still Afghan
refugees. The two immediate neighbors, Pakistan or Iran, has been ranked
as the world’s top refugee-hosting country since the mass migration started
in 1979, particularly after the Saur Revolution in Afghanistan (Ghosh,
2018).
An investigation about historical research on Afghan displaced people
appears that the initial wave of Afghan outcasts to Pakistan begun in the late
1970s, during the Soviet-Afghan war. In 1978, when the Marxist People’s
Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) toppled the government of
Muhammad Daoud, a massive number of Afghans started fleeing their
nation. As the PDPA became increasingly splintered after the Soviet Union
invaded in December 1979, the influx of refugees intensified, ostensibly to
restore peace to the region. Whereas political infighting was certainly an
issue, some researchers contended that Afghanistan’s administration had

started maintaining a strategic distance from Moscow by making decisions

without Soviet consent. The Soviet effort to rule the Afghans was
exceedingly brutal, including the alleged use of torment and collective
punishment (Margesson, 2007, p. 2). Because of these barbarities, around
3.7 million refugees had fled to Pakistan and Iran by the beginning of 1981.
In spite of the fact that Afghan nationals moved to Pakistan earlier to the
Soviet attack on Afghanistan in 1979, it was primarily limited to issues like
exchange, the search for work opportunities and visiting family members.
Following the Soviet invasion in 1979, the first reported mass influx of
Afghans into Asian countries began. It is guesstimated that over six million
Afghan evacuees in that invasion (Khan, 2017, pp. 43-44). There were more
than four million Afghans by the end of 2001, while most of them have
returned to Afghanistan since 2002. Accroding to the report of the UNHCR,
there are almost 1.4 million registered Afghan citizens who remained in
Pakistan, distributed as follows: Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (81%), Punjab
(10%), Balochistan (7%) and Sindh (1%) (UNHCR, 2018a).
Many of the Afghan refugees settled in Pakistan’s Pashtun region, which
was the previous North-West Frontier Province, presently Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA).
Others settled within the territory of Balochistan where refugee camps were
set up and supervised by UNHCR, the CCAR (Pakistani Chief
Commissionerate for Afghan Refugees) and a section of the Ministry of
States and Frontier Regions (SAFRON) (Khan, 2017, pp. 43-44). It is
noteworthy, in this context, that approximately one million immigrants are
living in those areas without accurate credentials, out of which, the bulks are
second or third-generation refugees, born in Pakistan. Nonetheless, they are
not labelled as Pakistani citizen. They typically carry a Proof of Registration
(PoR) card instead of having dark green Pakistani passports and national
identity cards. This card, entitles them to provisional legal status within the
nation and also to freedom of movement within the territory (Siddiqui,
2019). Many times, they are prohibited from buying properties such as
vehicles, goods and sometime even SIM cards by several business groups
and residents of Islamabad. It is not possible for them to go to public school,
colleges or universities. Day after day, refugees live with looming risk of

being exiled to a rustic place that they do not have to set foot on (Siddiqui,
2019). These reasons create a substantial psychological impact on refugee
children from which they may not easily recover.
Besides Pakistan, some Afghans also sought refuge in India, another
regional country with long-standing relations with Afghanistan. Due to its
geographical proximity, historical ties and relatively peaceful political
environment, India has been a preferred destination for several Afghans that
have had to leave the country. In India, most Afghan refugees are situated in
and around Delhi, Faridabad, and Haryana. In spite of living in India for a
long time, just like the case of immigrants living in India since the Soviet
invasion back in 1979, they get very little or no rights because of their lack
of identity as voters or citizens. Furthermore, there is no adequate policy in
place to tackle the identity issues. This statelessness makes it very hard for
Afghan refugees to experience any sort of upward social mobility
considering the restricted choices, particularly in the field of education, that
creates trouble to make entry into the formal sector and leaving them only
with unskilled underpaying jobs (Arabandi). As there is no specific law in
India sketching out the rights of refugees or displaced persons, the
government generally deals with such situations according to the Foreigners
Act of 1946 and also the Citizenship Act of 1955, which includes all
foreigners, non-native within the nation. This implies that there is no
difference in India between economic migrants and those who fleeing war,
violence and prosecution are treated like same (Danish Refugee Council,
2017). Recently, the government has been trying to strengthen her strategic
relations with Afghanistan as well as with international organizations like
UNHCR to address the issue of the right to education of Afghan refugees.
REFUGEE EDUCATION AS AN ACADEMIC DISCIPLINE
The study of refugee education in international relations has been

addressed by several scholars writing from different intellectual
perspectives. The book Learning for A Future: Refugee Education in
Developing Countries (2001) edited by Jeff Crisp, Christopher Talbot and

Daiana B. Cipollone is mainly the collection of research papers which were

presented at a 2001 workshop conducted by United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Some chapters deal with such
principles in the field of refugee education in developing countries like rapid
educational response, community-based approach, training of refugee
teachers and school management systems. Others, such as Quality in the
sense of teaching-learning process, gender discrimination, donation or
funding related issues, the significance of skill training program and policy
guidelines are also highlighted in this book with selective case studies.
The article Civic Education and the Education of Refugees (2020)
written by Sarah Dryden-Peterson highlights the incorporation of refugees
in national educational framework systems, which has now been rapidly
accepted as an approach to global policy. By clarifying this need, she
primarily contended that the shift has facilitated systemic inclusion of
refugees in national schooling but has not sufficiently connected with the
relational process of inclusion which has been portrayed into two problems.
Firstly, the predicament of nation-state-centric educational program and
national narratives that do not incorporate refugees. Secondly, the dilemma
of marginalisation of refugees within national educational structures and
inadequate spaces for refugees to imagine or perform civic behaviors.
The Global Framework for Refugee Education prepared by the Global
Refugee Forum Education Co-Sponsorship Alliance (2019) mainly aims to
provide global assistance for refugee education and host communities in
order to fulfil the promises of the Global Compact on Refugees (GCR). The
goal of the GCR is to reinforce the international response to massive exile
movements and protracted refugee status. Its four principal targets are: (a)
to release pressure on refugee host countries; (b) to improve self-reliance of
refugees; (c) to extend access to solutions from third-countries; and (d) to
enable conditions in the nation of origin to return with security and dignity
(UNHCR, 2018). This report also highlights the commitment of SDG4
(Sustainable Development Goals), which aims to ‘ensure inclusive and
equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for
all’ by 2030. This framework has divided its work into mainly three parts:

insertion in national educational framework, qualifications and job skills and

emergency response.
The report Afghan Displacement Summary: Migration to India (2017,
October) prepared by the Danish Refugee Council and Mixed Migration
Monitoring Initiative (4Mi) is dealt with in the interviews with 136 Afghans
conducted during 2016-2017. The report focuses on such issues like the
factors related to Afghan migration in India, government policy for the
safeguard of Afghan refugees and asylum seekers.
The article Refugee Education: The Crossroads of Globalization (2016)
written by Sarah Dryden-Peterson illuminates the social condition of refugee
children caught between the global assurance of universal human rights, the
concept of citizenship rights, and the application of these sets of rights in
regular form. The author tries to make a comparative study between
normative aspirations, doctrines regarding refugees’ societal upliftment and
governmental mechanisms that minimize the ability of refugees to activate
their rights to education, work, and take part in social activities.
The article INEE Minimum Standards: A Tool for Education Quality
Assessment in Afghan Refugee Schools in Pakistan (2007) written by
Katayon Qahir and Jackie Kirk focuses on the minimum standard review in
Afghan refugee schools assisted by the International Rescue Committee’s
Female Education Program in the North West Frontier Province of Pakistan.
Another important article (Re)Building A Feeling of Belonging in
Complex Emergencies: Challenges and Opportunities in the Education of
Refugee Children through the Experiences of Afghans in Pakistan (2005)
written by Julia Dicum mainly highlights the education of Afghan refugees
in south-west Pakistan during the Taliban era. By elaborating Critical
Learning theory, the author has raised the need for developing a theoretical
understanding of refugee education for survival in complex emergency
environments.
The article (Human) security dilemmas: long-term implications of the
Afghan refugee crisis (2002) written by Susanne Schmeidl analyzes the
security questions in the context of refugee studies or forced migration
studies in South Asia, with special reference to the Afghan refugee crisis.
The author has also warned about the missed opportunities for refugees,

power politics and negligence of national and international actors to

positively solve the security matter.
Amina Khan (2017) in her article Protracted Afghan Refugee situation:
Policy options for Pakistan focuses on the changing status of Afghan
refugees in Pakistan since 1979. She highlights that during the last few years,
Afghan refugees have become an issue of concern for Pakistan due to
domestic constraints, a weak economy, refugee fatigue, increase in crime,
declining donor assistance and the threat of terrorism. Although the
government of Pakistan has started the process of voluntary repatriation of
Afghan refugees, the reluctant nature of the refugees to go back to their home
country has created an obstacle the process.
The article The Afghan Refugees in Pakistan (2011) written by Frederic
Grare and William Maley tries to elaborate the condition of Afghan refugees
in Pakistan from two perspectives namely (a) the humanitarian perspective
and (b) the political or military perspective. Politically, the role of Pakistan
government, the interference of international actors and its impact on
Pakistan’s economy have also been highlighted in this section.
Much of the work has traditionally focused on the status of Afghan
refugees in general. The study related to the problem faced by Afghan
children in the educational field is somehow ignored by many scholars.
Although many policies have already been made nationally, as well as
internationally, which has been highlighted in most of the mentioned works,
the plight of Afghan refugee education in Pakistan and India has been largely
neglected in the field of academia. The present study attempts to understand
the status of education of Afghan refugee children in Pakistan and India
followed by some research questions as follows:
1. What are the major governmental as well as non-governmental

initiatives taken by Pakistan and India for the educational
development of Afghan refugees?
2. What are the key challenges that the Afghan refugee children face
with regards to their access to quality education in Pakistan and
India?

METHODOLOGY
In order to understand the educational status of Afghan refugees in

Pakistan and India, the methodology of this chapter has been largely
prepared based on descriptive and analytical methods of document review.
However, the methodological perspective of the study is located in
normative approaches, which were found to be appropriate, given the nature
of the research questions, and which attempts to understand the real
scenarios faced by Afghan refugee children in Pakistan and India. However,
information gathered from various secondary sources such as books, articles,
reports, policy papers helped to understand the subject in depth.
POLICIES INITIATED BY PAKISTAN
As one of the largest refugee host countries, Pakistan has been hosting
millions of Afghan refugees over the last four decades. Pakistan is not a
signatory party to the UN’s 1951 Refugee Convention or its succeeding
protocols, which indicates that there is no clear-cut policy on how to handle
refugees in Pakistan (Bose, 2007). The issue of access to education for
Afghan refugees in Pakistan sits with an extremely challenging domain in
the context of national education. Pakistan has the second-largest number of
out-of-school children in the world, with an estimated 25 million its children
out-of-school (Jenner, 2015). As reported in the UNHCR report (2017), 39%
of Afghan refugees registered with UNHCR in Pakistan are school-aged
children between 5-18 years old. Of these registered school-aged children,
22% of them received formal education out of 25 high-density Afghan
populated districts and 45 refugee villages in Pakistan as per the findings of
UNHCR’s mapping exercise. This number does not reflect that all the
refugee children have enrolled in school (UNHCR, 2019b).
Despite having socio-economic challenges, the government of Pakistan
has placed the highest priority on protecting and assisting refugees,
including maintaining an open and generous approach to enable Afghan

refugee children to have access to public schools (UNHCR, 2019c). The

change of the UNHCR Education Strategy comes on the theme of the
fortieth year of Afghans’ cross-border translocation toward Pakistan. As
such, it focuses on the prolonged nature of the condition of Afghan refugees
and proposes solutions that encapsulate the right of children and youth to
education as enshrined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC).
It aims to support the Government of Pakistan in creating the most
favourable social environment for continuing to protect refugees. It provides
good quality education on an equal basis to all Afghan refugees with the
following goals: (1) Access to quality primary, secondary and tertiary
education; (2) Increase girls’ participation in education; (3) Include refugees
within the public education programs and systems; and (4) Strengthen the
linkages to education pathways (UNHCR, 2019d). As articulated in
UNHCR’s ‘Refugee Education Strategy – Pakistan 2020-2022,’ for the past
forty years UNHCR has funded the refugee education programs in Pakistan
where over 146 schools in the refugee villages (out of which 103 schools are
in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, 35 in Balochistan, and 08 in Punjab) are running
for the educational upliftment of 56,000 children. UNHCR continues to help
students in obtaining a quality education through the supply of textbooks,
learning materials and uniforms, alongside scholarship support to those
seeking higher education. UNHCR also supports the salaries of 1,319
teachers, education advisors and support employees in that region (UNHCR,
2019d).
Another important regulatory framework for the management of Afghan
refugees in Pakistan is the Solutions Strategy for Afghan Refugees (SSAR),
which was developed by the Islamic Republics of Afghanistan, Iran and
Pakistan. With the support of UNHCR, it was endorsed by the international
community in May 2012. The SSAR supports voluntary repatriation,
sustainable reintegration and assistance to host countries. It focuses on
creating a regional framework for joint interventions aimed at the
identification and implementation of durable solutions and providing
support to host countries (UNHCR, 2015). Added with these, the Tripartite
Commission Agreement on Voluntary Repatriation between the
Government of Pakistan, Government of Afghanistan and UNHCR, and the

Comprehensive Policy for Voluntary Repatriation and Management of

Afghan Refugees (Comprehensive Policy) are also important which was
approved by the Federal Cabinet in 2017. The Comprehensive Policy and its
accompanying decisions on the adoption of national refugee legislation and
the implementation of a flexible visa regime could effectively change the
landscape of refugee protection and migration management in Pakistan. The
flexible visa structure for different categories of Afghan refugees would
open up a legal avenue for Afghans to live, study and work in Pakistan
(UNHCR, 2018b). Under the umbrella of various positive steps, the Refugee
Affected and Hosting Areas (RAHA) project is also significant which has
allowed UNHCR to focus its efforts upon the establishment of the public
school system to support the inclusion of Afghan refugee students into the
mainstream education (UNHCR, 2016b). It is an integral part of the
government’s policy on Voluntary Repatriation and Management of Afghan
Nationals and a key component of the regional Solutions Strategy for
Afghan Refugees (2015-2017) (UNHCR, 2018c). To help the building of
capacity under the RAHA scheme, UNHCR has supported the development
of infrastructure in schools, and also the development of gender-specific
facilities in girls’ schools to ensure increased enrolment of girl child (Jenner,
2015).
Despite facing lots of challenges in the process of policy
implementation, the Government of Pakistan has taken a liberal policy of
enabling access of Afghan refugee children to public and private schools,
which is as an essential step for securing the educational upliftment of
Afghan refugees. This commitment is firmly rooted in the Constitution
(Article 25- A), which ensures free and compulsory education for all
children between 5-16 years without reference to their nationality (including
refugees). It also reaffirms Pakistan’s intent to achieve Sustainable
Development Goal-4 which, calls for inclusive and equitable education for
all (UNHCR, 2019a).

