A Battle of Visions Dueling Images of Mo

Communication, Culture & Critique ISSN 1753-9129
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
A Battle of Visions: Dueling Images of

Morality in U.S. Political Campaign TV Ads
Janis Teruggi Page1 & Margaret E. Duffy2
1 Department of Public Relations, College of Journalism and Communications, University of Florida,
Gainesville, FL 32601
2 Strategic Communication, Missouri School of Journalism, Columbia, MO 65211
Televised political campaign advertising remains the most influential means for candi-
dates to communicate with the public. One of the most closely watched political races
in the United States played out on TV during the fall of 2006, matching Missouri sen-
atorial candidates who held widely diverse ideologies yet championed very similar issues
that were hot button topics nationwide. We applied symbolic convergence theory with
its critical method, fantasy theme analysis (FTA), because of its facility to explore and
understand meaning constructed through the convergence and competition of alternate
symbolic worlds. Through this method, not previously used as a means of tracking the
rhetorical visions of competing political campaign TV spots, we explain the master ana-
logue that underpins the advertising rhetoric and offer insights into how candidates
and voters make policy choices and the rationales they use to defend them. We illus-
trate that both the verbal and the visual narratives depict the vastly diverse rhetorical
visions of the candidates and, by extension, their supporters based on opposing views of
morality associated with Republican and Democratic worldviews. This study extends
the reach of FTA in studying the visual signs and symbols of political advertising.
doi:10.1111/j.1753-9137.2008.01031.x
Visual signs and symbols are powerful rhetorical tools in political communication.
This study analyzes political campaign TV ads in the United States, media rich in
visual content and a landscape steeped in conservative and liberal ideologies char-
acterized by paternalistic and nurturing models of morality. Our challenge was to
understand and assess the ads’ rhetorical visions in order to determine the social
reality that candidates are asking voters to embrace. To meet this challenge, we used
Bormann’s (1972) theoretical lens of symbolic convergence theory (SCT) and its
method of fantasy theme analysis (FTA) informed by Lakoff ’s (2002) theory of
Corresponding author: Janis Teruggi Page; e-mail: jpage@jou.ufl.edu

Earlier versions presented to Visual Communication Division, Association for Education in
Journalism and Mass Communication annual conference, Washington, DC, August 2007.
Spotlight program: Symbolic convergence theory papers honoring Ernest Bormann, Central
States Communication Association annual conference, Minneapolis, MN, March 2007.
110 Communication, Culture & Critique 2 (2009) 110–135 ª 2009 International Communication Association
J. T. Page & M. E. Duffy A Battle of Visions
gendered moral metaphors. FTA is a particularly helpful method to follow complex

and diverse content and how it converges into some shared meaning. Our research
approach is decidedly in the interpretive/humanistic tradition of rhetorical criticism
and does not attempt to address its questions from a social scientific orientation.
Although this study considers the comingled verbal and visual messages in the
dynamic media platforms of broadcast TV and the Internet (where most TV ads
reappear), its unique contribution is to extend the reach of FTA beyond linguistic
artifacts and into still and moving imagery. We applied this analysis to one of the
most closely watched political contests in the United States in 2006.
The 2006 Missouri senatorial race between incumbent Republican Jim Talent
and Democrat Claire McCaskill represented significant national concerns. Not only
is Missouri a traditional bellwether state, but the two contenders each held strong
positions on the hot button issues nationwide: stem cell research, health insurance,
gay marriage, rising oil prices, and terrorism. Talent was also faced with a tricky
rhetorical challenge as the nationwide tide to throw out the incumbents was clearly
rising in Missouri in the months preceding the election.
Talent lost a very close race despite the vastly different views that the contenders
held on most issues. These views emerge from visions of reality that are based on
widely divergent core beliefs. To understand how the candidates’ political commer-
cials formed these visions, we used Bormann’s (1972) SCT and its critical method,
FTA, asking the following research questions:
RQ1: What are the main fantasy themes portrayed in the TV advertising of the
candidates?
In FTA, fantasy has been defined by the theorist as the creative or imaginative inter-
pretation of events that fulfills psychological or rhetorical need (Bormann, Koester, &
Bennett, 1978). Theme refers to how this interpretation emerges in communication.
A fantasy theme, then, is a dramatized message constructed with imaginative language
and imagery that depicts characters engaged in actions that account for and explain
human experience (Benoit, Klyukovski, McHale, & Airne, 2001; Cragan, & Shields,
2007). Fantasy themes inevitably organize facts and events through different perspec-
tives and points of view (Bormann, 1990, p. 107). The term ‘‘fantasy’’ was designed to
capture the constructed nature of the theme (Foss, 2004, p. 111). In SCT vernacular,
rhetorical fantasies are not Freudian subconscious fantasies; they are conscious fanta-
sies, visibly present in everyday communication (Bormann, Cragan, & Shields, 2003).
Political campaign TV ads typically contain different perspectives and points of view
communicated through imaginative language and imagery. The multiple TV ads pro-
duced for specific political campaigns form a message cohesiveness that is experienced
by audiences viewing the ads—although at times, people may ignore or even reject
a dramatizing message (Bormann, Knutson, & Musolf, 1997).
RQ2: How are the rhetorical visions of the candidate and his/her supporters represented
in the advertisements?
Communication, Culture & Critique 2 (2009) 110–135 ª 2009 International Communication Association 111
A Battle of Visions J. T. Page & M. E. Duffy
SCT recognizes that communication not only creates reality for individuals, but
individuals’ meanings for symbols can converge to create a shared reality, a unified
rhetorical vision. The coalescing of fantasy themes and types yields an overall inter-
pretation of reality, a worldview.
RQ3: What do the archetypal structures or master analogues of the candidates’
rhetorical visions reveal about their worldviews and, by extension, their supporters?
According to SCT, the rhetorical vision is a function of one or a blend of three

archetypal structures or master analogues: righteous, social, and pragmatic. Associ-
ating a culture’s shared worldviews to core archetypal narratives is fundamental to
rhetorical and psychological theory. Fisher’s (1987) narrative paradigm theory
(NPT) contends that all communication is story, and within their deep structure,
all stories flow from two value-laden master myths of the American Dream: the
idealistic/moralistic and the materialistic. Narratives are often influenced or even
structured by Jungian archetypal myths that have been a part of humanity for a long
time. They inspire typified story patterns, learned from history and culture, which
give a strong sense of meaning to the lives of viewers (Roesler, 2006). As SCT
classifies archetypal structures as righteous, social, and pragmatic, we seek to identify
and understand these themes within the candidates’ rhetorical visions.
RQ4: How do the nonlinguistic elements of the TV advertisements help to create the
fantasies portrayed?
We consider the symbolic content and rhetorical form of both still and moving
visuals. In particular, we recognize that complex visual texts like televised political
ads, unlike a photographic image stopped and captured in time, use movement to
rhetorically depict dramatizing images with connotative or associative meaning.
To answer these questions, we first consider the nature and influence of televised
political campaign advertising. Next, we consider the potency of visual components
in constructing ad messages. We then provide an explication of the critical approach
and method. Results from our analysis are then presented along with in-depth
critiques of two ads. Once we discover the master analogue that underpins the
advertising rhetoric, we gain insights into how candidates and voters make policy
choices and the value-laden rationales they use to defend them. We conclude with
a discussion of the study’s implications.
Political campaign advertising

