Al Lamky, 2007 Omani Female Leaders

Women in Management Review
Feminizing leadership in Arab societies: the perspectives of Omani female leaders

Asya Al-Lamky
Article information:
To cite this document:
Asya Al-Lamky, (2007),"Feminizing leadership in Arab societies: the perspectives of Omani female
leaders", Women in Management Review, Vol. 22 Iss 1 pp. 49 - 67
Permanent link to this document:
Downloaded by WEIZMANN INSTITUTE OF SCIENCE At 21:33 30 January 2016 (PT)
http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09649420710726229
Downloaded on: 30 January 2016, At: 21:33 (PT)
References: this document contains references to 69 other documents.
To copy this document: permissions@emeraldinsight.com
The fulltext of this document has been downloaded 3088 times since 2007*
Users who downloaded this article also downloaded:
Katlin Omair, (2008),"Women in management in the Arab context", Education, Business
and Society: Contemporary Middle Eastern Issues, Vol. 1 Iss 2 pp. 107-123 http://
dx.doi.org/10.1108/17537980810890293
Gerard McElwee, Rahma Al-Riyami, (2003),"Women entrepreneurs in Oman: some barriers to success",
Career Development International, Vol. 8 Iss 7 pp. 339-346 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13620430310505296
Yusuf Sidani, (2005),"Women, work, and Islam in Arab societies", Women in Management Review, Vol. 20
Iss 7 pp. 498-512 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09649420510624738
Access to this document was granted through an Emerald subscription provided by emerald-srm:236839 []
For Authors
If you would like to write for this, or any other Emerald publication, then please use our Emerald for
Authors service information about how to choose which publication to write for and submission guidelines
are available for all. Please visit www.emeraldinsight.com/authors for more information.
About Emerald www.emeraldinsight.com
Emerald is a global publisher linking research and practice to the benefit of society. The company
manages a portfolio of more than 290 journals and over 2,350 books and book series volumes, as well as
providing an extensive range of online products and additional customer resources and services.
Emerald is both COUNTER 4 and TRANSFER compliant. The organization is a partner of the Committee
on Publication Ethics (COPE) and also works with Portico and the LOCKSS initiative for digital archive
preservation.
*Related content and download information correct at time of download.

The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at
www.emeraldinsight.com/0964-9425.htm
Feminizing
Feminizing leadership in Arab leadership in
societies: the perspectives of Arab societies
Omani female leaders
49
Asya Al-Lamky
College of Commerce and Economics, Sultan Qaboos University, Muscat, Received 26 April 2006
Sultanate of Oman Revised 24 August 2006
Accepted 29 August 2006
Abstract
Purpose – The recent appointment of a number of women to leading policy making positions in the
Arab Gulf State of Oman marks a significant departure from the traditionally exclusive male
dominated decision-making arena, and ushers an end to an era of exclusive patriarchal dominance in
leadership positions. This study aims to shed light on this evolving phase of women’s empowerment in
Oman, and attempts to capture their traits, experiences and challenges as women leaders in
conservative, male dominated work environments.
Design/methodology/approach – The study analyzes the views of ten Omani women who
achieved extraordinary levels of career success. In depth interviews were conducted using an
interview guide purposely designed to solicit responses pertaining to their early socialization patterns;
personal traits; work/family role conflict and their vision of the challenges facing working and
professional women in Omani society.
Findings – Contrary to social perceptions and stereotypes, Omani women in leading positions are
highly motivated and ambitious. Their successful transition to elevated positions can be attributed to
their early socialization experiences which valued education, supportive parents (particularly the
father), and equal treatment with their male siblings. They are challenged by the incongruence of their
roles as female leaders relative to the prevailing social values and expectations towards women and
their traditional role in society.
Research limitations/implications – The study does not investigate the extent to which such
appointments may have transformed gender relations in Oman nor its impact on women’s roles in
Omani organizations.
Practical implications – Empowering women requires policies and human resource programs that
support this goal. This paper has implications for gender policy development as well as diversity and
leadership training for women.
Originality/value – Given the dearth of research on this topic, the study contributes to
understanding the dynamics of female leadership in this increasingly important world region, and
raises awareness among women (and men alike) regarding the unique experiences and challenges of
Arab women leaders.
Keywords Leadership, Oman, Women, Cultural studies
Paper type Research paper
In Arabian Gulf societies, recently described as “bastions of patriarchy and male

chauvinism” (Abdy, 2005), it is widely believed that women’s place is primarily at
home. If professionally inclined; their participation is expected to be in the areas of Women in Management Review
Vol. 22 No. 1, 2007
education, health (mainly nurses) and other support or clerical jobs primarily at the pp. 49-67
lower end of organizational hierarchies; leadership positions are typically reserved for q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
0964-9425
men (Mostafa, 2003; Haddad and Esposito, 1998; Abdalla, 1996). In the minds of DOI 10.1108/09649420710726229
WIMR many – men and women alike – a departure from that orientation is almost a religious
22,1 deviation from divine will (Sidani, 2005; Shehadeh, 2000; Esposito, 1998). Thus, in
addition to what is clearly a form of structural gender discrimination at work in terms
of fields, levels and quality of work, there is an internalized mind set which gives
preferential treatment, justification and acceptance for professional and leading men
over women.
50 Against this cultural mindset was his Majesty the Sultan of Oman’s declaration in
his address to the Unesco’s 33rd session that “Women will be empowered” and the
endorsement of the Sultanate of Oman’s membership to the convention for the
elimination of all types of discrimination against women (Times of Oman, 2005, p. 1).
This declaration comes at a critical historical juncture in Arab history where
international pressure to improve women’s lot in the region has been echoed through a
number of insightful reports and initiatives that draw attention to the lagging role of
Arab women and the need to harness their potential for socio-economic and political
development (CAWTAR-UNDP, 2001; Fergani, 2002). Specifically, the Arab Human
Development Report brings to the fore the glaring deficit in women’s empowerment in
the region as “one of three defining features” of the Arab countries that impede
development, and ranks the Arab world next to last in the world regions with regard to
gender empowerment measure (Fergani, 2002).
Omani women’s strides: contrasting paradigms

Since, the establishment of “modern” Oman in the early 1970s following a palace coup
and the commercial exploitation of oil, the economy started witnessing a noticeable
transformation. Today, Oman boasts an open, liberal economy and its physical
infrastructure and public services are ranked among the best in the developing regions
(Lancaster, 2003; Chatty, 2000; Dunn et al., 1996).
The gender scenario has also witnessed tremendous transformation; from no formal
schooling for girls prior to 1970 to thousands of female students participating at all
levels of education in today’s Oman. The government has adopted a policy of education
for all which has greatly increased female schooling at all educational levels; reports
indicate that enrollment for girls is higher than boys at the secondary level and the
number of female graduates from Sultan Qaboos University – the only state university
in Oman – surpasses males (Ministry of National Economy, 2003).
In the labor market, women’s participation has progressively increased from a mere
3.2 in 1993 to almost 18 percent currently (IFC, 2005; Ministry of National Economy,
2003; ILO, 2003). The basic statute of the country proclaims equal rights and
opportunities and does not discriminate between males and females in social rights and
obligations or occupation of public office; both the civil service and labor laws do not
entail discriminatory statements and ensure equal chances for men and women in jobs
and pay provided they have the same qualifications and experience (Ministry of
National Economy, 2003). This is further reiterated in the first paragraph of the Majlis
A’Shura (Consultative Council) booklet highlighting that:
Omani women are equal to their male counterparts in both their rights and duties without any
form or degree of discrimination. They also enjoy the right to participate in public affairs,
gather and form associations, work and occupy public offices (Majlis A’Shura, 2004, p. 2).
In both the official and private discourses, women’s achievements over the past 36 Feminizing
years are hailed (Al-Lamki, 2006, 1999; ILO, 2003; Ministry of National Economy, 2003; leadership in
Lancaster, 2003; Dunn et al., 1996). Generally, it is widely assumed that women are
moving up, and equal treatment is an accomplished fact in public life; the following Arab societies
statement in the Al Emra’a (Women’s) magazine reflects this assumption:
. . . it is also a heart warming truth that there are civilized communities and progressive
countries that . . . give a woman her rightful place in society and place her where she should 51
be – at par with her male colleague – and Oman is one such nation (Al Emra’a, 2003, p. 13).
Furthermore, the regionally unprecedented appointment of a number of Omani women
to senior public offices since 1997 that includes ministers, deputy ministers,
ambassadors and members of parliament namely Majlis a’Shura (lower chamber of

