Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. ῏ῐ, No.

῎, September ῎ῌῌῒ

Fragments of History, Silhouettes of Resurgence: Student

Radicalism in the Early Years of the Marcos Dictatorship

Patricio N. A7>C6A:H*

Abstract

Using some of the few recovered and accessible primary documents written by cadres of
the Communist Party of the Philippines, this essay attempts to trace the process by which
the Party revived its most dynamic “sector” during the early years of the Marcos dictator-
ship. It shows how these cadres introduced and implemented the strategy of “legal
struggle” to create an array of seemingly apolitical student associations which soon
became the backbone of the brief resurgence of radical politics in schools and campuses.
The strategy however was not without its problems, the foremost being its coming into
conflict with the preference of the CPP leadership for rural-based, armed struggle of which
the urban mass movements, including those by the students, were only to play secondary
supportive roles.

Keywords: protests, Communist Party of the Philippines, Marcos dictatorship, revolution-

ary underground

On September ῎῍, ῍ΐῑ῎, shortly after President Ferdinand Marcos issued his declaration to
put the Philippine under martial law, units of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP)
swept through major urban centers and arrested thousands. Among those detained were
anti-Marcos politicians, journalists, priests, labor leaders, and businessmen. Students,
however, comprised the largest number of detainees, many being identified with radical
national democratic organizations which were tagged as fronts of the fledgling “re-
established” Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). No sooner had Marcos con-
solidated his dictatorship when challenges began to emerge. In southern Mindanao, the
Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) launched a rebellion against the dictatorship,
and in Manila, anti-Marcos politicians mounted a series of constitutional challenges to
martial law. A year after the declaration, the first signs of urban resistance appeared as
well῍beginning in the church and in the schools, and spreading quickly to the factories
and the urban poor communities. By ῍ΐῑῒ, street protests had returned to Manila.
This essay reconstructs the story of the recovery of the student opposition to martial

ῌ
Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University
e-mail: abinalesῌcseas.kyoto-u.ac.jp

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law.῍) During the first five years of martial law, the CPP’s central committee and main
bulk of cadres comprised mainly students from the top universities of the country.
Trained and inspired by a university lecturer and poet, Jose Ma. Sison, they took charge
in building the urban underground networks and the first units of the New People’s
Army (NPA), the CPP’s armed guerrilla force. Sison recalls that as a result of the student
protests of the ῍῔ῒῌῌῒ῎ period, “a proliferation of mass organizations . . . yielded a large
number of militant mass activists and party cadres who volunteered to join the party and
the NPA in the countryside” [Sison and Werning ῍῔ΐ῔: ῑ῏] (underscoring mine).῎) Another
Filipino Marxist, Francisco Nemenzo, concurred describing how the “bourgeois education
of some NPA soldiers enabled them to play a role that the Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng
Bayan (HMB) never performed. NPA units were welcomed by the peasants for their new
agricultural skills, herbal medicine, acupuncture, makeshift irrigation, and so forth. More
effective than the local governments and field agencies of national minorities, the NPA
administered justice, maintained peace and order, organized small economic projects, ran
adult education classes and, in the stable guerilla fronts, even implemented a ‘revolution-
ary land reform program.’” Nemenzo, added that “NPA thus projected a more positive
image; they were not seen as parasites who fed on the meager products of the farmers”
[Nemenzo ῍῔ΐῐ: ΐῐ].
These observations however have not been backed by a more detailed political
history. There are pieces of stories of student movement revival, but hardly is there any
academic research that details and analyzes these stories in depth.῏) This lacuna could be
traced to the fact that communist and ex-communists tend to write little about their
experiences, preferring to move on with their lives and forget their political past.
Moreover, the tales of political revival that have been told are often overshadowed by
narratives of political celebration or strategic priorities. Studies on the anti-Marcos
opposition, for example, generally focus on the People Power uprising of February ῍῔ΐῑ at
the main artery, Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (EDSA). Discussions center on dynamics
of this “EDSA revolution” (as it is referred to nowadays) and its legacy (good and bad),
while those that write about the CPP center on problems of ideology and strategy and

῍ῌ The Filipino Left uses the word “sector” to refer to various groups in society. Sometimes it
replaces “class” terms, but sometimes is used to conveniently disguise (albeit badly) class-
based perspectives, especially in the legal political terrain. As far as I know, no one has
studied the political etymology of this term. I employ the term in this paper largely
because of its common use during the martial law period.
῎ῌ A stirring fictional account of the human cost of student involvement in the fledgling
communist movement is Firmeza [῍῔῔῍].
῏ῌ These stories are found mainly in journalists’ accounts of the CPP, notably Jones [῍῔ΐ῔], and
Chapman [῍῔ΐῒ]. Early works on the martial law labor movement tend to also remain
broad (see Torres-Yu [῍῔ΐ῏]). Lately, biographies of radicals who died have contributed
substantively to efforts of writing the Left’s history from below (see Maramba [῍῔῔ῒ] and
Pulang Hamtik [῍῔῔ῒ]).

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 P N. A7>C6A:H : Fragments of History, Silhouettes of Resurgence

general sketches of party history.) Political and activist writings likewise legitimize
actors identified with certain events and justify the centrality of specific “forms of
struggle”ῌspecifically the primacy of armed resistance.)
To understand EDSA or indeed the current plight of the CPP, however, requires a
return to the past to look at how it all began. This essay is an attempt to outline the
history of that past by looking at how students developed an effective response to
martial law. Much of the data it will be using comes from experiences of student radicals
from the University of the Philippines (UP). The reason for this is simple: only UP has
made available its collection of documents on the Philippine Left. We do not know if
similar literature is available in the libraries of other universities, much less in the
National Archives.) This limitation notwithstanding, I think it is still possible to tell the
story of the revival of student radicalism in the first years of martial law even if the
available evidence is still incomplete. Here I rely on the arguments of historian Carol
Ginzburg who suggests that single events or pieces of documents and even the story of
one person cannot be simply dismissed as limited, too narrow, or not substantive enough.
For they actually yield what he calls “small insights” that in turn present “clues” about
the larger historical frame [Ginzburg : ]. The French historian Emil Guillaumin
was also able to describe rural life in France under the Ancien Regime of Louis XVI
through the life story of Etienne Bertin, a sharecropper. He was able to not only give
rural poverty under Louis XVI a face but also how the lives of peasants like Bertin were
often disconnected and/or different from larger events that affected Europe in the  s
and 
s [Guillaumin ]. One should therefore treat this essay like a detective work
at its first stage, where differing fragments of events are being pieced together to form an
initial silhouette of student politics under martial law. For purposes of this inquiry I will
center on the document Hinggil sa Legal na Pakikibaka (On the Legal Struggle, hence-
forth abbreviated to Hinggil), written by one of the top ideologues of the Samahang
Demokratikong Kabataan (Association of Democratic Youth, or SDK), Antonio Hilario, to
provide activists with a manual that analyzed their situation and propose a guide to
effectively responding to the authoritarian state. The article also represented an attempt
to give serious attention to an urban strategy that CPP leaders had ignored because of the
priority they gave to the armed struggle in the countryside.

ῌ See, among others, Thompson [], Porter [

]; Third World Studies Center [] and
Weekly [].
ῌ For example, Liwanag (Jose Ma. Sison) []; Muog: Ang Naratibo ng Kanayunan sa
Matagalang Digmaang Bayan sa Pilipinas []; Bolasco [: ῍]; Tupaz [: ῍];
Ciria Cruz [: ῍]; Serrano [: ῍]; and, Raquiza [: ῍].
ῌ See Philippine Radical Papers in the University of the Philippines Diliman Main Library: A
Subject Index []. A microfilm collection of the papers is also available for use or
purchase.