In U.S. elections, televised political advertising has been the dominant form of
communication from candidates to voters for several decades (Devlin, 1997, 2001;
Diamond & Bates, 1984; Jamieson, 1984; Kaid & Dimitrova, 2005). Research sup-
ports that political campaign TV spots have effects on viewers. Although Joslyn
(1980) concluded that political ads contributed at least as much as other media to
the creation of an ‘‘informed’’ electorate (p. 98), Brians and Wattenberg (1996)
specifically looked at the 1992 presidential campaign and found ad viewers to rank
significantly higher in campaign issue knowledge and salience than TV news viewers
or newspaper readers. Hart (2000) argued convincingly that advertising campaigns
play a role in sustaining democracy by bringing about a dialogue among candidates,
the press, and the people. In a replication of Brians and Wattenberg’s study, Holbert,
Benoit, Hansen, and Wen (2002) had similar findings. Even though they considered
two additional communication sources—televised presidential debates and general
political discussion—Holbert et al. found that viewing the 1992 campaign ads was
a strong predictor of issue knowledge and salience. However, Ansolabehere and
Iyengar (1996) summarize research that shows the role of negative campaign ads
on electorates and the political process, suggesting that such advertising reduces
political participation and increases polarization.
Research also supports the importance of visual messages in political communi-
cation. Bystrom, Banwart, Kaid, and Robertson (2004) address what the authors
called ‘‘videostyle’’ in ads from multiple mixed-gender election cycles in the United
States between 1995 and 2002. They analyzed aspects of the ads in terms of verbal
communication, nonverbal communication, and production quality. They con-
cluded that a winning female candidate is more likely to have no recognizable setting,
to smile and dress formally, is pictured with her competitor, and more likely features
other people (nonfamily members) than herself. A losing male candidate more likely
features other people than himself, more likely includes family members, features an
anonymous speaker or government official, has little eye contact, and dresses more
casually.
Lakoff ’s (2002) theory of gendered moral metaphors offers an interesting expla-
nation for the differing ‘‘videostyles’’ of competing political candidates. In Moral
Politics, Lakoff discusses the gendered metaphors that conservatives and liberals use
to shape their consciousness. He describes the paternalistic model of morality and
the nurturing parent model. In the paternalistic model, the strict father figure
neglects the children (public) for the purpose of their own good (i.e., improving
their broader or long-term circumstances, building their self-reliance). This model is
characterized by authority, boundary setting, and moral order metaphors, among
others. In the nurturing parent model, the progressive caretaker is driven by an ethic
of care to protect and teach the children (public) social responsibility. This model is
characterized by empathy, fairness, compassion, happiness, and self- and social
nurturance metaphors, among others.
Cultural differences have also been explored in political advertising research
(Holtz-Bacha, Kaid, & Johnson, 1994; Tak, Kaid, & Lee, 1997). Holtz-Bacha et al.
used content analysis to explore cultural differences between political advertising in
Germany and the United States and in Germany and France. Categories include TV
production techniques such as cinema verité, animation, and staging, though the
authors do not theorize regarding the reasons behind differing production techni-
ques and cultural differences. Using the rhetorical approach of narrative analysis,
however, Barbatsis (1996) does theorize how use of production techniques in polit-
ical ads can shape reality for the viewer.
In light of these findings, it is important to take a closer look at the ads
themselves to examine their rhetorical properties, in this case, the use of fantasy
themes. Three decades ago, Bormann et al. (1978) applied FTA to political cartoons
generated during the 1976 presidential race, acknowledging the power of the still
image to construct meaning. In televisual messages, we acknowledge an even
greater power. ‘‘What proceeds or follows a frame or a picture influences the
perception of it’’ (Zakia, 2007, p. 53). Ever since Postman (1985) marveled at
the technology of TV, ‘‘(it) gives us a conversation in images, not words’’ (p. 7),
scholars have proposed that the visual components are the most prominent and
effective argument in many political spots; they are an argument by camera work
and are far more potent than verbal logic (Biocca, 1991; Nelson & Boynton, 1997;
Richards & Caywood, 1991).
Visual rhetoric
Although language has the potential for multiple meanings, beginning in our earliest
years of education, words have been introduced to us through dictionary defini-
tions—predetermining meaning, pronunciation, and etymology. Words have rules
of grammar and syntax and a linear and logical structure (Audigier, 1991). Images,
however, have their own visual syntax that constructs a ‘‘more complex reality’’ than
linguistic discourse (Foss, 2005, p. 142). Images in ads often suggest visual claims
that would likely be unacceptable in verbal form (Messaris, 1997, p. 225). These
visuals invite the viewer to participate in meaning construction. Yet due to little
knowledge or discussion of visual literacy in society, people lack a consciousness of
visual syntax and a language for articulating how they interpret visual images. More-
over, moving imagery is both more ambiguous and more potent than still imagery at
delivering symbolic messages. Moving imagery requires immediate processing—it
does not allow for study, reflection, and interrogation. Kozloff (1992) writes of the
power commercials have to shape the world through storytelling. Pictorially, each
commercial creates a visual fiction. The political ad, unlike the commercial ad, often
presents a documentary-like visual fiction that viewers enter and vicariously expe-
rience. Barbatsis (2006) makes this argument in her analysis of the pictorial images in
‘‘The Harbor,’’ a negative political campaign ad that used black and white close-ups
and montages. Pictorially, the ad’s simulated reality did not attempt to copy the
everyday reality of Boston’s harbor but, rather, to offer viewers a look at familiar
reality through different eyes.
Although ads’ spoken and written words have more conventionally fixed rules,
structures, and meanings, visuals propose meaning in ways that are simultaneously
subtle and powerful. They contain points of view, assumptions, and evaluations that
direct viewers to understand stories presented in a particular way. Within the rhet-
