Professional Documents
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To cite this article: Saravanan Gopinathan & Michael H. Lee (2018) Excellence and
equity in high-performing education systems: policy lessons from Singapore and Hong
Kong / Excelencia y equidad en sistemas educativos de alto rendimiento: lecciones de las
políticas educativas en Singapur y Hong Kong, Infancia y Aprendizaje, 41:2, 203-247, DOI:
10.1080/02103702.2018.1434043
Abstract: In recent years, both Singapore and Hong Kong have been ranked
top in international education rankings. They are widely admired as high-
performing education systems (HPES) and, not surprisingly, among the best
education systems in the world. The success stories of Singapore and Hong
Kong education have aroused widespread attention internationally among
different stakeholders, such as policymakers, researchers and practitioners,
to investigate if it is possible for their policies and practices to be learned and
borrowed by other countries. In this article, we stress the importance of
context in understanding policy phenomena and possibilities for policy trans-
fer. The Singapore and Hong Kong education systems are facing critical
issues such as the economization of education, educational disparities and
the paradigm shift from meritocracy to parentocracy. How well they deal with
these policy issues will determine if their present international standing con-
tinues into the future. This article provides a critical review of their education
policies to explore how these policies can be refined and adjusted in order to
cope with the challenges facing both education systems.
Keywords: education excellence; educational disparities; meritocracy;
parentocracy; Singapore; Hong Kong
Resumen: En los últimos años, tanto Singapur como Hong Kong han obte-
nido los mejores resultados en las clasificaciones internacionales que evalúan
los sistemas educativos. Ambos se consideran sistemas educativos de alto
rendimiento (HPES, por su nombre en inglés) y, por consiguiente, despiertan
admiración como los mejores sistemas educativos del mundo. El éxito de
ambos países ha suscitado gran interés internacional entre los distintos
agentes, de legisladores a investigadores y docentes, que han analizado la
posibilidad de dar a conocer y aplicar sus políticas educativas en otros países.
En este artículo, ponemos de relieve la importancia del contexto para
Since the beginning of the new millennium, a series of education policy initiatives
have been adopted in Singapore and Hong Kong. Comprehensive education
reforms, which address the importance of twenty-first-century skills in the age
of globalization, are being carried out with the aims of cultivating a culture of
lifelong learning, educating students with creative, innovative and critical thinking
skills, broadening students’ learning experiences and preparing students to be
‘future ready’ and to be global citizens (Education Commission, HKSAR
Government, 2000; Goh, 1997). Curriculum, pedagogy and examinations have
been restructured in order to enhance students’ autonomy in learning and to get
rid of the traditional examination-oriented and teacher-driven learning culture
(Gopinathan & Mardiana, 2013). The quality and social status of the teaching
profession has been improved substantially with higher entry requirements,
strengthened teacher education and sophisticated professional development
mechanisms (O.S. Tan, 2012). Education pathways have also been diversified at
the school level to better integrate national economies with the global economy
and to provide more opportunities for students to receive postsecondary and
tertiary education. Both governments have also endeavoured to transform
Singapore and Hong Kong as education hubs. Further, apart from being educated
as global citizens, schools have been consistently reminded of the importance of
values and of national citizenship education for cultivating a strong sense of
national identity and belonging (Gopinathan, 2015; Gopinathan & Lee, 2013;
Leung, Chong, & Yuen, 2017; K. Tan, 2008; 2010).
Nevertheless, there is the dilemma that while Singapore and Hong Kong
students perform very well in international rankings, their top performance is
ironically achieved by rather traditional methods of teaching and learning (Deng
& Gopinathan, 2016). Moreover, both societies are still very much examination-
oriented and strongly influenced by high-stakes public examinations, which are
often used for selection purposes (Gopinathan, 2015; J. Tan, 2010; Tsang, 2011).