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I Recovery

Martial law caught student radicals by surprise. Despite warnings of impending “fascist
rule,” few expected it to happen so soon or so swiftly. Martial law also exposed the Left’s
weaknesses. While pre-martial law slogans like “Digmaang Bayan, Sagot sa Martial Law”
[People’s War is the Answer to Martial Law] made good propaganda in the streets, they
were unrealistic as weapons of mobilization and re-organization.ῒ) Many accepted that
retreat to the countryside and clandestine work was the best responses to the dictator-
ship, but not all were ready to commit themselves to armed struggle or go “full-time.”
Neither were the guerrilla fronts and urban communities under radical control ready to
receive them.ΐ) Moreover, active pursuit by the military further reinforced an general
sense of fear and confusion. Journalist Gregg Jones (who was given unusual access inside
the Party in the ῍῔ΐῌs) aptly describes this state of confusion:

The sudden transition to the underground took a heavy toll on young activists ill-prepared for
the chronic pressures of life on the run. Some who managed to win immediate assignments to
the countryside decided they were not cut out for the work of a rural revolutionary, and they
quit or asked to return to Manila. . . . Others were not as lucky. . . . Inexperienced and recklessly
brave, many were killed. [Jones ῍῔ΐ῔: ῍ῌῐ]

Other regions were equally affected by the swiftness of martial law. In Mindanao, CPP
cadres who managed to establish an island-wide network of legal organizations by ῍῔ῒ῍
admitted they too were unprepared for martial law.

Para sa paghahanda tungo sa susunod na yugto naging pangunahing kahinaan ng rehiyon ang
kakulangan nito sa pagsapul sa nalalapit nang pagiral ng Batas Militar. Hindi nakagawa ng
partikular na hakbangin ang KR para sa kagyat na paghahanda sa pagpataw ng Batas Militar
at sa lantarang panunupil ng pasistang rehimen. Dagdag pa naging kahinaan din ng rehiyon
ang malayong pagkakalat ng mga kagawad ng kalihiman kung kayat walang nakatayong
sentro ng pamunuan sa nalalapit na pangkagipitang kalagayan. [Mindanao Commission n.d.:
῔]

ῒῌ See, for example, Sandigang Makabansa, “The Situation is CriticalῌWhat must be Done ?”
manifesto, September ῍῔, ῍῔ῒ῎, and “When Trickery and deception fails, there can be no
other recourse but brute force,” in Philippine Radical Papers [Box ῍ῑ/῍ῌ. ῍ΐ, Reel ῍ΐ, and Box
῍῍/ῌ῎. ῌ῎, Reel ῌῒ, respectively].
ΐῌ According to one informant, the party “hierarchy was practically out of touch, and basi-
cally couldn’t issue any directives at all, at least to the Manila-Rizal organization, which
was practically autonomous.” Interview with B, former member, Manila-Rizal regional com-
mittee of the party, July ῎ΐ, ῎ῌῌῌ.

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[The region’s main weakness was failing to anticipate martial law. The regional committee was
unable to make specific steps to prepare our forces to the open suppression of a fascist regime.
The committee’s ability to organize was also hampered by the dispersion of its members
throughout the island. As such there was no real center of leadership by the time martial law
was imposed.]

The effects of this unpreparedness were strongly felt in the schools. Universities
were closed until the end of ῎῔ῒ῏ and were re-opened under tight military surveil-
lance. Education authorities made sure that once common political activities and organ-
izations were banned from the campuses [Philippines, Department of Education ῎῔ῒ῏
(November)].῔) The overall impact of these measures appeared serious. At UP, the student
newspaper, the Philippine Collegian, reported that as many as ῐ῕῍῍῍ students did not
report back to school upon the resumption of classes.῎῍) Those who returned were
threatened with arrests and spied upon in their classes. Many who were identified with
the student Left were promptly picked up and sent to the major detention centers.
Martial law had clearly altered the political terrain for the student Left.
These drawbacks, however, did not prove fatal. Despite wide-ranging restrictions
and arrests, student radicals were able to re-establish a skeleton dissident network
connecting a number of major schools in Manila. Pre-martial law student affiliations
were dissolved. Better coordinated, they held “silent marches” protesting martial law and
enjoining students to join the resistance.῎῎) An underground “edition” of the Collegian
described one such march at UP:

The march which was held in protest against the suppression of basic rights and freedoms of
the student sector and the Filipino people as a whole caught the campus kempetai unguarded.
The mass of students began marching at the second floor of the [Arts and Sciences] building at
about five minutes before ten. Numbering to only ῑ῍ students at the beginning of the march,

῔ῌ The guidelines directed “security measures” to be set up in schools, which included the
expulsion of students and faculty members identified with “subversive elements.” They also
placed the burden on school administrators to prevent “any acts of violence or any viola-
tion of existing laws as well as Proclamation ῎῍ΐ῎ [the martial law decree] and other orders,
decrees and instructions issued as a consequence thereof.” Failure to implement these guide-
lines and “prevent subversive activities or acts of violence [in their premises could lead to]
the immediate closure of their schools.”
῎῍ῌ The Philippine Collegian [February ῎, ῎῔ῒῐ] (henceforth Collegian).
῎῎ῌ This was not a Manila exclusive. In Mindanao, Party historians wrote that despite the
disorganization caused by martial law, “may mga natitirang mga militante at aktibong
elemento ng masang aktibista sa kalunsuran na nagsasagawa ng pasulpot-sulpot na propa-
ganda laban sa batas militar. Patulong nilang ginawa ang pagdidikit at pagpipinta ng mga
islogan sa iba’t-ibang lugar ng kalunsuran” [there were intermittent attempts by urban
militants and activists to wage propaganda attacks on martial law in the form of posting
slogans in various parts of towns and cities] [Minadanao Commission n.d.: ῎ῐ].

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the group swelled to ῍ῑῌ to ῎ῌῌ upon reaching the stairs leading to the third floor. More students
joined the march at the fourth floor. . . . There was distribution of manifestoes lambasting the
fake referendum. Manifestoes about the anti-student, anti-democratic characteristics of the
present Philippine Collegian were also distributed. . . . There was also shouting of slogans which
was received with warmth by the masses of students. . . . Slogans such as “Tutulan ang
panloloko ng diktadurang US-Marcos sa referendum !” “Ipaglaban ang ating mga demokrati-
kong karapatan !” “Ibagsak ang diktadurang Estados Unidos-Marcos !” reverberated in the
fourth floor of the AS building as the militant students continued marching.῍῎)

Another newsletter, Dissent, reported that similar marches were staged by students in
other universities, panicking university authorities and the military into making more
random arrests.῍῏)
But it soon became clear that these marchesῌfacsimiles of pre-martial law protest
actionsῌwere becoming costly. The kempetai-like arrests angered more students, but
they took a toll on the activists and cadres who led the protests.῍ῐ) This prompted internal
discussions about the continuing effectiveness of party strategies and tactics. Some
persisted that they were worth continuing as martial law was merely “a paper tiger,”
while others demanded a general retreat and a long period of quiet reconsolidation of
forces. A few even proposed engaging in “counter-terrorism.”῍ῑ) As the arrests in the
schools continued, however, those advocating a rethinking of organizational strategy to
ensure the long-term rebuilding of the radical student movement slowly prevailed. The
first indication of a shift was illustrated by a manifesto written by a group calling itself
the “Diliman Community against the US-Marcos Dictatorship.” Apart from the now-
standard brief criticism of the dictatorship, the manifesto also exhorted the UP commu-
nity “to organize faculty members, students, friends and relatives into groups of ῑ or ῐ
to join the just struggle against the Marcos fascist dictatorship . . . [to solicit] financial aid
to support the underground movement and [at] all times [to] try to arrouse [sic] the
political consciousness of everyone you know to mobilize them for the resistance.”῍ῒ)

῍῎ῌ “AS students stage protest march anew,” Rebel Collegian [῍῕ΐ῏: ῐ ]. The Rebel Collegian was
printed to act as foil to the official student newspaper that was then under conservative
control.
῍῏ῌ Dissent, Special Release No. ῐ, UP Revolutionary Committee, March ῏ῌ [῍῕ΐ῏: ῐ ]. See also
Nemenzo [῍῕῔῕: ῕ ].
῍ῐῌ In Mindanao, the problems were similar. While the counter-propaganda against the regime
was laudatory, party historians also admitted that they had limited impact because of
“mahinang pampulitikang pundasyon ng mga komiteng panlunsod” [the weak political
foundations of the city committees]. The end results were the “maagang pagkalantad at
pagkapinsala sa kanila” [premature exposure and arrests of comrades] [Minadanao Commis-
sion n.d.: ῍῏].
῍ῑῌ See footnote ῍ΐ).
῍ῒῌ “Diliman Community against the U. S.-Marcos Dictatorship” [January ῎῕, ῍῕ΐ῏], mimeo-
graphed.