oric of visual images, meaning making is grounded in audience-oriented form rather
than subject-oriented content (Burke, [1945]1969). How the ad’s ‘‘story’’ is con-
structed, for instance, through perspective, movement, angle, or lighting, directs
the force of its interpretation and its acceptance. Form suggests meaning and guides
how viewers should think about that candidate.
In this study, we consider both spoken and written words and both visual content
and form. For example, the visual content may be a candidate addressing a group of
constituents, and the form of that content may be how she or he is depicted through
perspective, depth of field, movement, lighting, and the recurrence of imagery. We
also consider conventional symbols, allusion, and metaphors. For example, a scene
may show a candidate speaking to a crowd of laborers to advance the message of
populism. In political ads, juxtapositions of images often function metaphorically as
the means to semantically frame messages. Juxtapositions often guide us to images in
our culturally encoded experience, thus presenting an interpretive frame for large
numbers of social groups (Morreale, 1991). Given the predominance of visual rhet-
oric in political campaign advertising, this study considers both the linguistic and the
visual form and content of the Talent and McCaskill ads.
Theoretical perspectives
SCT and FTA follow in the tradition of rhetorical and qualitative theories, including
Burke’s dramatism theory, Fisher’s NPT, Osborn’s metaphor theory, Cormack’s
ideology, and Goffman’s framing. One may explore the rhetorical function of visuals
as dramas, narratives, metaphors, manifestations of culture, meaning-filled voids, or
interpretive frames, among others. Although these theories and their methodologies
may analyze images as signs encoded with values and beliefs, as pictorial language
with semantics and syntax, or as condensation frames that call up a referent, SCT and
FTA provide a window on how reality may be understood through the convergence
and competition of alternate symbolic worlds.
SCT is useful for the study of all kinds of rhetoric in which themes function
dramatically to connect audiences with messages (Foss, 2004, p. 109). SCT has a close
relationship to argumentation in that shared fantasies provide a common set of
assumptions that support good reasons for specific arguments. Although this study
considers political messages delivered to prospective voters via TV ads, Foss (2004)
places diverse groups into the SCT perspective, ‘‘scientists . . . assume that argument
is based on the careful observation of facts, while lawyers use precedent . . . as the
basis for argument. These groups share different fantasy themes as the basis for the
construction of arguments’’ (p. 112).
The cultural mores and environment, the events of the day, threats and attacks,
and politicians and policies all are the raw materials from which groups build social
reality as represented by fantasy themes. In his discussion of the Puritan rhetorical
vision, Bormann (1972) points out that the Puritan pilgrims’ response to harsh
conditions in America might be interpreted by the outsider as desperate efforts to
stay alive. But the dramatized reactions of the Puritans themselves involved an
‘‘afterlife with high potential for ecstasy or terror’’ (Bormann, 1972, p. 34). Likewise,
Morris and Buchanan (1997) found that the fantasy themes of paramilitary organ-
izations’ communications represented the righteous master analogue of militia
members—a worldview that would be starkly different from that of most citizens.
As SCT and FTA demonstrate, groups may interpret events in much different ways,
even to the point of having mirror-image fantasies about the same event (Bormann,
1985).
FTA offers a clear technical vocabulary for the general analysis of imaginative
language and imagery (see methodology): dramatis personae, plot, scene, sanction-
ing agent, and master analogue. This facility to explore and understand the meaning
constructed by diverse elements makes FTA appropriate to guide this study of
political communication. Politics is viewed increasingly today as a form of symbolic
action, as spectacle, or as ‘‘the performance of power’’ (Page, 2007). Deetz (1992)
shines a light on the role of the mass media in cultural production. The questions he
raises have to do with the viewer’s or listener’s ability to participate fully in the
political process, given the context and content of media messages. Although his
primary focus is on the corporatization of media and society, we should note that
political advertising is produced by corporate entities, often backed by corporate
agendas.
Hall (1982) focuses on how events and activities are signified and thus influence
how people act and the choices they make. Power and money fuel political campaigns:
‘‘The power here is an ideological power: the power to signify events in a certain way’’
(p. 69). While Hall is mainly writing about the role of news media in shaping how
events are signified, we argue that campaign advertising is a critical aspect of how
citizens interpret the world and in creating a certain sort of public sphere. To para-
phrase Hall, meaning does not depend on how things are but how things are signified
(p. 77). SCT and FTA are tools allowing us to discover the powerful yet often unac-
knowledged ideologies embedded in news and advertising media.
In more than 30 scholarly articles and book chapters (Cragan & Shields, 2007),
FTA has been applied to press coverage, survey results, public relations campaigns,
cartoons, Web sites, political campaign discourse, corporate strategic planning, and
more, yet it has not previously been used as a means of tracking the rhetorical visions
of competing political campaign TV spots. Scholarly research in political campaigns
and advertising has resided in the realm of social science and positivism rather than
in the humanist, interpretive, and critical tradition. Kinder (2007) is among those
researchers, yet he recently called for an expansion of theoretical and methodological
approaches and offers an example of the persuasiveness of storytelling drawn from
the work of Pennington and Hastie (1992). According to these authors, stories frame,
organize, and explain the evidence presented and the ‘‘story of the case’’ becomes
instructional in helping jurors decide which verdict they will select. Kinder suggests
that ‘‘a good frame instructs citizens as to which policy to support.’’ Splichal (2008)
encourages the application of critical theory to communication research, questioning
that the practice and politics of administrative communication research itself—its
own historical preconditions and assumptions without a critical component—may