Although there has been steady and remarkable improvement of both Singapore’s
and Hong Kong’s performance in those international comparisons, high-achieving
students in both cities have been found to lack confidence and interest in core
subjects like mathematics, science and reading, and also have a high level of test
anxiety, even among high-performing students (Davie, 2017; OECD, 2017; Zhao,
2015). Moreover, how to achieve more equitable outcomes has become another
Excellence and equity in high-performing education systems / Excelencia y equidad en sistemas educativos de alto
rendimiento 205
concern with widening income gaps and social class differences in both Singapore
and Hong Kong; an individual’s educational achievement or success seems to be
increasingly related to social class and family backgrounds. It is argued that the
problem of inequitable educational opportunity would be one of the most impor-
tant issues to be tackled by policymakers in both Singapore and Hong Kong (e.g.,
Chua & Ng, 2015; Gopinathan, 2007, 2015; Ho, 2010; Ng, 2013; J. Tan, 2010,
2014; Yuen, 2017).
By reviewing and examining recent education issues and policy developments
in Singapore and Hong Kong, this article argues that besides maintaining top
ranks in international comparisons, it is equally important for policymakers to deal
with shortcomings and drawbacks in both education systems. The following
questions will be examined and discussed: What are major shortcomings facing
the education systems in Singapore and Hong Kong today? How can these
shortcomings be rectified with education reform policies? What policy choices
do these two governments face? Apart from sustaining high performance, what
education goals should Singapore and Hong Kong aim for in the face of changes
and challenges arising from globalization and rapid technological development?
Through this discussion, it is expected that crucial lessons could be learnt from
responses of the two governments, which would be of interest and use to the
global education community.
Following this introductory section, there are four sections in the remainder of
this article. The first section provides a brief overview of the socio-political
context of education development in Singapore and Hong Kong. It is followed
by the second section laying out some policy lessons learnt from education
policies of Singapore and Hong Kong. The third section then examines major
policy issues facing both education systems in Singapore and Hong Kong and
considers how they are similar or different within the present socio-economic
context. The final section focuses on what policies are needed to deal with these
policy issues in both places.
Policy context
Singapore and Hong Kong have significant similarities and important differences.
Both are small and resource-poor, and they were, and still are, important port
cities, founded by the British in 1819 and 1842 respectively. Their early wealth
was founded on proximity to large, resource-rich Southeast Asia and China
respectively. Moreover, Singapore and Hong Kong are Chinese-majority societies.
In geopolitical terms, they had administrations that committed themselves to
economic growth in order to build legitimacy, similar to other developmental
states, which refer to states with a strong ability to keep the economy growing for
strengthening their political legitimacy, such as Japan and South Korea in East
Asia (Castells, 1988; Gopinathan, 2007). This is especially true of Singapore,
whose efforts to be part of a larger political entity, Malaysia, failed in 1965, when
it found itself a ‘reluctant’ independent nation.
206 S. Gopinathan and M. H. Lee
Significant differences lie in the fact that Hong Kong is a part of China and
thus to some extent constrained by mainland imperatives. Singapore’s indepen-
dent status gives the government considerable freedom to set policy. Secondly,
Singapore is considerably more multi-ethnic and multi-lingual; as a consequence,
a key imperative in education policy in Singapore is using the school system, in
institutional and curriculum terms, to promote social cohesion.
As a consequence of resource scarcity, both Singapore and Hong Kong
invested heavily in education to build human capital (see Table 1). Singapore
moved decisively from a strong, British-style academic curriculum to a strong
emphasis on English, science and mathematics, and invested heavily in polytech-
nic education, from the 1970s onwards. Since the 1990s, both have made sig-
nificant policy changes in curriculum and pedagogy to take advantage of
globalization’s opportunities. Today, it is the stock of human capital that fuels
inward investment and significant growth in knowledge-intensive manufacturing
and services. Both Singapore and Hong Kong graduate students who are bilingual
with the highest standards of English proficiency in the region. Both places today
confront challenges to strengthen citizenship and national identity. A distinctive
Hong Kong identity, different from mainland China, would be very difficult to
achieve. Recent efforts such as the introduction of National Education have been
met with controversy and opposition (Leung et al., 2017). On the other hand,
Singapore’s multi-ethnic nature means that social cohesion and racial harmony are
always a work in progress and are particularly difficult in the present context of
regional and international identity politics.
Context
With regard to context, both Singapore and Hong Kong faced existential chal-
lenges. For Singapore, it was the failure to merge with Malaysia and the need to
chart a new future. It was a small, vulnerable island in the midst of more populous
neighbours, and with considerable internal diversity. For Hong Kong, it was the
rise of the Chinese Communist Party to power on the mainland since 1949 and the
realization that in 1997 it would be ‘returned’ by the British to China according to
the Sino-British Joint Declaration signed in 1984, which stipulated that Hong
Table 1. Singapore and Hong Kong education at a glance (2016).