parliament) and Majlis a’Dawla (upper chamber of parliament) has further
consolidated that assumption and implicitly pushed the goal post for women from
simply breaking the “glass ceiling” to reaching the sky.
Such developments notwithstanding, and in spite of the recent numerical gains in
education and the labor force, the path for aspiring women in organizations is
becoming increasingly precipitous. At a time where women surpass their male
colleagues in numbers and attainment at most educational levels (Neal et al., 2005;
Ministry of National Economy, 2003; Times of Oman, 2003; Ministry of National
Economy and UNICEF, 1999), their participation in the labor force is admittedly very
low; women are significantly underrepresented in middle and upper management
positions, and overrepresented at the bottom in both the public and private sectors.
Their unemployment rate is estimated to be 40 percent compared to a 15 percent rate
for men (ILO, 2003); they earn less than men in comparable jobs particularly in the
private sector; they lack professional networks or mentors; have four times the male
illiteracy rate, and confront discriminatory social and cultural attitudes which reinforce
their subordinate positions in society (IFC, 2005; Ministry of National Economy, 2003;
Women and Work Committee, 2002; Al-Lamki, 1999).
In an unpublished preliminary study by the Ministry of National Economy, the
numbers are clearly indicative of the acute and pervasive disparity between the sexes
of employees occupying leading and supervisory posts. In a broad category of
leadership positions, women are simply not represented. These include the positions of
Secretary General, Governor, Head of Municipality, Deputy Secretary General,
Diplomatic Quarters, Mayor, Head and Deputy Head of Minister’s office. According to
the statistical data provided with regard to Omani employees occupying leading and
supervisory positions, the percentage of women in most senior executive positions
hovers around 5 percent, whereas the numbers slightly go up at the lower
administrative levels such as section head where they occupy 7.5 percent of such
positions (Ministry of National Economy, 2005, p. 5). An earlier unpublished study by
the same ministry highlights the low representation of women in leadership positions
as shown in Table I.
This low representation is affirmed in the Oman Human Development Report which
ranks Oman 77th among 146 countries on the Gender Development Index (Ministry of
National Economy, 2003, p. 217).
In the private sector, the scenario is equally discouraging. The low female
participation (18 percent) is concentrated primarily in clerical and administrative jobs.
WIMR An estimated 51 percent of the female employees in the private sector earn less than
22,1 120 Rials (US$300) and an additional 47 percent earn between 120 and 400 Rials
(roughly US$300 and 1,100) with an average earning capacity of 167 Rials (US$500)
(Women and Work Committee, 2002). This data is insightful given that the average
monthly cost of “consumer basket” of essential commodities and services for Omani
households is RO 497 (approx. US$1,290) and that at least 12.5 percent of households
52 are headed by women (Ministry of National Economy, 2000; Ministry of Development
and UNICEF, 1996).
Furthermore, women’s participation is also low in entrepreneurial activities and
decision-making bodies that impact their employment in the private sector, i.e. Boards
of Chamber of Commerce or the Businessmen Council (IFC, 2005; Sultanate of Oman,
1995; Al-Riyamy, 2001). Women who own businesses are few and far between; out of
120,000 registered businesses, the number of businesses owned and operated by
women is estimated to be much smaller than 4,000, given that a lot of the male owned
businesses are registered in the wife’s name. The majority of female operated SME’s
are small in size and operate with 1-2 workers, classified as “fourth class enterprises”
with a starting capital of less than 25,000 Omani Rials (US$60,000) (IFC, 2005; Dechant
and Al-Lamky, 2005; Women and Work Committee, 2002; Al-Riyami, 2001).
Generally, the Omani labor force structure is heavily male oriented; in line with
traditional and patriarchal societies, men are considered the main breadwinners of the
family, thus are prioritized over women when seeking a job. Many employers believe
that women will leave work once they get married or have children and hence, are
averse to recruiting them; those who are hired receive less training, promotional
opportunities and generally earn less than men in similar jobs (IFC, 2005; Women and
Work Committee, 2002; Ministry of National Economy, 2003).
On the legal front, legislation for equal opportunity and rights often remain to be
“ink on paper” (Ministry of National Economy, 2003, p. 170); the administrative
practices do not abide by the legal statements due to lack of regulatory or auditing
procedures with regard to gender discrimination. The unequal treatment of women in
spite of clear legal statements of equality has been tolerated due to the predominance of
males in decision-making positions together with the general female “legal illiteracy”
about their rights (Ministry of National Economy, 2003; Ministry of Social Affairs,
Labour and Vocational Training, 1999).
The coexistence of contrasting paradigms of modernity and traditionalism; female
leadership amidst male dominance and pervasive female submissiveness is not unique
Occupation No. of females No. of males Percentage of females to total
Undersecretary 3 28 9.7
Secretary general 0 11 0
Ambassador 1 28 3.4
Majlis A’Shura 2 80 2.4
Majlis A’Dawla 5 37 11.9
Advisor 4 117 3.3
Table I. Director general 10 154 6.1
Female and male in the Total 25 455 5.2
Sultanate of Oman: a
statistical portrait Source: Ministry of National Economy, p. 16
to Oman; a review of pertinent literature on the modernization project in the Arab and Feminizing
Muslim world abound with comparable phenomena. While it is beyond the scope of leadership in
this study to dwell into the causes and ramifications of women’s ambivalent status in
the Arab world, it is worth noting that similar trends of “emancipating” women from Arab societies
Morocco to Pakistan through universal education, employment and family reform
legislation have unraveled similar paths of incremental gains but vastly falling short of
achieving gender equity and inclusiveness on a wide scale (Sidani, 2005; Moghadam, 53
2004; Mostafa, 2003; Zuhur, 2003; Haddad and Esposito, 1998; Carapico et al., 1997;
Abdalla, 1996).
Significance of the study