have erected misconceptions, reservations, and obstacles to understanding.
Our answer to calls for expansion of theoretical and methodological approaches
in political communication research is SCT’s fantasy theme method of rhetorical
criticism. SCT is a general theory of communication in the symbolic interactionism
paradigm in which the interactions of individuals yield a shared understanding,
a unified rhetorical vision. SCT originated in the early 1970s through Bormann’s
(1972) work with small groups, in which members engaged in communicative activ-
ity that enhanced their cohesiveness and fostered the emergence of shared group
consciousness. The theory has been criticized (Gunn, 2003; Mohrmann, 1982) and
defended (Cragan & Shields, 2007; Foss, 2002). SCT uses the diagnostic tool of
FTA—a dramatization-based method of rhetorical criticism—to critically examine
artifacts. Bormann (1990) offers this explanation:
When we share a fantasy, we attribute events to human action and thus make
sense out of what may have previously been a confusing state of affairs. We do
so in common with others who share the fantasy with us. Thus, we come to
symbolic convergence on the matter and we envision that part of our world in
similar ways. We have created common villains and heroes and celebrated
certain basic dramatic actions as laudable and pictured others as despicable. We
have created some symbolic common ground and we can talk with one another
about that shared interpretation with code words or brief allusions. (p. 106)
To analyze the process of symbolic convergence, the critic makes a careful inspection
of the spoken and imaged artifacts. Fantasy themes are identified that present a com-
mon experience or shape a shared perception of reality. The themes can be found in
a sentence, phrase, single word, pictorial story, or lone iconic image. The second
analytic task is to group several related fantasy themes into a fantasy type. The final
and highest level, the rhetorical vision, is the summation of fantasy themes and types
that constructs a broader view of things, an overall interpretive framework. Bormann
(1990) advises critics to look for patterns of characterization with heroes or villains,
persistent storylines, and recurring settings on both sacred and profane ground.
All rhetorical visions are functions of one or a blend of three archetypal struc-
tures or master analogues. The righteous master analogue (correct, proper, or moral)
shapes rhetorical visions to reflect an interest in right or wrong, appropriate or
inappropriate, superior or inferior, and just and unjust. The social master analogue
(relationships between people and groups) emphasizes attributes that include trust,
loyalty, brotherhood, and humanness. The pragmatic master analogue (expediency,
simplicity, and practicality) underscores efficiency and cost-effective decisions
(Cragan & Shields, 1995, p. 42; Stone, 2002).
The catalysts in the 2006 race for the Missouri Senate seat were the hot issues
nationwide, interpreted in TV advertisements. The drama of these interpretations is
explored through plot (actions), scene (time and place of the actions), dramatis
personae (dominant characters), sanctioning agent (legitimatizing authorities that
justify acceptance of the drama, e.g., the threat of terrorism), and master analogue
(archetypal narrative). SCT terminology is similar to the Burkean concepts of scene,
act, agent, agency, and motive. Another theoretical lens, Lakoff ’s (2002) theory of
gendered moral metaphors, is also applied because in U.S. political discourse, con-
servatives and liberals tend to use the paternalistic and nurturing models of morality
to shape their personas and messages.
Scholars have applied FTA to mainstream and independent media texts. Bishop
(2003) determined the rhetorical vision of the ‘‘world’s nicest grown-up’’ that
emerged from news coverage of American TV personality Fred Rogers. Duffy
(1997) examined the strategies of a publicity campaign to influence media coverage
and shape public opinion (see also Bormann et al., 1978; Csapo-Sweet & Shields,
2000; Duffy, 2003; Stone, 2002). The theory and method have also been applied to
images. Dobris and White-Mills (2006) analyzed the voluminous comparative charts
in a printed series on pregnancy and childbearing. Benoit et al. (2001) analyzed the
rhetoric of cartoon imagery in the Clinton–Lewinsky–Starr affair. Like Bormann
et al.’s (1978) earlier study of political cartoons, Benoit et al. found that visual
political communication can deliver important symbolic messages to the public.
These studies point to the usefulness of applying SCT to televised political advertis-
ing to understand and assess the rhetorical visions of the candidates and describe the
social reality the candidates are asking voters to embrace.
Artifacts
This study examines 39 political ads promoting the senatorial candidates in Missou-
ri’s 2006 election. The Republican incumbent, Jim Talent, was challenged by former
state auditor and Democrat Claire McCaskill. The ads were obtained from two
sources: a digital political media resource repository at a southern U.S. university
and from the Jim Talent for Senate Web site, http://www.talentforsenate.
com. Twenty-four ads promote McCaskill’s campaign and 15 promote Talent’s
(see Table 1). McCaskill’s ads are predominantly assertive and aggressive. Nine
ads attack her opponent’s policies and character; eight ads in a series called ‘‘Missouri
Voices’’ each features a Missourian negatively affected by Talent’s policies; seven ads
bolster her image. Talent’s ads are predominantly pragmatic, protective, and defen-
sive. Five ads attack his opponent; only two ads showcase Missourians; three ads are
devoted to the issues of veterans’ benefits, drug crime, the price of gas, and national
security; three ads stress Talent’s service and achievements for the good of all. Guided
by SCT’s dramatization-based interpretive framework, a multistep analysis was con-
ducted on all 39 ads by both authors with the assistance of a student.
Findings and depth analyses