POLICIES INITIATED BY INDIA
India is host to diverse groups of refugees from various countries. In

contrast to Pakistan, India has no specific laws or cohesive policy for
refugees. All refugees are considered illegal migrants under the Foreigners
Act 1946 and under the Citizenship Act 1955 (Athray, 2020; Sanderson,
2015, p. 3). Like Pakistan, India is not a signatory party to the 1951 Refugee
Convention or its 1967 protocol on the status of Refugees. Therefore, the
protection of refugees is confined to ad-hoc measures taken by the
Government of India, leaving refugees with little protection for their civil
and political rights and virtually no legal provisions for their safety and
welfare (HRLN).
The UNHCR office located in New Delhi, registers new asylum-seekers,
processes the Refugee Status Determination (RSD) and gives a monthly
allowance for the most vulnerable section of refugees. In 2013, the UNHCR
offered various education policies for refugee children in India some of
which are the National Institute of Open Schooling (NIOS) and ‘bridge
classes’ program. For example, refugee children can enroll in the NIOS
distance-learning program. The programs’ learning materials can be in
English, which is the preferred option for Afghan refugees, necessary to get
the mainstream jobs.
Besides UNHCR and government national policy on refugee education,
there are few local NGOs that assist Afghans and other refugees to have
access to health, education, legal and vocational services. Some of these
NGOs and organizations are: BOSCO (part of Don Bosco Global Network),
The Socio-Legal Information Centre (SLIC), Gandhi National Memorial
Society (GNMS), Confederation of Voluntary Agencies (COVA),
Development and Justice Initiative (DAJI), and Save the Children (SCF)
(Danish Refugee Council & Mixed Migration Monitoring Mechanism
Initiative, 2017). For instance, BOSCO is a global organization operating in
132 countries in the world. This non-governmental organization helps
refugees upgrade their skills by providing various training programs to get
suitable jobs in the market (Business Standard, 2014). They offer
comprehensive support in education and skills training programs, language

and vocational training, health services and psychological support to Afghan

refugees as well as other refugees from Nepal, Myanmar and African
countries. Additionally, the organization tries to help refugees to get access
to government schools.
POLICIES INITIATED BY INGOS
From a liberal perspective, it is very difficult for a nation-state to solve

the problem of refugee education indigenously, rather it should depend on
the help of international organizations and also seek support from
neighboring countries. If we study major international initiatives regarding
refugee education all over the world, it can be seen that there are several
policies that have already been taken by some international organizations
out of which the role of UNHCR is very significant for the upliftment of
refugee life. UNHCR’s activities concerning refugee education are mainly
focused on improving the quality of education, maximum enrolment of
refugee children in various education institutions, increasing the number of
teachers for refugee children aiming at providing good quality of education,
among others. There are several initiatives that have already been taken by
UNHCR.
Firstly, Early Childhood Development and Education (ECDE) which
works towards the SDG goals, presenting both opportunities and challenges
in policy setting, planning, budgeting, programming and monitoring results
for young children. It refers to a continuous process through which a young
child acquires skills and abilities and develops his/her optimal physical
health, mental alertness, emotional confidence, social competence, and the
capacity to learn (UNHCR, 2019e). Secondly, children and youth who are
not in school do not get benefit from their internationally established right
to basic education. They are at greater risk of exploitation, including child
labour, early marriage, sexual and gender-based violence, and recruitment
into armed extremist groups. Participation in certified education services
which includes the formal and informal education, contributes to viable
solutions for refugees. From a universal solutions point of view, UNHCR

emphasizes multiple program access to national education systems within

the host country, when conceivable and doable (UNHCR, 2019a). Thirdly,
and most importantly, the UNHCR launched its refugee education strategy
to guide the implementation of agreed targets under SDG4 namely ‘Refugee
Education 2030: A Strategy for Refugee Inclusion’ which was released in
September, 2019. Here the term ‘inclusion’ refers to: including refugees in
national education systems of host countries; inclusion in all efforts that aim
at strengthening those systems; inclusion in bi- and multilateral funding that
supports national Education Sector Plans and programs; and inclusion in
sector analysis, planning, monitoring and reviews and education
management information systems. The inclusion approach encompasses
both targeted interventions to support refugees to successfully integrate into
national schools in both formal and certified non-formal education programs
and the overall strengthening of national systems and capacities to deliver
on SDG4 (UNHCR, 2019a). Furthermore, it has been planned by UNHCR
that it would provide 60 educational facilities for the upliftment of Afghans
by the year 2020 (UNHCR, 2019d).
OBSTACLES TO AFGHAN REFUGEE EDUCATION
The realization of the right to education for refugees poses challenges

everywhere especially in low or middle-income countries (UNESCO, 2017).
According to UNHCR’s annual Global Trends Report (2016), 85% of the
world’s refugees live in developing countries (UNHCR, 2016c). In various
forms, refugee children and youth face several challenges and barriers to
access or complete school in their host country. Despite support from
international organizations, governments, and NGOs, the situation of
Afghan refugee children in Pakistan as well as in India is poor and they face
lots of challenges and difficulties in accessing basic quality education. In
this context, it is noteworthy that through policy analysis, we can see that
both the governments of Pakistan and India have preferred to deal with
refugees on an ad-hoc basis because it provides flexibility to tackle the

refugee problem in both regions. Therefore, neither Pakistan nor India

signed the 1951 Refugee Convention or the 1967 protocol (UNHCR, 2018).
There is some common ground of challenges in the process of securing
Afghan refugee child education which has been faced by Pakistan and India,
and are briefly discussed below:
Financial Crisis
Indirect or direct schooling costs are the main constraints in accessing

education for Afghan refugees in Pakistan and India. Although primary
education is officially free in most refugee host country contexts, other costs
such as tuition fees, operational fees, exam fees, stationery, uniform and
transport charges can make school inaccessible for refugee students
(UNESCO, 2019). According to the Urban Profiling of Refugee Situations
in Delhi’s report (2013), only economically strong Afghan refugee students
or those with educated parents could support their children attended the open
school tuition classes. As a result, financially weaker students would not be
able to get the academic facilities (JIPS, 2013).
Lack of Security
Xenophobia creates a vicious cycle in perpetuating exclusion: the

condition of Afghan refugee children in Pakistan and India is no exception
in this regard. Education has been indicated as one of the main tools for
promoting ‘values of equality, non-discrimination, diversity, democracy and
respect for all.’ Xenophobia, exclusion and stigmatization can create
inhospitable or dangerous environments for children seeking to join a new
school system. This lack of security factors discourages Afghan refugee
children from attending school, leading to dropout (UNESCO, 2019). Many
Afghan refugees feel that there was no one to advise them about possible
future, career plans, and the tuition classes which they get minimally and
confined to limited subjects, such as economics, business, English and

cooking. If students desire to pursue a different study, they must depend on

relevant books and teach themselves (JIPS, 2013).
Linguistic Barriers and Discrimination
In a research report of the European Commission, it was mentioned that

children are better able to acquire literacy initially in their first language and
then to transfer those skills to the target language of instruction. Successful
schooling mostly depends on the linguistic context of the host countries and
the openness of those countries to multilingualism and intercultural
education. While learning the language of the host country is crucial in
communicating with the host community and contributing to self-esteem,
dependence and competencies in a foreign language may represent an
obstacle in learning (UNESCO, 2019). The biggest challenge facing Afghan
refugee children is language barrier. Most Afghan refugees who fled to India
have studied in the Dari language in Afghanistan and they do not have the
knowledge to study in English. In addition, Afghan refugees also explained
that the Hindi language, particularly written, is too difficult to understand
and that they prefer to attend the tuition classes in English (JIPS, 2013).
Similarly, in Pakistan, language issues, bullying and discrimination lead
Afghan refugee students to abandon school. The high level of discrimination
experienced by Afghan refugees is one the reasons they abstain from
participating in curricular activities.
Lack of Documentation
Despite having a strong motivation to pursue higher education, many

Afghan youths have failed to get access to college because of lack of the
required documentation in both countries. Particularly in India, in the field
of education and the job sector, universities and employers mostly require a
valid visa rather to accept refugee certificate provided by UNHCR (Jenner,

2015). In this regard, the certificates and diplomas of refugees are also not
recognised.
Distance/Transportation Limitations
Distance and transportation limitations for going to school or academic

institutions are some of the key challenges facing by Afghan refugees,
mainly in Pakistan. Naturally, transportation costs are often unaffordable to
refugee households. Travelling to school links with security concerns,
particularly for girls who face the fear of harassment, sexual assault and
kidnapping on the way to school (UNESCO, 2019). In India, most Afghans
mainly live in Delhi, Haryana, and Faridabad. But in the case of Pakistan,
most Afghans live in remote areas where getting smooth educational access
is cumbersome for them (CBS News, 2016).
Despite having some commonalities, there are some dissimilarities
which are discussed briefly.
Lack of Access to Quality Education
Providing good quality education for refugee children should be a prior

responsibility for a host country. Unlike India, access to quality education
for Afghan refugees in Pakistan is extremely challenging. As a result, of
these low levels of access to education, 45% of the adult Pakistani
population is illiterate and less than half of the female population over the
age of 15 are not able to read or write. Afghan refugees often living in a
region where the government of Pakistan is already struggling with
multifarious domestic issues to educate their children. Honestly, this
problem leads to lack of access to basic as well as higher education for
Afghan refugees in Pakistan (Jenner, 2015).

Psychological Barriers
Many times refugees experience extremely stressful events because of

socio-political or religious oppression, war, migration and resettlement.
Refugees may have experienced imprisonment, torture, loss of property,
malnutrition, physical assault, extreme fear, rape, loss of livelihood and
separation from family members. Often, the education system of host
countries does not take into account refugees’ mental health needs. The
teachers are often poorly trained in supporting children dealing with trauma
and stress, forcing children to drop out of school (UNESCO, 2019). In the
case of India, sometimes it is difficult for the government to handle the
additional task of finding enough space in overcrowded schools, providing
trained teachers and learning materials for newly arrived refugee children,
who usually do not speak the language of instruction and have missed out
schooling on an average of three to four years. But in the case of Pakistan,
poor national infrastructure and constant geo-political instability has
exacerbated the issue.
Role of UNHCR, and Non-Governmental Organizations
It can be said through policy assessment of both countries that unlike

India, the Pakistani government is more dependent on UNHCR and on other
international organizations for securing the right of education of Afghan
refugees. There are very few numbers of NGOs that are active in Pakistan,
whereas several NGOs like BOSCO, GNMS, COVA, and SCF are
relentlessly trying to secure the basic right to education of Afghan refugees
in India (Danish Refugee Councils & Mixed Migration Monitoring
Mechanism Initiate, 2017).

POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
Refugee children have unique educational needs. Ensuring access to the

right to education for Afghan refugees at the national levels should include:
 Negotiation from the governmental side (both Pakistan and India)

with education authorities like UNHCR, UNESCO to slacken
school fees for refugee children in national schools and to provide
education programs that incorporate the special requirements of
Afghan refugees which, would be a viable solution in this context.
 Ensuring adequate funding allocations for areas where refugee
communities reside under national education policies. Also,
recommend for certification of teaching-learning programs by the
Ministry of Education through which refugee children and
adolescence can get opportunities to involve in secondary education
and beyond.
 Promote the establishment of educational programs for all ages
including early childhood, primary/ basic, secondary, tertiary, non-
formal and adult education.
 Non-formal education can play a role in expanding access to
education where formal alternatives are not available or where there
are legal and policy barriers to formal schooling for refugees. Non-
governmental organizations, civil society organizations and refugee
communities can play a critical role in supporting inclusive
education by providing non-formal education programs to fill the
gaps in the government system.
Ensuring access to education for Afghan refugees at family and

community levels should include:
 Work with special communities to support the identification of out-

of-school children and monitor refugee boys, girls, at-risk children
and vulnerable groups in the society.

 Launch livelihood activities for parents, education grants or other

sustainable direct assistance that may support vulnerable families
and cover education costs, such as uniforms, scholastic materials
and registration fees (UNHCR, 2009).
Ensuring quality education at the school level should include:
 Securing adequate teacher training and professional support to build

basic teaching skills which include classroom management,
psychosocial support, or language acquisition.
 Providing native language classes for Afghan refugee children.
 Providing safe learning environments with adequate classroom
infrastructure, and teaching and learning materials.
 Making flexible school timetables to accommodate Afghan refugee
children especially those who might be studying at home or
elsewhere.
International agendas and frameworks can act as policy levers to ensure

the right to education for refugees and aid integration into national education
systems. Evidently, SDG4 cannot be achieved by 2030 without meeting the
educational needs of refugees. Considering the limited technical and
financial capacity of the states where the majority of the world’s refugees
are congregated, it becomes a global and transnational challenge that must
be overcome through cooperative means.
CONCLUSION
Education for refugees in distant resettlement countries is different from

refugee education in neighboring host countries for two reasons. Firstly, the
numbers of refugees are relatively small. Secondly, permanence, in terms of
settlement and citizenship, is assumed, by both the host government and
refugees (Dryden-Peterson, 2016, p. 474). The findings of this discussion

have raised some significant points regarding Afghan refugee education in

Pakistan and India. Having geographical proximity and socio-cultural
commonality, both Pakistan and India have played the role of host country
in receiving Afghan refugees since 1979. Keeping the subject of the
changing international circumstances in mind, the socio-economical
conditions of Afghan refugees have also changed over the times which have
an enormous impact on Afghan refugee education. Subsequently, various
international organizations have expanded their collaborative hand through
regional international policies. By analyzing different policies crafted by
international agencies, non-governmental organizations and the
governments of Pakistan and India, it is observed that at the international
level, UNHCR has been strategizing and creating such kind of educational
policies which would help refugee students to connect with their country of
origin. This is true especially in terms of curriculum and language which
ultimately will help facilitate the return of refugees to their home country.
At the national level, by the help of international assistance, the
Government of Pakistan is trying to create a social environment in which the
right to education of Afghan refugees can be protected. In the case of India,
besides having governmental support, some non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) are also trying to provide equal opportunities in the
field of education for Afghan refugees through various social activities. But
still, there are some areas of challenges which create hindrances in the way
to access quality education for Afghan refugees. High schooling cost
(especially in secondary level), linguistic barriers, lack of documentation,
transportation limitations, lack of security, psychological barriers all are
reflecting the grim scenario of present educational status of Afghan refugee
children in Pakistan and India. These challenges can be addressed only
through repatriation and by adopting strong policies from both countries in
this regard.

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report-2020.html (Accessed 20 June 2020).

Chapter 7
ROLE OF EDUCATION IN SOCIAL

INTEGRATION: A CASE STUDY OF
BHUTANESE REFUGEES OF NEPAL
IN AUSTRALIA
Shafi Md Mostofa1,* and Baki Md. Murtoza2,3

1
World Religions and Culture, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh
2
Bangladesh Supreme Court, Bangladesh
3
Ideal Law College Dhaka, Bangladesh
ABSTRACT
Forced migration or refugee crisis is a global emergency, which can

be termed as cancer to the neo-liberal global world order. This refugee
problem has somehow affected both the developed and underdeveloped
nations. Nepal, a South Asian nation-state, has been facing a refugee crisis
since the late 1950s from Bhutan and Tibet. Among them, the Bhutanese
refugees formed the major refugee group in Nepal. The Lhotshampas, a
Bhutanese refuge group in Nepal, are a relatively educated refugee
population because their level of education in Bhutan was generally of a

Corresponding Author’s E-mail: shafi@du.ac.bd.

172 Shafi Md Mostofa and Baki Md. Murtoza
higher level than that of their host country, Nepal. This paper uncovers how
the Bhutanese refugees maintained their original standard of education in
the camps with the help of the UNHCR and CARITAS. Ultimately, the
higher level of education helped them to be easily integrated into the
society of their resettlement, but lack of technical education, to some
extent, slowed down this process of integration.
Keywords: Bhutanese refugee, education, integration, Nepal, Australia
INTRODUCTION
The 1990s witnessed the forced migration of nearly 100 thousand

Bhutanese people, which eventually led them to seek refuge in Nepal and
India. These refugees are mainly from the Lhotshampa, who are followers
of Hinduism and ethnically Nepalese. The conditions for Bhutanese refugees
in Nepal were also not commendable because Nepal did not sign the 1951
refugee convention which means Nepal does not have any refugee protection
legal acts. Nepal, in general, confined their movement outside the camp but
allowed a de facto refugee movement. This de facto tolerance principle
caused a low payment for daily labours of refugees. Therefore, they mainly
depended on humanitarian aid for food and fuel. However, employment
opportunities were not entirely restricted for refugees. Many educated
youths chose the teaching profession across Nepal while disguising their
identity. Their other jobs were mainly labouring in road building, stone
breaking and agriculture (Banki, 2008; Bhutanese Refugees, 2017).
The Nepalese government recognized Bhutanese refugees living in
camps on a prima facie basis, as the UNHCR conducted Refugee Status
Determination (RSD) for the far smaller numbers living in urban settings.
The Nepalese government considers Bhutanese refugees in urban settings to
be illegal residents, and they are liable to pay fines or be detained as over-
stayers. Local integration is, therefore, not a viable solution for either camp-
based refugees or those living in urban settings. In 2001, Bhutan and Nepal
started repatriation programs, but they failed due to stricter rules applied for
Bhutanese refugees. Therefore, voluntary repatriation was not viable for