The appointment of women to leadership positions in Oman over the past decade,
while admittedly statistically insignificant, usher a momentous departure from the
traditionally exclusive male dominated decision-making arena, and suggest an end to
an era of absolute patriarchal dominance in leadership positions. In the light of this
potential opportunity to reach positions of power and influence, it is imperative to
document the experience of women who have “made it” to the top in Omani
organizations, and articulate their views on the challenges and key career issues facing
them. As such, this study of Oman’s most senior female executives, politicians,
educationalists and policy makers aims to shed light on this evolving phase of
women’s empowerment in Oman, and attempts to capture their traits, experiences and
challenges as women leaders in conservative, male dominated work environments.
Such narratives should prove useful in raising awareness among women (and men
alike) regarding the unique challenges and experiences of Arab leading women and
identifying factors that may have mitigated their transition to leadership positions.
Furthermore, while publications and studies pertaining to female leadership
experiences within gendered work cultures, their traits and leadership styles,
challenges and contributions are on the increase (Fels, 2004; Rhode, 2003; Acker, 1990;
Buay, 1997; Kanter, 1993; Moss, 1994), most of these studies are conducted in western
societies which are not necessarily generalizable to other cultures despite their
apparent value. This is particularly important in light of the dearth of research on the
experience of Arab women in leadership positions at a time where the international
focus on gender issues in Arab countries is amplified and the pressures to become more
equitable and gender inclusive societies is paramount.
Methodology
This study documents and analyzes narratives of ten Omani women who achieved
extraordinary levels of career success. A number of interviews were conducted in 1998
following the initial appointment of women to senior positions in the government.
Additional interviews were carried out during 2002-2003 following the appointment of
more women to senior public offices. The study participants were contacted by the
researcher who explained the purpose of the study and sought their permission to be
interviewed. All agreed to participate in the study and the researcher’s prior
acquaintance with most of them facilitated the process. Given their tight work
schedules, 50 percent of the study participants preferred to be interviewed at their
homes whereas the remainder were interviewed in their offices. To ensure
confidentiality of participants, no names or organizational references will be used.
WIMR The participants were all women in executive and policy-making positions in
22,1 different fields including education, social development, economy, foreign affairs,
academia and government. They were middle aged; seven of the interviewees were
married, the remaining three were divorced prior to their appointments. Eight of
them had two to three school-going age children. All of the women interviewed
were highly educated, seven had PhD’s and the other three had at least an
54 undergraduate degree. This is in line with the findings that the majority of
economically active women in Oman have a higher educational status than men
occupying similar positions (Ministry of National Economy, 2003; Ministry of
National Development and UNICEF, 1996).
All the women interviewed were educated abroad, primarily at western/American
universities due to lack of educational facilities in Oman prior to 1970. The reigning
monarch at the time, Sultan Sa’id, tightly controlled access to education and those
families wishing to educate their children beyond the rudiments of the Qoran had to
consider smuggling their children out of the country or emigrate. When Sultan Sa’id
was overthrown by his son Qaboos in a palace coup in 1970, these families and their
children were encouraged to return to Oman; they formed the elite cadre of educated
nationals who provided the manpower to successfully set up a government civil service
and private business community (Al-Rasheed, 2004; Peterson, 2004; Chatty, 2000;
Riphenburg, 1998).
The first state university was established in 1986 and all Omanis pursuing higher
education prior to that date looked beyond the Omani borders mainly Egypt, Jordan,
India, UK and USA for university education. This trend continues to this date for those
pursuing post graduate studies as well as Omanis who could not access the limited
seats and highly competitive admission criteria at Sultan Qaboos University along
with the few private colleges available in the country.
The interviews were conducted using both Arabic and English due to ease of
communicating certain terms/concepts in English. On average, interviews lasted for
60-90 minutes and followed an interview guide purposely developed to solicit
responses pertaining to their early socialization patterns; personal traits; work/family
role conflict and their perceptions of the challenges facing working and professional
women in Omani society (Al-Lamky, 1998).
The questions were formulated based on the literature reviewed and the stated goal
of the study. Open ended questions were used to allow maximum flow of information;
questions such as “tell me about your early family socialization?” or “what is it like to
function in a predominantly male dominated environment?” and “what are some of the
salient challenges that face leading women in Omani organizations?” were typical
questions asked. Interviewees were also requested to comment on statements such as
“women want families and not careers” or “women in Omani organizations still face a
glass ceiling.” The same interview guide was used for both groups of interviewees.
Prior to their appointments to senior public offices, all but two occupied academic
and managerial positions that had no leadership tracks. To use Al-Lamki’s words, they
were “catapulted” to executive and policy-making positions (Al-Lamki, 1999, p. 5).
Generally, the interviews may be characterized as candid, friendly and honest; the
participants were keen to share their perceptions, and the researcher’s ampathetic
perspective as a female leader within her professional field further enhanced the
enthusiasm and openness of the responses shared. The interviews were not tape
recorded in order to encourage openness; nonetheless, notes were taken during the Feminizing
interviews and were shortly transcribed by the researcher. leadership in
Feminizing leadership: why now?
Arab societies
The interviews started by interrogating their understanding of the trend to “feminize”
leadership positions at this particular juncture in Omani history. “Our leader has
always believed in women and if it were not for his liberal stance towards women, we 55
would not be where we are” responded one of the participants. Others felt that the time
has come for women to assume leadership positions “It is a function of time and
readiness to have women in leading positions” but added that “it is also highly likely
that internationally, promoting the image of Oman as a progressive Gulf nation may
have very well played a role.” Another respondent further confirmed that:
. . . the assignment of women to senior positions is a function of different variables namely the
increasing education of women; the economic impetus and international pressure.
Furthermore, it enhances the image of the government that it is progressive and
supportive of all its citizens . . . and a means of diluting extreme conservative attitudes in the
country.
For the majority of the women interviewed, their appointment to leadership positions
was decreed by the highest authority in the country which does not necessarily reflect
the dominant male (or even female) “mood” within the Omani socio-cultural
environment. The sultan repeatedly emphasized the role of women in development by
calling upon female citizens to lend their full support to the continuing development
of their country, describing them as representing “half of Oman’s potential”
(Al-Lamki, 2006; IFC, 2005; Ministry of National Economy, 2003).
While the study participants aired multiple opinions regarding the timing to alter
the face of leadership positions, a common denominator among all was a perceived
progressive stance and support of the sultan in promoting women in light of the
international pressure to do so, coupled with the readiness of women to assume such
positions. The sultan is considered a leader in the Arabian Peninsula in promoting the
empowerment of women and he congratulated himself for the progress they have
made; in an interview published in the Foreign Affairs, he reiterated that:
. . . there should be no discrimination against working women. They should have the same job
titles, salaries, and benefits. The problem now is that more and more ladies want jobs. So men
are feeling the heat. They’re competing with us! I say, why not? We have senior ladies in
government. I hope we’ll have some more senior women in government soon (Miller, 1997,
pp. 17-18).
Oman became the first Gulf Cooperation Council state to welcome women as members
of the Consultative Council or at Ministerial and Ambassadorial positions and Omani
women hold a great variety of jobs including pilots and officers in the police and armed
forces (Ministry of National Economy, 2003; Al-Lamki, 1999; Riphenburg, 1998;
Carapico et al., 1997; Dunn et al., 1996).
The sultan’s progressive stance towards women – partly attributed to his British
Sandhurst education and his influential mother (Chatty, 2000; Riphenburg, 1998) – has
been repeatedly documented in his speeches and interviews. In addition to the
symbolic declaration of the year 1994 as the “Year of the Woman” he provided
educational opportunities for all in Oman; introduced government measures to
WIMR encourage family planning – a concept which does not bear well in patriarchal
22,1 societies where tribes and families take pride in the number of children (particularly
male children) they have. Such a controversial social policy, whether intended to
promote women’s employment or not, would inadvertently benefit women greatly
whose high fertility rate – one of the highest in the world – has naturally hampered
women’s educational and employment progression (Neal et al., 2005; Al-Lamky, 2004;
56 Ministry of National Economy, 2003; Ministry of National Economy and UNICEF,
1999). Other supportive initiatives include the establishment of the Directorate General
of Women at the Ministry of Social Development with a mandate to enhance women’s
role and status in society (Al-Lamki, 1999; Riphenburg, 1998); extending access to
schools in remote areas of the country which has been particularly beneficial for girls
because many people are reluctant to have their daughters leave the community to
study; incorporating women’s development agenda in Oman’s five year development
plans; improving health programs; increasing women’s participation in the formal
labor force and introducing legal reforms that ensure equal rights and responsibilities
for all Omani citizens including the right to vote and nominate oneself for election in
the Consultative Council. According to many analysts of the region, Oman is
considered one of the more (if not the most) progressive gulf states in supporting an
enlarged role for women (Lancaster, 2003; Riphenburg, 1998; Dunn et al., 1996).
Socialization patterns
It is widely accepted that early socialization is an important factor in shaping
occupational interests, personal traits and other qualities which may facilitate or
hinder one’s role as a leader (Fels, 2004; Rhode, 2003; Kartsen, 1994). All the women
interviewed for this study acknowledged their parents or at least one of them, typically,
the father to have facilitated an early sense of independence, self confidence and
assertiveness:
My father was keen to develop us in a way that we would be independent. It could be because
the majority of us were girls, he was keen that we get educated, work towards building our
careers and not be dependent. I was particularly close to him and participated in dialogues
and activities with him which are typically reserved for boys. Early on I learnt to be
independent and more so when I was sent abroad to study.
The role of the mother was also prominent; typically a strong character leaving clear
marks on their development. “My mother was herself an educationalist and a leader
who emphasized the returns and importance of education in our lives,” commented one
of the leading women. “I grew up with a very tough and strong mother who worked
hard to raise us and provided a sense of leadership in the home.”
A salient denominator amongst all the respondents was the egalitarian nature of
their home environments with regard to male/female upbringing and prescribed
gender roles:
I was raised in a predominantly female home with only one brother; both my parents and
particularly my father believed in equality between the two sexes. I was never made to feel
inferior to my brother and the emphasis on education and hard work was exerted on all of us
equally.
Another respondent stated that:
. . . my parents did not distinguish between us (sisters) and our brother in treatment or Feminizing
facilities. My father assumed roles which are traditionally considered feminine such as
washing dishes . . . My early socialization which fostered egalitarianism between male and leadership in
female members of the home have in many ways prepared me for the challenges of my job. Arab societies
Along similar lines another respondent stated:
. . . my father who was much quieter and softer in his dealings with us did not foster any 57
prescribed roles for women based on their gender. He would take us to the “barza” (men’s
meeting place) to chat and exchange news and insisted that we meet his friends when they
came home.
It would also appear that the majority of the respondents did not fit the traditional
gender stereotypes in their growth experiences and described themselves as tom boys.
One of the respondents claimed:
I always enjoyed boys’ company . . . played their games and interacted with them since I was
small which may contribute to my total confidence in dealing with male dominated
environments . . . I liked male games and playing with boys. I would often lead them and
discipline them
The value of education was yet another common aspect of the socialization experience
of the women interviewed. “My parents believed in education and we grew up to view
education as a necessity and an integral part of our development.” “Although my
parents were themselves illiterate, they understood the importance of education in
changing peoples’ lives; like a miracle, it opens doors and opportunities that would be
impossible otherwise” was another comment.
In summary, the women interviewed viewed their socialization experiences to have
greatly contributed to their leadership roles. They grew up in homes that fostered
equal treatment with their male siblings; valued education; a supportive father and the
freedom to be (as it were) “tom-boys”; all of which promoted their self confidence,
assertiveness and a strong sense of identity in dealing within male dominated
environments. These comments are in congruence with research pertaining to women
in developing countries who often mention family support, particularly the influence of
one of the parents (predominantly fathers) to have influenced their desire to get an
education and break the tradition (Riphenburg, 1998).
It should be noted that the liberal and egalitarian family values expressed by the
study participants do not necessarily reflect the predominant Omani values; they do,
however, broadly characterize the progressive elements of the Omani society.
Compared to other Arab countries, Oman is unique in its diverse and multicultural
heritage (with more than 12 languages spoken as a first language by Omani citizens in
Northern Oman) linked to the country’s expansionist history of overseas empire to East
Africa and connections to the Indian Ocean rim (Al-Rasheed, 2004; Peterson, 2004;
Chatty, 2000). These transnational encounters have resulted in a relatively liberal
outlook and cosmopolitan cultural traits among some of the Omani ethnic communities
which according to Peterson (2004) seem to have influenced the selection of the first
women in leadership positions.
The transnational influence has also been noted by Riphenburg who attributed the
liberal attitudes of many Omanis towards women to have partly resulted from the
return of East African Omanis to Oman in the early 1970s:
WIMR Many of them had been raised and educated in a British colonial setting and had pursued
careers. When these women retuned to Oman, they saught similar jobs there. As a result the
22,1 civil service acquired a considerable number of proficient female personnel. Omanis became
more quickly accustomed to seeing women in responsible jobs, and Omani women came to
realize that careers were possible and acceptable (Riphenburg, 1998, p. 152).
58 Are they motivated?