Singapore Hong Kong
Land area (sq km) 719.2 1,106.34
Political status Independence since 9 Special Administrative Region in China since
August 1965 1 July 1997
Total population 5,067,300 7,336,600
Ethnic composition (%)
- Chinese 76 94
- Malays 15 n.a.
- Indians 7 0.4
- Others 2 5.6
GDP per capita (USD) 52,960 43,681
Unemployment Rate (%) 2.3 3.2
Human Capital Indexa (2017 Rank) 11 n.a.
Index of Economic Freedomb (2017 Rank) 2 1
Global Competitiveness Indexc (2016–17 Rank) 2 9
Worldwide Educating for the Future Indexd (2017 Rank) 5 14
Gini coefficiente 0.458 0.539
Education institutions
Number of primary schools 185 575
Number of secondary schools 150 506
Number of publicly funded universities 6 8
Student enrolments
Primary school students 238,140 349,000
Secondary school students 180,000 338,000
Publicly funded polytechnic students 73,100 n.a.
Publicly funded university students 66,500 75,500
rendimiento
Government expenditure
(Continued )
207
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208
Table 1. (Continued ).
Culture
Both Singapore and Hong Kong are, given their Chinese majorities, Confucian-
based cultures. And traditionally in this culture, scholars and scholarship are
highly valued. This was valuable in the context of an emphasis on schooling
and certification noted earlier. This orientation was strengthened with economic
growth leading to the growth of a middle class, which had high aspirations for
their children and valued the social mobility that success in education provided.
Parents take the education of their children seriously and have high expectations.
Both parents and students know that to succeed in a competitive system, ability
and effort are required. In both Singapore and Hong Kong a meritocratic ethos
prevails. The downside is that both education systems have become excessively
competitive and a potential source of socio-economic inequality; well-to-do
parents invest in additional academic and non-academic enrichment activities
for their children, thus strengthening their academic and cultural capital. Thus
Singapore and Hong Kong children are academic high achievers but are anxious
and stressed (Davie, 2017; OECD, 2017).
As Gopinathan (2015) points out, Singapore has in recent years been shifting
into an ‘adaptive developmental state’ mode, recognizing that not only economic
policy but also social policy is necessary in tackling inequalities and margin-
alization, which erode trust between ethnic groups and socio-economic classes. It
is therefore essential for the government not only to raise economic productivity
and competitiveness but also to maintain a cohesive, confident, compassionate
210 S. Gopinathan and M. H. Lee
Competence
The Singapore model is characterized by a high level of administrative capacity.
Singapore’s political leaders from the onset recognized the value of long-term
planning, the rule of law, planning on the basis of pragmatism and rational rather
than sectorial interest (Chua, 2017; Gopinathan, 2015). They sought, and were
successful, in attracting the ‘brightest and the best’ into the civil service.
Leadership of the Ministry of Education was often a sign of high competence;
many education ministers have gone on to attain senior cabinet positions. Today,
Singapore’s two deputy prime ministers are former education ministers.
Key features of how Singapore built up an underperforming education system
in the 1960s and 1970s include the ability to take a ‘whole of government’
approach (i.e., to include key stakeholders like finance, trade and industry and
manpower in planning in major education reform initiatives), to take the long
view and to carry out incremental and calibrated reform rather than ‘big bang’
reform. Another feature of intelligent policy making in Singapore was the atten-
tion paid from early on to building capacity in school leadership and teacher
professionalism. Singapore was able to take advantage of its small size to
structure a close alignment between the Ministry of Education and the schools
in which the children were educated. A greater fidelity of ministry objectives was
thus achieved in the case of Singapore. In addition, the calibre of Singapore
teachers is respected both nationally and internationally and the cadre of school
leaders it developed has been able to steer the system through the many changes
introduced in the last three decades (McKinsey&Company, 2007; Mourshed,
Chijoke, & Barber, 2010). It is not surprising therefore that in the very latest
survey conducted by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), Worldwide
Educating for the Future Index, Singapore was ranked first in terms of the policy
environment (The Economist Intelligence Unit, 2017).