Role of Education in Social Integration 173
many Bhutanese refugees, and resettlement remained the only durable

solution realistically available for most of this population (Westerby, 2013).
With the help of UNHCR, the Lhotshampas were resettled in eight
developed nations, such as Australia, Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands,
New Zealand, Norway, the United Kingdom, and the United States (See
Table 7.1). Since 2007, these eight resettlement countries have resettled over
75,000 Bhutanese refugees from the camps in Nepal. During this period, the
number of camps has been reduced from seven to two (Westerby, 2013).
According to an informed interviewee, lately nearly 6 thousand refugees
have been living in the camps with few schools at their disposal. The
majority are old people and they are not interested in third-country
resettlement due to their ethnic leanings to both Nepal and Bhutan
(10 December 2020).
Table 7.1 Resettlement of Bhutanese refugees of Nepal

in developed nations
Name of Countries Number of resettled Bhutanese Refugees

United State of America 86, 826
Canada 6,675
Australia 5,790
New Zealand 1,009
Denmark 875
Norway 566
United Kingdom 358
Netherland 329
Total 102,000
Source: Ghimire (n.d.).
The focus of this paper is to unearth the role of education in social

integration in the resettled country. Theoretically, children become
knowledgeable person through the socialization process (Giddens, 2006). In
the socialization process, as Durkheim (1956) contends, education is one of
the strongest methods of socialization of the young generation (Durkheim,
1956; cited in Beck, 2015). While education plays an important role in social
integration, refugees resettled in developed nations often face a wide array

of challenges. Refugees need to learn the new languages of their host

countries and adjust to a new education system. Cerna (2019a) continues to
argue that “they also need to be able to communicate with others, feel a sense
of belonging and develop a strong personal identity.”
Thus, a myriad of literature on refugee integration is present from the
perspectives of Australia (Matthews, 2008), Canada (Wilkinson, 2002) and
the US (McBrien, 2005). McBrien (2005) points to the fact that refugees
have been frequently treated as a homogenous group. This tendency has
barred detailed examination of pre-migration and post-migration factors of
refugee integration through education. Rutter (2006) adds that these factors
need to be explored to develop appropriate educational support for refugee
students. Refugees’ response to the new environment depends on a variety
of personal and contextual factors, including country of origin, race,
ethnicity, religion, culture, and socio-economic and educational
backgrounds (Kaprielian-Churchill, 1996; cited in Cerna, 2019b). As
education is one of the fundamental factors for refugee integration, this study
finds that the high quality of education, using English as a medium, in the
Bhutanese refugee camps in Nepal has helped them to be easily integrated
into the Australian society. This research follows the in-depth interview
method (Zoom meeting) to collect data. The respondents are Bhutanese
refugees living in Australia. Respondents were selected purposively for
interviews and they were cited anonymously.
LHOTSHAMPAS IN NEPAL
Bhutan is one of the thinly populated countries in South Asia bordering

both India and China. British established its sway over Bhutan after the 1865
Duar war victory and left Bhutan almost at the same time as India but Bhutan
joined the UN in 1971 (World Factbook, 2020). Although Bhutan’s
population size is small, it is ethnically so diverse. Four ethnic groups such
as the Ngalong in the west, the central Bhutanese, the Sharchop in the east,

and the Lhotshampa1 in the south seem to be dominant in Bhutan. Among

them, the Ngalong and the central Bhutanese ethnic groups dominate
Bhutanese politics. Dzongkha, the language of the Ngalongs is the official
language of the country since 1961 and Bhutan follows Mahayana
Buddhism as it is followed by the Ngalongs, the dominant ethnic group. The
southern Lhotshampa speak Nepali as they are ethnically Nepali and are
followers of Hinduism (Aris, 1994, p. 14; Hutt, 2005, pp. 44-45; van Driem,
1994, p. 92).
This ethnic and religious identity act as a catalyst for ethnic
discrimination. It leads to another question as to why the Nepali-speaking
ethnic group, the Lhotshampa, had to migrate to Bhutan. Bhutanese
government in the late 18 century encouraged Nepali people to migrate to
the South of Bhutan. The rationale of the invitation was to help fertilise their
unfertile land of the South and contribute to their national food security
(Karan & Ijima, 1987). This resulted in the migration of Nepal’s
Lhotshampas, the descendants of peasant farmers to Bhutan. They originally
started migrating to Bhutan after the Anglo-Bhutanese war of 1865. The
influx of Nepalese to South Bhutan quickly became renowned for producing
food stuff by clearing forests. These Nepalese earned a good name in Bhutan
as they became the main source of cash income for the country. Historical
documents of the British colony prove that the Nepali migrants paid taxes in
cash, which was before the establishment of the Bhutanese monarchy in
1907 (Hutt, 2003, pp. 74-82).
Although the Bhutanese monarchy was established in 1907, it was not
unified until the 1950s. Before the 1950s, Bhutan had multiple systems of
administration for different parts of the country. Unified Bhutan under the
leadership of King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck and his Prime Minister Jigme
Palden Dorje did several reformations including land reformation, the
establishment of an elected National Assembly in 1953, the freeing of serfs,
and the enactment of the Nationality Law of Bhutan which granted full
citizenship to the Lhotshampas in 1958 (Govindaraj, 2013; Hutt, n.d.; Hutt,
2005; IOM, 2009; Rose, 1997).
1
Lhotshampa is the Dzongkha name for ethnic Nepali Bhutanese, meaning ‘southern border
dweller.’

However, over the years their number started growing, occupying

bureaucratic positions, and taking root in Bhutanese society. These led the
Lhotshampa to be slowly identified as a threat to the Buddhist culture of
Bhutan (Evan, 2010; Govindaraj, 2013). This growing discontent resulted in
the enactment of new citizenship law in the 1980s, which forced the
Lhotshampa to process documentations in favour of their citizenship.
Additionally, the Bhutanese government also imposed Northern dress code
on Southerners, and the breaking of this dress code was subject to fines and
imprisonment (Hutt, 2003, pp. 160-177; Rose, 1994, pp. 191-192; Ura,
1994; Zeppa, 1999, pp.140-141). Moreover, the Nepali language was
prohibited in all schools (Hutt, 2003, pp. 183-190; Thinley, 1994, p. 61; van
Driem, 1994, pp. 101-102). These incidents caused massive street protests
but protestors were harassed, imprisoned, and at times evicted from the
country.
Hutt (2005) claims that the feelings of discomfort were largely confined
to educated and well-established people of the Lhotshampa until the late
1980s. The annual census of 1988 mainly caused general dissatisfaction,
which urged them to show up physically before the census team and provide
evidence of a tax receipt in 1958.2 All citizenship proofs which were issued
before 1988 were considered invalid, and a certificate of origin was made
mandatory for getting citizenship in Bhutan, although the government
clarified that this process was necessary to contain illegal migration in the
South (Amnesty International, 1992, pp. 5-6).
The actual pressure for Bhutanese Nepalese came with the arrest of Tek
Nath Rizal in 1989, who was a member of the Royal Advisory Council from
the Lhotshampa community. This arrest sparked mass street protests in
1990, in which civil and cultural rights were demanded (Hutt, 2003, pp. 204-
10; Muni, 1991). After these protests and demonstrations, the protestors
were arrested by Bhutanese Police and Army and detained without charges
for months. It claimed that upon confirmation from the detainees that they
would leave the country, they were released. It is also claimed that when one
2
This is the year of the enactment of first Nationality Law in Bhutan.

family member fled to Nepal other members were also forced to leave
Bhutan (Hutt, 2005).
Not only were they detained and arrested but also the social and
economic institutions of the Lhotshampa were attacked by the government
through newly adopted rules and procedures in the country. Basic
commodities including salt supply into the South of Bhutan was restricted.
A No Objection Certificate (NOC) produced by the Royal Bhutan Police
(RBP) was made mandatory for those who wanted to apply for scholarships
and civil service jobs. NOC is a certificate that ensures that they are not
followers of opposition and did not take part in any ‘anti-national activity.’
Moreover, the Bhutanese government considers nearly 100 thousand people
as illegal migrants, who took the advantage of Bhutanese economic
prosperity (Himal Southasian, 1992; Tang, 1993).
Subedi (2001, p. 76) contend that there was a “well-founded fear of
persecution” due to protests showed against discriminatory state policies,
supporting the opposition and getting accused of acting against the king, the
country, and the government (tsa wa sum). This deteriorated situation
culminated in the forced migration of about one hundred thousand people in
neighboring Nepal (Govindaraj, 2013; Hutt, n.d.; IOM, 2009). Pradhan calls
this act as an “ethnic cleansing,” which completely denied the civic rights of
the Lhotshampa (Pradhan, 1998). While the situation for the Lhotshampa
was deteriorating in Bhutan, they were, to an extent, welcomed by the local
Nepalese. The welcome was partial because of humanitarian grounds and
especially of ethnic similarity. The locals provided them with food and
shelter in the Jhapa district (Maidhar) of Eastern Nepal (Subedi, 2001, p.
76).
Slightly over one hundred thousand Lhotshampas were living in seven
refugee camps in Jhapa and Morang districts. Several attempts were made
to resolve the issue of the Lhotshampa’s plight. Several bilateral talks
between the host and home country did not see the light; Bhutan claimed in
2003 that only 2.4% of one camp were genuine citizens of Bhutan. Although
Bhutan recognized this tiny number as their citizens they did even allow
them to return home. Refugees were so furious that those officials from
Bhutan who came to visit camps were attacked (Chhetri, 2003; Rajamohan,

2004). Even though Bhutan did not allow them to return, some developed
nations extended their hand to mitigate the Lhotshampa’s plight and
resettled almost all of them (Banki, 2008; O’Regan, 2015). Table 7.2 shows
the camp population in Nepal.
Table 7.2 Camp population in 2006
Camp Population No of Families No of Huts People Per

Hut
Beldangi-1 18,335 2524 2843 6.45
Beldangi-2 22,542 3358 3604 6.25
Beldangi-2 11,594 1672 1827 6.35
extension
Goldhap 9,513 1348 1511 6.30
Khudunabari 13,392 1960 1960 6.83
Sanischare 20,993 2790 3212 6.54
Timai 10,293 1382 1716 6.40
TOTAL 106,662 15,034 16,673 6.40
Source: Bhutanese Refugees (2017).
EDUCATION PROGRAMS FOR BHUTANESE

REFUGEES IN NEPAL3
The government of Nepal recognized the education program for

Bhutanese refugees in the camp schools. Nine schools were established for
Bhutanese refugees in the camps. The total number of students, teachers and
non-teaching staffs were 40,204, 964 and, 138 respectively. The proportion
of male and female students stood at 52% and 48% respectively. Of the
teachers, 76% were male and 24% were female. On average, around 4,000
students studied in one school. However, the school at Beldangi II had
around 8,000 students. The refugees had strong wishes for education in the
camp schools, as the gross enrolment ratio was over 100%. It was found that
3
Much of information about education system for Bhutanese refugees in Nepal has been used from
Brown (2001).

over-aged refugees also attended camps’ schools. According to CARITAS,

just about 100% of pupils were admitted to pre-primary to Grade V and these
pupils were both boys and girls. The rate of enrolment at the upper-level
grades (grades VI to X) was lower than the primary level and there were
more boys (8,344) than girls (6,077) were. Overall, the student-teacher
proportion stood at 42:1. The average number of students in a class was
almost 60 to 65. Each teacher was provided with 32 periods per week in the
schools.
The education providers followed the academic calendar of the district
education office of Nepal and the calendar started from July to June each
year. The schools in the camps run from Monday to Friday with a half-day
period on Saturday. There were two sessions per day for pre-primary and
Grade I classes whereas the number of sessions from Grade II to X varies
from seven to eight per day; each session lasted for 40 minutes.4 Children
who were 5 to 6 years old started schools in the camps.
Each school appointed a head teacher, and an assistant head who were
in-charge of the sub-campuses. Moreover, there were also seven in-school
resource teachers, two each for pre-primary and Grade 1, grade 2 to grade
10, and Nepalese language, and one for distinctive essentials. Physical
punishment was banned for refugee students, yet the school discipline was
commendable. Several staff from the central CARITAS office regularly
visited schools to motivate teachers and provide them with advice. To
accomplish the various functions including admission, discipline, welfare,
maintenance and examinations, the school set up several committees.
Bhutanese refugee students would have received tremendous support for
their higher education after SLC from an international non-government
organization, CARITAS. However, CARITAS decided to reduce funding
for the Bhutanese refugees since 2005 as donor organizations reduced their
funding. In the previous year, around 3,365 students have received funding
from the CARITAS although the payment was overdue by six months.
However, the following year 200 Bhutanese refugee students who secured
first division in the SLC qualified for the grants. As a result, more than 100
4
A shift system operated formerly for the higher grades, but was unsuccessful because it was very
tiring for the teachers.

students who have passed the SLC were deprived of admission to higher-
level studies. According to the CARITAS, almost 365 grade-11 students
have received support to carry out their higher studies. It is reported that
students who have come from science background each received Rs. 5,000
whereas students of other disciplines each got Rs. 3,000. The previous
amount of grant was Rs. 6000 and 5,000. Due to the reduction of grants,
Bhutanese refugee students were disappointed and lamented that they would
lose every opportunity of an education.
Around 42,000 Bhutanese refugee students are provided with education
within and outside the camps in Jhapa and Morang by the UNHCR and
CARITAS. UNHCR mainly provided education to refugee children till
grade VIII, yet it reduced the budget of education over the times. CARITAS
is responsible for educating refugee students from grade IX to XII. In total,
about 5000 students received support from the CARITAS (Luintel, 2005).
The Nepal government and UNHCR jointly managed the refugee camps.
UNHCR is mainly responsible for providing shelter, food, healthcare, and
education for Bhutanese refugees. Yet, humanitarian assistance from
Bhutanese refugees has declined over the last few years due to the
subsequent fatigue of donors and the prolonged condition of the refugees in
the camps (Evans & Mayer, 2012, p. 525).
In recent years, education for Bhutanese refugee children offers up to K-
10th grade with limited resources. Almost all educated and qualified
refugees (students and teachers) have left the camps. Students who remain
in the camps have lost interest and often missed school as they have prepared
to leave soon. The school does not have electricity and receive very limited
materials for students, and follow a basic lecture format. There was no parent
engagement with the education system and the rules had become harder to
enforce on refugee children in the camps. As a result, the school’s capability
in educating refugees is reducing day by day as the number of refugees
reduces (Peddicord, 2015).

EDUCATION AND INTEGRATION
It is evident that the Bhutanese refugees received a good level of

education. However, the objective of this paper is to explore the nature of
Bhutanese refugee education in Nepal and how this education has
contributed to social integration into the settled developed nations. To this
effect, we had to rely on several in-depth interviews of the Bhutanese
refugees living in Australia. Interviewee no 2 mentioned that he was so
satisfied as he received a high-quality education from the refugee camp in
Nepal. By high quality education, he meant: 1. UNHCR and Caritas looked
after their education, 2. Humanitarian agencies provided funding that
attracted qualified teachers, and 3. The medium of instruction was English
[6 December 2020]. Interviewee no 1 stated that “education up to 12 class
was offered but higher education was a dream for us. Therefore, we had to
pursue them at our own cost from the host country and abroad.” The
interviewee also told that “I did my bachelor of science from India” [7
December 2020].
When interviewees were asked about how their education helped them
to easily integrate into Australian society, the answers were mixed feelings
of negative and positive aspects. My discussion with interviewees reveals
two issues that helped them and one issue that could have helped them. They
all said they received high quality education due to the above-mentioned
reasons. Some interviewees said their English efficiency learnt from camp
schools also helped them to be integrated into the society. However, they all
pointed to the fact that if they were provided with technical education in the
camps they could more easily be integrated into society. Interviewee 1 also
mentioned that nearly 5% of youths are still facing a communication
problem in Australia because they did not attend schools in the camps due
to their parents’ sickness and financial issues.

CONCLUSION
Nepal began witnessing the Bhutanese refugees’ crisis since the late
1980s. The reasons for this crisis are mainly ethnic and religious
discriminations. Respondents term this crisis as an “ethnic cleansing”
attempt by the Bhutanese government, which traumatized many Bhutanese
refugees and forced them to leave Bhutan. When they arrived in Nepal, they
continued their education with the support of UNHCR and CARITAS. Even,
some of them were able to get higher education from the host country and
abroad. It is mentioned above that the level of education and quality
education helped refugees to be socially integrated into the settlement
countries. This claim has been reinforced through this study that highly
educated Bhutanese youths are socially well-integrated in Australia because
of quality education received in the camps, with English being the medium
of instruction. This study also adds to the existing literature that if refugees
were taught the technical education this could have helped them to be
integrated more easily, as this would allow them to find jobs so easily.
REFERENCES
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Chapter 8
ACCESS TO HIGHER EDUCATION

FOR REFUGEES IN SOUTH ASIA
M. Mahruf C. Shohel1,*, Goutam Roy2,

Muhammad Shajjad Ahsan3 and Dev Raj Acharya4
1
Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, UK
2
3
Department of Drama and Dramatics,
Jahangirnagar University, Bangladesh
4
Institute of Health, University of Wolverhampton, UK
ABSTRACT
Access to higher education for refugees is not a priority as this is not

regarded as a basic human need. According to the UN Refugee Agency,
only 1% of eligible refugees have access to higher education worldwide.
However, the average enrolment in higher education is now 38% globally.
On the one hand, access to education and training for refugees is
desperately needed if they are to contribute when they go back to normal
*
Corresponding Author’s E-mail: mahruf.shohel@yahoo.co.uk.