One of the explanations given to account for lower proportion of women in top jobs is
that women do not have the same motivation to achieve as men. Women are typically
thought (among other attributes) to be weak, dependent, passive and not competitive.
They are stereotyped as moody, emotionally unstable, take things personally, easily
burnout under pressure and typically allow their personal lives or families to get in the
way of the job causing them to bail out of organizations because of family demands
and/or to achieve more balance in their lives (Fels, 2004; Rhode, 2003; Buay, 1997;
Kartsen, 1994; Taylor, 1986; Hill, 1993).
Much of these stereotypes are based in myth as there is no support that women are
less motivated, less achieving or less intelligent than men. The women interviewed for
this study were highly motivated, assertive and did not agree with the traditional
stereotypes associated with women in organizations:
I am a highly motivated person, and have always wanted to be and do something meaningful
in my life; I have studied hard and worked hard. I have assumed responsibilities from a
young age at home and as such my early socialization has been extremely helpful in my
leadership role.
Another respondent stated that:
It is not true that women want families and not a career. This may be applicable to some but
certainly not all. Equally unsubstantiated is the allegation that women are less stable than
men and hence do not qualify for senior positions. Men are emotional and nervous at times
too; their family circumstances or other personal issues affect their performance. It is
convenient to blame the women and not men.
A similar but angry response was captured in the following remarks:
It is a load of nonsense that women want families and not careers. The two need not be
mutually exclusive and I do not see why you cannot have both. Women may have bad days
but certainly not to the extent of jeopardizing their performance on the job. Men have bad
days too, and it is incomprehensible why when women are in question, it is translated to be
“emotionally unstable.”
The high level of motivation exhibited by the women interviewed for this study is
contrary to what societal stereotypes would suggest; most described themselves as
highly motivated and driven by a need to excel. A number of them indicated the need
to curb their high motivation so as to maintain a less threatening environment in a
male dominated work place. They envisaged their roles beyond the home and wanted
to give and contribute to a much wider societal base; and while they acknowledged the
incongruence of wanting to excel as top executives and also fulfill their roles as
mothers and wives, that need not be translated as lack of motivation.
The comment about the need to “curb” their motivation in order not to threaten their
male counterparts is insightful in light of the cultural baggage that women ought not
be perceived as too ambitious or too motivated in comparison to men. This would be a Feminizing
ripe area for research to understand the extent that this perception contributes to leadership in
women’s self imposed regression, and derails their career advancement. Year after
year, girls in Oman academically outperform boys at all educational levels (Neal et al., Arab societies
2005; Times of Oman, 2003), yet this high academic achievement in school does not
translate equally once in the workforce. Anna Fels in her insightful study “Do Women
Lack Ambition?” laments a similar scenario of women high flyers in the West who “far 59
from celebrating their achievements in newly available professions, women too
frequently seek to deflect attention from themselves” (Fels, 2004, p. 3). According to
Fels, women’s subordination of recognition to others, particularly men, is “deeply
rooted in the culture’s ideals of femininity that is largely unconscious” (Fels, 2004, p. 5).
The majority of the women interviewed attributed their success not to their hard work
or competencies, but rather to the support from their spouses. This quote from one of
the interviewees typifies the responses given with regard to acknowledging their
achievements:
Luckily my husband is supportive; otherwise it would have been impossible. On the other
side, he has to be strong and swallow his ego of me being in the limelight and not him.
Work/family balance
The interdependence of work and family life seems to be especially problematic for
women as a result of their greater family responsibilities (Rhode, 2003; PR Newswire,
1996; Hill, 1993). Traditionally, women have had primary responsibility for
housekeeping and childcare which does not diminish when they are employed
outside the home. Furthermore, the responsibilities they carry are simultaneous while
men’s are more typically sequential, i.e. a woman may be called in at work regarding a
sick child whereas typically a father may fulfill role obligations after work hours.
Generally, while male managers marry and have children; women are often faced with
a choice between career, marriage and children (Mallon and Cassell, 1999). All of these
factors have contributed to the difficulty that professional women face in
simultaneously managing their families and their careers. The role conflict is further
accentuated by the fact that careers are designed around men’s orientations, priorities
and goals and that organizations are reluctant to devise meaningful programs to lessen
women’s home and career conflicts (Rhode, 2003).
The question of work/family balance in the Arab world has been particularly
challenging for women in light of the cultural and social values that emphasize
women’s sentimental and emotional role as a mother and wife in contradiction to man’s
rationality and economic role (Moghadam, 2004; Shehadeh, 2000; Haddad, 1998). The
modernization initiatives adopted by most of the Arab states have further sharpened
this conflictual duality in their attempt on the one hand to promote women’s active
involvement in the workplace and on the other hand, implicitly foster patriarchal
values and restrictive gender roles by reinforcing the “feminine” nature of women
versus the “guardianship” and economic responsibilities of men (Sidani, 2005;
Moghadam, 2004; Riphenburg, 1998). Additionally, the prevalent conservative Islamic
interpretations further accentuate the dilemma by “twisting” the interpretation of the
Quran and Hadith (Prophet’s sayings) to “fit pre-existing traditions” (The Economist,
2004, p. 6) and selectively bypass Quranic passages that clearly assert the equality of
WIMR believers or the proliferation of women’s roles in early Islam (Moghadam, 2004;
Shehadeh, 2000; Wadud, 1999; Ahmed, 1992). In Saudi Arabia, the mufti (the highest
22,1 religious authority) Sheikh Abdul Aziz bin Baz, released a fatwa in June 1996,
condemning working women and those mixing with men as a temptation that would
lead to loose morals and adultery. He called upon working women to quit their jobs and
stay at home (Haddad, 1998; Fakhro, 1997).
60 While the Omani scenario is not ultra conservative, the gender ideology stresses
women’s family roles, and perceptions of masculine and feminine are embodied in law
and custom (Riphenburg, 1998); furthermore, the cultural images and representations of
women are fundamentally different from men’s, i.e. school textbooks typically portray
women doing housework. The ambivalent attitudes towards women has undoubtedly
taken its toll as women strive to fulfill their espoused economic role in a modernizing
society yet constantly held back by the heavy weight of customs and traditions. It has
been noted that attitudes in the Arab Gulf are becoming less traditional; yet there is
reluctance to abandon their traditional viewpoint of women primarily committed to the
house and children (Mostafa, 2003; Al-Lamki, 1999; Abdalla, 1996); furthermore, the rise
of neotraditionalist movements have further regressed women’s opportunities since
their values advocate seclusion and segregation of women.
Leadership positions in Oman – as elsewhere around the globe – are hard work.
Such positions entail long working hours; continuous learning; endless participation in
ceremonies and public functions; frequent travel and many personal sacrifices to meet
the demands of the job (Hill, 2003). The interviews revealed the challenges faced by the
Omani leading women who are constantly being pulled in various directions with an
added pressure of the cultural expectations which emphasize the traditional home and
social responsibilities they are expected to shoulder:
We are at a testing period . . . These positions were historically occupied by men and we are
being closely watched whether we can deliver compared to our male counterparts. The
assumption is that we cannot cope because of our responsibilities at home. The trade off is
painful for me personally as I have small children and my responsibilities may limit my
participation in their lives as I would wish to. I missed their teacher/parent meeting last week
because of work engagements . . . I like to take part in their lives and development; I take
personal interest in their activities, homework, school meetings and so forth; but I simply
cannot accommodate both as I would wish to . . . it is simply impossible given the multitude
of responsibilities and functions one has to attend to. Luckily I have a supportive husband,
but he is at the stage of working hard to establish himself in his own career, and this is an
extra demand on him.
Another response pointed to the sacrifice that professional women need to bear and the
need for spousal support:
I believe that women can head organizations and the family with a lot of sacrifices from the
woman, particularly with regard to time for herself or social entertainment. In our society, the
woman is still considered the core of the family with predetermined roles and responsibilities.
The career woman needs a supportive husband; without the understanding and support of
the spouse, it would be impossible.
While the social make-up in the Arab Gulf is characterized by strong family networks as
well as the ease (and affordability) of employing domestic help which reduces the
burden of house chores and child care, most of the interviewees still carried the guilt of
not being as available for the children and spouses as they would wish to; and while all
pointed to the support provided by their husbands, it was commonly felt that more Feminizing
support was needed in terms of availability for the children in typical activities assumed leadership in
by mothers, such as helping the children with home work or shopping for the home:
Arab societies
The conflict between my work demands and home ones is obviously there. I have house help
but that ought not replace me as a mother and a wife. Majority of Omani men do not provide
the extent of support required by professional women as they are more consumed with their
own activities at the cost of their children and homes. I believe women can head organizations 61
and families but with extreme difficulty. Women feel constantly torn between their family
obligations and their professional requirements. “I believe new types of ailments which are
uniquely related to professional women will emerge if this situation is not resolved.”
Organizations ought to provide a more supportive environment to their professional women