Unlike Singapore, where competitive parliamentary elections are held every
five years, Hong Kong has been facing the problem of political legitimacy
generated by the fact that the Hong Kong government is not voted in through
universal suffrage. The past few years have witnessed ineffective governance or
even a crisis of the government, for most of its policies were not effectively
implemented due to a lack of a strong base of popular support and political
legitimacy (Lee & Tse, 2017). For instance, the unsuccessful implementation of
the Moral and National Education programme in 2012 demonstrated the public’s
lack of trust in the government’s intentions in proposing the new curriculum
(Leung et al., 2017). It is therefore more important for the government in Hong
Kong to revamp its governance style to be more communicative by seeking
stakeholders’ viewpoints and opinions when designing education policies.
Excellence and equity in high-performing education systems / Excelencia y equidad en sistemas educativos de alto
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Policy issues
Singapore and Hong Kong have demonstrated a strong ability to consistently improve
their education systems: both of them continue to outperform more developed
countries in Europe and North America, in various international rankings and com-
parisons, such as the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA),
Progress in International Reading Literacy Studies (PIRLS) and Trends in
International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) (see Table 2). Their out-
standing performance can be attributed to the high quality of their schooling systems,
which depend on the availability of well-developed teacher education programmes
and stringent selection of teachers and principals, timely self-renewal of curriculum
and pedagogy in response to emerging needs of the global economy, the effectiveness
of educational administration by competent leadership in the education ministry and
through the substantial investment in education with high efficiency in education
spending (Gopinathan, 2015; Lee & Tse, 2017; Marsh & Lee, 2014). We also need to
acknowledge the support provided to these policies by cultural values and norms,
notably Confucianism, which values learning, effort, respect for authority, etc. Since
both Singapore and Hong Kong are migrant societies, social mobility is valued and
parents’ expectations for education success are high.
Their ‘success stories’ have been widely documented and studied by other
countries, both developed and developing ones. Many countries have been highly
interested to learn from education policies and practices in these two HPES and see
if they could be borrowed and adopted to provide policy solutions to improve the
effectiveness of their education systems. Nevertheless, policy borrowing, which has
become more common in the age of globalization, cannot be carried out blindly
without taking into consideration the borrowers’ local contexts. A more cautious
attitude towards policy borrowing is needed in order to determine which policies
and practices can be adopted and refined before their implementation (Forestier,
Adamson, Han, & Morris, 2016; Morris, 2016; Rizvi & Lingard, 2010).
While Singapore and Hong Kong are praised as being among the most
competitive economies in the world (see Table 1 and also The Heritage
Foundation, 2017; World Economic Forum, 2016), both East Asian financial
and trading hubs are not free from social problems such as poverty and income
inequality with widening income gaps. Singapore has the highest Gini coefficient,
which measures the degree of inequality in the distribution of family income in a
country, among advanced economies (World Economic Forum, 2017b), despite
the figure having dropped from a high of 0.482 in 2007 to 0.458 in 2016, the
212
Economization of education
One of the most significant changes and challenges facing education in Singapore
and Hong Kong is the reinterpretation of the aims and uses of education from an
economic-driven perspective, which Spring (2015) labels as the ‘economization of
education’, for it suggests
With the economic value of education being emphasized, the relationship between
education and economic development has given rise to a vast literature, and this
has been utilized by policymakers to justify continuing education investment and
reform. Substantial investment in education is justified in that it works to educate
and equip the labour force with new knowledge and skills to cope with the ever-
changing needs arising from globalization, especially economic, and automation
and technology-driven disruption. This is also the most common rationale for
education reforms in many countries in the world, including Singapore and Hong
Kong (Education Commission, HKSAR Government, 1999, 2000; Goh, 1997).
The relationship between education and economic development is also
reflected in international benchmarking mechanisms such as those managed by
OECD like PISA with an assumption that high performance in these comparisons
is a prerequisite for economic growth and development. Nevertheless, this claim
has been challenged as some critics have questioned if there is a positive relation-
ship between high performance in international education benchmarks and eco-
nomic productivity and innovation. It would appear that notwithstanding high test
scores, both Singapore and Hong Kong are not seen at the present time as
214 S. Gopinathan and M. H. Lee
Educational disparities
While choice and competition have been encouraged through the economization
and marketization of education in Singapore and Hong Kong, in recent years there
have also been increasing concerns over issues related to educational disparities.