188 M. M. C. Shohel, G. Roy, M. S. Ahsan & D. R. Acharya
life. On the other hand, access to higher education is one way to re-establish
their lives and professional identities in a host country. By exploring
available academic and grey literature, based on examples from different
regions, this chapter first highlights the importance of providing access to
higher education for refugees and then presents the common challenges
and barriers. It found that the legal status of a refugee in a host country,
lack of necessary documentation, restrictions on movement, and financial
constraints are the key challenges. Based on the key findings, this chapter
also outlines some policy recommendations for the policy-makers,
stakeholders and practitioners so that governments and other development
organizations can make an effort to ease the challenges and barriers of
higher education for refugees in South Asia.
Keywords: higher education, refugees, Bihari, Rohingya, Bangladeshis,

Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan, South Asia
INTRODUCTION
The refugee crisis in South Asia is complex and requires integrated

action to address the political, social, economic and legal dimensions of
issues associated with the lives of refugees. Natural and human-made
disasters and crises create refugees within different geopolitical boundaries.
However, the refugee crisis has drastically extended over the last decade
with 65.3 million people displaced from their home worldwide due to
conflict, climate change, poverty and natural disasters (Burzynski et al.,
2018) and, less than 3% of refugees get the scope to entry to higher education
(UNHCR, 2019a). Although according to Ilie & Rose (2016), the access to
higher education in South Asia has increased from 8% to 23% in 2012, there
was no accurate data available to know the present situation. However,
generally, refugees have to face many challenges and barriers to accessing
higher education, which is significantly more difficult in South Asia. The
scope of higher education for refugees is still low on the humanitarian and
development list of priorities. It has been perceived as a luxury in the
contexts where basic elementary education is beyond reach. Per student per
annum costs for higher education remain high compared to primary or
secondary education. In reality, comparatively little attention has been given

Access to Higher Education for Refugees in South Asia 189
to this issue of access to higher education for refugees in this region so far.
There is a gap in the academic literature exploring the scope and nature of
support refugees need to get access to higher education in South Asian
countries. Therefore, this chapter attempts to explore the importance of
access to higher education for refugees in South Asia and provide a
comprehensive list of challenges and barriers to pursuing higher education.
It also indicates policy recommendations for different stakeholders to assist
refugees in having better access to higher education.
In recent years, the refugee influx and increased migrant flow have led
to a significant increase in interventions within the higher education sector
to integrate refugees and migrants in North America and Europe
(Dragostinova, 2016). According to Streitwieser et al. (2018a), existing
interventions to support refugees in accessing higher education are:
accredited on-site or blended learning programs, international online
learning platforms, scholarship programs, information sharing platforms,
and assessment of credentials and qualifications, and efforts have been made
to address other barriers to access. However, nothing similar has happened
to accommodate and support refugees in higher educational institutes in
South Asia, apart from a recent initiative taken by the Asian University for
Women (AUW) to provide access to higher education for Rohingya women
living in Bangladesh (James, 2018). As a result, there remains a lack of
opportunities and initiatives to help refugees’ access to higher education
across the South Asian region.
Though South Asian countries’ commitment to the protection of refugee
rights has been exhibited in the various agreements and conventions,
however, none of the countries has explicit policies for refugee education in
the national education policy. In general, most countries put restrictions on
refugees moving out of their camps to access to employment and education.
These restrictions become barriers to accessing higher education in the host
countries and beyond.
To explore the challenges of access to higher education for refugees, the
‘Punctuated Equilibrium Paradigm’ (Gersick, 1991) is used. In this
paradigm, organizations are ‘characterised by relatively long periods of
stability (equilibrium), punctuated by compact periods of qualitative,

metamorphic change (revolution)’ (Gersick, 1991). The ‘Critical Cultural

Political Economy of Education’ (Robertson & Dale, 2015) framework is
also used in this discussion through cultural, political, and economic lenses
where ‘education is deeply embedded in often highly contested, multiple
societal relationships through the very actors, institutions, and structures that
operate within it’ (Streitwieser & Brück, 2018, p. 41). This exploration also
considers social inclusion theory and practice to understand the struggles of
refugees (Gidley et al., 2010).
In the context of life-long learning, participation in higher education is
seen as a long-term situated process. But in the context of nation-state,
‘refugee’ status is seen as a temporary stay of a foreign national (Naylor et
al., 2019). That is why higher education for refugees is given less attention
in humanitarian and developmental policy and practice. Again, typically
higher education institutions constitute and run within the existence of a
nation-state. For refugees with residency restrictions and without valid
documentation and income, it is quite impossible to secure a place in a host
country’s already crowded higher education institution (Avery & Said,
2017). Therefore, providing access to higher education for refugees is
problematic for these institutions as they are ‘nation-state-less’, and they do
not even qualify as overseas students. They are seen as dependent upon
foreign aid; they are also seen as being ‘incapable of dealing with the
challenges of higher education’ (Zeus, 2011, p. 261).
REFUGEE
The UN 1951 Refugee Convention, which is called the Magna Carta of

the international refugee laws, established the critical legal documents and
international law to protect the refugees worldwide, and it provided a
specific definition for the term ‘refugee’ (Fortin, 2000). This 1951 Refugee
convention defined, “someone who is unable or unwilling to return to their
country of origin owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for
reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social
group, or political opinion”. Generally, refugee people have crossed their

country’s border because of violence, conflict or persecution or as a

consequence of destructive political decisions.
The 1951 Geneva Convention’s main intention was to create a specific
framework to defend refugees and set some elementary standards on their
lawful status. This convention also aimed to focus on the international
protection of refugees. It is important to note that, till 2000, no country of
this region, including Myanmar, signed the 1951 UN convention or 1997
protocol.
REFUGEES IN SOUTH ASIA
According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

(UNHCR), the UN Refugee Agency, around 26 million people worldwide
hold the status of refugees. Among them, 20.4 million people fall under the
UNHCR’s mandate, and the remaining 5.6 million are Palestine refugees
under the United Nations Relief and Works Agency’s (UNRWA) mandate
(United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, n.d.). However, the
World Bank data shows that, among the 26 million refugees, more than 2.5
million are associated with South Asian countries. By searching information
with the keywords “refugee population by country” and “South Asia,” the
World Bank data presents the numbers for the year 2019: 72,228 for
Afghanistan, 854,782 for Bangladesh, 195,105 for India, 19,574 for Nepal,
1,419,606 for Pakistan, and 1,045 for Sri Lanka (“Refugee population by
country or territory of asylum - South Asia,” n.d.). There is no refugee
population in Bhutan and Maldives. Figure 8.1 shows a map of the South
Asian countries’ national borders and indicates the size of the refugee
population.
For dealing with the refugees, there are some bilateral instruments
among the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)
countries as well as some regional frameworks. For instance, Bangladesh
has two specific agreements with India and Myanmar. For Chakma refugees,
there is a contract between Bangladesh and India, and for Rohingya
refugees, Bangladesh has a repatriation agreement with Myanmar. For

Afghan refugees, Pakistan made an agreement with Afghanistan in 1993.

Along with these, there are several initiatives to make regional protection
laws for the refugees. In 1990, the then Chief Justice of India P. N. Bhagwati
headed a regional initiative, and as a result of this, a draft framework titled
the South Asian Declaration on Refugee, and Migratory Movements in
South Asia (SADRMM) was made in 2004 (Ahmed, 2020). However, as the
SAARC leaders seem to be inactive; this initiative has been unable to bring
any new change to protect the refugees in the South Asia region.
There are various reasons for being refugees among the people of South
Asian countries. The people of Afghanistan moved their place to Pakistan
due to the long Afghan war. Many Sri Lankan Tamils changed their
destinations temporarily to India due to the civil war. Some Chakma people
moved to India as both Chakma and Tamil people have easy access to India
(Lama & Khan, 2000). Bangladesh has some Bihari due to the liberation war
with Pakistan and many Rohingya refugees due to internal oppression by the
Myanmar rulers. Rohingya refugee influx in Bangladesh is one of the largest
influxes in the world. Table 8.1 shows the ethnicities and origins of refugees
in different South Asian countries. All these host countries are managing the
refugees according to humanitarian and national security considerations.
The refugee situation creates a huge burden to a country, including socio-
economic and environmental problems, cultural threats and country security
(Fajth et al., 2019; UNHCR, 2001).
Table 8.1 Ethnicities of the refugees

in different South Asian Countries
Country Ethnicity and Country of Origin of the Refugee

Bangladesh Bihari (India and Pakistan), Rohingya (Myanmar), Others
India Afghan (Afghanistan), Chakma (Bangladesh), Rohingya (Myanmar),
Tamil (Sri Lanka), Tibetan (China), Others
Nepal Bhutanese (Bhutan), Tibetan (China)
Pakistan Afghan (Afghanistan), Bangali (Bangladesh), Rohingya (Myanmar),
Others
Sri Lanka Rohingya (Myanmar), Others

Source: This screenshot is taken from the World Bank website

(https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SM.POP.REFG?end=2019&locations=8S&n
ame_desc=false&start=1990&type=points&view=map)
Figure 8.1. The national borders of South Asian countries and indicates the size of the
refugee population.
METHODOLOGY
By exploring the existing literature, both academic and grey, this chapter
presents a comprehensive list of challenges and barriers to higher education
for refugees and makes recommendations for further policy development in
South Asia. This book chapter is written based on the documents accessible
in the public domain, and thematic analysis procedure was used to explore
the higher education situation. During document searching, research reports
and various governmental and non-governmental evidence-based reports,
such as UN reports, were considered as sources of information to analyze
the existing situation of the refugee people regarding their higher education.
The strategies of the governments of the South Asian countries were also
considered in order to understand their existing approaches to refugee
people. For instance, the latest Education Policy of Bangladesh was

reviewed to find if there is any specific mention of refugees. Before data

collection through document review, a checklist was made and based on this,
some themes were identified for analysis. However, during data collection,
some more themes were identified that had not previously been considered.
Therefore, to write this book chapter, pre-identified themes were revisited
and finally both pre-identified and post-identified themes were considered
so that a mixture of inductive and deductive approaches could provide a
better understanding of a specific context (Fereday & Muir-Cochrane,
2006).
IMPORTANCE OF HIGHER EDUCATION FOR REFUGEES
Education remains the most significant source of hope and opportunity

for people on the far margins of society. Higher education is considered as
a public good (Marginson, 2011) and, therefore, such an education system
is beneficial for individuals and the communities (Russell & Weaver, 2018).
Like other people, higher education allows refugees to be competitive for
global job markets and can give them high-level skills. This can help the
refugees to get desired jobs. However, it is true that despite having enough
potential, skill and qualification, graduate refugees may face unexpected
challenges in getting a job in their host countries. There may, for example,
be legal barriers, as a result of which, many refugees may work illegally,
resulting in future unemployment or other law-related consequences.
Higher education is an opportunity for refugees as seen by many of them
as ‘a restorative tool’ for ‘restoration’ or ‘rehabilitation’ of their social and
economic lives ruined by the emergencies when they settle in a host country
or third country (Arar et al., 2020). Getting higher education is an important
first step for refugees toward meaningful dignified inclusion and integration
in society either in their host country or country of origin. It also opens
avenues for success and socio-economic inclusion (Streitwieser et al.,
2018b). Higher education often provides knowledge, skills and
understanding for better livelihood, encourages problem-solving and
strategic decision-making skills may allow women and girls to empower

themselves in a new society. Higher education for refugees’ benefits both

individuals and society, not least in rebuilding their lives and fostering their
leadership in both protracted settings and peaceful post-conflict
reconstruction (Sheehy, 2014). For example, a study carried out in
Afghanistan shows a direct link between refugee tertiary education and
positive impacts on durable solutions. It also shows that refugees who had
access to higher education moved back earlier in the repatriation process,
with 70% taking up work as civil servants or NGO managers. Refugees who
had access to higher education, filling much-needed roles in a society in the
process of national reconstruction (Sheehy, 2014). Without ensuring the
access to higher education for refugees, it is impossible to appoint skilled
teachers from their own communities. Hence, it is difficult to teach refugee
children in their mother language. This indicates that a well-balanced and
holistic approach is needed to support education for refugees at all levels.
When people are affected by conflict or natural disaster, a whole
generation might find it challenging to access education. In this context,
getting higher education becomes more challenging than primary and
secondary education. Quality education has been given special importance
in the ‘UNHCR’s strategy for refugee education entitled, ‘Refugee
Education 2030: A Strategy for Refugee Inclusion’. This strategy aims to
develop refugees’ skills and knowledge to live healthy and productive lives
and promote self-reliance and sustainable, peaceful coexistence (UNHCR,
2019b). It also aims to make lifelong learning accessible to all from early
childhood development to tertiary education, including adult education and
vocational training. However, the importance of higher education for
refugees or displaced people cannot be overstressed. Higher education
provides generic and transferable skills that offer highly skilled individuals
the potential to make meaningful contributions to their own refugee
communities and host communities.
Within sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and Northern African
region and other Asian regions, there are growing efforts for increasing
access to higher education for refugees. These initiatives generally arrange
access to higher education for refugees through HEIs either from the host
countries or from a third country via distance or blended learning approaches

(Keane, 2017; Lohardjo, 2020; Wegner, 2017). However, there is nothing

noticeable like these initiatives in the context of South Asia.
EXISTING DISTANCE HIGHER EDUCATION

OPPORTUNITIES FOR REFUGEES
Online distance learning programs have considerable potential to

provide flexible access to higher education for refugees. There are a growing
number of community-based online and blended learning initiatives Due to
the technological advancement and changing landscape of higher education.
These programs provide different educational opportunities for refugees,
including higher education based in different parts of the world. From
existing higher education opportunities for refugees, we have presented
three initiatives here based on different models. Traditional face-to-face
higher education programs are often too expensive and practically
challenging to carry out successfully in communities affected by
displacement (Anselme & Hands, 2012).
Kiron Open Higher Education
The vision of this learning organization (https://kiron.ngo/en/) is to

provide access to free higher education degree programs to millions of
refugees worldwide. This blended learning initiative offers free accredited
degrees with flexible choices regarding accrediting institutions. It also
provides an ecosystem to improve the learning success of refugees and
empowers them to find the right jobs in their chosen areas of interest. It runs
online and offline courses, along with physical space and learning hubs.
Degrees are offered entirely based on Massive Online Open Courses
(MOOCs)1. Through MOOCs, it is possible to learn various topics at a
1
Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) are online courses run at scale and available for anyone
to enrol. MOOCs are mostly free, but some MOOCs require fees for certification. However,

distance, and this could be an excellent way to provide education to the

refugees remotely. Through the cooperation of its partner universities,
refugee students can earn a degree that is accepted in the labour market for
free. That means there are no direct costs or tuition fees to take these courses.
Refugee students can continue their education after the second year with
several partner universities according to their interests, location and legal
status. That means they can adapt their studies to their own legal status at
that moment in time. MOOCs offer access and ICT support to empower the
refugees to make their higher education choices by managing channels to
provide hardware, software, and an internet connection. It also includes
language schools, psychological support and tutorials in order to help
refugee students succeed, as well as a free platform and supporting
technology. In its policy and practice, the main focus is to provide the
necessary support to refugee students to succeed and establish partnerships
with corporations in order to offer internship programs and job opportunities
(Wegner, 2017).
Roshan Learning Center
This learning organization runs community-based initiatives for refugee

education based in Jakarta, Indonesia (https://roshanlearning.org/). It works
with refugees and asylum-seekers living in Jakarta and provides learning
experiences for children and youth. It also assists and empowers parents and
other adults through English classes and other practical skill development
activities. It also helps refugee youth get formal education by partnering with
the Elite Open School (EOS) which provides a pathway to the standard US-
accredited high school diploma for students worldwide through online
distance learning. Indonesia is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee
Convention. Therefore, the country has had to wait for an opportunity to
resettle their refugees to a third country so that they could overcome the legal
barriers. While they are waiting for this, they do not have access to formal
through MOOCs, it is possible to learn new skills in an affordable and flexible way that can
help people to enrich their career.

education. Therefore, Roshan Learning Center started an initiative called

Paving Access to Higher Education (PATH) partnerships with Sampoerna
University in 2019 to provide various forms of support to refugee candidates
to facilitate the enrolment and success of refugees at higher education while
they wait for resettlement. Its support system ensures that strategically
connected approaches can positively impact on supporting refugees’
transition into higher education. While local regulations still prohibit refugee
enrolment in the Indonesian higher education system, Roshan Learning
Center with the help of Sampoerna University provides US accredited
degrees in Indonesia. Students can enrol through Sampoerna’s dual-degree
program in partnership with the Broward College in Florida, USA.
(Lohardjo, 2020).
Southern New Hampshire University
As a university, Southern New Hampshire University has introduced an

innovative degree program to deliver high-quality higher education to
refugees living in refugee camps in different countries. It enables refugees
worldwide to earn US-accredited bachelor’s degrees in Business, Healthcare
and Communications via flexible and supportive pathways. It runs its
programs in refugee camps in Lebanon, Kenya, Malawi, and South Africa
as part of a strategy to help navigate the challenges that refugees face after
being displaced. According to the university, these higher education
programs are based on a competency-based education (CBE) format that
empowers refugees to complete projects and demonstrate skills, rather than
taking scheduled online learning classes. With the help of anonymous
donors, this initiative provides online and blended competency-based
bachelor and associate degrees to refugees and others affected by
displacement. Technological advancement and innovation in the US higher
education curriculum have made it possible for Southern New Hampshire
University to establish its ‘College for America’ (https://www.snhu.edu/
about-us/college-for-america), a project-based degree program focusing on
21st-century skills and professional competencies through participating in

internships. This program is the first large-scale initiative to bring American

accredited university degrees to the world’s most marginalised population.
It aims to educate 50,000 refugees in 20 locations by 2022 (Keane, 2017).
Emerging technologies and technological innovations have created
opportunities for providing access to education in general, and higher
education in particular (Dahya & Dryden-Peterson 2017; Shohel & Power,
2011; Shohel & Banks, 2010; Shohel & Kirckwood, 2012). ICT has shown
remarkable progress in increasing accessibility to higher education because
of its flexibility concerning time, space and pedagogical approaches,
including targeting more learning styles and preferences, better fitting
learners’ schedules, and allowing time for learner reflection. Several
organizations have attempted to exploit technology and external funding to
open up higher education access for refugees. They are implementing online
courses adapted to local contexts and delivered through in-person support
and tutoring (CLCC, 2017). While attempts have been made at solving these
issues, a sustainable solution for delivering high quality, higher education
options that address these barriers at scale for this population still does not
exist (Reinhardt et al., 2018). However, using technology can increase
access to higher education and help to create an active and adaptive learning
environment. Online learning courses offer education opportunities to
communities that have historically been excluded from formal learning
systems, such as refugees in protracted living situations with limited
mobility (Crea, 2016).
CHALLENGES AND BARRIERS TO ACCESS