Following the FTA methodology, the researchers first conducted multiple viewings
of each candidate’s ads to identify repetitive characterizations through words and
Table 1 Verbal Characterizations (by Ad)

McCaskill ads
Title Attack messages
‘‘Gas’’ Blames Talent for rising prices; McCaskill will invest
in alternative fuels.
‘‘Senator Talent’s Brand Talent poses as mediator, but back in Washington,
of Bipartisanship’’ he supports Bush.
‘‘Negotiate’’ Talent bypasses seniors’ interests, selling his vote to
drug companies.
‘‘Body Armor’’ Talent opposes better vests for troops; vets will vote
against him.
‘‘Michael J. Fox’’ Visibly shaking, actor contests Talent’s opposition to
stem cell research.
‘‘Jim Talent Likes to Work, Positions Talent with oil and drug companies; calls
But Not for Missouri’’ for change.
‘‘Washington is Broken’’ Spotlights citizens’ anger toward Medicaid, job cutbacks.
‘‘94’’ Talent votes Washington’s agenda 94% of the time
despite bipartisanship claims.
‘‘Votes’’ Questions Talent’s political and personal ethics.
Title ‘‘Missouri Voices’’ messages
‘‘Tami’’ Calls for stem cell research to aid mother and daughter
with sickle cell anemia.
‘‘Dolly’’ Angrily charges big government cut healthcare benefits
for autistic son.
‘‘Bob’’ Wheelchair bound for 18 years, supports stem cell
research to cure spinal cord injuries.
‘‘Shera’’ Medicaid cuts force single mom to leave school,
work two jobs.
‘‘Josh’’ Iraq vet’s medical treatment delayed due to Talent’s
opposition to benefits.
‘‘Charlie’’ Missouri farmer pours all profits into gas tank while
Talent favors big oil.
‘‘Ida’’ Suffering from Parkinson’s disease, she asks Talent to
empathize, support stem cell research.
‘‘Never’’ Ida repeats her plea for empathy.
Title Issue and image messages
‘‘Protect’’ A tough McCaskill guards against illegal immigration,
drugs, crime.
‘‘Most Ever’’ Rebuts attacks on her professional and personal ethics.
‘‘Personally’’ Defends work as state auditor; emphasizes personal
commitment, ethics.
(continued)
Table 1 Continued
McCaskill ads
‘‘Seniors’’ Will lower drug costs, protect nursing home patients,
stop Medicaid cuts, save Social Security.
‘‘Family Style’’ McCaskill’s mother and daughter vouch for her strong
Missouri values.
‘‘Believe’’ Promotes her roots; promises rural citizens she will
secure their well-being.
‘‘Divide-Stem’’ Sits at kitchen table talking of change. Has no agenda—just
what is best for Missouri.
Talent ads
‘‘Missouri Values #1’’ and Ads compare both candidates: Talent’s tough on crime
‘‘Missouri Values #2’’ and immorality, supports citizens’ financial well-being;
McCaskill’s a Howard Dean liberal soft on meth addicts
and immorality, against citizens’ financial well-being.
‘‘Untruths’’ McCaskill has been an ineffective, untruthful, and
corrupt civil servant.
Untitled Dismisses McCaskill as publicly and personally dishonest.
‘‘Plain Wrong’’ Counters attack ads; argues he fulfills promises to
protect veterans.
Title Missourians’ messages
‘‘Halbert Sullivan’’ Praises Talent’s community relations with Negro League
and sickle cell anemia research.
‘‘Caroline’’ Lifelong Democrat says Talent’s principles won her vote.
Title Issue messages
‘‘Veteran’s Benefits’’ Talent always believed in and supported strong
healthcare for veterans.
‘‘Combat Meth’’ Praises Talent for crossing party lines to fight drug
threat and win antidrug legislation.
‘‘Energy’’ Alternative fuels will discourage price gouging by big oil;
most important job: keep people safe from terrorists.
Title Image messages
‘‘Jim Talent Works’’ A responsible civil servant, Talent listens to and works
for all people.
‘‘Senator Talent Asks Does not see red and blue but right and wrong. It is
for Your Vote’’ a tough job, but the people are worth it.
‘‘Working’’ A ‘‘lone ranger’’ far from Washington, out in Missouri
rescuing seniors from harm, helping troops, securing
borders from illegal immigrants and foreign oil.
visuals. The researchers were guided by FTA’s key elements that demonstrate imag-
inative language and imagery: characters, plot, scene, sanctioning agent, and master
analogue. Careful scrutiny of the ads in digitized versions, allowing for constant
replaying of minute portions, permitted the researchers to identify significant recur-
ring characterizations in content (spoken words and pictorial images) and in form
(production values). The researchers individually recorded their observations, which
were then compared, evaluated, and categorized.
For example, words and phrases that communicated ‘‘integrity,’’ ‘‘righteous-
ness,’’ and ‘‘straight record’’ and visual images and form conventions—such as the
candidate featured intimately in a kitchen setting or victims of budget cuts directly
addressing the camera—helped to shape the fantasy theme ‘‘trustworthy and hon-
est.’’ As another example, words and phrases such as ‘‘security,’’ ‘‘patriotic,’’ and
‘‘keeps Missouri families safe’’ and visual images and form conventions such as
a candidate juxtaposed with a law enforcement officer or with an American flag
helped to shape the fantasy theme ‘‘people’s protector’’ (see Tables 1–3).
We identified 14 fantasy themes running through all 39 ads; some themes were
stronger than others because they were constructed by more characterizations. Next,
we determined that certain fantasy themes logically fit together to create a broader
characterization, a fantasy type. For example, we found that the three fantasy themes
‘‘people’s protector,’’ ‘‘tough and hard working,’’ and ‘‘battling enemies’’ formed the
fantasy type we called ‘‘candidate as heroic.’’
We identified five fantasy types in all; here, too, some were stronger than others
due to the strength of their composition. The strongest, constructed by four fantasy
themes, is ‘‘immorality of opponent’’ (enemy of the people). The next two types
followed closely, each constructed by three themes. We named these types ‘‘candidate
as populist’’ (who sees no red and blue) and ‘‘candidate as heroic’’ (who will secure
the nation). The remaining two types were both built from two themes each. The
type ‘‘candidate as strategic’’ is a little stronger than the final type, ‘‘candidate as
victim.’’ For the complete schema, refer to Table 3.
Regarding each candidate’s stable of ads, the strongest fantasy type found in the
24 McCaskill ads is ‘‘immorality of opponent,’’ followed by ‘‘candidate as heroic.’’
In the 15 Talent ads, ‘‘candidate as populist’’ is strongest with ‘‘candidate as heroic’’
closely following.
To reach the final and highest level of analysis in SCT—the broader view that
reveals an overall interpretive framework—we synthesized each candidate’s themes
and types into what Bormann calls a ‘‘rhetorical vision.’’ We determined that the
McCaskill ads articulated the rhetorical vision, ‘‘I am impassioned to right the
wrongs; all Missourians deserve empathy and respect,’’ and the Talent ads, ‘‘My
mission is simple and direct: I am working very hard to protect good Missourians
from the dangers threatening them.’’ SCT, like other rhetorical theories of narrative,
metaphor, and drama, recognizes that its visions draw from one or a combination of
three archetypal structures: righteous, social, and pragmatic. Interestingly, both can-
didates’ rhetorical visions draw from a blend of righteous (correct, proper, and
Table 2 Nonverbal Characterizations (Compiled from Analysis of All Ads)