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Unlike other manifestoes which simply exhorted students to protest martial law or
join the resistance, this particular document hinted at more tangible organizational
options. The appeal to form small support groups and engage in propaganda and
education among “everyone you know” so as to “mobilize them for the resistance” meant
a shift from the regular marches to slow, painstaking organizing work. The aim was no
longer to bring a sympathizer or new recruit to the silent marches, only to have her/him
arrested. Rather, the education, mobilization, and recruitment of students were to be
directed toward a long-term purpose: the development of a support base. However, the
manifesto’s proposal of a support base consisting of many small groups still did not
explain how the student opposition could be revived. What was needed was a thorough
evaluation of the status of the radical forces, an assessment of the strengths and
weaknesses of martial law, and a realistic way in which radicals could resurrect their
political presence in the schools and universities. The document “Hinggil sa Legal na
Pakikibaka” would try to fill gaps left by the Diliman Community manifesto.

II “Legal Struggle”

Hinggil appeared in the last months of ῎ΐῑῐ. It was written at a time when the CPP
leadership was “practically out of touch and basically couldn’t issue any directives at all,
at least to the Manila-Rizal organization, which was practically autonomous.”῎ῑ) Its
author’s intent was to address the single biggest challenge facing the UP underground at
that timeῌ“ang unawain at angkupan ang bagong kalagayan dulot ng batas militar, at
gawin ito sa pinakamadaling panahon” [to understand and deal with the new situation
created by martial law, and to do this in the swiftest manner possible]. Noting the
confusion within the ranks of radicals, Hinggil proposed “the strategy of legal struggle”
as the “wastong anyo ng pakikibaka at organisasyon sa wastong panahon” [the appropri-
ate form of struggle and organization at this given period of time]. What did Hinggil
mean by “legal struggle”? It referred simply to the use of whatever action or organization
allowed and/or tolerated by the dictatorship to recover from the immediate impact of
martial law and revive the student opposition. Hinggil noted that despite its authoritar-
ian character, martial law still allowed certain kinds of organizations and activities,
provided they were apolitical or, if political, sanctioned by Marcos and the military.
Radicals needed to exploit these opportunities and turn these seemingly apolitical or
legitimizing activities and organizations into weapons of the revolution.
Legal struggle was argued to be especially appropriate for “the masses” in the urban

῎ῑῌ Hinggil was written by Antonio Hilario, a leading ideologue of the SDK. It was written
“without any party ok,” and “the informant was not even sure if Hilario had already joined
the CPP by then.” Interview with B., former member, Manila-Rizal regional committee of
the Party, July ῏ῒ, ῏῍῍῍.

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 ΐ῔῍῎῍ῑῐ ῏ῑ῏ ῍ ῒ

centers. As Hinggil explained it:

Legal ang pangunahing anyo ng pakikibaka ngayon sa kalunsuran. Ito ay batay sa simpleng
katotohanang ang higit na nakararaming masaῌang masang siyang nagdudulot ng suportang
kailangang-kailangan ng rebolusyon, ang masang hinahangad tulungan ang mga rebolusyona-
ryoῌay matatagpuan hindi sa ilegal kundi sa legal na aktibidad o pagkilos. [Hilario c. ῌ῔ῒ῎: ῌ῎]
[Legal struggle is the main form of struggle in the cities. This is based on the simple fact that
the majority of the massesῌthose who could provide the much-needed support to the revolu-
tion, those who would be eager to help the revolutionariesῌcould be found not in the illegal but
in legal activities and endeavors.]

Invoking Lenin’s and Mao’s notion of the masses being divided into “advanced, middle
and backward elements,” Hinggil further argued that the majority would be found
mainly among the middle and the backward elements.ῌΐ) This majority could be effec-
tively reached only through legal struggleῌthe kind of politics that they knew more
about.

Legal na pakikibaka ang tanging paraan upang maabot ng mga rebolusyonaryo ang higit na
nakararaming panggitna at nahuhuling seksyon ng masa upang makapagbigay sila ng prakt-
ikal na rebolusyonaryong pamumuno sa mga pakikibakang inilulunsad ng higit na nakararam-
ing masa. [ibid.: ῌῐ]
[Legal struggle is the only means by which revolutionaries can reach the largest number of
middle and backward sections of the masses and provide them with the practical revolutionary
leadership that they will need in their struggles.]

Hinggil stressed at the outset that legal struggle was in no way a questioning of the
CPP’s overall strategy of protracted people’s war. It insisted on the primacy of the rural
resistance and the secondary role of cities in the general strategy.ῌ῔) Yet, it also main-
tained that cities had unique features that determined how the revolution should be
waged within the urban areas and in a condition where the Left was on the defensive
against a powerful state. The limits on political maneuverability imposed by the state
made it imperative to take advantage of whatever openings were available; at that time,
those openings were in the legal sphere. Legal struggle was a strategy to reanimate mass
support for the revolution, work through the limitations imposed by the dictatorship, and
slowly push for greater democratic space. As that space grew, so would the ability of

ῌΐῌ By virtue of their “advanced” politics, the advanced sections of the masses were most likely
the ones already participating in the underground. They also tend to be a smaller group.
ῌ῔ῌ “Ang kalunsuran ay pumapangalawang kahalagahan sa buong estratehiya ng rebolusyong
Pilipino” [Hilario c. ῌ῔ῒ῎: ῍ ].

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urban revolutionaries to support the rural resistance with arms, people, funds, and other
resources.
Involvement in legal struggle also meant a new attitude towards reformist politics.
Hinggil rationalized that exploiting reformist politics was necessary under authoritarian
rule. Eschewing debate over reformism as a deviation from political practice, it simply
pointed out that this was the way the “middle and backward” elements of the mass
initially encountered politics. There was no reason to fear that the mass would remain
reformist. The polarized situation created by martial law made alienation from reformist
politics inevitable and the possibility of people accepting the revolution would become
stronger. Radicals must be ready to tap this alienation and shift mass sympathy and
support to the national democratic struggle. Being at the right place at the right time
would ensure that their leadership would be acknowledged.

Hindi tayo dapat matakot makibaka para sa mga reporma. Ang pakikibakaῌkahit na para sa
repormaῌay siyang kaparaanan upang makilala ng masa ang kanilang sarili, ang kanilang
mga pinuno, at ng estado. Ang tungkulin natin ay padaliin ang ganitong pagkatuto ng masa
mula sa sarili nilang karanasan. [ibid.: ῍῏]
[We should not be worried that part of our strategy is to fight for reforms. The struggleῌeven
the reformist onesῌis a means by which the masses can come to know their capacity, recognize
their leaders, and understand state power. Our responsibility is to hasten this political
education of the masses based on their experiences.]

To pursue legal struggle, radicals were urged to create “new types of organizations”
appropriate for their potential constituents and supporters. What were needed were

mga bagong tipong unyon ng mga manggagawa, organisasyong pangkomunidad, organisas-

yong pangkampus, samahan ng mga opisina, atbp. Ang ibig nating tukuyin sa “bagong tipong”
ito ay pinagpatnubayan ang mga organisasyong ito ng mga pambansang demokratikong
grupo. [ibid.: ῍῎]
[new types of workers’ unions, community organizations, campus groups, office associations,
etc. These “new types” of organizations will in turn be guided my national democratic cells.]