TO HIGHER EDUCATION FOR REFUGEES
There is a plethora of existing literature on challenges and barriers to

access to higher education for refugees in the contexts of Africa, the Middle
East, Europe and North America. However, very little is available in the
context of South Asia. The common hurdles refugees must overcome to get
access to higher education are: learning the language of their host country,

passing university preparation courses (varying in scope and duration) and

going through the credential assessment and subject matter competency
testing (Abu-Amsha et al., 2019; Streitwieser & Unangst, 2018). Refugees
also have to work through socio-emotional trauma, asylum uncertainty,
separation of family members and a societal backlash from some parts of the
population against their presence in the country.
Apart from the issues mentioned above, there are other significant
challenges and barriers refugees face in accessing higher education. One of
them is limited access to information. Refugees have minimal access to
information, which creates obstacles in understanding the host country’s
higher education system. They lack understanding regarding the application
process, the educational culture, grading system, credit accrual,
accreditation and validation process in their host country (Loo, 2016;
Shankar et al., 2016). Due to their frequent marginalisation in the country of
asylum, they may also find it harder to access support services to obtain
necessary information, advice and individual guidance sensitive to their
specific needs relating to their refugee status.
Processing paperwork is another major challenge for refugees. The
completion of complicated paperwork to gain access to university has been
recognised as burdensome. In the South Asian context, higher education
institutions rigorously review diplomas, transcripts and certificates for
authenticity to give admission to any higher education courses. There are
minimum admission requirements where equivalency of entry qualification
must be verified before enrolling in a higher education institution. In some
HEIs, there are standardised scholastic aptitude tests or admission tests to
measure students’ intellectual abilities.
Many refugees find it difficult to have accreditation and validation of
their previous diplomas and degrees and possess a valid visa and a passport.
It is challenging for refugees to provide diplomas or certificates to the HEIs
in support of their admission applications. In reality, they are often forced to
flee without documents, i.e., passports which prove their identity, diplomas
or certificates that verify their previous educational accomplishments in their
home countries (Loo, 2016; Streitwieser & Taylor, 2016). Therefore,
certification and recognition of prior learning is a significant issue for

refugees in getting access to HEIs. It is also difficult to verify the provided

documents with the authorities from their country of origin in some cases.
In some South Asian universities such as Bangladesh University of
Professionals, the University of Mumbai, University of Panjab, Tribhuvan
University, a migration certificate is mandatory if someone wants to pursue
a postgraduate course in another HEI rather than their previous institution.
Academic migration becomes more challenging and complicated when
transferring from one university from the refugees’ home country to another
HEI in the host country. In the absence of documentation or the recognition
of certificates and credits from the home country, it is impossible to get
admission to an HEI in the host country.
Refugees also face the problem of physical facilities, connectivity and
power supply in their refugee camps as well as a lack of the knowledge and
skills needed to be able to use the Internet and virtual learning environment
and digital educational resources. Connectivity is one of the significant
issues for providing access to distance or blended learning opportunities for
refugees (Dahya, 2016; Pherali & Moghli, 2019). Displaced communities in
refugee camps or rural areas typically have significant problems accessing
electricity (Gallagher & Bauer, 2020). Lack of digital skills creates
challenges for refugees to get access to higher education and also has an
impact on enrolment, educational attainment and retention (Castaño-Muñoz,
Colucci & Smidt, 2018). Establishing a satellite learning centre within
refugee camps to support refugee students’ higher education would require
ensuring adequate physical facilities, a modern learning technology set-up
and smart network connectivity. Creating this sort of support centre within
the shortest possible time will involve organizing and linking ideas to
generate funding, resources, agreements with different stakeholders, and
government and organizational approval for such new initiatives. Indeed,
such initiatives create opportunities for refugees to get access to higher
education and empower them by providing access to world-class HEIs
through emerging technologies and new connections. Therefore, it is a
crucial decision for the national and local governments, humanitarian and
developmental organizations and the HEIs to what extent they work together
to enable refugees to get access to higher education. In this decision-making

process, considerations of different economic, socio-cultural, historical,

political and geographical aspects are vital as there may be a significant
concern as to whether the educated refugee will remain loyal to the host
country or pose a threat (Glover, 2019; Mogire, 2009).
Finance or the cost of higher education is another big hurdle for
refugees. Facilitating higher education requires substantial financial
investment and involvement for individuals as well as the HEIs. In addition
to HEIs’ income, generally many public universities in South Asia seek
financial support from the governments and different donor agencies for
their infrastructural development and services. The cost of educating a
student in South Asian universities is not less than $900 in a fiscal year.
Under the current curriculum, to complete a four-year undergraduate and a
one-year postgraduate degree, a refugee student will require a minimum of
$4500. Therefore, if the refugees are given the opportunity for higher
studies, it will incur an immense economic burden on the respective
government.
Geographical distance of HEI campuses from the refugee camps is
another barrier for the refugees to get access to higher education. Relocating
for higher study is a common practice for HEI students. However, this is not
always possible for refugee students due to regulatory controls or other
restrictions. In many South Asian countries, the free movement of refugees
is not permitted. If the governments do not allow the refugees to move freely
within the host country, then the only alternative could be to establish a
satellite campus or learning centre within the camp premises.
In the host country, refugees face a new educational culture and different
pedagogical approaches. In this context, well-designed and carefully
selected pedagogical approaches could be adopted for the refugee students.
However, showing care or attention while teaching refugee students is a
crucial factor for bridging the cultural gaps and creating spaces for the
smooth transition of refugee students.
Another major hurdle for refugees to get access to higher education is
language. They face it while they enter a host community or a country. Then
they might face language issues again when they try to study at an HEI where
the medium of instruction or curriculum is different from their own (Felix,

2016; Shohel, 2020). Therefore, curriculum choice, including pedagogical

approaches at the host HEIs, could be significant issues for retention and
academic success of refugee students, and these become dominant issues in
accessing higher education for refugees.
Evidence from elsewhere shows that refugees face socio-economic and
cultural segregation as well as gender-related inequalities. Overcoming
prejudice is another dominant challenge in accessing higher education for
refugees. Some refugee families may be reluctant about letting their
daughters to pursue higher education. This attitude causes barriers to female
refugees who want to pursue higher education. For female refugees, the
problem of accessing higher education is often intersectional as they face
multiple forms of marginalisation and oppression being women, refugees
and international students (Gershenberg, 2020). For them, early marriage
has been identified as an urgent concern as families may be compelled to
exercise this as the resort to cope with financial burdens (Salem, 2018).
Similarly, being the only male member of the family could also restrict
male refugees hoping to pursue higher education in conflict-affected
contexts (Pereznieto & Magee, 2017). A high proportion of young male
refugees are forced to contribute to their family’s income due to the death or
absence of the father or because their parents are legally restricted in seeking
work or have only minimal amounts of money through illegal work or
humanitarian support systems. In a host country or community, refugees
may experience prejudice and discrimination, which make access to the host
state higher education system more difficult for them. It is evident that many
refugees experience violence and verbal harassment due to tensions between
host and refugee communities (Abu-Amsha & Armstrong 2018), and hence
psychosocial issues stemming from the discriminatory and depressing
context of refugee status within the communities and HEIs (Gladwell et al.,
2016).
Political and historical issues sometimes add to the challenges for
refugees who are already devastated by the crisis. Issues of colonisation
throughout history and development activities promoted by foreign entities
without considering cultural sensitivity or community needs mostly caused
continual trouble or distress for refugees (Donald, 2014). Refugees have to

rebuild their personal, professional, and academic social networks and

relationships once they settle in a host country. Due to displacement, they
lose personal attention and support from their known world, which is the
primary source of recognition for them (Honneth, 2001). As part of this, they
have lost their established personal, professional and academic networks. In
a new country, from a social perspective, access to networks is not only a
challenge but also part of the solution for overcoming other integrative
obstacles to adjust to new settings. Therefore, it is essential to develop
innovative mentoring programs which would include close supervision and
follow-up to create links between refugees and members of the host
communities. However, as very little has been known in the South Asian
context, research needs to be conducted for a more comprehensive
understanding of refugee experiences in South Asian countries. In particular,
engaging with the refugee students and knowing their perspectives could
provide insights that are critical for policy formulation and improving
practice.
WAY FORWARD
The UNHCR has developed a strategy for integrating refugees within

national systems where possible in consultation with refugees living in a
particular country. This approach provides a protective environment for
refugees within their host community. It also supports the mechanism of
focusing on quality education within existing systems by providing
assistance for teacher training, learning assessments and certification. It also
includes training that is technical, and vocational, including professional and
paraprofessional education which leads to certificates and diplomas. In this
strategy, the higher education sector is to raise the numbers and percentage
of refugees enrolled in and completing higher education. However, this
strategy is a significant step towards meeting the higher education needs of
refugees.

Solidarity and Social Justice
Solidarity is the product of affective bonds in social solidarity and

common goals in political solidarity (Weber, 1978). It creates changes in
lives in the contexts of socio-cultural and political complexities to overcome
social and structural barriers. Therefore, ‘solidarity is about coordinating
social and cultural life chances in a socially just way’ (Juul, 2013).
Therefore, supporting refugees to feel like equal members of society is very
important to reduce their discomfort and engage them in the socialisation
process. In this process, there should be initiatives to establish contacts
between refugees and the host community members. Through these contacts,
there would be more chances to gain recognition and get relevant insights
about the host community’s underlying rules. Thus, by rebuilding
meaningful social relationships, they understand social norms and customs,
which help them have a dignified social identity.
Participatory Design Process
It is crucial to address the challenges refugees face in accessing higher

education by engaging them in the process and practice. For example,
Mosaik Education used participatory design methods to develop a new
program to support refugees’ access to higher education through gender-
balanced recruitment strategies in the Middle East mainly in Jordan and
Lebanon (Abu-Amsha et al., 2019). Learning organizations or institutions
can use the participatory design (PD) as an innovative approach that involves
refugees and other stakeholders in the program design process to ensure that
they have a contextualised curriculum that meets their needs. The
organization helps refugees and displaced people in conflict-affected
communities to access, shape, and lead the education they require to rebuild
their societies or integrate into new ones.

Legal Reform and Financial Support
In the South Asian context, legal reform is needed if refugees are to

achieve similar rights to other foreign nationals. National governments
should take significant steps to protect refugee rights, including widening
opportunities for higher education. South Asian countries could, for
example, follow the Ethiopian example. Ethiopia has introduced a new
refugee law to incorporate significant policy and legal reforms. This new
law provides refugees with the right to employment as well as acquire and
transfer property and assets like the rights foreign nationals have. This law
also waives them from any duty, charge or tax higher than that imposed on
Ethiopian nationals. This law also allows refugees access to national services
including health, education, telecommunication, banking, financial and
judicial services like citizens of Ethiopia. It also gives them access to identity
and travel documentation and driver’s license certification. Similar to other
foreign nationals, the new law further grants refugees or asylum seekers
liberty of movement and freedom to choose their residence. This opportunity
allows them to move away from the camp-based life to mainstream society
through ‘an integrated model of refugee assistance’ (Tamrat, 2019).
More money should be invested in support services for refugees to be
available and sustained, and where necessary could be scaled up. One of the
steps all national governments could take is to create opportunities for
hosting refugees in their public universities. Securing international funding
allocation or partial grants or scholarships could help the South Asian
countries tackle the prospective budget for refugee higher education. For
instance, South Asian countries could provide tuition-free scholarships for
refugees in their public higher education institutions as the Ethiopian
government has done for Eritrean Refugees (Tamrat, 2019). To support
refugees in accessing higher education, the South Asian Association for
Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and South Asian University (SAU) can
also play a vital role. SAARC can create a scholarship fund for refugees and
then distribute it to the universities that want to host refugee students in
different countries. In this regard, every higher education institution in South
Asia can also raise funds to host refugee students. Examples could be

followed from the African context where opportunities for pursuing higher
education have been created by allowing off-camp movement and providing
UNHCR scholarships to support those wishing to attend universities in the
host countries.
Diaspora and Community Engagement
The engagement of the diaspora communities from the host

communities and countries or elsewhere could be an excellent support for
the refugees to understand the contexts and adopt the new cultures of the
host communities. The diaspora communities could offer their own
experiences and bring hope and inspiration to the refugee students to
overcome the hurdles and prepare them for a better future by taking the
challenges of higher education.
Other Supports
Waiving tuition fees for refugee students could be a way forward to

create opportunities for them. They should also get grants for their
maintenance during their studies. Apart from the public universities, the
private HEIs should come forward to support refugees too. As many private
universities run their institute on a ‘no loss no profit’ basis, they can accept
gifted refugee students with a tuition waiver. If each private institution took
the initiative to offer such a waiver and allowance to ten students, the
cumulative effect would be significant.
Refugee students in HEIs need support to integrate into higher education
learning environments, such as general academic support; housing,
transportation, and other practical issues; help manage family
responsibilities; and, if necessary, culturally sensitive psychosocial
counselling. Refugees often suffer a great deal of trauma due to horrible
experiences in their countries of origin before seeking refuge in a host

country which could have severe implications for their adjustment to life and
education.
POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
Supporting refugees to overcome challenges and barriers of access to

higher education in South Asia require more long-term shifts in the way
policy-makers and regional actors address the issue of socio-cultural and
economic integration. Within this context, administrative obstacles and
gender inequalities are more difficult to combat as these are more significant
systemic issues that require a widespread and long-term response.
Policy Recommendations for National Governments
The UNHCR supports scholarships for refugees to study at universities

in their host countries. It also works with connected learning partners to
increase access to higher education through distance and blended learning
programs. The UNHCR carried out strong advocacy with the ministries of
education and local institutions in the countries affected by displacement to
reduce barriers for refugees accessing higher education. Therefore, it
continues to advocate with ministries of education and critical stakeholders
to enable more young people to attend higher education courses and
diversify learning opportunities to empower refugees to work towards
lasting and more fruitful solutions (Sheehy, 2014).
In contexts of South Asian countries, higher education overseeing
authorities such as UGC (Bangladesh, India and Nepal), HEC (Pakistan)
should work with the HEIs in their own countries to support refugees’
higher. In South Asian countries, the prime responsibilities for formulating
higher education policy and assuring the quality is done by the respective
countries’ national statutory and regulatory bodies such as UGC in
Bangladesh, India and Nepal, and HEC in Pakistan. These organizations
usually provide accreditation of academic degrees, authorise new

institutions, elevate existing institutions, or withdraw any HEI affiliation.

Therefore, those organizations must initiate a new program to accommodate
the refugee students in the existing HEI’s or authorise new institutes for the
refugees’ higher education. Long-standing experiences of those regulatory
organizations would make higher education possible for the refugees.
Policy Recommendations for Local Governments
Local government tends to work closely with the communities in a

locality. Therefore, local governments generally have grassroots knowledge
of ordinary people’s livelihood. The data derived from local government
sources authentically reflects the constraints and potentiality of the local
community. In this vein, it is very crucial to collect those data from the
refugee localities, which can genuinely reveal the rich qualitative and
quantitative information needed for planning a higher education portfolio for
refugees.
Policy Recommendations for Non-Government Organizations
Refugee influx and migration flow create challenges for humanitarian

and development workers. To address the issues of displacement and crisis,
NGOs have to extend their help beyond immediate humanitarian assistance
and in some cases to assist the long-term integration of refugees in the host
country or third country where they can settle for their betterment. Civil
society actors increasingly play a crucial role in mending the gap between
public institutions and the real needs of refugees in the crisis-affected areas,
especially in refugee camps and surrounding areas. Refugee assistance
programs should recognise that support for refugees must be extended
beyond the academic needs of the refugees. Civil society, including NGOs,
must include advocacy programs so that stakeholders can easily understand
the complexities of host environments and refugees’ needs.

Policy Recommendations for HEIs
Along with the national educational policy, some universities have their
own organizational and educational policies in regard to providing higher
education to their students. Many universities in South Asia enjoy some
autonomy in running their programs. They are not strictly bound to follow
the national educational policies if these are incompatible with the specific
organizational policy. In particular, the management of those universities
often emphasise democratic practices and adopt rules and regulations
ascertained by the university bodies such as the senate or syndicate.
Allowing refugees to have higher education in those universities will
therefore require a systematic change. Changing existing rules and
regulations within those autonomous universities would require multi-level
authorisation by various bodies. It would be a lot easier for fully
government-controlled or privately managed higher institutes to
accommodate refugees rather than autonomous organizations. Non-
autonomous organizations are lawfully bound to follow government rules
and regulations. A policy reformation is required by the respective
governments to ensure refugees’ access to higher education. Often the
formulation of such policies might create considerable tension within the
existing societies and academic communities.
The role of academic communities is very important as academic
communities are driven by various social dynamics, and students are
members of these communities, along with faculty members and other
resource personals. Refugees’ access to the broader academic community
might therefore evoke a less severe, harsher or mixed reaction. There is very
little known about the probable response of including refugees in the
mainstream educational system. In reality, academic communities might not
be able to incorporate the refugees due to the unfamiliarity of their previous
educational background or cultural and historical orientations. Therefore, as
part of civil society, academic organizations might not be able to deal with
the new culture and customs of the refugee students. Consequently, they
might oppose refugee inclusion and disapprove or disagree with the
government decision. On the contrary, autonomous HEIs might follow the

government’s instruction to allow the refugees to study due to teachers’

political association with the government or financial gain for them.
Table 8.2. Support systems for refugees by the Universities
Stage Supports
Pre-  Online student forum for refugee student where prospective
Enrolment refugee students can discuss different issues
 Short socialisation course in a virtual learning environment (VLE)
to make them familiar with the ‘HEI’s VEL
 Run orientation sessions where and whom to contact if they need
support on specific issues
 Individual welcome emails and phone calls explaining what would
happen and what to do next
During  On-campus orientation events, i.e., introduction to the program
Enrolment and department or school, socialisation opportunities with course
teachers, program director, administrative staff, existing students
or alumnus
 Campus tour including library visit and introduction to university
student support services
 Helping with settling down including getting a student travel pass,
a bank account, available discount cards, etc.
 Introductory session on the VLE (virtual learning environment)
i.e., Moodle, Canvas, Blackboard
 Detailed briefing on online teaching and learning including
submitting coursework (assignment) online and attending online-
based tests
 Orientation about the online classroom, online library resources,
online coursework submission and university’s diversity and
inclusion policies, etc.
After  Support in different means, i.e., provide free textbooks and other
Enrolment study materials, and travel expenses vouchers, meal vouchers for
on-campus events
 Training on the study and research skills, different online-based
tools
 Policies and legal bindings of using technologies and university’s
digital resources
 Legal and safe use of university’s devices and Internet
 Allocating a dedicated academic as a personal tutor who will
support the refugee student throughout the year
 Time to time check-in emails and phone calls to ensure that
student is okay with the study and making progress
Orienting the international students into new institutional policy and

practice always requires additional investment, preparation and resources.