A more diversified schooling system comes with a growing hierarchy of schools
and social stratification. In Singapore, the highly limited number of independent
secondary schools (fewer than 10) selected by the government are well-estab-
lished, prestigious and academically selective. Their high reputational capital due
Excellence and equity in high-performing education systems / Excelencia y equidad en sistemas educativos de alto
rendimiento 215
to their distinguished alumni makes it much easier for these independent schools
to attract students with the highest academic ability. As an example, two of
Singapore’s three prime ministers studied at Raffles Institution, one of the few
independent schools. In fact, these independent schools enjoy more advantages
than other non-independent schools as they are more able to admit high-achieving
students (J. Tan, 2014). The creation of independent schools was supposed to
provide outstanding examples for other schools to follow and imitate so that all
other schools could also improve their education quality (Ministry of Education,
Singapore, 1987); there is little evidence that this has in fact happened. With the
persistence of a highly selective school environment in Singapore, the socio-
academic elite is reproducing itself and jeopardizing the much vaunted merito-
cratic ideal that underpins education and society in Singapore.
A similar scenario can also be found in Hong Kong, where the DSS was
originally introduced in the 1990s. The DSS policy was introduced to cater for the
incorporation of a small number of private schools, including a few pro-China
patriotic schools, into the mainstream public education system. In the early 2000s,
the scheme was modified to attract new schools to join DSS. Also invited were
traditional grant schools, which were set up by missionaries or religious bodies
between the mid-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. These schools are also
well-established and high-achieving schools in Hong Kong (Tsang, 2011).
Different from the independent schools in Singapore, they were not selected by
the government to join the DSS, but their sponsoring bodies could opt to join the
scheme, subject to the government’s approval. Moreover, they can increase tuition
fees up to a limit set by the government and also receive subsidies per head count
from the government (Lee, 2009).
Additionally, these DSS schools are granted greater autonomy in management,
staff recruitment, student enrolment, curriculum and also the medium of instruc-
tion. This autonomy provides these schools with a way of avoiding implementing
reforms they are not in favour of. Although the government insisted that the DSS
policy was aimed at creating a more diversified schooling system by allowing
more choice for parents and students, some traditional top schools which joined
the DSS charge relatively high tuition fees above HK$50,000 (US$6,400) per
year, which is an amount even higher than local subsidized university pro-
grammes charge. This, in effect, means that only middle or upper social class
students can afford fees, regardless of the student assistantships or scholarships
provided by those DSS schools as stipulated by the government (Tsang, 2011;
Tse, 2008; Woo, 2017).
Another aspect of educational disparity concerns ethnic differences or segre-
gation found in the Singapore schooling system. As a consequence of the stream-
ing policy, which tracked students into different streams according to academic
achievement in the late 1970s, a much larger proportion of Malay and Indian
students are streamed into lower ability streams. This is in large measure due to
education disadvantage in the early years of schooling due to poverty, low income
and lack of participation in early childhood education (Shamsuri, 2015). Malay
and Indian students are underrepresented in the most prestigious and top schools,
216 S. Gopinathan and M. H. Lee
where most students are Chinese and from wealthier family backgrounds
(Gopinathan, 2015; J. Tan, 2014; Zhang, 2014). In addition, Malay students
have had a lower percentage of mathematics and science pass rates in public
examinations over many years. This correlates with a relatively low percentage of
Malay students enrolled in the junior colleges and universities (J. Tan, 2010). The
government responded by setting up the Council on Education for Muslim
Children (Mendaki) in the early 1980s to provide financial and educational
assistance to Malay students. While dropout rates were significantly reduced
and Malay students’ performance in public examinations improved, and the gap
narrowed between ethnic groups, a gap with Chinese students persists (Shamsuri,
2015; J. Tan, 1997, 2014). This reflects the link between social stratification and
academic stratification, which requires more policy attention in Singapore
(Gopinathan, 2015).