This did not mean, however, that radicals had to start from scratch, for the “new types of
organizations” included what Hinggil called “traditional associations” referring here to
academic clubs, fraternities, newspaper associations, and “US-style clubs” like the Jaycees
and the Lions International. What would transform them into “new types of organiza-
tions” would be their slow shift towards open anti-dictatorship politics and the influence
or leadership that radicals were expected to provide [ibid.: ῍῍]. Moreover, there was no
need for radicals to reorient themselves for “these new types of organizations.” Before
martial law, some activists and cadres had already begun operating in traditional

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associations and were untouched by military repression. It was now a question of

sharing these experiences of the many who were accustomed to the open politics of the
pre-martial law period or who were honing their skills for clandestine work.῎ῌ)
The document insisted that popular interest and sentiment were the determining
factor of any legal struggle mobilization. For leftists to become leaders of these organi-
zations, they had to identify closely with their immediate concerns and interests.

Ang sentral na tungkulin natin ngayon ay ibagsak ang diktadurang US-Marcos upang kamtin
ang pambansang demokratikong kalayaan at demokrasya. Ngunit ang tungkuling ito ay hindi
matutupad, gaano man kalakas natin itong isigaw o ilang beses man itong isulat sa pader kung
hindi natin makukuha ang taos-pusong pagsuporta ng masa, kung hindi natin sila makumbinsi
na “kinakatawan natin ang kanilang kapakanan, na ang mga buhay natin ay mahigpit na
kaugnay ng sa kanila.” At maisasagawa lamang ito kung tutulungan natin silang lutasin ang
kanilang mga kagyat na suliranin, kung mapatunayan natin ang ating praktikal na pamumuno
sa kanilang araw-araw na buhay. Sabi nga ng mga Pilipino, “pag ika’y nagparaan, pararaanin
ka rin.” Kapag nagsisimula tayo sa aktuwal na kalagayan, at kumikilos bilang mga tunay na
kinatawan ng interes ng masa, walang dudang iginaganti sa atin ng masa ang kanilang
matatag na suporta. [ibid.: ῍ΐ]
[Our principal concern at the moment is the overthrow of the US-Marcos dictatorship to attain
national freedom and democracy. But we cannot accomplish this goal, no matter how loud we
shout our slogans or how often we paint these on walls, if we do not gain the wholehearted
support of the masses, if we fail to convince them that “we represent their interests, that our
lives are inextricably linked to theirs.” In addition, we can only do this if we assist them in their
efforts to resolve their immediate problems, if we can prove to them our practical leadership in
their daily lives. We Filipinos often say “if you let others pass through, they too will do the
same to you.” If we start from their real situation and act accordingly as representatives of their
interests, there is no doubt that the masses will reciprocate by giving us their unyielding
support.]

Leadership in the Leninist sense was thus not to be taken for granted nor was it
inherent. Cadres and activists had to show that they took the masses’ interests to heart,
participating in their daily struggles, sharing their experiences, and identifying with
their sentiments. Only when they had done so, demonstrating wholehearted commit-

῎ῌῌ “Natulungan din tayo ng katotohanan na bago pa man ideklara ang batas militar,
kumikilos na ang iilang kasama (ngunit ito’y iilan din) sa mga organisasyong pangkampus,
sa mga di-pambansang demokratikong unyon, sa mga kapisanan sa mga komunidad. Ito’y
nagsilbi bilang paghahanda sa panunupil, at hindi lubos-lubos na naapektuhan ang takbo
ng gawain sa mga ito. Sa katunayan, ang mga ito ngayon ang siyang nagsisilbing pinakasu-
long na mga yunit ng buong kilusang panlunsod at siyang nagbabahagi ng kanilang
karanasan na dapat sundin ng iba” [Hilario c. ῍῔ΐ῏: ῍ῑ].

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ment to their constituents, could they claim political leadership and turn these organiza-
tions into weapons of the revolution. Hinggil was not only recalling Lenin’s pleas in
Leftwing Communism: An Infantile Disorder; it was also reminding fellow activists of the
continuing relevance of Mao’s “mass line.”῏῎) The document did not question the exist-
ence of an underground network operating beneath these layers of “new types of
organizations.” As mentioned above, it insisted on the guidance of “mga pambansang
demokratikong grupo,” while noting that the underground’s continued growth was
contingent on its legal counterpart’s development.
However, despite its acknowledgement of the secondary role of cities in the pro-
tracted people’s war, Hinggil was actually proposing fundamental revisions to the
general strategy outlined by CPP founder Jose Ma. Sison. The first had to do with the
nature of “legal struggle” itself. In their “rectification campaign,” Sison and the first
generation of leaders constantly underscored the revolution’s armed and covert nature
[Guerrero ῎῕ΐ῎: ῏῔῎῍῏῔῏]. Legal struggle was associated with parliamentarism, a “rightw-
ing deviation” that spelled disaster for the CPP’s forerunner, the Partido Komunista ng
Pilipinas (PKP), and held back the development of moderate groups. Hinggil disagreed,
using the sacrosanct “interest of the masses” criterion to justify the merits of legal
struggle. It also invoked history as a validation, asserting that legal struggle may not
alter its basic formῌfighting the state in the open through pressure politics and mass
mobilizationῌbut that its meaning changed throughout Philippine political history,
depending on how the state responded to the Left. Argued Hinggil:

Ang partikular na nilalaman o kahulugan ng legal na pakikibaka ay nakabatay sa aktuwal na

kasaysayan Halimbawa, bago ang ῎῕ῐ῎, ang PKP ay masasabing legal; hindi ito
kundisyon sa kasaysayan.
῎῍῍῍ sinupil hanggang ῎῕ῐ῎. Ang mga pambansang demokratikong organisasyon at ang mga
anti-pasistang organisasyon, bago ideklara ang batas military, ay pawang legal. Ngunit ito’y
nagbago ng panunupil. . . . Sa mga kalunsuran, ang katayuan ng lahat ng anyo ng pakikibaka
at organisasyon (ang legalidad o ilegalidad ng mga ito) ay pangunahing itinakda ng reaksyona-
ryong kapangyarihang pampulitika ng estado. [ibid.: ῕ ]
[The particular substance and meaning of the legal struggle are based on actual historical
conditions. For example, before ῎῕ῐ῎, the PKP was actually a legal organization; it was not
conditions

῏῎ῌ The writers translated a section from Lenin’s essay: “Kung gusto mong tulungan ‘ang masa’
at makuha ang pagsang-ayon at suporta ng ‘masa’, hindi ka dapat matakot sa kahirapan,
hindi ka dapat matakot sa mga pambubuwisit, panlalansi, mga insulto at pag-uusig mula sa
panig ng ‘mga pinuno’. . . kung kailangang kailangan kumilos ka saanman matatagpuan
ang masa.
masa Kailangang batakin mo ang lahat ng pagpapakasakit, pangibabawan ang
pinakamalaking balakid upang makapaglunsad ng adhitasyon at propaganda nang
sistematiko, matama, walang puknat at matiyaga, lalu’t higit sa mga institusyon, kapisanan,
at samahanῌmaging ang mga pinakareaksyonaryoῌkung saan matatagpuan ang pro-
letaryo at mala-proletaryong masa” [Hilario c. ῎῕ΐῐ: ῎ῐ]. The Source is Lenin [῎῕ῒῑ: ῎ῐ].

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 ῒΐῌ῍ῌῐ῏ ῐῑ῎ ῎ ῑ

suppressed totally until ῍῔῏῍. Before martial law was declared, the national democratic
organizations and anti-fascist groups were all legal. This changed with the repression. . . . In the
cities, the status of all forms of struggle and organization (i. e., their legality or illegality) is
determined by the reactionary political power of the state.]