Generally, many universities organize year-long ‘foundation courses’ to

orient foreign students. Many countries in South Asia do not have any
infrastructures or partnerships with other institutions or organizations for
conducting ‘foundation courses. Foundation courses not only orient
international students with the language, history and culture modules but
also with the basic concepts and theories related to the disciplinary areas
related to their future education. Without extensive planning and efforts to
introduce a foundation program in every institute, it could be quite hard to
arrange a particular program for refugee students. To accommodate refugee
students into higher education, at least a handful of institutions should
integrate foundation courses.
Above all, universities should provide tuition-free scholarships for
refugees to pursue their higher education in their chosen fields. They also
need to work in facilitating more accessible educational pathways for
refugees. For most refugees, one-to-one personal support is required at the
university so that refugees can make a smooth transition in their progress to
higher education. In some cases, help is needed to assist the whole family of
refugee students in settling down on campus and overcoming the challenges
they face in their everyday lives, with community support to make them
comfortable within the academic communities.
All universities could introduce match-funding grant programs for
refugee students to support the cost of their higher education. In general,
refugees’ legal status often prevents them from being legally employed in
their host country. Therefore, generating income for pursuing higher
education is quite impossible for them. Although many refugees may work
illegally, discriminatory policies against refugees force them to be
unemployed or create a legal risk for both employers and refugees. However,
universities should also support different stages (i.e., pre-enrolment, during
enrolment and post enrolment) of engagement for refugees to enjoy their
higher education learning journey (Earnest et al., 2010). Table 8.2 illustrates
how universities could support those planning to start and make their
transition to higher education.
Given the opportunity, refugees may demonstrate that they can perform
well in their jobs and contribute to the local economy. Therefore, universities

should develop alternative employment pathways through different options

such as remote work and digital internships and employment opportunities
to connect highly skilled refugee students. For example, the College for
America program of the Southern New Hampshire University offers these
types of blended learning opportunities for some refugee students. However,
they claim that their education program provides a project-based, market-
aligned curriculum emphasising 21st century’s technical and soft-skills
oriented degrees which help their graduates to engage in the rapidly
developing sector of remote-based digital work. In this case, the university
engages directly with employers, governments, and organizations to create
opportunities by connecting them in refugees’ higher education. The
universities can easily use their connections and social capital so that the
disadvantaged can have an opportunity for a better future. As mentioned by
the Southern New Hampshire University, in collaboration with NGOs like
Kepler, the university chooses to move beyond the mere provision of
education. It actively engaged in cultivating refugees’ social capital through
access to internships, employment networks, and feedback for continuing
employment. Even in the face of discrimination, refugee students reach
higher levels of social integration in the host communities or countries
through this engagement process.
CONCLUSION
Access to higher education is only a first step for refugees toward

fighting the odds and using their full potential to live a dignified life either
in a host country or after returning to their country of origin. Though
refugees are displaced from their homes, they can achieve academic
excellence in their areas of interest and unfold their potential to become
emerging leaders in their chosen fields and lead their communities or
communities into which they have integrated. Unfortunately, in many cases,
their unclear legal status in a host county, lack of proper documentation and
financial difficulties hinder their personal and professional growth. Legal
and practical situations create barriers which prevent them from exploring

opportunities, including access to higher education. However, access to

higher education alone cannot solve the many challenges or overcome the
obstacles that refugees face during their displacement or transition to a new
country or culture.
From the perspective of the ‘punctuated equilibrium paradigm’, these
difficulties notwithstanding, high-quality higher education opportunities can
provide refugees with the resources, skills, and networks. These aspects of
higher education can help them succeed in life despite all of the physical,
mental, economic, political and socio-cultural challenges they encounter in
their life journeys. Supporting refugees for higher education increases their
independence, livelihood, and sustainability (Bista, Sharma & Raby, 2020)
by enhancing their capabilities and liberty to choose (Sen, 1992 & 1993). In
other words, higher education can provide them with the knowledge, skills
and expertise to contribute to the communities they belong to or integrated
to as well as the society as a whole, rather than becoming a burden for the
society.
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Refugee Studies, 24(2), 256–276. Doi:10.1093/jrs/fer011.

Chapter 9
EDUCATION FOR REFUGEES IN SOUTH ASIA:

AID OR DEVELOPMENT?
Goutam Roy1,, Mahbub Alam Prodip2

and Debasish Nandy3
1
2
3
Kazi Nazrul University, West Bengal, India
ABSTRACT
This chapter summarizes the findings of the previous eight chapters in

line with the conceptual framework provided in the introductory chapter.
Besides, based on the arguments of the case studies, the authors highlight
the barriers and challenges of refugee education in South Asian countries
and provide a number of brief recommendations to improve the existing
educational situation of refugee children and youth. Additionally, the

Corresponding Author’s E-mail: goutamroy@ru.ac.bd.

224 Goutam Roy, Mahbub Alam Prodip and Debasish Nandy
importance of collaboration between the respective governments and non-

governmental organizations is addressed and the concluding remarks
discuss the possible ways to move forward that the state policymakers can
consider.
Keywords: Refugee education, aid, development, South Asia
This book makes an endeavor to inspect and critically evaluate the

education policies and practices for refugee children and youth in four South
Asian countries: Bangladesh, India, Nepal and Pakistan. In recent years,
education has appeared as a powerful tool to lower the consequences of
battles by inspiring equality and stability as well as proposing a ‘safe
heaven’ during the era of struggles. This is because education can strengthen
sustaining and reconstructing lives in post-conflict societies (Burde, Kapit,
Wahl, Guven, & Skarpeteig, 2017; Damaschke-Deitrick, Galegher & Park,
2019; Smith, 2010; UNHCR, 2018), It is significant to understand how
education providers offer education to a growing number of refugee youth
and children despite they face a number of challenges. These challenges are
very much related to the provision of improving the situation of refugee –
especially in South Asia.
A variety of case studies covered in this volume from Bangladesh, India,
Nepal and Pakistan discussed a wide range of issues. These issues include,
understanding and explaining refugee education for Rohingya refugee youth
and children through relief and development aspect; exploring the current
educational status of Bihari refugees in Bangladesh; ensuring quality
education through developing teacher’s competency framework for
Rohingya education in Bangladesh; unrevealing the educational status for
different kinds of refugees in India; understanding the underlying causes that
hinder Afghan refugees in receiving education in India and Pakistan;
explaining the role of education in the social integration of Bhutanese
refugees in resettled countries; and exploring the challenges and issues of
access to higher education for refugees in South Asian countries. All of these
chapters deal widely with the central and sub-national government policies
of host countries as well as practices of the INGOs and NGOs with regards

Education for Refugees in South Asia 225
to refugee education in four South Asian countries. However, there are

discussions and disputes about the strategic actions taken by the host
countries with a view to offering quality education to refugee youth and
children in the South Asian region.
Education is formally considered a human right through the
implementation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR)
(UNICEF, 2007). The purpose of a human rights-based approach to
education is to appreciate, dignify, and protect a child’s self-respect and
greatest development through providing and guaranteeing a quality
education (UNESCO, 2011; UNIECF, 2007). A rights-based approach can
deliver education as either relief or development for children and youth
affected by war and conflict. Some scholars viewed education as central to
development (Buckland, 2004; Dryden-Peterson, 2015; Pigozzi, 1999; Sen,
2005; Uvin, 2007), and perceived as basic to relief programs and as a facet
of relief-development transformation due to its act in psychological coping
and conflict prevention (Burde, Kapit, Wahl, Guven, & Skarpeteig, 2017;
Burde, Guven, Kelcey, Lahmann, & Al-Abbadi, 2015; Cardarelli, 2018;
Dryden-Peterson, 2017; Mendenhall, 2014; Prodip & Garnett, 2019;
SinClair, 2007; UNESCO, 2001; Zeus, 2011).
From the beginning to the end of this book, several issues were inspected
about how the above-mentioned South Asian countries address these issues
of refugee education despite their limited commitments to the international
community in ensuring education for refugee youth and children. It is
important to note that none of the countries are the signatory party to the
1951 Geneva Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol relating to the
Status of Refugees. Although these countries do not have refugee policies,
they deal with a number of refugee populations including Afghans,
Bhutanese, Bihari, East Pakistanis, Pakistanis, Rohingya, Sri Lankan
Tamils, and Tibetans. It is worth mentioning that eight special chapters in
this edited book focus on the issue of refugee education that are mostly
experienced by South Asian societies. The deliberations are significant in
the South Asian context, as the region continues to generate and receive a
huge number of refugees and is fighting to provide basic education to
refugee youth and children despite limited capacities and resources.

Evidences present that refugee education in three countries including

Bangladesh, India and Pakistan is mostly being viewed as a relief activity,
while education for Bhutanese refugees in Nepal is being observed as a
development activity. Although the refugee children in India came from
different countries are treated differently, some particular groups such as
Tamil and Tibetan received quality education from the state governments. It
is also significant to mention that the Bihari refugees in Bangladesh have
granted citizenship rights due to the verdict of the Supreme Court.
Considering all these issues, this book suggests that the development aspect
should be focused on refugee education in Bangladesh, India and Pakistan
by which refugee children can survive with honor and dignity if they have
an opportunity to be integrated into host countries, resettled in third
countries or repatriated in their home countries. To do this, education for
refugees should be included in the national education system in host
countries, especially in Bangladesh, India and Pakistan.
The eight book chapters also identified a number of challenges regarding
the scope of education for the refugees in South Asia countries. Firstly, the
South Asian countries have no specific policy to address the educational
needs of the refugee children in line with their overall development. Due to
the lack of explicit policy, refugee students are not getting an adequate scope
of the formal learning environment. The reasons behind not providing a
wider scope for education are discussed exclusively in these chapters with
particular examples. Secondly, in many cases, though the refugee children
get chances to go to school, their education further hampers due to the lack
of various legal documents. Thirdly, it was found that the environment of
the learning centres is not always learning-friendly which hinder the
educational activities and thereby limit the scope of ensuring quality
education. Fourthly, a good number of reasons have been identified why
teachers are not always well prepared. The chapters also discussed teachers’
professional knowledge, skills, and attitude which also need further
development.
Education is unconditionally related to various factors and phenomena
and the surrounding issues have a direct impact on children education. The
financial crisis of the refugee people leads them not to continue their

education; rather, they are interested in finding jobs. Lack of different kinds
of issues relating to security also triggers to take such a decision. The
chapters discussed these challenges in detail; however, irrespective of
countries, the authors also found some other challenges including lack of
documentation, linguistics barriers and lack of access to education. Country-
specific examples are given in the chapters.
The chapters addressed the problems and barriers of the refugee people
in terms of their access to education and therefore, a number of
recommendations have also been proposed. As education is solely related to
the survival status of the refugee people, therefore, some recommendations
were made in connection to this dimension. If we consider only the
education-related recommendations, specific policies for the education of
refugee children get priority. As inclusive education is a burning issue
nowadays, therefore, along with hosting the refugee people, it is
recommended to consider their rights of education as a priority. On the other
hand, as many learning centres for refugee children and youth are not
learning-friendly, therefore, making these centres well-equipped with
skilled teachers is recommended. Quality education is one of the important
goals for sustainable development, and a good learning centre can help to
achieve quality education. Since the sustainable development goals (SDGs)
focus on quality education without discrimination, education for the refugee
children should be prioritized in line with the SDGs.
The South Asian countries cannot run all the activities for the refugees
without the help of international bodies. As many INGOs are working
directly with the refugees, therefore, a close coordination between the
government of the respective country and performing organizations is
necessary which will enable them to provide a more developed and flexible
educational program for the refugee children. Similarly, for better education,
it is recommended to address the special educational needs of the refugee
children, include them in mainstream education, and allocate special funds
for educational development. To ensure these recommendations, different
ministries should work together with a specific plan. Notably, a planned
action needs to be taken how the refugee children can be included in all
educational institutions ranging from primary to tertiary, maintaining all the

legal procedures of host countries. The higher education institutions, then,

can provide support by conducting research and by providing policy
recommendations to the policymakers of respective countries.
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ABOUT THE EDITORS
Mahbub Alam Prodip is an Associate Professor in the Public

Administration Department at the University of Rajshahi in Bangladesh. He
is currently pursuing a Doctor of Philosophy in Peace Studies at the
University of New England in Australia. He did his Master of Science in
Gender and Development Studies from the Asian Institute of Technology in
Thailand with excellent in research work. He also completed his Master of
Social Science and Bachelor of Social Science in Public Administration
from the University of Chittagong in Bangladesh. His research interests are
gender, politics and empowerment, gender and violence, political violence
and good governance, and health and education of refugee children. He has
published a number of articles, book chapters and book reviews from peer-
reviewed journals and renowned publishing companies including Sage,
Taylor & Francis and Routledge.
Goutam Roy is an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Education and

Research (IER), University of Rajshahi, Bangladesh. He completed his MSc
in Educational Science and Technology at the University of Twente in the
Netherlands and his MEd in Educational Evaluation and Research at the
University of Dhaka, Bangladesh. His teaching and research interests

232 About the Editors
include assessment in education, primary and non-formal education, and use

of technology in education. Prior to joining academia, he has worked for two
international NGOs as an education researcher for around ten years and has
produced a number of research and technical reports in the areas of students’
assessment, non-formal education, and primary education. Besides, he has
published articles in scholarly journals in the area of student-centred
education, students’ assessment and primary education, and has authored
several modules, teachers’ guides, books, and book chapters.
Debasish Nandy is an Associate Professor, Department of Political

Science, Kazi Nazrul University, Asansol, West Bengal, India. Dr. Nandy is
the Coordinator of the Centre for Studies of South and South-East Asian
Societies at the same university. He is the Visiting Faculty in the
Department of International Relations, Tajik National University,
Dushanbe, Tajikistan. Dr. Nandy has published 40 research papers in
national and international well-reputed journals he also contributed 38 books
chapters in edited volumes. Dr. Nandy is author of 4 books, namely “India
and the United States: A Complex Bilateral Relations”, “Understanding
Pakistan”, “Revisiting India’s Post-Cold War Foreign Policy: Since 1991-
Present Day”. Dr. Nandy has edited 10 books, such as “The Role of
International Organizations in World Politics”, “Mapping South Asia: State,
Society and Security Dilemmas”, “South Asia and Democracy:
Contextualizing Issues and Institutions”, “An Outline of India’s Foreign
Policy and Relations”, “Connecting Asia: Understanding Foreign Relations,
International Organizations and Contemporary Issues. He has visited 14
countries in various academic assignment. Dr. Nandy regularly appears on
TV channels as a commentator on International Politics. His research
interests include India’s Foreign Policy, South Asian Politics and Security
Affairs.

ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Anil Kumar Biswas, PhD, faculty member of Department of Political

Science, The University of Burdwan having research interest in Rural
Development, Education Policy and Tribal Empowerment. He completed
one and ongoing one major research project under ICSSR, New Delhi and
completed one minor research project of UGC, New Delhi. He published
one book titled “Socio-Economic Profile of Toto Tribe” in 2019 from Aayu
Publications, New Delhi and 48 research papers from peer-reviewed
national and international journals and edited books. He presented 44 papers
in international, national and state-level seminars. He is a life member of the
West Bengal Political Scientist Association and Bengal Institute of Political
Studies.
Baki Md. Murtoza is an Advocate of the Bangladesh Supreme Court.