Pictorial form and figurative imagery
Perspective
Distance frames function to establish setting and context for the narrative.
Close-up frames function to privilege detail as significant to understanding the narrative.
Field of view
Frame compositions suggest relationships of consensus or alienation.
Frame emphasis on specific content suggests importance.
Camera angles:
Shooting up suggests subject matter is privileged, powerful.
Shooting down suggests subject matter is incidental, powerless.
Direct shots suggest equality, balance, honesty.
Movement
Juxtapositional shifts between frames create metaphoric relationships and value
propositions.
Motion within a frame is propositional, for example, touching between characters
suggests familiarity, agreement; averted eye contact suggests evasiveness,
dishonesty; skewed lettering (in on-screen captions) suggests instability, absurdity.
Time
Temporal amplification through:
Long-held shots are propositional, for example, concentration on the candidate to
establish authority and guide narrative.
Quick cuts suggest urgency, collusion, intensity, speed, volume.
Repetition
Motifs (scenes, images) repeat to create narrative fidelity, for example, the American flag,
criminals, workers, use of black and white.
Conventional symbols
Full color: positive, present, promising.
Black and white: negative, past, threatening, inept.
Red (in captions): anger, excitement, loud.
Bright lighting, daytime: transparency/good will.
Dark lighting, nighttime: bad, suspicious behaviors and motives.
Settings: kitchen: nurturing, humble, unpretentious.
Metaphors
Republican candidate = paternal father.
Democratic candidate = nurturing caregiver.
Note: Influenced by Barbatsis (2005), Bishop (1999), Creeber (2001), Lakoff (2002), Miller
(1987), Neale (2001), O’Sullivan et al. (1998), Turner (2001), and Vande Berg et al. (1998).
moral) and social (relationships between people and groups) master analogues. Yet
Lakoff ’s (2002) theory of gendered moral metaphors helps to differentiate the two:
the liberal McCaskill demonstrates the nurturing parent model of morality in her
righteous/social approach, whereas the conservative Talent embodies the paternal-
istic model of morality in his.
Table 3 Fantasy Theme Analysis Schema (Constructed from Analysis of All Ads)
Fantasy type: ‘‘Immorality of opponent’’ (righteous master analogue):
Fantasy theme: Proven fraud
Characterizations: hypocritical, deceitful, sells out, untrustworthy, deceives
constituents, lies about allegiances, brazen, untrustworthy, deceptive, dishonest,
sly, corrupt.
Fantasy theme: Causes harm
Characterizations: immoral, actions disregard, actions harm, neglectful of Missourians
who are suffering, scorns suffering victims, heartless, ignores Missourians, condemns people to
misery, prolongs victims’ suffering, increases hardships, denies healthcare,
withholds help, lacks empathy, unsympathetic to Missourians hardships, impedes
peoples’ survival.
Fantasy theme: Enemy of the people
Characterizations: the ‘‘other side,’’ member of elite, friend of peoples’ enemies, cruel,
privileges self-interest over constituents’ interests, votes against peoples’ protection,
provokes outrage and anger, provokes desire for vengeance, scorned.
Fantasy theme: Failed leadership
Characterizations: has not earned your vote, abused authority, failed as a public
servant, not working right, weak, a follower.
Fantasy type: ‘‘Candidate as populist’’ (righteous master analogue):
Fantasy theme: Trustworthy and honest
Characterizations: integrity, honor, humility, morality, righteous, honest,
straight record.
Fantasy theme: Independent and fair
Characterizations: compromising, fairness, equality, promotes everyone’s interests,
unbiased, leader for all Missourians, independent, benefits all Missourians.
Fantasy theme: Shares Missouri values
Characterizations: shared values, what is right for Missouri, Missouri-bred values,
your values, peoples’ values, daughter of Missouri, godliness of ordinary people,
family values.
Fantasy type: ‘‘Candidate as heroic’’ (social master analogue):
Fantasy theme: Battling enemies
Characterizations: unite to fight, fights for Missouri, proven hero of people, valiant,
crime fighter, battling those who harm people, battling Washington, conquering
evil, attacking problems.
Fantasy theme: People’s protector
Characterizations: protect Missourians, responds to safety threats, guardianship,
protects Missouri and America, patriotic, rescuer, protecting seniors’ well-being,
helping sick and needy, security, flag.
Fantasy theme: Tough and hard working
Characterizations: tough on critical issues, no nonsense, hard work, guts.
Fantasy type: ‘‘Candidate as strategic’’ (pragmatic master analogue):
Fantasy theme: Progressive
Characterizations: progressive, for changes, fresh change, research.
Fantasy theme: Pragmatic
Characterizations: strategic, decisive, focused, diligent, pragmatic.
Fantasy type: ‘‘Candidate as victim’’ (righteous master analogue):
Fantasy theme: Wrongly accused
Characterizations: wrongly accused by opponent and corporate interests, victimized.
Fantasy theme: Reputation damaged
Characterizations: questioned ethics and morals.
Figure 1 ‘‘Gas’’—McCaskill campaign.
To explicate the candidates’ leading fantasy types, those of immorality, heroics,

and populism, and how they exhibit differing models of morality, we conducted
deeper analyses of ads with those characterizations. For ‘‘immorality of opponent’’
and ‘‘candidate as heroic,’’ we looked at an ad that dealt with both fantasy types,
McCaskill’s ‘‘Gas.’’ For ‘‘candidate as populist,’’ we looked at ‘‘Jim Talent Works.’’
Verbal transcriptions and depth analyses are presented in the next section.
McCaskill ‘‘Gas’’
Heroic and Immorality fantasy types
Righteous and Social master analogues
Nurturing parent model of morality
Verbal transcription
Rising gas prices have put record profits in the pockets of big oil, and Jim Talent
has voted to give the oil and gas companies billions of dollars in tax breaks.
Claire McCaskill says there’s something wrong in Washington. In the Senate she
voted to get rid of these billion dollar tax breaks, and use the savings to invest
in alternative fuels like ethanol instead. Isn’t that the change we need?
The Democratic senatorial campaign committee is responsible for the content
of this advertising.
Analysis
The messages in this ad are presented in two distinct parts: Part 1 tells of Talent’s
harmful collusion with ‘‘big oil’’ and Part 2 of McCaskill’s indignation and commit-
ment to right this wrong. In the drama about Jim Talent, the time frame is both the
past and the threatening present, as indicated by black and white footage. The setting
is Anytown, Missouri, which has been invaded by heavy, industrial Blade Runner-
esque oil refineries that send billows of menacing steam over the land. Gas pumps are
demanding sky-high prices for a fill-up, making the gas companies, ‘‘big oil,’’ and
politicians richer. The early image of Talent (Figure 1) ties him to these oppressive
forces, their plundering, and profit gouging. The dominant characters are Washing-
ton, DC, and ‘‘big oil’’ (surrogates for Jim Talent) as villains, and the Missouri town
as victim. The justification for this situation is that big business should receive priv-
ileges, motivated by personal and corporate greed. The story indicates Talent values
conformity, collusion, and self-gratification.
Black and white images change to full color to connote the present (and
approaching future)—to suggest that ‘‘big oil’’ will continue to make profits. But
color also is a positive harbinger of change, as it becomes Claire McCaskill’s story
that promises to lift the Talent fog. In the context of this ad, the absence of any color
images of Talent suggests he is inactive and avoiding his civic duty for the continued
benefit of oil companies.
McCaskill constructs her heroic storyline by bravely standing up to the Goliaths
of society. In Burkean terms, the emphasis is on McCaskill as agent. Motivated by
fairness and foresight, she verbally attacks her opponent and denounces big business
interests in order to rescue the public, relieve its suffering, and invest in its future.
Shots of McCaskill speaking with citizens and standing next to a U.S. flag (Figure 2)
frame her as an American patriot who is in touch with the people of Missouri.
The strategic color choice of red for some of the on screen captions makes the
words angry and excited, shouting out important messages. The editing employs
quick cuts to convey the urgency of the crises (oil profits, gas prices, and dirty air):
print captions loudly shouting danger, plus dollar amounts rolling higher on a gas
pump, plus the suggested reality of oil refineries blackening the sky, all equal the
source: Jim Talent. When the viewer glimpses him, he makes no direct eye contact,
conveying evasiveness, guilt.
The justifications for this drama are that citizens’ rights should be privileged over
personal and corporate profit. McCaskill wants to lower gas prices, conserve natural
resources, and work for alternative fuels. She is motivated by idealism and a com-
mitment to economic justice. Both the linguistic and the visual narrative reinforce
McCaskill as a heroic persona, a person full of righteous indignation who is ready to
slay dragons. In this sense, her idealism permeates the ad. McCaskill engages as
a rescuer and collaborator, constructing a nurturing parent model of morality.
Figure 3 ‘‘Jim Talent Works’’—Talent campaign.
Talent ‘‘Jim Talent Works’’