By understanding the nature of legal struggle as historically contingent, Hinggil was

arguing that radicals must be aware that strategy was variable and constantly open to
change. If revolutionaries kept alert to this, they would be able to anticipate the state’s
attacks and adjust adequately. This seemingly commonsensical idea, however, flew in
the face of the party’s orthodox view of revolutionary strategy: an urban resistance
comprising mainly “legal struggle” of ever-changing meaning undercut the CPP’s belief
in the universal application of Maoist strategy and tactics in the Philippines. To admit
that legal struggle assumed different forms at different times was to be open to the
possibility that the larger revolutionary framework was also alterable. Hinggil’s value
here extended beyond its urban realm into the very ethos of the CPP’s general strategy
itself.
Furthermore, Hinggil also expanded the meaning of the urban resistance beyond
that of being a mere support role for the countryside. While acknowledging the
connection between urban and rural areas, Hinggil argued subtly that the cities should be
more than resource bases for the countryside, training cadres and accumulating material
for the guerrilla fronts. On the one hand, not all of the revolution’s potential constituents
could become guerrillas or function as collection agents of money, arms, and medicine.
On the other hand, urban centers were rich with mobilization potential on their own
account. Students and other sectors could be galvanized to fight for “basic human rights”
and the restoration of democratic rights. These issues might transform some into
guerrillas or full-time cadres; they might lead others to push for change within the cities
themselves.
The urban struggle, therefore, had the potential of becoming another front, in which
the CPP could undermine the dictatorship through pressure politics. This could be done
alongside the rural resistance, assuming that NPA successes transformed guerrilla fronts
into stable guerrilla bases. Alternatively, it could develop autonomously of the country-
side, opening “democratic spaces” in the cities through constant mass mobilization and
unrelenting propaganda and education. Here, I think, is the second significance of
Hinggil as a revolutionary text. In putting forward the strategy of legal struggle, it
broadened the role of the urban resistance to one in which students, workers, urban poor
communities, and other sectors would be mobilized to create and defend a “democratic
space.” Thus, as early as ῍῔ῒῐ, this notion was placed on the discussion table by radicals;
it did not originate in the early ῍῔ΐῌs as some activists and scholars of that period claim
[Abinales ῍῔῔῏: ῏῍]. The ancestry of the term “democratic space” is radical, and CPP
cadres writing documents like Hinggil were its earliest articulators.

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The prominence given to reformist politics represented another modification of the

general strategy. Giving reformism serious consideration was a risky proposal, since the
origins of CPP-influenced student radicalism were based partly on the “rectification” of
past errors, a strict adherence to the political line of Mao Tse Tung Thought, and an
unceasing criticism of rival moderate and radical groups whose political lines were
deemed “reactionary” or “revisionist.” The Left’s weakened position, however, left it with
few options. It could not persist with the pre-martial law habit of belligerently asserting
its “correct line of march” against other forces. To do so would jeopardize possibilities of
a broad coalitionῌno matter how tacticalῌwith other anti-Marcos groups. More im-
portantly, it would isolate the revolutionaries from the masses who were, in the first
instance, still drawn to legal struggle.
That said, it is also important to note that these subtle reconsiderations did not
mean Hinggil was written purposely to challenge the CPP’s instructions. The SDK
cadres were clearly inspired by a CPP central committee directive which, in Nemenzo’s
words,

stressed the need for clandestine members to maintain their legal cover and persevere in the
military arena. This prudent policy enabled the party cells in Manila and other places to
operate with minimum disruption. The CPP’s tactical objective in the early days of martial law
was to keep its mass followers active without unduly taxing their courage. Party cadres in the
universities, for example, devised subtle forms of protest to feel out the boundaries of govern-
mental tolerance. But these seemingly puny gestures also preserved a sense of solidarity while
the forces of martial law were still on the offensive. [Nemenzo ῍ῑῐ῏: ῐῐ]

Working within this framework, Hinggil reiterated the preliminary nature of its propos-
als and underscored the need for cadres and activists to accumulate the necessary
practical experiences to enrich further discussion of the urban strategy. No strategy was
clear-cut, no tactic was eternal. The enriching character of political praxis would ensure
that they would constantly change.
Did Hinggil’s arguments receive a fair hearing from among the ranks ? We are
not sure, although there is indirect proof that some of its tactics were applied at least
at UP. A manifesto released by the so-called Student Revolutionary Movement of
UP, for example, closed its brief overview of the first year of martial law by calling
on activists to “use all channels opened by the state to advance our demands and to
convince the majority of the people of the futility of depending on the state to work for
its welfare.” The manifesto added that these “legal channels also serve to educate the
masses of the futility of parliamentary struggle and the correctness of the armed
struggle.”῎῎) Soon after, there was a noticeable shift in student engagement with univer-

῎῎ῌ Student Revolutionary Movement of UP, “September ῎῍: National Day of Mourning for the ῌ

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 ΐ῔῍῎῍ῑῐ ῐῒ῏ ῎ ῒ

sity and state authorities away from the “silent marches” to more deliberate and careful
staging of petitions, “calls,” and appeals for “students’ rights and welfare.” Activists also
began forming or reviving “traditional” student associations like academic clubs and
fraternities that became strong advocates for the full restoration of official student
councils (which university authorities and state officials regarded as a threat to academic
stability), the loosening of restrictions on the Collegian, and the right of students to free
expression. To project strength, these organizationsῌwith members averaging be-
tween ῎ῑ and ῑῌ ῌformed alliances. By late ῍῕ΐῐ, university officials were forced to grant
some concessions to the students, which led them to push for more reforms. An his-
torical sketch written for election campaign purposes by publicists of the present
left-wing student coalition Sandigan para sa Mag-aaral at Sambayanan describes these
early years.

In the second semester of the same school year [early ῍῕ΐ῏], academic organizations gained
relatively greater freedom of movement through coordination with academic departments. The
new style of work encouraged other organizations to regroup. Fraternities and sororities,
varsitarian and some social service groups were again reactivated, although their activities
were confined to their respective members only. But the efforts towards establishing broader
unity were immediately evident when the heads of existing organizations created the League of
Student Leaders (LSL) in ῍῕ΐ῏. It was not an alliance of existing organizations; it served as
coordinating body to work out common demands.῎῏) (underscoring mine).

Perhaps a better way of ascertaining whether Hinggil made an impact is to examine

more closely how particular party activists and student organizations operated during
this period.

III The Praxis of Legal Struggle

Jones describes a cadre reviving political organizing at UP after his release from deten-
tion in these terms:

Omy, who had been arrested shortly after martial law was declared, and released in early ῍῕ΐῐ,
returned to UP to resume Party organizing work, only to discover that student activism was
dead. Even intellectuals were afraid to voice dissent to the martial law regime. Undaunted,
Omy joined innocuous campus organizations and created new groups that could become fronts
for clandestine communist activities. He joined a popular fraternity and became president six

ῌ
Death of Democracy,” Rebel Collegian [September ῍῔, ῍῕ΐ῏].
῎῏ῌ “The History of the Sandigan para sa Mag-aaral at Sambayanan,” mimeographed, Philippine
Radical Papers [Box ῍ῒ/ῌ῕. ῌῑ, Reel ῌ῔, ῍].

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 Pῌ N. A7>C6A:H : Fragments of History, Silhouettes of Resurgence

months later. He organized a history club and immediately began sizing up the radical
potential of students who joined. Within a few months, he was forming secret Marxist cells
within the organizations he had created or joined. [Jones ῎῕῔῕: ῎῍῕῍῎῎῍]