In Hong Kong, with over 95% of the population Cantonese-speaking, there are
also similar concerns about two specific groups of non-local students’ educational
performance. One group are the so-called ‘new immigrants’ from mainland China,
who come to Hong Kong largely for family reunion reasons. The new immigrant
students were born in mainland China with one or both of their parents residing
permanently in Hong Kong. Some of these children face difficulties in adapting to
the Hong Kong curriculum, in particular the learning of the English language,
together with a very different living environment and culture as compared with
mainland China. This, however, does not rule out good academic performance
accomplished by these immigrant students, some of whom performed even better
than local students in PISA 2012. Ho (2017) explains their good performance as a
result of their parents’ strong desire to improve their living standards through their
children’s academic performance creating upward social mobility for the family in
the future. As most of these children’s parents are from the lower income group, it
is rather difficult for them to afford additional expenses for co-curricular activities,
private tutoring and the DSS schools with high tuition fees. Another group whose
educational performance is low are the descendants of South Asian minorities
who have been permanently residing in Hong Kong. Unlike the new mainland
Chinese immigrants, these South Asian minority students face the problem of
Chinese writing proficiency, which is a prerequisite for them to find employment
in the government and other institutions in Hong Kong (Yuen, 2017). Thus, while
there has been some progress, gaps persist in Hong Kong as they do in Singapore.
However, as Ho (2017) suggests with reference to PISA 2012 findings, Hong
Kong has a better record than other countries like Singapore in providing educa-
tion opportunity with relatively high quality and high equity, regardless of stu-
dents’ socio-economic and cultural backgrounds.
Meritocracy or parentocracy?
Meritocracy has long been a core cultural value for Singapore and Hong Kong.
This is because education plays a crucial role in identifying and selecting elites for
both societies, which consistently emphasize the importance of the principles of
Excellence and equity in high-performing education systems / Excelencia y equidad en sistemas educativos de alto
rendimiento 217
Singapore do not live in public housing, which is home to about 80% of all
children in Singapore (The Economist, 2015).
Regardless of the policy intention to persuade parents that every school is a
good school and that comparisons and rankings are not necessary, the competition
for getting into reputable schools is getting more intense. For instance, Mathews
et al. (2017) found in a survey on parents’ perceptions of the Singapore primary
school system that over 70% of respondents indicated that it is important and even
essential for ‘good’ schools to have a record of high PSLE scores. This occurs
even though most of them agree that schools should put more emphasis on
students’ character and values as well as discipline. Over 90% of the respondents
agreed that government funding to non-prestigious neighbourhood schools should
be increased with the allocation of the best teachers to all primary schools. These
findings demonstrate that parents in Singapore still prefer to enrol their children in
academically high-performing schools, regardless of the government urging them
to focus on school qualities other than academic achievement.
Compassionate meritocracy
The importance of education in Singapore and Hong Kong lies in its close
relationship with the core value of meritocracy, as discussed in the previous
section. The ruling elites believe that meritocracy provides equal opportunities
to all in a non-discriminatory manner, regardless of socio-economic background
(Chua, 2017; Gopinathan, 2015; Lam, 2017b; Lee, 2017). Those who perform
well academically in the education system are rewarded with scholarships, place-
ment in universities and eventually lucrative careers in the future. Thus both
places seek to identify and select elites impartially for effective governance.
Nevertheless, these meritocratic elites, once successful, will invest even more in
their children’s education so that they are advantaged to succeed in a competitive
education system and thus more likely to become beneficiaries in the meritocratic
system, which in turns contributes to a cycle of social stratification and reproduc-
tion across generations (Tan & Dimmock, 2015). Moreover, with the relatively
high Gini coefficient in Singapore and Hong Kong, it is widely accepted that the
problem of income inequality and social class difference and stratification is more
serious in both places than other developed economies. This situation has raised
questions about the meritocratic system not promoting equal opportunity or social
mobility but social segregation in favour of elites.
These negative perceptions and impacts of meritocracy have been recently
tackled, for instance, by the Singapore government through ‘compassionate mer-
itocracy’, which was first brought up by former Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong in
November 2006. ‘Compassionate meritocracy’ asks those who benefited from the
meritocratic system to contribute to society by assisting the less able and less
fortunate (Anwar, 2015; Chua, 2017). As shown in a survey conducted by the
Institute of Policy Studies in 2013, most people in Singapore were in favour of a
less competitive, more holistic education system that is also more inclusive, thus
enabling students to learn with others of different abilities and backgrounds
Excellence and equity in high-performing education systems / Excelencia y equidad en sistemas educativos de alto
rendimiento 221
(Amir, 2013). This shows that, as Goh Chok Tong pointed out, the government
needs to be more responsive to the general public’s reactions to major policy
issues, like ensuring meritocracy works properly through a level playing field
against the danger of nepotism and cronyism in Singapore society (Seow, 2017).