Populist fantasy type
Pragmatic and Social master analogues
Paternalistic parent model of morality
Verbal transcription
Most people don’t care if you are red or blue, Republican or Democrat. They
don’t use words like partisan or obstructionist. They care about getting things
done, knowing the difference between what’s right and what’s wrong. That’s
why Jim Talent reaches out, why he listens. Because it’s not what you promise
that matters, it’s what you do.
Analysis
The ad evokes Reagan’s 1984 ‘‘Morning in America’’ ad, considered one of the most
effective political campaign ads ever because of its simple and optimistic message.
Both feature a montage of images of Americans going to work and a calm narration
that suggests the United States (and Missouri) is on the right track—thanks to the
incumbent’s hard work. This spot depicts a Missouri united with placid laborers,
healthy seniors, and supportive families in secure homes. There is a strong work
ethic, fertile fields, and equal opportunity for all. The scene is characterized with
iconic visual references to the American value of hard work and the nobility of the
good citizen: tractors, trade shops, public war memorials, a diner (Figure 5), and
a barbershop—it is an idealized diorama of life in Missouri.
Its characters include laborers, seniors, families, and a single image of Talent. The
visual and verbal elements downplay politics, parties, and red and blue factions.
Visuals with voice-overs depict the Missouri voter as apolitical, pragmatic, and rock
steady. By association—as we see Talent only at the very beginning of the ad—he
embodies these characteristics. There are no messages on the candidate’s own char-
acter or affiliations. Burkean rhetorical theory would suggest that the focus on act
suggests a concomitant focus on the philosophical approach of realism. The drama
emphasizes Talent’s actions (as seen through those of his surrogates) as honest work.
It implies that he shows his values through his actions and that those actions link him
with publics. Their good work, as sanctioning agent, justifies this story whose motive
is to celebrate the moral value of Missourians’ and Jim Talent’s work. Yet he remains
visually remote in this ad, as if watching over a docile flock. Through his physical
absence yet his watchful eye, he asserts a distanced, protective role, suggesting
a paternalistic model of morality.
Varying camera shots and editing techniques function as signs, or cues, to view-
ers—cues that suggest what to think and feel and cues that are based on both
aesthetic codes viewers learn while watching TV and by enculturation. Multiple
medium shots (waist up) of White men, young, middle aged, and elderly, posing
together in pairs (Figure 3), suggest there is a comfortable and personal relationship
between Talent and these blocks of voters.
When the camera looks up at a Black man walking in an office setting, the camera
bestows power and authority on its subject (Figure 4) . . . a tacit tribute (or promise)
due to the work of Jim Talent. Long shots typically establish settings, contexts, and
scope of message.
Noticeable long shots focus on steadfast citizens at work: a barber trims a young
boy’s hair as another customer walks in; a uniformed waitress in the dark early
morning hours turns on a diner’s pink neon ‘‘OPEN’’ sign. Civil society is secure
in Talent’s world.
As Reagan’s earlier ad ended with the tagline, ‘‘Ronald Reagan. Leadership That’s
Working,’’ at the end of this ad, ‘‘Jim Talent Works’’ reverses out of a black screen. Yet
despite the archetypal story that goodwill and hard work—Talent’s very hard work—
bring rewards, the rhetorical impact of this ad is not particularly strong because it fails
to acknowledge the reality of 2006 Missouri; its substance is not only clichéd but also
Figure 6 ‘‘Missouri Values’’—Talent campaign.
misrepresentative; the candidate lacks any convincing agency in moving the plot. From
farmers to trade laborers, from those who serve our country to those who serve us
coffee and eggs, fathers and sons, mothers and daughters, and neighbors and cousins,
all are the folks that Jim Talent works for. Jim Talent works—and in that he is like
them. Yet his ads show that he is only performing the senatorial version of serving
coffee and eggs. In Talent’s efforts to identify with the audiences shown, he is revealing
a worldview and he is revealing his concern with the problems facing Republicans in
this election. This ad is a rhetorical effort to dodge the Democratic bullet.
Discussion and conclusions

To answer our first research question, our analysis shows that associative fantasy
themes cluster to form five fantasy types: immorality of opponent, candidate as pop-
ulist, candidate as heroic, candidate as strategic, and candidate as victim. The domi-
nance and characterizations of certain fantasy types construct rhetorical visions for
each candidate, answering our second question. The Talent campaign constructs the
rhetorical vision, ‘‘My mission is simple and direct: I am working very hard to
protect good Missourians from the dangers threatening them,’’ and the McCaskill
campaign creates the rhetorical vision, ‘‘I am impassioned to right the wrongs; all
Missourians deserve empathy and respect.’’
Although their ad campaigns represent a blend of social and righteous master
analogues, their social master analogues differ significantly. Our explication of this
difference answers our third question. In his relationships with people, Talent asserts
Figure 7 ‘‘Missouri Values’’—Talent campaign.
Figure 8 ‘‘Protect’’—McCaskill campaign.
an authoritative and protective role, constructing a paternal social analogue. In her