Omy’s entry points were “innocuous campus organizations,” the very type of associations
that Hinggil intimated would be the fitting initial base for the legal struggle. Where no
such organizations existed, Omy helped found new ones like the history club. By
becoming president of the fraternity and a top leader of the history club, Omy appeared
to have immersed himself successfully among his constituents. It did not take long
before secret national democratic cells were established and new activists recruited.
Other cadres would replicate what Omy did with these two organizations.
And were these associations successful in combining their traditional manifestation
(a fraternity and an academic organizationῌtwo of the most popular associations on any
campus) with their political intentions ? In the case of the history club, it does appear so.
The UP Philippine Radical Papers collection includes a September ῎῕ΐῒ issue of a newslet-
ter of the Lipunang Pangkasaysayan (LIKAS), one of two history clubs during that
period and a leading group in leftwing student politics at UP [Lipunang Pangkasaysayan
῎῕ΐῒ].῏ῑ) The issue is remarkable for the way it connected university and national issues,
the responsibilities of being scholars and members of society.
Page one contained the editorial, various news items, and the association’s logo,
which consisted of three characters from a presumably pre-colonial Filipino alphabet.
Below the logo was apparently the club’s theme: “Itaguyod ang Kamalayang Pangkasay-
sayan” [Promote historical consciousness]. The news items included a story about an
academic workshop on the social responsibility of the Filipino scholar, a summary of a
club-sponsored symposium on the International Monetary Fund (whose discussant was
the prominent human rights defender, former senator Jose W. Diokno), and the report of
a successful “sale-raffle” to boost club funds.
The inside pages had a note on successful protests by student dormitory councils
that prevented university authorities from imposing additional regulations and an
update on the latest efforts by UP student leaders to strengthen their alliances. There
was also a report on new coalitions being formed, this time by editors of the various
“campus newsletters.” One page reprinted three poems by Mao Tse Tung, and the
remaining pages were devoted to a book review of a work on “ethno-history,” a critique
of a referendum to be conducted by the dictatorship, and a sports fest held by club
members to strengthen ties with each other. Finally, the editorial portrayed LIKAS as an
academic club struggling with organizational and financial matters while in pursuit of a
“pro-people” history. A breakdown of the editorial’s issues shows the political education
process of potential constituents.

῏ῑῌ On a short history of the organization see Ledesma et al. [῏῍῍῔: ῎῔῍῍῎῔ῐ].

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 ῒΐῌ῍ῌῐ῏ ῎῏῎ ῍ ῑ

The editorial began with a reminder to members that LIKAS just went through a
“makabuluhang” [meaningful] semester. Why was it meaningful ? For one, members not
only reaffirmed the club’s “tradisyon” of promoting historical consciousness; they were
also able to resolve some organizational problems that hampered the club [“mga suliran-
ing bumibigat nito”]. With the wrongs corrected, the club was ready to return to its work
of actively promoting historical consciousness. At the forefront were two issues that
would test the mettle of its “tradisyon”: the upcoming conference of the International
Monetary Fund in Manila and the October ῌ῏, ῌῑῐ῏ referendum called by the Marcos
dictatorship purportedly to feel the public pulse on the continuation of martial law.
These issues would have a direct effect on the club’s rejuvenation; by acting on them,
internal unity would be strengthened. These three issues thenῌthe IMF, the referendum
and LIKAS’s internal recoveryῌwere inter-related. They were “tatlong bagay na sa
unang wari ay hiwa-hiwalay, subalit sa katotohanan ay magkakaugnay” [three issues
which, initially may appear distinct from each other, but in actuality, are linked to each
other].
The editorial enjoined members to remain true to LIKAS’s commitment to history by
getting involved in the struggle against the IMF and the referendum. It implored them
not to be content with solving past organizational problems, but to use their revived
unity to push for meaningful social change. It was quite emphatic: “kalabisang pang
sabihin na hindi tayo tumitigil dito, na patuloy ang ating pag-aadhika, walang-hinto sa
pagkakamit ng pagbabago sa Lipunang Pilipino” [We must underscore that the struggle
will not stop here, that we will continue to adhere to our objective of fighting at all times
for change in Philippine society]. The subsequent paragraphs were devoted to detailing
the problems caused by the IMF and exposing the farcical nature of the referendum. The
editorial ended with this rallying call to protest, reminding readers that LIKAS’s march
was part of the larger march of a people’s history:

Kapag ganito, hindi dapat magsawalang-kibo ang mga organisasyong tulad natin. Ang ating
layunin ay tungo sa isang makabuluhang pagbabagong patutunayang progresibo na kabuuang
pagsulong ng kasaysayan. Ang paglalantad at pagtutol ay hakbang tungo rito. [Lipunang
Pangkasaysayan ῌῑῐ῏: ῎]
[Organizations like ours should not be impervious to these conditions. Our goal is to aspire for
meaningful social change that shows the overall progressive march of history. To expose and
to oppose is to take the first step in that direction].

Here was the classic application of Hinggil’s strategy of legal struggle. As an

academic club, LIKAS was expected to commit itself to academic pursuits, in this case
history (thus the symposia, the book reviews, and even the poems of Mao). Yet its
concept of history was activist-oriented. It not only promoted history, it also practiced it;
it tried to understand the past and also used it to make history in the present. Likewise,

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 Pῌ N. A7>C6A:H : Fragments of History, Silhouettes of Resurgence

historical consciousness allowed one to see the relationship of things and issues. Internal
club problems were not issues in themselves; they were linked with “larger” social issues,
at that time an imperialist one (the IMF) and an authoritarian one (the referendum).
LIKAS members, all potential activists and recruits to the radical opposition, were being
“trained” to search for these connections ῌ a major step in their politicization process.
Unfortunately, this is the only student newsletter that the UP Philippine Radical
Papers collection was able to preserve. We therefore have no way of knowing whether
other campus newsletters explained issues the way LIKAS did. The creation of student
alliances encompassing LIKAS (and possibly Omy’s fraternity as well) strongly imply,
however, that such was the case and that radicals succeeded in circulating their view of
issues. Less than a year after the editorial, in the first student elections authorized by UP
authorities to form a consultative body to recommend guidelines on the restoration of
elective student councils, radical-influenced alliances won handily against their conser-
vative and Marcos-supported rivals.῏ῑ)
Omy did not last stay long with LIKAS and UP. After finishing and spending a
couple of semesters teaching, he went underground and became a member of the Party’s
Manila-Rizal regional committee along with another LIKAS alumnus who went by the
alias “Nognog.” Two other LIKAS alumni were promoted to Party’s united front body,
the National Democratic Front (NDF), another two were promoted to the Party’s National
Youth Bureau (one of them was later on reassigned to a regional committee in northern
Philippines), and three joined staff work in the Manila regional committee as well as the
CPP’s research support unit. This is a significant percentage of cadres contributed to the
cause given that LIKAS averaged one twenty-four members per year.῏ῒ)

IV Shifts

Universities like UP were not the only sites of legal struggle. As signs of renewed
political activity became visible in urban poor communities and among the industrial

῏ῑῌ “The History of the Sandigan Para sa Mag-aaral at Sambayanan” Rebel Collegian [December
ῐ, ῎῕ΐῑ: ῎ ] and, “Sa Ikauunlad ng Bayan, Isip ang Kailangan: No Tayo sa Plebisito,” Philip-
pine Radical Papers [Box ῍ῒ/῍ῑ. ῍῎, Reel ῍ῑ].
῏ῒῌ This information is based on my personal knowledge of the organization’s history, having
been president of LIKAS during the late ῎῕ΐ῍s and early ῎῕῔῍s. All, save two of these
cadres, left the CPP after the internal splits in ῎῕῔ῒ. Omy became a politician and later on
set up his own evangelical church. His comrade in the Manila-Regional committee quit the
Party and opened up a music lounge. One member who joined the NDF became the chief
propagandist of the current president of the Republic, while the alumna who became part
of the Youth Bureau opted out of radical politics and is now running a thriving small
business south of Manila. The ones who stayed loyal to the Party were the LIKAS alumna
who was sent to the northern Philippines, and the other NDF leader who now helps run a
solidarity network for the revolution in Canada. There has been no update on the rest.