so that they may perform to their fullest potential. Women need not be subjected to the
constant guilt of having to choose between the two, particularly that a lot of women work to
support their families and may be the primary bread winners.
In conclusion, it is often assumed that Arab women may have a less taxing issue with
regard to work/family role conflict given the extensive social support and ease of
employing domestic help to take care of the home front while they are in the office.
However, the interviews bring to the fore a unique set of issues that leading Omani
women find themselves entangled with. At the top of the list is the perceived need to
prove themselves in a socio-cultural environment which has not laid the groundwork to
accommodate women in leading positions. They need to work harder, longer hours and
be regularly seen at the different functions because they feel they are being constantly
assessed on their ability and availability compared to their male counterparts. The long
hours put for public consumption incur a high personal cost given the engrained social
values that capitalize on women’s traditional place at home and not outside the home.
A crucial second, yet less salient issue is the psychological impact of their jobs on
their spouses. In a society where the limelight is usually associated with men, and the
engrained social values highlight men’s leadership role outside the home; reversing
this role requires male spouses with strong egos and a sharpened level of confidence to
assume what may be perceived as a weak, dependent feminine role.
The constant struggles within the private and public spheres are undoubtedly
extremely stressful. As one of the respondents lamented: “I want to be a perfect
careerist and a perfect mother and wife which is almost impossible; something has to
give in . . . I am yet to learn how to develop this ability.” Some of the interviewees felt
that the socialization of young men ought to be altered to appreciate the complexities
associated with the working woman so that they would be more supportive to their
spouses and family needs.
Challenges for Omani women