He is also working as a Lecturer at the Ideal Law College, Dhaka,
Bangladesh. He completed Bachelor of Laws (LLB) and Masters of Laws
(LLM) from the University of Dhaka. In 2008, he received the prestigious
‘University Scholarship’ for his outstanding result in LLM. He secured 18th
position in the national merit list in the Secondary School Certificate (SSC)
examination in 1998. In addition, he was recommended as an Assistant

234 About the Authors
Judge in 2009. His research interests are legal rights, forced migration, and
criminal justice.
Dev Raj Acharya is a Senior Lecturer in Public Health at the Department

of Public Health. Dev is interested in different aspects of public health
particularly in global health problems in developing countries. He has a keen
interest in the internationalization of higher education. His current research
focuses on maternal health, reproductive and sexual health including
HIV/AIDS, BAME health, migration and health system research. He has
methodological expertise particularly in systematic review, evidence
synthesis and mixed methods. He has published a wide range of peer-
reviewed journal articles and book chapters related to his research field. Dr
Acharya has completed MSc in Public Health from the University of
Aberdeen and PhD from Aberystwyth University, UK. Before moving to
Wolverhampton University, he was a Lecturer of Education and
International Development at Aberystwyth University (2015-2019), Project
Assistant in Epidemiology Group at the University of Aberdeen (2008-
2009). Previously, he worked for HIV/AIDS and STI prevention programme
(USAID funded project) supported by the Ministry of Health in Nepal.
G M Rakibul Islam works as an Assistant Professor (Education) at the

Department of Educational Administration at Noakhali Science and
Technology University (NSTU), Bangladesh, where he is developing future
leaders and managers for the education sector. Prior to joining NSTU, he
spent more than 7 years managing education projects and developing
teachers’ capacity at the a2i program, Ministry of Education and British
Council Bangladesh. Mr. Islam holds a Masters in Educational Leadership
from the University of Manchester, UK. He has published multiple articles
in national and international journals and book chapters on educational
issues.

Golam Rabbani is currently working as a faculty member of the

Department of Public Administration at the University of Rajshahi,
Bangladesh. He pursued both his bachelor and master degrees from the same
department of this university where he is working now as a faculty member.
He, also, obtained another Master degree in Public Policy and Governance
from the North South University, which is run in collaboration with the
University of Bergen, Norway. Later on, he completed MSc in Political
Science from Södertörn University, Stockholm, in 2017, with a distinction
in thesis. His academic works have been published as journal articles and
book chapters from internationally renowned publishing houses, including
Sage, Rutledge, CRC Press, and IGI Global etc. Alongside, he has presented
a number of conference papers at home and aboard.
Happy Kumar Das is engaged as Associate Professor, Institute of

Education and Research (IER), University of Rajshahi. He is also working
as Editor-in-Chief of Bangladesh Journal of Educational Research (BJER),
an open access peer-reviewed research journal that is published by the
Institute of Education and Research (IER), University of Rajshahi,
Bangladesh. Apart from these, he is also working as the National
Representative of ARNEC (from 2017) in Bangladesh. Previously, he
worked as a Faculty (2011-2012) for the MSc in ECD course at the Institute
of Educational Development (IED), BRAC University. He did his
Graduation and Masters from IER, Dhaka University and then went to Japan
(from 2004 - 2011) as Monbukagakusho Scholar for Masters leading PhD
majoring in Early Childhood Education. He worked for different national
and international organizations and was involved in different research
studies that influenced the national education system especially pre-primary
and primary education. He has authored several Textbooks for Primary
Teacher Education and Early Childhood Education and has peer-reviewed
articles at home and abroad.

Iqthyer Uddin Md Zahed is a Doctoral fellow of the School of

Humanities, Arts & Social Sciences of University of New England,
Australia. He educated at Anglia Ruskin University, United Kingdom & the
University of Chittagong, Bangladesh. He published several research
articles in different international peer-reviewed journals. He can be reached
through izahedcu@gmail.com or izahed@myune.edu.au
M. Mahruf C. Shohel is an academic researcher with special interests

in education, childhood studies and international development. He is serving
as the Country Director for Bangladesh, at the International Higher
Education Teaching and Learning Association. Dr Shohel has worked for
several British universities including the University of Sussex, Aberystwyth
University, University of Leicester, University of Glasgow, University of
Cambridge, Buckinghamshire New University, University of Sunderland,
The Open University and the University of Manchester. He has written
extensively on development issues in the Global South and conducted
research on disadvantaged children including socioeconomically deprived
children, street children, and sex worker’s children. Currently, Dr Shohel is
engaged in the fields of education in emergencies, emerging technologies in
education, and teaching and learning in higher education.
Muhammad Shajjad Ahsan is currently working as a Professor of the

Department of Drama at Jahangirnagar University, Dhaka, Bangladesh. He
was the Head of the Department of Drama in 2006. He was employed as a
Media Consultant in the English in Action Programme of the Open
University, UK, in 2009. In 2014-15, he worked as an Academic Visitor at
the Manchester Institute of Innovation and Research. In July 2016, Shajjad
worked as Visiting Scholar at Media and Communications in the School of
Arts and Digital Industries of the University of East London for a year. He
has taught across a range of core undergraduate and postgraduate courses
concerned with Media Production, Film Studies, Television Studies, and
Directing for Film and Television and Acting for Film and Television.

Shajjad’s academic interests are in the areas of media education, film

production, screen performance, cultural studies, and creative industries in
Bangladesh and the UK.
Nasrin Jabin is working as a Research Data Analyst at the Centre for

Genocide Studies (CGS) under the project ‘Partnerships for a Tolerant and
Inclusive Bangladesh (PTIB)’ of the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP). She has completed her MSS, with specialization in
conflict resolution, and BSS from the Department of Peace and Conflict
Studies, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh respectively in 2019 and 2018.
Her area of interest is International Relations. Apart from it, she is working
as the President of the Dhaka University Research Society, University of
Dhaka. Besides, she has been a Promotional Researcher in Social Science
Research Council, Ministry of Planning, Government of the People’s
Republic of Bangladesh.
M. Shahriar Shafiq is working as a teacher educator for the Primary

Teacher’s Training Institute under the Ministry of Primary and Mass
Education in Bangladesh. After completing his graduation and post-
graduation on education, Mr. Shahriar has developed himself as an
education professional with knowledge and experience in the field in the last
ten years. His work experience includes teacher education and training,
education research, content development, manual and book development,
program design and management and so on for different government, non-
government and donor organizations. He was involved in more than 30
research projects, 10 education projects and 14 books/manual development
projects covering different areas and levels of education. He has authored
many journal articles and book chapters as well as presented paper in
national and international conference/seminars.

Shafi Md Mostofa is an Assistant Professor of World Religions and

Culture (with special interests in Political Islam in Bangladesh) at Dhaka
University’s Faculty of Arts and an Adjunct Lecturer of University of New
England, Australia. He did his Doctor of Philosophy (dissertation: Islamist
Militancy in Bangladesh) from the University of New England, New South
Wales, Australia. His publications have appeared (or forthcoming) with
Routledge, Springer, Cambridge University Press, Oxford University Press,
Palgrave Macmillan; and the journals: Politics and Religion, Perspectives on
Terrorism, Counter-Terrorism and Terrorist Analyses, and Peace and
Conflict Review.
Sukanya Mukherjee is currently working as SACT-I faculty in the

Department of Political Science, Sammilani Mahavidyalaya, Kolkata, West
Bengal, India. She did her M.Phil on ‘Terrorism in South Asia: Implications
for India-Pakistan Relations’ from Vidyasagar University in 2014. She has
completed her PhD on the topic ‘India’s Strategic Policy towards Central
Asia: Emerging Security and Economic Dimensions’ from Vidyasagar
university, West Bengal in 2019. She has published five research articles in
reputed journals and edited volumes and also co-authored one book on
‘India’s Connect Central Asia Policy: Emerging Security and Economic
Dimensions’ (2019). She also worked as UGC-MRP fellow at Vidyasagar
University, Research Associate at Central University of Jharkhand, Ranchi.
Her research interests include India’s foreign Policy, Central Asia, South
Asia, international security studies, refugee studies.
Tanzimul Islam is working as the Deputy Secretary of Universal Help

Hub as well as currently pursuing MSS from the department of Media
Studies and Journalism, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh. His area of
interest is public relations and communication. He is also working as an
Assistant Promotional Researcher in Social Science Research Council,
Ministry of Planning, and Government of the People’s Republic of
Bangladesh.

INDEX
age, 21, 31, 58, 60, 73, 75, 76, 89, 120, 121,
A
148, 162
agencies, 27, 89, 136, 166, 181, 202
abuse, 21, 107, 121
Asia, vii, 46, 48, 56, 82, 85, 141, 167, 184,
academic success, 80, 185, 203
188, 191, 192, 206
access, 19, 26, 27, 29, 30, 32, 48, 55, 57, 65,
Asian countries, 149, 189, 191, 192, 193,
70, 73, 76, 82, 93, 121, 122, 129, 133,
204, 206, 208
145, 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159,
assessment, vii, 91, 95, 96, 97, 104, 108,
161, 162, 164, 166, 187, 188, 189, 190,
109, 112, 113, 114, 139, 163, 189, 200,
192, 195, 196, 197, 199, 200, 201, 202,
218
203, 204, 205, 206, 208, 210, 213, 214,
assessment techniques, 112
216, 217, 219,221
assessment tools, 95, 112
accessibility, 94, 199
asylum, 49, 81, 119, 121, 124, 128, 139,
accommodation, 78, 126, 138
143, 147, 152, 157, 191, 197, 200, 206,
accreditation, 200, 208
218
adolescents, 21, 58, 61, 93, 146
awareness, 76, 78, 101, 148
adult education, 164, 195
adults, 21, 61, 62, 146, 197
advocacy, 77, 78, 81, 208, 209 B
Afghanistan, xvi, 59, 120, 124, 125, 146,
147, 148, 149, 150, 155, 161, 168, 170, background information, 91
191, 192, 195 backlash, 200
Africa, 184, 199 Bangladesh, vii, xii, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24,
25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 37, 38, 39,

240 Index
40, 41, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, Chief Justice, 192
53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, child development, 143
66, 67, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, child protection, 96, 99, 100, 103, 104, 107,
87, 88, 89, 96, 113, 114, 117, 119, 120, 114
124, 126, 129, 171, 187, 188, 189, 191, childhood, 71, 115, 147, 164, 195
192, 193, 201, 208, 219, 220 children, v, vii, xi, 19, 20, 21, 25, 26, 27, 28,
Bangladeshis, 63, 77, 188 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39,
banking, 133, 206 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 51, 52,
barriers, 54, 69, 73, 123, 159, 164, 166, 184, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64,
188, 189, 193, 194, 197, 199, 200, 203, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71, 73, 74, 75, 77, 78,
208, 213, 221 79, 80, 83, 84, 85, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 96,
basic education, 60, 77, 92, 98, 118, 131, 98, 100, 101, 103, 107, 110, 114, 118,
133, 134, 137, 158 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 127, 129, 130,
behavioral change, 77, 78 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138,
benefits, 82, 101, 107, 111, 123, 195 139, 141, 143, 145, 146, 147, 148, 150,
Bhagwati, 192 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159,
Bhutan, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 173,
182, 183, 184, 185, 191, 192 180, 183,185, 195, 197, 219
Bihari, 55, 56, 57, 58, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, China, 123, 128, 174, 192, 217
68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, Christians, 124, 129
79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 188, 192 citizens, 24, 62, 63, 81, 82, 128, 138, 142,
Bihari children, 55, 56, 66, 67, 77, 78, 79 149, 150, 177, 184, 206
bilateral, 177, 191 citizenship, 21, 23, 24, 28, 49, 50, 55, 57,
Buddhism, 28, 128, 175 63, 64, 65, 69, 81, 82, 83, 123, 124, 125,
building blocks, 60 126, 127, 131, 140, 142, 152, 165, 175,
Burma, 23, 24, 49, 51, 54, 139 176
civil servants, 195
civil service, 177
C
civil society, 136, 164, 210
civil war, 192
Cabinet, 156
civilization, 56, 59
Cambodia, 129
classes, 60, 61, 157, 160, 161, 165, 179,
capacity building, 76
197, 198
certificate, 21, 37, 38, 39, 45, 92, 130, 161,
classroom, 39, 42, 104, 112, 165, 211
176, 177, 201
classroom management, 104, 165
certification, 100, 164, 196, 200, 204, 206
climate change, 188
challenges, vii, 22, 27, 32, 38, 39, 44, 50,
collaboration, 91, 101, 111, 134, 213
57, 70, 88, 91, 99, 101, 110, 111, 119,
communication, 79, 96, 103, 130, 134, 181
138, 146, 147, 153, 154, 156, 158, 159,
communication skills, 96, 103, 130
160, 162, 166, 174, 188, 189, 190, 193,
community support, 212
194, 198, 199, 200, 201, 203, 205, 207,
competency framework, xvi, 87, 88, 90, 96,
208, 209, 212, 214, 215
100, 102, 103, 108, 111, 113, 114

Index 241
complications, 70, 140 displaced persons, 150

compulsory education, 156 displacement, xi, 46, 59, 148, 167, 169, 196,
conflict, vii, xi, 23, 26, 48, 51, 59, 60, 61, 198, 204, 208, 209, 214, 218
78, 79, 82, 107, 121, 126, 145, 147, 148, distance learning, 196, 197
184, 185, 188, 191, 195, 203, 205, 215, diversity, 107, 160, 211
218 domestic issues, 162
convention, 172, 190, 191 drug trafficking, 77
cooperation, 61, 80, 84, 94, 107, 118, 131,
137, 146, 197
E
cost, 39, 40, 68, 110, 166, 181, 202, 212
country of origin, 166, 174, 190, 194, 201,
economic development, 59
213
economic institutions, 177
culture, 22, 29, 30, 31, 44, 122, 123, 133,
economic integration, 208, 219
174, 176, 182, 185, 200, 202, 210, 212,
economic migrants, 150
214
economic status, 70
curricula, 122
economic well-being, 80
curriculum, 26, 28, 30, 32, 39, 45, 48, 69,
ecosystem, 196
90, 92, 96, 103, 121, 166, 198, 202, 205,
educational attainment, 201
213
educational background, 174, 210
curriculum choice, 203
educational experience, 139
educational institutions, 27, 29, 67, 78, 124
D educational opportunities, 19, 67, 196
educational policy, 210
data collection, 97, 194 educational programs, 164
decentralisation, 185 educational services, 122
decision-making process, 202 educational status, 27, 51, 55, 56, 57, 66,
democracy, 60, 82, 160 67, 68, 79, 83, 114, 120, 154, 166
Democratic Party, xvi, 148 educational system, 52, 83, 210
Democratic Republic of Congo, xv, 59, 61 educators, xi
demography, 126 Egypt, 28
demonstrations, 176 electricity, 70, 74, 127, 180, 201
denial, 56, 79, 84 emergency, xi, xii, 21, 26, 27, 29, 32, 33,
Denmark, 133, 169, 173 34, 37, 38, 43, 45, 47, 53, 59, 88, 91, 93,
Department of Education, 114 94, 95, 96, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 105,
depth, xi, 97, 99, 154, 174, 181 106, 107, 108, 112, 113, 125, 152, 171
developed nations, 133, 173, 178, 181 emergency response, 26, 59, 152
developing countries, 60, 65, 82, 151, 159, empathy, 27, 77
183 employees, 155
dignity, vii, 27, 57, 151, 183 employers, 161, 212, 213
discrimination, 27, 59, 60, 62, 107, 121, employment, 78, 80, 125, 172, 189, 206,
137, 151, 160, 161, 175, 203, 213 213

242 Index
employment opportunities, 78, 80, 172, 213 funding, 64, 65, 78, 88, 90, 151, 159, 164,
ethnic groups, xi, 23, 24, 174 179, 181, 199, 201, 206, 212
ethnicity, 49, 54, 174 funds, 25, 39, 40, 67, 206
Europe, 65, 80, 85, 185, 189, 199, 215, 216,
220
G
examinations, 61, 75, 179
exclusion, 62, 119, 160
gender-sensitive, 90
exercise, 122, 142, 154, 203
general education, 33, 34, 36
exile, 128, 133, 139, 146, 147, 151
general election, 64
Geneva Convention, 89, 118, 121, 123, 136,
F 191
genocide, 50, 51, 54, 128
facilitators, 61, 93, 97, 98, 100, 102, 103 geo-political, 163
families, 21, 40, 65, 68, 71, 73, 76, 122, Germany, 59, 133, 220
123, 134, 140, 148, 165, 203 government policy, 132, 152
family members, 56, 68, 73, 134, 149, 163, governments, xi, 80, 81, 118, 122, 135, 136,
200 159, 166, 188, 193, 202, 206, 210, 213
fear, 119, 121, 162, 163, 177, 190 grant programs, 212
financial, 20, 22, 31, 38, 40, 45, 69, 101, grants, 165, 179, 206, 207
107, 111, 118, 122, 127, 131, 136, 137, guidance, 76, 133, 200
138, 165, 181, 188, 202, 203, 206, 211, guidelines, 22, 32, 84, 103, 110, 112, 137,
213 151, 215
financial resources, 20, 22, 38, 45, 118, 122, guiding principles, 109
137
financial support, 202
H
fiscal year, 202
flexibility, 159, 199
harassment, 62, 78, 118, 121, 137, 162, 203
food, xi, 26, 34, 43, 76, 77, 79, 132, 135,
health, xi, 22, 42, 56, 57, 60, 72, 73, 76, 77,
167, 172, 175, 177, 180
79, 134, 135, 141, 157, 206
food security, 175
health care, xi, 73
force, 23, 62, 212
health problems, 72
forced migration, 50, 152, 172, 177
health services, 158
foreign aid, 190
high school, 130, 197
foreign language, 161
high school diploma, 197
foreign nationals, 206
higher education, 54, 67, 70, 132, 133, 138,
formal education, 20, 27, 33, 57, 61, 62, 67,
139, 142, 155, 161, 162, 179, 181, 182,
89, 92, 130, 131, 154, 159, 164, 197
187, 188, 189, 190, 193, 194, 195, 196,
formal sector, 150
198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205,
formation, 27, 54
206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 212, 213, 214,
France, 31, 49, 133, 169, 216
215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221
freedom, 62, 79, 149, 206
highlands, 125