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 ΐ῔῍῎῍ῑῐ ῏  ῒ

working classes, the party “regained its footing by championing ‘genuine trade
unionism’” [Franco : ]. Party recruits from the religious sector also helped to
activate groups like the Association for Major Religious Superiors in the Philippines
(AMRSP) and to organize Justice and Peace Commissions and the Task Force Detainees
of the Philippines [Youngblood : ῍ ,  ῍]. Aware that the dictatorship often
hesitated when going against nuns and priests, party cadres encouraged them to play
major roles in the human rights struggle [Franco : 
].
The “big break” for the CPP’s urban organization came in October  , when 
workers at the La Tondeῌa Corporation distillery struck in protest against poor working
conditions and a management plan to lay off workers. The La Tondeῌa strike caught the
CPP by surprise. According to Franco, the central committee hesitated to support the
strikers, initially fearing “the possible negative consequences of an open, full-blown
strike for the distillery workers, the fledgling labor movement and the ‘entire urban
revolutionary movement.’” But failing “to shake the workers’ resolve, the CPP eventually
did endorse the strike, providing behind-the-scenes tactical advise and logistical support”
[ibid.:  ]. A few days after the strike was launched, nuns and priests, urban poor, and
student groups joined the strikers in solidarity. While the strike was quickly repressed,
La Tondeῌa became the “unang putok” [first spark] that broke open the “authoritarian
wall of silence.” Soon other unions followedῌin defiance of a presidential decree banning
all kinds of strikesῌwith the number of workers involved reaching as high as  in
 alone [ibid.: ].) A year later, La Tondeῌa had clearly paved the way for the
beginnings of a “multi-sectoral” effort to push the democratic space further. Protest
actions, notably “indoor rallies” were being staged in venues that were mainly protected
by the Church. These were then sometimes followed by more daring open displays of
protests.) By , the spirit of protest had spread in the urban poor communities, the
most notable of which was the protest of dockhands in a community north of Manila
against a government plan to displace them with a mechanized fish docking system,
purportedly to relieve urban congestion.)
Student involvement with the La Tondeῌa protest was limited as the radicals were
still in the midst of rebuilding. New leaders of the student alliances joined the strikes,
together with the first batch of activists recruited under the framework of Hinggil. When
the military began arresting the strikers, some of these leaders were detained. Their

ῌ See also “Workers strike movement surges anew in Metro Manila,” Ang Bayan [September
 , : ῍].
ῌ See also “Revolutionary mass movement developing rapidly in Manila-Rizal,” Ang Bayan
[December , : ῍].
ῌ “Alyansa ng Maynila at Karatig-Pook laban sa Demolisyon at Presidential Decree ,”
mimeographed, ; and Samahan ng Nagkakaisang Batilyo Cargo Handling Services, Inc.,
and Samahang Pangnayon, “The Batilyo Issue,” mimeographed, Philippine Radical Papers
[Box /
. , Reeel  and Box  /
. , Reel , respectively].

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arrests became a test case to determine the extent of the success of legal struggle in the
universities; those who were still free led the fist open school protest at UP in January
.) Security forces dispersed the protesters and arrested more leaders, but like the La
Tondeῌa strike, this small march of a few hundred students broke the wall of silence in
the schools. Henceforth, activists became more audacious in testing the political waters,
starting with participation in the “indoor rallies” of .)
Patient organizing that either followed closely or were similar to the Hinggil rec-
ommendations, finally yielded fruit in . When UP authorities implemented a 
proposal raising tuition fees, a move carried out by other schools as well, students
responded by spontaneously boycotting their classes. ) This first major mass action
inside the university since the declaration of martial law surprised party leaders, but they
were able to regain their composure and lead. Caught between the impulse to protect
university autonomy and pressure from the military to enter campus to disperse the
boycotting students, university authorities compromised with the students. News of
UP’s success created a rippling effect in other schools which were soon hit by student
boycotts. At the end of the second week of the first school semester, over 
 students
in metropolitan Manila alone had joined the protests.)
With party cadres acting as facilitators, the spontaneous student leaderships that
emerged from the protests were brought together to form the coalition Alyansa laban sa
Pagtaas ng Tuition Fee. With the Alyansa keeping up the pressure, the dictatorship
relented and ordered a rollback of all tuition fees to their pre- original levels.) The
student movement had won its first national victory under martial law.) The CPP’s
youth and student bureau interpreted this as an indication that students were ready for
more explicit anti-state issues. After a series of follow-up campaigns, Alyansa leaders
upped the ante and called for a general student mobilization to join a “multi-sectoral
rally” protesting the anniversary of martial law.) This demonstration ῌ which was held
on one of Manila’s busiest streets (Avenida Rizal), drew 
 participants and was

ῌ Philippine Daily Express, January , .

ῌ University of the Philippines (Diliman) Committee on Student Affairs, “A Clarification on
what really happened on January , ,” mimeographed,  pp. Philippine Radical Papers
[Box /. , Reel ].
 ῌ Rebel Collegian [: ].
ῌ “Resurgent student movement sweeps colleges, universities,” Ang Bayan [July , : ῍;
“ ,  students in  schools rally to resurgent protest movement,” Ang Bayan [July ,
: ῍].
ῌ “Militant student protest movement forces Marcos to take a step backward,” Ang Bayan
[August , : ].
ῌ University Alliance, “The Significance of the Boycotts and Marches,” mimeographed, ,
Philippine Radical Papers [Box /. , Reel ].
ῌ “Take a Giant Step towards Freedom !”; and “Pahayag para sa Kalayaan, Katarungan at
Dignidad ng Tao,” Philippine Radical Papers [Box /. , Reel , and Box /. , Reel
, respectively].

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 ΐ῔῍῎῍ῑῐ
῏  ῒ

brutally dispersed by the police. The figure is politically significant because it was the
first time such large numbers were mobilized in an openly anti-fascist protest. It was,
however, a let-down for student radicals, as student participation was nowhere near the
 who had joined the tuition fee protests.
By the end of , even the tuition fee boycotts waned as students considered the
rollback a victory. Radical attempts to “deepen” the struggle had limited success, and
while protests continued well into , these were not as massive as the year before.)
Nevertheless, the hundreds of new recruits from the tuition fee struggle still proved a
windfall for the fledgling student movement. As a result of more students recruited into
the underground, the party declared the formal resurrection of the Kabataang Makab-
ayan (KM) in its new role as the sole representative of the “youth and students sector” in
the national democratic revolution. Writing a message of inspiration from his jail cell,
KM and CPP chairman Sison predicted the onset of “repeated gigantic street demonstra-
tions, each of which will be directly participated in by hundreds of thousands of
marching workers and youths.” )
The party later approved a plan to form a national student association. Guidelines
were issued to cadres and activists to set up special coordinating groups of three to five
students who then would fan out to other schools and lay the groundwork for a chapter
of this planned national student center [Ecumenical Writing Group  : ῌ ]. Spe-
cially targeted were schools where student protests were spontaneous and the party had
yet to establish a presence. After a few weeks of quiet but determined pursuit, these
coordinating cells were able to bring student leaders from 
schools and universities in
Manila together in a general meeting at UP’s Asian Labor Education Center. On
September , , the National League of Filipino Students (NLFS) was formally
established. In its declaration of principles, its first set of officers vowed to “steer” the
organization “towards the promotion of our nationalist heritage, the growth of Filipino
consciousness, the protection of our economic patrimony [and] the assertion of our
democratic rights and civil liberties” [National League of Filipino Students ]. Echoes
of the LIKAS editorial rang through this declaration of principle, now addressed to a
membership far larger than that of an academic club. The student radical opposition had
come full circle.

V Echoes of Hinggil

Did Hinggil’s ideas spread beyond the university ? Here the evidence in our possession is

ῌ “Students, teachers boycott classes to assert their democratic rights,” Ang Bayan [Janaury
, : ῌ].
 ῌ “Persevere in revolutionary struggle, Sison urges Kabataang Makabayan,” Ang Bayan [Sep-
tember , : ].