Since, the establishment of “modern” Oman in 1970, the country has recognized the
significance of women for the task of national development and has provided one of
the more open climates regionally for change in women’s roles. Yet many would argue
that such developments in the Arab world have not transformed women’s realities, and
that the broader cultural and social forces which perpetuate male privilege and control,
and subordinate women are still intact (Maneef, 1990; Haddad, 1998; Carapico et al.,
1997; Abdalla, 1996; Almaney, 1981). In her analysis of social change in Oman,
WIMR Riphenburg (1998, p. 154) affirms that “while women have maneuvering space, on the
22,1 whole Omani women’s lives are severly circumscribed.”
Table II highlights the enabling and constraining factors towards gender
empowerment in Oman; while many of the enabling factors improve women’s
opportunities, none are able to address the issue of gender equity comprehensively and
are simply insufficient in achieving lasting gains.
62 The challenges facing women’s advancement in Oman were iterated by the study
participants who invariably spoke about the need “to change the strongly held
negative beliefs about women which are culturally engrained; for women to believe in
themselves and be supportive of each other’s growth and development.” . . . that “the
primary challenge is to build up their confidence and secondly the confidence of those
around them to believe in their abilities to deliver;” that “it will take years for them to
be accepted and to function at a closer footing with men.”
The majority felt that a “glass ceiling” exists for women despite the recent
assignment of women to leading positions. They still are a small minority in a sea of
men who have networks beyond the organizational environment and are more
supportive of each other and of those below them. For the most part, women are
isolated; too new in the boys’ club and are struggling to prove themselves in a resentful
environment. Some felt that the women themselves presented hurdles to their own
development.
One of the study participants blamed the women for their misfortunes:
Women have to change their own image and the stereotypes projected on them. They have to
work extra hard to prove themselves that they can deliver on equal footing, if not better than
men. To annually get pregnant and refuse assignments based on one’s gender is simply
confirming the currently held stereotypes and further restrains women who have the will and
ability to progress from doing so. They need to overcome their inter-jealousies which
invariably work against them . . . Let us help women grow and achieve and not add hurdles to
their development.
Enabling factors for empowerment Constraining factors for empowerment
1 Commitment at the highest national level and Lack of policies and procedures for
incorporation of gender goals in Oman’s five implementation of these declarations
year development plans
2 International pressure to empower women, Restrictive traditional and patriarchal social
i.e. United Nation’s initiatives attitudes towards women
3 Constitutional rights for gender equality Absence of regulatory body to ensure
compliance with the laws þ tacit discriminatory
practices at work
4 Universal education at all levels Implicit gender based specializations and
preferential admission criteria for males in
higher education institutions
5 Increasing visibility of women in managerial Lack of HR strategies to promote inclusiveness
Table II. and decision-making positions
Enabling and 6 Increasing training and educational Lack of focused training to manage diversity or
constraining factors for opportunities for women promote inclusiveness
gender empowerment in 7 Establishment of the Directorate General for An administrative body which lacks strategic
Oman Women in the Ministry of National Development authority to affect change
The way forward . . . promoting inclusiveness Feminizing
In western societies, the overriding impetus for promoting diversity and gender leadership in
inclusiveness has been to achieve social justice and organizational effectiveness (Kolb
et al., 2004; Scully, 2003; Rhode, 2003). From an initial emphasis on assimilation, the Arab societies
process has evolved to stress valuing and effectively managing diversity (Lockwood,
2005; Certo, 2003). The business case has been highlighted as a driver for promoting
inclusiveness, and the strategies utilized include top leadership commitment; training; 63
accountability and measurement (Johnson and Packer, 1987).
To simply emulate best practices that are operating in western cultures would not
be adequate without incorporating such approaches within the indigenous cultural
frame of reference. Given the centrality of Islam in Arab cultures, any attempt to affect
social change will have to contend with the cultural norms and values pertaining to
women and Islam. In a number of Arab countries such as Kuwait and Morocco, religion
is used to push reform (The Economist, 2004) on the assumption that Islam is not
opposed to progress, and that the Islamic religion promotes the equality of women with
men (Hammuda, 2004; Moghadam, 2004; Zuhur, 2003; Wadud, 1999; Haddad, 1998).
That women in the Muslim world may be inequitably treated should not be attributed
to Islam, but rather to the prevailing customs and traditions that existed at the time
and continue to the present day (Wadud, 1999; Esposito, 1998; Ahmed, 1992).
In most developing countries, the state plays a major role in the formation of the
social policies, development strategies and legislation that shape opportunities for
women. The Omani Government has laid the groundwork for an enlarged role for
women (Al-Lamki, 2006; Riphenburg, 1998; Miller, 1997), yet the outward
modernization policy associated with a seemingly enlightened social policy towards
women have not translated to real gender equity or empowerment. Legislative reforms
or placing a few women in high profile positions – while fundamental in pushing the
“gender equity wheel” forward – are insufficient in attaining true gender parity. What
is needed is a vision for the future to combat exclusion and empower women, and a
transformational gender reform strategy that has at its core dismantling of patriarchal
attitudes; raising public awareness about the value of diversity; ensuring compliance
and enforcement of the legal reforms that promote equal opportunities, and the
adoption of HR strategies that are sensitive to gender issues in order to facilitate the
creation of an environment in which women can grow and flourish. While such a vision
may seem challenging, it is nonetheless attainable by tackling the “systemic” forces
that maintain inequity; these would include:
The socio-cultural domain: raise public awareness about gender issues through
education and the media as well as promote progressive interpretations of Islam that
support social justice and equality. Promote the establishment of non-government
organizations geared towards women’s development and economic empowerment.
The economic domain: emphasize the business case for inclusiveness as a result of
demographic trends, globalization, Omanization (the policy to replace expatriates by
Omani workforce) and the need for a wider range of leadership skills, perspectives and
expertise as essential success factors for sustained competitiveness and profitability.
The organizational and legislative domains: ensure that gender issues/concerns are
incorporated into organizational strategies; assess policies, structures and programs
that may obstruct women’s employment and career growth. Ensure compliance to
WIMR legislative reforms pertaining to equal rights and opportunities and increase female
22,1 participation in decision-making positions.
The HR domain: adopt HR approaches that transform work cultures through team
building, change management, sensitivity training and cross-gender communication.
Provide specialized training in areas such as assertiveness and confidence building,
networking; mentoring and leadership development for women in order to develop
64 competencies in historically exclusive male domains. Furthermore, monitor
organizational performance on gender participation and hold managers accountable
to progress in meeting gender targets.
Challenges and the road ahead. . .