Index 243
history, 22, 28, 53, 85, 122, 126, 203, 212 information sharing, 189
host, vii, 58, 62, 89, 92, 97, 98, 99, 100, infrastructure, 31, 60, 156, 163, 165
113, 121, 122, 147, 151, 154, 155, 157, institutions, 37, 44, 60, 67, 158, 162, 190,
159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 165, 169, 172, 196, 200, 205, 206, 208, 209, 212
174, 177, 181, 182, 188, 189, 190, 192, integration, 54, 80, 123, 127, 138, 140, 165,
194, 195, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 172, 173, 174, 183, 194, 209, 219, 220
205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 212, 213, 216 internally displaced, 20, 63
human, vii, 21, 26, 47, 48, 51, 53, 54, 56, international criminal court, 50
57, 59, 65, 79, 81, 84, 121, 126, 137, international law, 52, 123, 168, 190
146, 148, 152, 187, 188 international relations, 150
human capital, 59 interpersonal relations, 107
human development, 60, 146 interpersonal relationships, 107
human dignity, 81 investment, 64, 80, 202, 211
human right, vii, 26, 47, 51, 53, 54, 56, 57, Iran, 59, 146, 147, 148, 149, 155
60, 65, 79, 121, 137, 146, 148, 152 Iraq, 124
human security, 48 Islam, 25, 30, 32, 37, 46, 49, 113
humanitarian aid, 172 Islamabad, 149, 169
Islamic law, 22
Islamic world, 22
I
Islamophobia, 49
issues, 31, 46, 50, 56, 58, 59, 67, 69, 79, 90,
identity, 50, 51, 54, 62, 70, 122, 131, 136,
92, 94, 101, 103, 110, 118, 122, 128,
141, 150, 172, 175, 200, 206
134, 137, 145, 149, 150, 151, 152, 161,
immigrants, 126, 135, 149, 150, 216
181, 188, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 207,
immigration, 25, 125
208, 209, 211
impact assessment, 169
Italy, 133
imprisonment, 163, 176
income, 40, 56, 60, 65, 71, 72, 76, 77, 79,
159, 175, 190, 202, 203, 212 J
independence, vii, 23, 63, 120, 126, 214
India, xv, 28, 49, 51, 56, 62, 63, 117, 118, Japan, 23, 133
119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, job skills, 152
128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, Jordan, 59, 205, 219
136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143,
145, 146, 147, 148, 150, 152, 153, 154,
K
157, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 166,
167, 168, 172, 174, 181, 184, 188, 191,
Kenya, 61, 198, 218
192, 208, 217
kidnapping, 162
Indian law, 139
kindergarten, 29
individuals, 135, 194, 195, 202
Kosovo, 59, 61
Indonesia, 129, 197
inequality, 215, 218

244 Index
L M
lack of opportunities, 189 Madrasas, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38,
landscape, 156, 196, 215 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45
language acquisition, 165 mainstream society, 131, 206
language barrier, 101, 134, 161 majority, 35, 68, 90, 128, 165, 173
languages, 28, 35, 139, 174 Malaysia, 27, 51, 140
law enforcement, 138 malnutrition, 26, 122, 163
laws, 62, 75, 157, 190, 192 management, 61, 96, 97, 99, 101, 103, 104,
leadership, 76, 175, 195 106, 151, 155, 159, 210
learners, 88, 96, 100, 199 marginalisation, 27, 53, 151, 200, 203
learning, 20, 21, 27, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, marriage, 158, 203
39, 42, 43, 48, 57, 61, 77, 88, 89, 90, 91, materials, 31, 39, 41, 43, 92, 96, 99, 110,
92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 103, 155, 157, 163, 165, 180, 211
104, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 134, mathematics, 104, 130
139, 151, 155, 157, 161, 163, 164, 165, matter, iv, 35, 58, 64, 79, 120, 153, 200
189, 190, 195, 196, 197, 199, 200, 201, Médecins Sans Frontières, 49
202, 204, 207, 208, 211, 212, 213, 215, membership, 121, 190
219, 220 mental health, 52, 107, 163
learning environment, 27, 77, 89, 107, 165, mentoring program, 204
199, 201, 207, 211 methodology, 97, 102, 154
learning outcomes, 90, 110 Middle East, 125, 195, 199, 205
learning process, 112, 151 migrants, 81, 119, 120, 129, 146, 157, 168,
learning styles, 110, 199 175, 177, 189, 215, 220
Lebanon, 27, 59, 198, 205, 214 migration, 82, 140, 148, 152, 156, 163, 167,
level of education, 67, 120, 145, 172, 181, 171, 174, 175, 176, 201, 209, 215, 216
182 migration movements, 167
liberation, 57, 62, 119, 126, 192 military, 21, 24, 28, 29, 62, 82, 128, 153
liberty, 206, 214, 219 military government, 24
lifelong learning, 147, 151, 195 Ministry of Education, 164
light, 92, 177 minorities, 79, 120, 124, 125, 141
literacy, 29, 60, 161 minority groups, 62, 82
living conditions, 72 motivation, 20, 22, 38, 45, 101, 161
living environment, 120 Muslims, 20, 23, 24, 32, 48, 51, 54, 118,
local community, 209 124, 129, 137, 142
local government, 201, 209 Myanmar, xi, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29,
longitudinal study, 111 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 44, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51,
52, 53, 54, 56, 59, 63, 82, 92, 93, 96,
104, 106, 115, 119, 124, 125, 128, 158,
168, 191, 192

Index 245
156, 157, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164,

N
166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 188, 191, 192,
208
narratives, 52, 138, 151
parents, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37,
national borders, 80, 191, 193
43, 44, 45, 65, 66, 71, 75, 93, 100, 103,
national identity, 21, 149
121, 132, 133, 160, 165, 181, 197, 203
national policy, 157
participants, 99, 101, 109
national security, 129, 192
partition, 63, 119, 126, 130, 135
nationality, 62, 121, 156, 190
Pashtun, 149
natural disaster, 21, 188, 195
pathways, vii, 52, 155, 198, 212, 213, 215,
negotiation, 61
218, 220
Nepal, 158, 167, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175,
peace, 44, 60, 77, 78, 80, 84, 128, 148
177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184,
pedagogy, 96, 99, 103
185, 188, 191, 192, 208, 215
permission, iv, 42, 89
New England, vii, xii, 19, 46
personal identity, 174
New Zealand, 173
Philippines, 54
NGOs, xvi, 20, 21, 29, 33, 34, 38, 45, 46,
physical abuse, 26
66, 67, 89, 118, 122, 124, 129, 132, 133,
physical education, 60
134, 135, 136, 137, 157, 159, 163, 166,
physical health, 59, 158
209, 213
policy, vii, xi, 22, 27, 32, 34, 44, 49, 54, 62,
North America, 138, 189, 199, 220
65, 79, 80, 82, 84, 89, 95, 117, 118, 119,
Norway, 59, 133, 173
120, 123, 129, 132, 135, 136, 137, 138,
139, 145, 146, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154,
O 156, 157, 158, 159, 163, 164, 165, 168,
169, 183, 185, 188, 189, 190, 193, 197,
obstacles, 42, 43, 70, 74, 122, 200, 204, 204, 206, 208, 209, 210, 211, 215, 217,
208, 214 218, 219
online learning, 189, 198 policy reform, 210
openness, 161 policymakers, 91, 111, 137
operations, 21, 29, 50, 143 political parties, 123, 127, 132, 136
opportunities, vii, 20, 21, 56, 58, 64, 79, 90, politics, 48, 49, 50, 52, 118, 136, 140, 153,
91, 111, 127, 148, 149, 151, 152, 158, 175, 185, 216
164, 166, 196, 197, 199, 201, 206, 207, population, 28, 63, 78, 80, 89, 121, 124,
208, 211, 213, 214 132, 146, 147, 162, 172, 173, 174, 178,
oppression, 121, 163, 192, 203 182, 191, 193, 199, 200, 218
positive relationship, 78
P post-traumatic stress disorder, 26
preparation, iv, 99, 200, 211
Pakistan, xvii, 28, 57, 59, 61, 62, 63, 119, primary school, 29, 75, 96, 113, 131, 146
120, 124, 126, 138, 140, 142, 145, 146, principles, 49, 137, 151
147, 148, 149, 150, 152, 153, 154, 155, private schools, 156
problem-solving, 61, 110, 194

246 Index
professional development, 88, 90, 95, 100, 45, 46, 48, 49, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 64, 65,
103, 104, 106, 107, 109, 111, 112, 219 73, 74, 75, 79, 80, 84, 118, 120, 121,
professional growth, 213 122, 123, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134,
professionals, 88, 143 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 141, 145, 146,
prospects and problems, 20, 22, 31 147, 148, 150, 152,153, 154, 155, 156,
prosperity, 148, 177 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164,
protection, 51, 77, 84, 100, 103, 106, 107, 165, 166, 180, 183, 185, 195
114, 136, 140, 143, 156, 157, 168, 172, refugee education, vii, xi, 21, 48, 49, 56, 58,
189, 191, 192, 216, 220 59, 61, 65, 76, 80, 82, 85, 87, 88, 91, 95,
psychological distress, xi 118, 120, 121, 122, 124, 135, 137, 139,
psychological problems, 122 140, 142, 145, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155,
psychosocial support, 107, 165 157, 158, 159, 165, 168, 169, 170, 181,
public domain, 193 183, 184, 189, 195, 197, 214, 217, 220
public education, 155 refugee group, 119, 123, 125, 148, 171
public schools, 28, 29, 155 refugee resettlement, 184, 217
punctuated equilibrium, 214, 217 refugee status, 151, 200, 203
punishment, 33, 149, 179 relief, 20, 22, 26, 45, 51, 60, 77
purpose, 20, 22, 24, 27 religion, 32, 36, 44, 52, 75, 121, 123, 124,
174, 190
religious education, 19, 20, 22, 27, 28, 29,
Q
30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40,
41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48
qualifications, 91, 92, 96, 99, 101, 152, 189,
requirements, 19, 130, 164, 200
218
researchers, 88, 91, 99, 111, 148
qualitative research, 20, 31, 55, 57, 66
resettlement, 163, 165, 172, 173, 182, 184,
quality of life, 76, 219
185, 198
resilience, vii, 52, 80, 169, 214
R resources, 40, 45, 62, 89, 102, 110, 180,
201, 211, 214
rape, 20, 24, 128, 163 response, 50, 73, 114, 151, 174, 208, 210,
reality, 79, 109, 148, 188, 200, 210 220
recognition, 20, 35, 38, 39, 45, 55, 63, 101, restrictions, 27, 80, 119, 127, 145, 188, 189,
200, 204, 205, 217 190, 202
recommendations, iv, 22, 45, 137, 146, 188, rewards, 20, 22, 32, 34, 44, 111
189, 193 rights, iv, vii, 21, 23, 24, 26, 47, 49, 52, 53,
reconstruction, 48, 51, 60, 195 54, 57, 60, 64, 65, 69, 76, 79, 81, 82, 85,
refugee camps, 19, 25, 27, 60, 61, 64, 65, 107, 119, 120, 121, 122, 124, 128, 141,
90, 127, 130, 132, 134, 138, 149, 174, 143, 150, 152, 157, 168, 176, 177, 182,
177, 180, 183, 198, 201, 202, 209, 216, 189, 206, 218
219 Rohingya, xii, xv, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26,
refugee children, v, vii, 20, 21, 26, 27, 29, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38,
32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49,

Index 247
50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 56, 57, 58, 61, 62, 63, sexual abuse, 121
65, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 95, sexual harassment, 122
96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 107, 112, 113, shelter, xi, 20, 23, 24, 89, 120, 124, 125,
114, 115, 118, 119, 128, 134, 135, 136, 127, 129, 135, 141, 148, 177, 180
140, 141, 142, 188, 189, 191, 192, 219 small businesses, 131
Rohingya education, 27, 88, 134 social activities, 134, 152, 166
Rohingya refugee children, xii, 19, 20, 22, social behavior, 76
27, 29, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 41, 42, social capital, 213
43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 61, 83, social competence, 158
84, 114 social development, 77
rules, 122, 172, 177, 180, 205, 210 social environment, 155, 166
social group, 121, 190
social identity, 205
S
social integration, 79, 173, 181, 182, 213
society, 28, 46, 64, 76, 77, 79, 113, 119,
safety, 21, 56, 101, 157
121, 123, 136, 140, 146, 164, 172, 174,
Salvation Army, xv, 21, 24
176, 181, 194, 205, 209, 214, 217, 221
scholarship, 69, 133, 155, 189, 206
solution, 61, 77, 147, 148, 164, 172, 199,
school, 22, 26, 27, 28, 32, 36, 44, 57, 58, 59,
204
60, 61, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 71, 74, 75, 78,
Somalia, 59, 124, 168
108, 121, 122, 123, 130, 131, 132, 133,
South Africa, 198
134, 137, 139, 141, 145, 146, 147, 148,
South Asia, vii, xi, xvi, 49, 65, 82, 84, 120,
149, 151, 152, 154, 155, 156, 158, 159,
140, 141, 152, 167, 171, 174, 183, 184,
160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 173, 176,
185, 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 196,
178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 197,
199, 200, 201, 202, 204, 206, 208, 210,
211
212, 214, 217, 218
school activities, 59
South Asian Association for Regional
school performance, 141
Cooperation, xvi, 191, 206
schooling, 29, 61, 92, 132, 134, 141, 151,
Sri Lanka, 123, 124, 127, 132, 136, 138,
160, 161, 163, 164, 166
141, 143, 191, 192
science, 50, 104, 130, 180, 181
status of refugees, 118, 191
scope, 21, 93, 101, 111, 188, 200
structural barriers, 123, 205
secondary data, xi, 49, 146
structure, 109, 110, 120, 156
secondary education, 67, 79, 164, 188, 195
subdomains, 91, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106,
secondary schools, 29, 78, 84
107
security, 84, 119, 125, 134, 138, 151, 152,
sub-Saharan Africa, 195, 217
160, 162, 166, 192, 217, 218
support services, 200, 206, 211
semi-structured interviews, 20, 31
sustainable development, vii, 148
services, iv, 62, 91, 123, 127, 157, 158, 202,
206
settlements, 19, 21, 29, 32, 34, 38, 57, 89,
113, 124, 135

248 Index
182, 188, 191, 192, 195, 204, 207, 208,

T
220, 221
United Nations, xvi, xvii, 25, 48, 51, 53, 56,
teacher assessment, 96
60, 63, 82, 83, 89, 121, 143, 147, 151,
teacher support, 34
183, 191, 218, 221
teacher training, 90, 96, 101, 165, 204
United Nations High Commissioner for
teachers, 28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40,
Refugees, xvii, 48, 60, 89, 121, 143, 147,
41, 42, 44, 45, 60, 61, 65, 66, 69, 88, 89,
151, 191, 221
90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100,
United States, 27, 173, 184, 216
102, 104, 105, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111,
Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
112, 113, 114, 130, 134, 151, 155, 158,
xvi, 26
163, 178, 179, 180, 181, 195, 211, 219
universities, 67, 130, 149, 161, 197, 201,
teaching experience, 99
202, 206, 207, 208, 210, 212, 216
technological advancement, 196
university education, 221
territory, 62, 65, 75, 127, 149, 191, 218
terrorism, 77, 119, 153
tertiary education, 146, 155, 195, 215 V
textbooks, 28, 41, 141, 155, 211
threats, 129, 192, 218 victims, 25, 59, 78, 122, 124
Tibet, 128, 139, 171 violence, vii, xi, 23, 36, 59, 60, 62, 76, 77,
Tibetans, 119, 124, 128, 133, 140 78, 107, 118, 121, 122, 123, 125, 126,
training, 65, 80, 88, 90, 94, 99, 100, 102, 129, 134, 137, 150, 158, 191, 203
111, 113, 125, 132, 133, 151, 157, 187, violent behavior, 38
204 vocational training, 158, 195
training programs, 65, 88, 95, 157 vote, 62
transportation, 162, 166, 207 voters, 150
trauma, 27, 45, 59, 60, 163, 200, 207 voting, 128
traumatic experiences, 122
treatment, 70, 73, 89, 128, 135, 137
W
tuition, 135, 160, 161, 197, 206, 207, 212
wages, 41
U war, 26, 56, 57, 62, 119, 121, 123, 126, 148,
150, 163, 174, 175, 192
UNESCO, xvi, 21, 26, 47, 53, 58, 84, 146, weakness, 20, 38, 45
147, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 169 Western Australia, 114
UNHCR, xvii, 20, 25, 45, 50, 53, 56, 58, 59, Western Europe, 138
60, 64, 65, 66, 84, 85, 88, 89, 90, 97, work environment, 101, 111
119, 121, 123, 125, 128, 134, 142, 143, workers, 28, 209
146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 154, 155, World Health Organization, xvii, 85
156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 163, 164, 165, world order, 171
166, 168, 169, 170, 172, 173, 180, 181, worldwide, v, 20, 52, 56, 83, 187, 188, 190,
191, 196, 197, 198

Index 249
young people, 61, 208


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