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 Pῌ N. A7>C6A:H : Fragments of History, Silhouettes of Resurgence

still circumstantial and indirect. What was sure, however, was that the SDK cadres most
likely got a fair hearing from the party’s Manila-Rizal regional committee in its im-
plementing its “tactical slogan” of “Alisin and Batas Militar ! Magpatawag ng isang
pambansa, demokratiko at anti-pasistang halalan !” [Down with martial law ! Call for a
national, democratic and anti-fascist general elections !] A Manila-Rizal document justi-
fied what eventually was criticized by the national leadership as a “rightist deviation”
this way:

Una, lumahok sa legal na pakikibaka, magbuo ng mga legal na organisasyon ng masa ῌ upang
maugnayan ang masa, makalapit sa masa ng hindi nahahalata ng kaaway, upang mabigyan ng
mga legal na daluyan ang rebolusyonaryong propaganda at ilegal na gawain; pangalawa,
maglunsand ng mga legal na pangmasang pakikibaka ῌ upang sa pamamagitan ng mga ito,
matukoy ang mga militanteng pangmasang lider na magiging target ng ating lihim na
rebolusyonaryong pagkilos, pandain pa ang mga lider na ito upang makapaglunsad ng mas
marami pang pangmasang pakikibaka na makapagpapasulpot ng mas marami pang sulong na
elemento mula sa masa. Sa ganitong paraan napakikinabangan at nakakasangkapan ang legal
na anyo ng pakikibaka para sa pagsasagawa ng lihim na rebolusyonaryong edukasyon at
propaganda, at pagbubuo ng mga rebolusyonaryong grupong ubod [KT-MR ῎῔ΐῑ: ΐ].
[First, we must join the legal struggle, first and foremost, forming legal organizations of the
masses which, by linking with them and being close to them without the enemy finding out,
will provide the legal conduit for our revolutionary propaganda and illegal work. Second, we
must launch legal mass struggles that can produce legal mass leaders whom we can recruit to
the underground revolutionary movement and then be deployed to lead more mass actions
which, in turn, will develop more new leaders among the advance elements of the masses. Our
underground education and propaganda will benefit immensely from these legal forms of
struggle. These will likewise enable us to create more revolutionary cells.]

One also definitely hears echoes of Hinggil in the explanation given by the committee’s
former secretary to scholar Kathleen Weekley:

For the past two years there had been a “real ebb” in the urban mass movement and cadres were
asking themselves “what is the form [of struggle] and slogan that can enliven [it] again. . .
that can unite as many sectors of the population [as possible] and make an assault on the legal
hold of Marcos ?” The plan was “to come up with a parallel campaign” to that of the bourgeois
opposition, and eventually to join them “in a broader. . . anti-fascist legal front.” The KR-MR
[regional committee of Manila-Rizal] “had no illusion” of gaining power in Manila; we could
only win power through a people’s war, that premise was never challenged by [our] proposal.
The object of the campaign was to “divide Marcos [from] other reactionaries,” and in the process
to spread the national democratic message further and perhaps to dictate the “anti-fascist
agenda.” [Weekly ῎῔῔ῒ: ῎῏῔῍῎ῐ῍].

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 ΐ῔῍῎῍ῑῐ ῐῒ῏ ῎ ῒ

The regional committee’s haste in bringing about a “revolutionary situation” differed

from Hinggil’s idea of a painstaking and careful revival process, but its attitude toward
utilizing reformist politics was clearly similar.
Quite notably, two of those in the Manila leadership who pushed strongly for the
legal struggle were Omy and his fellow LIKAS alumni. They argued passionately against
a directive from the Central Committee ordering Manila-Rizal to withdraw from an
electoral alliance with non-communist forces and anti-Marcos politicians, contending
that through “legal” tactics like elections would enable the Party “to expand its organized
bases and transform them into a huge mass protest against the Marcos dictatorship [and]
unite large segments of the population and the opposition . . . against Marcos’ manipula-
tion of the . . . electoral returns” [Caouette ῎ῌῌῐ: ῎῏῏ῌ῎῏ῐ]. This rift reflected a more
fundamental difference in perspectives towards the urban legal struggle. This was a
problem that was never resolved and would have an effect on the CPP’s crisis in the ῍῕῔ῌs
[ibid.: ῎ῐ῍ῌ῎ῐ῎].
The “theory of legal struggle” likewise found resonance in the attempts of other
organizations of the Party to break out of the constraints imposed by martial law. In the
southern island of Mindanao, the Party leadership painfully realized that too much focus
in building the NPA would have tragic effects if this was not backed up by meticulous
and creative establishment of an underground network in the towns and the cities. A
reconstituted regional committee reoriented its “white area” work to concentrate on the
legal struggle, and the results were quite dramatic. The shift, according to the committee,
brought about a series of

mapanlikhang mga paraan ng paggamit at pagbubuo ng iba’t ibang legal na pamamaraan ng

pagkilos. Naging pangunahing daluyan ito sa ating gawaing pag-oorganisa sa iba’t ibang
sektor ng kalunsuran at sa kanayunan labas at loob ng ating mga larangang gerilya. Naging
daluyan din ito sa pagpapataas ng antas ng ating legal na pakikibaka at kilusang masa. Sa
susunod pang mga taon, malaki ang mga tuwiran at di tuwirang tulong nito sa pagbubuo ng
mga larangang gerilya at sa armadong pakikibaka.
[creative use of legal activities and organizations. (Legal struggle) became the main conduit for
organizing the different sectors in the urban and rural areas located outside the guerilla zones.
It became the means by which we were able to raise the level of the open mass movement. In
the succeeding years, [legal struggle] also played a big role in the formation of guerilla zones
and for advancing the armed struggle.]῏῕)

The “white areas” (i. e., town and urban centers) thus had to develop their own dynamics,
centered on pursuing a strategy of legal struggle that was no different from regions
like Manila were engaged in. Given the limits of the CPP’s communications network, it

῏῕ῌ [Mindanao Commission n.d.: ΐῑ].

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 P N. A7>C6A:H : Fragments of History, Silhouettes of Resurgence

is unlikely that the Mindanao cadres read Hinggil. But circumstantial evidence does
point to a possible link between one regional body which was an active proponent
of “legal struggle” and what would happen in Mindanao. In , one of Manila’s top
cadres, Edgar Jopson, was sent to Mindanao to strengthen the island’s party leadership.
Once he settled down, Jopson and his comrades began revising their approach to fit the
unique conditions in the country’s largest land frontier.) The result would be another
major shift in the CPP’s approach to waging the revolution, with the newly-established
Mindanao Commission (Mindacom) pushing for a “politico-military” strategy that placed
the urban “legal” struggle on equal standing as the rural armed resistance [Caouette :
 ῍
].

VI Conclusions

All these are admittedly pieces of the yet-to-be-fully told bigger story of the CPP’s urban
struggle. But by looking at fragmentary evidence coming from ranks of activists, and
exploring their possible connections to the larger narrative of the CPP’s experience in
urban resistance, we can at least discern some of the general contours of that narrative.
This “bottom-up” portrait of the CPP’s urban history validates the claims made by Party
leaders that student radicals played a major role in the revolution’s recovery after Marcos
almost destroyed it in .) Yet, the story of Hinggil likewise shows that this radical
renaissance was equally problematic for the Party [Escandor ]. For early on, how this
recovery was supposed to go about turned out to be a problem for cadres and activists
who were at the trenches. Since an embattled and harassed leadership, more concerned
with setting up guerrilla zones in the countryside, had very little to offer in the concrete,
urban cadres ῌ especially those in the schools ῌ had to figure out on their own how to
go about the task of rebuilding. The result were documents like Hinggil, which at the
onset appeared to look like a set of general steps on how to go about reviving communist
cells, but which would turn into the political justifications for a rethinking of long-range
urban strategy. Many of these advocates turned out to be the ones who were responsible
for the CPP’s remarkable growth under martial lawῌthe result, among other things, of
their appreciation of the “theory and practice” of “legal struggle.” But these “deviations”
alarmed Party leaders who regarded them as anathema to the Party’s Maoist tenets.

ῌ On Jopson’s transfer to Mindanao and the impact of his presence, see Pimentel [
: ῍
].
ῌ The CPP’s Central Committee boasted: “The student masses and some of their teachers are
stirring. Being the most concentrated section of the intelligentsia . . . they are steadily
manifesting their protest against not only the repressive conditions on campuses but also
the rampant evils of the fascist puppet dictatorship in society as a whole. They are an
effective link of the urban petty bourgeoisie to the toiling masses.” [Central Committee,
Communist Party of the Philippines 
(reproduced  ): ].

197
 ῒΐῌ῍ῌῐ῏ ῐῒ῎ ῎ ῑ

They could only put a stop to these ideological viruses by eliminating or expelling its
most avid advocates.

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