A primary objective of this study in addition to capturing leading women’s experiences
in Oman was to highlight the challenges encountered by them in order to pave the way
for future generations of aspiring women. While acknowledging the various challenges
that women face both socially and organizationally in fulfilling their potential, the
women interviewed present a promising path for aspiring women particularly in light
of the international rally for promoting inclusiveness and gender equity. However, the
appointment of women to senior public positions – as positive as that may be – do not
alter the broader cultural and social forces that perpetuate women’s secondary status
socially and economically. There are structural and cultural barriers to be addressed if
women in Oman are to get ahead.
The challenge extends beyond the here and now, and may require the “unpacking”
of deeply held beliefs regarding women which are often confused with misinterpreted
religious dogmas. Invariably, the challenge is not only to change the man’s perceptions,
but also the mental framework of the woman herself. The path to achieve
transformative change maybe tough and seemingly unattainable; however, chances for
success in realizing meaningful inclusiveness can be increased by cultivating a vision
for the future, and a clear direction aimed at altering women’s realities and tackling
socio-economic and cultural structures that sustain inequities.
References
Abdalla, I. (1996), “Attitudes towards women in the Arabian Gulf region”, Women in
Management Review, Vol. 11 No. 1, pp. 29-39.
Abdy, R. (2005), “Closing the gulf between the sexes”, Ethical Corporation.
Acker, J. (1990), “Hierarchies, bodies and jobs: a gendered theory of organizations”, Gender &
Society, Vol. 4 No. 2, pp. 139-58.
Ahmed, L. (1992), Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of Modern Debate, Yale
University Press, New Haven, CT.
Al Emra’a (2003), “The unfair sex”, Al Emra’a, pp. 13-14.
Al-Lamky, A. (1998), “Narratives of Omani women in leadership positions: a view from above”,
Proceedings of Women in Management Conference, Dubai, UAE.
Al-Lamki, S. (1999), “Paradigm shift: a perspective on Omani women in management in the
Sultanate of Oman”, Advancing Women in Leadership, Vol. 2 No. 2.
Al-Lamky, A. (2004), “Modernization and child neglect in Oman: trends and implications”,
International Journal of World Peace, Vol. XXI No. 3, pp. 43-53.
Al-Lamki, S. (2006), “The development of human resources in the Sultanate of Oman: Feminizing
Omanization and the role of women”, unpublished presentation at the Sultan Qaboos
Cultural Center, Summer Institute on Oman and Gulf, Washington, DC. leadership in
Almaney, A. (1981), “Cultural traits of the Arab”, Management International Review, Vol. 21 Arab societies
No. 33, pp. 10-18.
Al-Rasheed, M. (Ed.) (2004), Transnational Connections and the Arab Gulf, Routeledge, New
York, NY. 65
Al-Riyami, R. (2001), “Beneath the surface: business opportunities and challenges of Omani
women entrepreneurs”, dissertation for the Degree of MBA Executive, University of
Lincolnshire & Humberside, Lincoln.
Buay, T.S. (1997), “Traits of a woman manager”, New Straits Times.
Carapico, S., Cheriet, B., Fakhro, M., Moghadam, V., Morris, M., Norton, A., Saktanber, A.,
Singerman, D. and Taraki, L. (1997), “Gender, politics and the state: what do middle
eastern women want?”, Middle East Policy, Vol. 5 No. 3, pp. 155-90.
CAWTAR (2001), Globalization and Gender: Economic Participation of Arab Women, Center of
Arab Women for Training and Research, Tunisia.
Certo, S. (2003), Modern Management, Prentice-Hall, Engliffwood Cliffs, NJ.
Chatty, D. (2000), “Bedouin economics and the modern wage market: the case of the Harasiis of
Oman”, Nomadic Peoples, Vol. 4 No. 2.
Dechant, K. and Al-Lamky, A. (2005), “Towards an understanding of Arab women entrepreneurs
in Bahrain and Oman”, Journal of Developmental Entrepreneurship, Vol. 10 No. 2,
pp. 123-40.
Dunn, M., Eickelman, C., Geyer, G., Kechichian, J., Page, J. and Pellatreau, R. (1996), “Symposium:
contemporary Oman and US- Oman relations”, Middle East Policy, Vol. 4 No. 3, pp. 1-29.
Esposito, J. (1998), “Women in Islam and Muslim societies”, in Haddad, Y. and Esposito, J. (Eds),
Islam, Gender and Social Change, Oxford University Press, New York, NY, pp. x-xxvii.
Fakhro, M. (1997), “Gender, politics and the state in the gulf region”, Middle East Policy, Vol. 5
No. 3, pp. 166-70.
Fels, A. (2004), “Do women lack ambition?”, Harvard Business Review.
Fergani, N. (Ed.) (2002), Arab Human Development Report: Creating Opportunities for Future
Generations, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), New York, NY.
Haddad, Y. (1998), “Islam and gender: dilemmas in the changing Arab world”, in Haddad, Y. and
Esposito, J. (Eds), Islam, Gender and Social Change, Oxford University Press, New York,
NY, pp. 3-29.
Haddad, Y. and Esposito, J. (Eds) (1998), Islam, Gender and Social Change, Oxford University
Press, New York, NY.
Hammuda, A.A. (2004), The Status of Women in Islam, from internet site on Islam in Focus.
Hill, J. (1993), “Women and work – is the glass ceiling coming down?”, Risk Management, www.
highbeam.com/library
Hill, L. (2003), “Are we preparing ourselves to lead?”, in Rhode, D. (Ed.), The Difference
‘Difference’ Makes: Women and Leadership, Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA,
pp. 144-67.
IFC (2005), Gender Entrepreneurship Markets Country Brief – Oman, Sultanate of Oman,
Sultanate of Oman.
ILO (2003), Meeting the Employment Challenge in the Sultanate of Oman: Report of the ILO
Mission on Employment and Training Policy, Sultanate of Oman.
WIMR Johnson, W. and Packer, A. (1987), Workforce 2000: Work and Workers for the 21st Century,
Hudson Institute, Indianapolis, IN.
22,1
Kolb, D., Fletcher, J., Meyerson, D., Merrill-Sands, D. and Ely, R. (2004), “Making change: a
framework for promoting gender equity in organizations”, in Ely, R., Foldy, E., Scully, M.
and The Center for Gender in Organizations, Simmons School of Management (Eds),
Reader in Gender, Work and Organization, Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, MA.
66 Kanter, R.M. (1993), Men and Women of the Corporation, Basic Books, New York, NY.
Kartsen, M.G. (1994), Management and Gender: Issues and Attitudes, Quorum Books, London.
Lancaster, P. (2003), “Oman is different: celebrating the distinct character of the Sultanate of
Oman the Country’s Center for Investment Promotion and Export Development boasts
that ‘Oman is Different. In Reality Oman Is Unique’”, The Middle East.

Lockwood, N. (2005), “Workforce diversity: leveraging the power of difference for competitive
advantage”, available at: www.shrm.org/research/quarterly
Majlis A’Shura (2004), “Omani women contribution to modern development of the state
institutions – facts and figures”, Majlis A’Shura.
Mallon, M. and Cassell, C. (1999), “What do women want?”, Journal of Management Development,
Vol. 18 No. 2, pp. 137-53.
Maneef, A. (1990), “An approach to the impact of oil on Arab society”, Social Affairs, Vol. 27,
pp. 7-33.
Miller, J. (1997), “Creating modern Oman: an interview with sultan qabus”, Foreign Affairs,
Vol. 76 No. 3, pp. 14-18.
Ministry of National Development and UNICEF (1996), A Statistical Profile of Omani Women,
Ministry of Development & United Nations Children’s Fund, Muscat.
Ministry of National Economy (2000), The Household Income and Expenditure Survey, Sultanate
of Oman.
Ministry of National Economy (2003), Oman Human Development Report, Sultanate of Oman.
Ministry of National Economy (2005), Al rajul wal Maraa fi Sultanate Oman fi Arqam,
Unpublished Arabic Report.
Ministry of National Economy and UNICEF (1999), Gender, Education and Change in the
Sultanate of Oman: An Analysis of Rising Female Educational Attainment and Other
Socio-Economics and Demographic Indicators, Ministry of National Economy & UNICEF,
Muscat.
Ministry of Social Affairs, Labour and Vocational Training (1999), Wade al Mara’a fi Oman (The
Status of Women in Oman).
Moghadam, V. (2004), “Patriarchy in transition: women and the changing family in the middle
east”, Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 35.
Moss, S. (1994), “Effects of sex and gender role on leader emergence”, Academy of Management
Journal, Vol. 37 No. 5, pp. 13-35.
Mostafa, M. (2003), “Attitudes towards women who work in Egypt”, Women in Management
Review, Vol. 18 No. 5, pp. 252-66.
Neal, M., Finlay, J. and Tansey, R. (2005), “My father knows the minister: a comparative study of
Arab women’s attitudes towards leadership authority”, Women in Management Review,
Vol. 20 No. 7, pp. 354-75.
Peterson, J. (2004), “Oman’s diverse society: Northern Oman”, Middle East Journal, Vol. 58 No. 1,
pp. 31-51.
PR Newswire (1996), “Catalyst surveys senior women executives and CEOs on women’s progress Feminizing
in corporate leadership”, PR Newswire.
Rhode, D. (2003), “The difference ‘Difference’ makes: women and leadership”, in Rhode, D. (Ed.),
leadership in
The Difference “Difference” Makes: Women and Leadership, Stanford University Press, Arab societies
Stanford, CA, pp. 159-80.
Riphenburg, C. (1998), “Changing gender relations and the development process in Oman”, in
Haddad, Y. and Esposito, J. (Eds), Islam, Gender and Social Change, Oxford University 67
Press, New York, NY, pp. 144-68.
Scully, M. (2003), “Human resource management: overview”, in Ely, R., Foldy, E., Scully, M. and
The Center for Gender in Organizations, Simmons School of Management (Eds), Reader in
Gender, Work and Organization, Blackwell Publishing, Boston, MA, pp. 279-83.
Shehadeh, L.R. (2000), “Women in the discourse of Sayyid Qutb”, Arab Studies Quarterly, Vol. 22
No. 3, pp. 45-60.
Sidani, Y. (2005), “Women, work, and Islam in Arab Societies”, Women in Management Review,
Vol. 20 No. 7, pp. 498-512.
Sultanate of Oman (1995), country paper presented at the Fourth World Conference on Women,
Beijing.
Taylor, A. (1986), “Why women managers are bailing out”, Fortune, pp. 16-23.
The Economist (2004), “Arab women: out of the shadows, into the world”, The Economist, 17th ed.,
June.
Times of Oman (2003), “Girls top science, arts streams in general secondary exams”, Times of
Oman, pp. 1-2, July 13.
Times of Oman (2005), “HM: women will be empowered”, Times of Oman, October, p. 1.
Wadud, A. (1999), Qur’an and Woman: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective,
Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Women and Work Committee (2002), Al Maraa wa Al Eqtisad wa Musahamatiha fi Souq al Amal,
Women and Work Committee, Muscat.
Zuhur, S. (2003), “Women and empowerment in the Arab world”, Arab Studies Quarterly, Vol. 25
No. 4.
Further reading
Gender Stats (2002), Database of Gender Statistics, The World Bank Group, Oman, available at:
http://devdata.worldbank.org/genderstats
Hill, J. (1997), “Women and work – is the glass ceiling coming down?”, Risk Management, pp. 1-6.
Ministry of National Economy (n.d.), Al rajul wal Maraa fi Sultanate Oman: Sura Ehsaeya,
unpublished Arabic Report.
Ministry of National Economy – National Demographic Committee (2003), Asbab Dhaaf
Musharakah al Maraa fi Souq al Amal, Sultanate of Oman.
Corresponding author
Asya Al-Lamky can be contacted at: alamky@squ.edu.om
To purchase reprints of this article please e-mail: reprints@emeraldinsight.com