relationships with people, McCaskill engages as an impassioned rescuer and collab-
orator, constructing a nurturing social analogue. Although McCaskill’s attack ads
place her in the ‘‘social’’ and ‘‘righteous’’ archetypes, her attacking is not ‘‘author-
itative and protective,’’ as typifies the conservative paternalistic model of morality.
She expresses outrage at the injustice dealt with Missourians and offers herself as
rescuer, which is nurturing.
For Talent, the very real threats out there are menacing and a hard-working,
resolute, and strong father figure is needed. Even the sunnier ads for Talent empha-
size his hard work, suggesting that he is the man of the family who is taking care of
his charges. McCaskill is a David standing up to the Goliaths of society. She con-
structs her heroic narrative through scenes of her caring for the weakest members of
society while depicting Talent in collusion with evil (Figures 1, 7, and 9).
Although gender traits and roles continue to stereotype men and women in
contemporary American society, assigning ‘‘compassionate, emotional, nurturing,
and gentle’’ to women and ‘‘self-confident, aggressive, tough, and logical’’ to men
(Alexander & Andersen, 1993; Foss, 1996; Huddy & Terkildsen, 1993; Murray, 1996;
Rosenwasser & Dean, 1989), there is a growing trend toward gender balance in
political TV spots (Bystrom et al., 2004; Jamieson, 1998; Page, 2003; Sullivan,
1998). This reframing is to be expected as polls show more American voters prefer
Figure 10 ‘‘Protect’’—McCaskill campaign.
gender-neutral candidates (Carli & Eagly, 2001; Nesbitt & Penn, 2000). The Missouri
ads studied here do deliver gender-balanced depictions of the candidates with a blend
of traditionally masculine and feminine issues, images, and appeals. Yet more sig-
nificant to this analysis—and to our assertion that FTA is a highly useful method to
understand competing and converging messages in political campaign ads—are the
gendered metaphors embraced by the candidates’ conservative and liberal ideologies.
According to Lakoff (2002), in the conservative paternalistic model of morality, the
strict father figure projects authority (Figure 12), boundary setting, and moral order,
whereas the liberal nurturing model of morality is characterized by empathy, fair-
ness, compassion, happiness, and self- and social nurturing (Figure 8). Our analysis
supports Lakoff ’s (2002) conservative and liberal models.
We also asked how nonlinguistic elements of content and form work to help
create the fantasies portrayed. Talent relied on a visual narrative that excluded him, a
distanced yet controlling father. His attempt to use ordinary people (Figures 3 and 5)
to construct his populist persona through profiling his constituents’ everyday lives
yields tepid results within the dramas. He also is absent when the public confronts
danger and the criminals are punished (Figure 6), signaling it is not his vision or
agency but perhaps a neutral eyewitness and agent. It is the threatening aspect of
Talent’s heroic ad that served as context for his strong and no-nonsense leadership—
not his presence and actions. It is the scenic aspect of Talent’s populist fantasy theme
ad that serves as context for his hard-work ethos. He relies on surrogates to charac-
terize him; he chooses to omit politics and policy and, ultimately, this formula fails to
suggest much command or authenticity. In fact, this constant absence of candidate
Figure 12 ‘‘Working’’—Talent campaign.
Talent’s image was strategically filled in McCaskill ads that presented his image with
powerful politicians (Figure 9) or corporations.
McCaskill’s strategy significantly departs from Talent’s. Her approach is impas-
sioned and assertive while his is tentative and defensive. McCaskill’s narratives embody
her involvement, literally, through her persistent presence (Figures 10 and 11).
There is no question whose vision and agency are driving her messages. From the
standpoint of rhetorical skill, McCaskill’s ads are more focused, pointed, and hard
hitting. She is physically present and performing in her ads, adding authenticity to her
messages.
The omission of Talent’s image from the ads, his lone portrayals, and the pairing
of his image with ‘‘villains’’ (Figure 7) all work to minimize his agency and empathy.
To conclude, these TV spots reveal not only vastly differing worldviews of the
two candidates—that of a stern paternal social analogue and that of an empathetic,
nurturing social analogue—but also, as strategic marketing communications, they
suggest the worldviews of the candidates’ supporters or their perceptions of their
supporters. Although our rhetorical analysis did not seek to identify the creators’
intent or the viewers’ experiences (collective intent and experience are not necessary
to reading and understanding the rhetorical composition of these texts), its goals
were to understand and assess the rhetorical visions of the candidates and describe
the social reality the candidates are asking voters to embrace. If a viewer does accept
a symbolic construction of a politician as the ‘‘people’s protector,’’ this theme influ-
ences how the viewer may understand the world and shapes her or his reactions to
people and events. If symbolic convergence occurs within viewers’ experiences, it
means consensus or general agreement on not only subjective meanings but also
shared emotions, attitudes, emotional responses, and interpretations (Foss, 2004,
p. 110).
Often, conflicting narratives and ideologies are not easily evident within highly
visual mass-mediated texts, in this case, political ads. The seemingly superficial
verbal and visual messages of these texts require a distinct theoretical perspective
and analytical tool to delve into their deep rhetorical structure. Bormann’s symbolic
convergence is an appropriate theory to help the critic unearth and examine the
complex and competing messages of political campaign advertisements, to recognize
their rhetorical strength, to discover how they converge to create unified visions of
reality, and to determine the social reality the candidates are asking voters to
embrace. The results of FTA may provide crucial insights regarding the policies
and positions political candidates themselves are likely to embrace, and the results
certainly offer direction for further study of the viewers’ experiences of symbolic
convergence.
We encourage more application of this theory and method to mass-mediated
political communication and both its linguistic and visual signs and symbols. The
Internet is fast becoming a common platform for candidates to reach the public.
Because of its multimodal capacity to deliver messages, scholars should particularly
consider the utility of SCT and FTA to facilitate interrogation of its often dissonant
hypervisual and on-demand content to determine the rhetorical force of its mes-
sages. This approach also should be useful in examining online threads of public
(customer, stakeholder, etc.) discourse to discover their unified visions. Bormann
(2001) himself invited scholars to use the theory and method in new ways and to
refine and reinvigorate it: ‘‘The symbolic convergence theory seems to have been
serendipitously designed for the World Wide Web, the Internet, satellites, cyber-
space, the digital world, virtual reality, and whatever new purveyors of fantasy
themes are on the horizon’’ (p. ix).
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Communication, Culture & Critique ISSN 1753-9129

A Battle of Visions: Dueling Images of

Corresponding author: Janis Teruggi Page; e-mail: jpage@jou.ufl.edu

gendered moral metaphors. FTA is a particularly helpful method to follow complex

According to SCT, the rhetorical vision is a function of one or a blend of three

Political campaign advertising

own historical preconditions and assumptions without a critical component—may

Findings and depth analyses

Table 1 Verbal Characterizations (by Ad)

Table 2 Nonverbal Characterizations (Compiled from Analysis of All Ads)

Figure 1 ‘‘Gas’’—McCaskill campaign.

To explicate the candidates’ leading fantasy types, those of immorality, heroics,

Figure 2 ‘‘Gas’’—McCaskill campaign.

Figure 3 ‘‘Jim Talent Works’’—Talent campaign.

Talent ‘‘Jim Talent Works’’

Figure 4 ‘‘Jim Talent Works’’—Talent campaign.

Figure 5 ‘‘Jim Talent Works’’—Talent campaign.

Figure 6 ‘‘Missouri Values’’—Talent campaign.

Discussion and conclusions

Figure 7 ‘‘Missouri Values’’—Talent campaign.

Figure 8 ‘‘Protect’’—McCaskill campaign.

an authoritative and protective role, constructing a paternal social analogue. In her

Figure 9 ‘‘Gas’’—McCaskill campaign.

Figure 10 ‘‘Protect’’—McCaskill campaign.

Figure 11 ‘‘Gas’’—McCaskill campaign.

Figure 12 ‘‘Working’’—Talent campaign.

Fisher, W. R. (1987). Human communication as narration: Toward a philosophy of reason,

presented at the annual meeting of the National Communication Association, Rome,

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