Or visit our web site for further details: www.emeraldinsight.com/reprints
This article has been cited by:
1. Rakesh Belwal, Hanan Al Balushi, Shweta Belwal. 2015. Students’ perception of entrepreneurship and
enterprise education in Oman. Education + Training 57:8/9, 924-947. [Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF]
2. Yusuf M. Sidani, Alison Konrad, Charlotte M. Karam. 2015. From female leadership advantage to female
leadership deficit. Career Development International 20:3, 273-292. [Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF]
3. Linzi J Kemp, Susan R. Madsen. 2014. Oman's labour force: an analysis of gender in management.
Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 33:8, 789-805. [Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF]
4. Hayfaa A. Tlaiss. 2014. Between the traditional and the contemporary: careers of women managers from a
developing Middle Eastern country perspective. The International Journal of Human Resource Management
25, 2858-2880. [CrossRef]
5. Rania Kamla. 2014. Modernity, space-based patriarchy and global capitalism: implications for Syrian
women accountants. Accounting and Business Research 44, 603-629. [CrossRef]
6. Yusuf M. Sidani, Tony Feghali. 2014. Female labour participation and pay equity in Arab countries:
commonalities and differences. Contemporary Arab Affairs 7, 526-543. [CrossRef]
7. Shweta Belwal, Rakesh Belwal, Fatema Al Saidi. 2014. Characteristics, Motivations, and Challenges
of Women Entrepreneurs in Oman's Al-Dhahira Region. Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 10,
135-151. [CrossRef]
8. Charlotte M. Karam, Fida Afiouni. 2014. Localizing women's experiences in academia: multilevel factors at
play in the Arab Middle East and North Africa. The International Journal of Human Resource Management
25, 500-538. [CrossRef]
9. Fida Afiouni, Huub Ruël, Randall Schuler. 2014. HRM in the Middle East: toward a greater
understanding. The International Journal of Human Resource Management 25, 133-143. [CrossRef]
10. Katty Marmenout, Pamela Lirio. 2014. Local female talent retention in the Gulf: Emirati women bending
with the wind. The International Journal of Human Resource Management 25, 144-166. [CrossRef]
11. Charlotte M. Karam, Fida Afiouni, Nour Nasr. 2013. Walking a tightrope or navigating a web: Parameters
of balance within perceived institutional realities. Women's Studies International Forum 40, 87-101.
[CrossRef]
12. Badreya Al-Jenaibi. 2013. Gender Issues in the Diversity and Practice of Public Relations in the UAE Case
Study of P.R. Male Managers and Female P.R. Practitioners. International Journal of E-Politics 2:10.4018/
jep.20110701, 35-56. [CrossRef]
13. Romie Frederick Littrell, Andy Bertsch. 2013. UN Millennium Development Goals and gender equality
in employment in the Middle East. foresight 15:4, 249-263. [Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF]
14. Kate Hutchings, Pamela Lirio, Beverly Dawn Metcalfe. 2012. Gender, globalisation and development:
a re-evaluation of the nature of women's global work. The International Journal of Human Resource
Management 23, 1763-1787. [CrossRef]
15. Ruth McDermott-Levy. 2011. Going alone: The lived experience of female Arab-Muslim nursing
students living and studying in the United States. Nursing Outlook 59, 266-277.e2. [CrossRef]
16. Ronald J. Burke, Ghada El‐Kot. 2011. Gender similarities in work and well‐being outcomes among
managers and professionals in Egypt. International Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship 3:1, 56-74.
[Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF]
17. Abdallah M. Elamin, Katlin Omair. 2010. Males' attitudes towards working females in Saudi Arabia.
Personnel Review 39:6, 746-766. [Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF]
18. Mark Neal. 2010. When Arab‐expatriate relations work well. Team Performance Management: An
International Journal 16:5/6, 242-266. [Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF]
19. Ronald J. Burke, Ghada El‐Kot. 2010. Correlates of work‐family conflicts among managers in Egypt.
International Journal of Islamic and Middle Eastern Finance and Management 3:2, 113-131. [Abstract]
[Full Text] [PDF]
20. Kate Hutchings, Beverly Dawn Metcalfe, Brian K. Cooper. 2010. Exploring Arab Middle Eastern women's
perceptions of barriers to, and facilitators of, international management opportunities. The International
Journal of Human Resource Management 21, 61-83. [CrossRef]
21. Ronald J. Burke, Ghada El-Kot. 2009. Benefits of Recovery after Work among Egyptian Managers. Journal
of Transnational Management 14, 309-331. [CrossRef]

Al Lamky, 2007 Omani Female Leaders

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Al Lamky, 2007 Omani Female Leaders

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Women in Management Review

Feminizing leadership in Arab societies: the perspectives of Omani female leaders

*Related content and download information correct at time of download.

In Arabian Gulf societies, recently described as “bastions of patriarchy and male

Omani women’s strides: contrasting paradigms

ambassadors and members of parliament namely Majlis a’Shura (lower chamber of

Occupation No. of females No. of males Percentage of females to total

Significance of the study

58 Are they motivated?

Organizations ought to provide a more supportive environment to their professional women

Challenges for Omani women

Enabling factors for empowerment Constraining factors for empowerment

Challenges and the road ahead. . .

that ‘Oman is Different. In Reality Oman Is Unique’”, The Middle East.

To purchase reprints of this article please e-mail: reprints@emeraldinsight.com

You might also like