In order to uphold the principle of meritocracy with a level playing field in
education, some policies on improving early childhood education have been rolled
out in Singapore (Chua, 2017). For instance, Finance Minister Heng Swee Keat
announced in his 2016 budget the allocation of around S$20 million (US$15
million) to launch the three-year KidStart pilot scheme, which is aimed to benefit
1,000 children aged up to six from disadvantaged families through regular home
visits, enhanced health and learning support as well as placement in pre-schools
(The Straits Times, 12 April 2016). The KidStart scheme is aimed to level the
playing field for disadvantaged children and thus prevent social problems such as
inequality and family dysfunction from becoming entrenched. This scheme will
be made permanent as a means to break the cycle of poverty in Singapore (The
Straits Times, 17 July 2017). Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong also announced in
his 2017 National Day Rally speech that children, regardless of their family
backgrounds, have equal opportunity to access quality and will have affordable
pre-school education; the government will ensure this by providing more pre-
school places and upgrading the standards of pre-school teachers (Lee, 2017).
Similarly in Hong Kong, there has also been growing concern about the
problem of social segregation slowing social mobility, both of which were
considered to be one of the reasons explaining the involvement of young people
in political protest movements which cumulated in the Umbrella Movement in
2014. In response to youth discontent, more resources were made available for
students to receive tertiary education. This is partly done by providing financial
subsidies to students who study in local self-financed undergraduate programmes.
More new permanent teaching posts are also to be created in order to accommo-
date a number of teachers who were originally hired on a contract basis (Lam,
2017a, 2017b). In short, the government has recognized the need to be more
responsive to the needs of the general public and to be more communicative in
responding to the needs of stakeholders in making education policies. A more
active role of the government in making education policies to offer more educa-
tional opportunities for the disadvantaged groups, including students from low-
income families, new immigrant students from mainland China as well as South
Asian minority students, is expected to ensure that the government continues to be
committed to fairness and justice in Hong Kong society.
Conclusion
In this article, we have reviewed some important issues facing the education
systems in Singapore and Hong Kong, two HPES in Asia. These are issues that
cannot be revealed from international rankings like PISA, PIRLS and TIMSS, but
they cannot be neglected. They include the increasing economization of educa-
tion, educational disparity in terms of social class and ethnic inequality, and the
222 S. Gopinathan and M. H. Lee
shift from meritocracy to parentocracy. While both places are keen to uphold their
top performance in international rankings of education, they also need to pay
attention to those issues related to social fairness and justice like narrowing the
gaps between educational achievements by different social classes and ethnic
groups, as well as making sure there is equal opportunity for education and that
upward social mobility remains feasible. In addition, the core value of meritocracy
has been challenged, for it does not always guarantee the impartial selection of
elites who can be reproduced by the elitist groups captive of the education system.
Meritocracy is seen to be increasingly overtaken by parentocracy, which high-
lights the role of parents in bringing about their children’s education success.
There have been significant responses in both Singapore and Hong Kong, but it
remains to be seen how successful these will be.
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rendimiento 223
Desde el comienzo del nuevo milenio, Singapur y Hong Kong han adoptado
diversas iniciativas relacionadas con sus respectivas políticas educativas. Ambos
sistemas han acometido profundas reformas que reconocen la relevancia de las
competencias del siglo XXI en la era de la globalización, con el objeto de fomentar
una cultura de aprendizaje permanente, educar a los estudiantes en competencias
como el pensamiento crítico, la innovación y la creatividad y ayudarles a estar
‘preparados para el futuro’ y a convertirse en ciudadanos globales (Education
Commission, HKSAR Government, 2000; Goh, 1997). Se ha restructurado el
currículum, el enfoque pedagógico y los exámenes para mejorar la autonomía de
los estudiantes en el proceso de aprendizaje y para desprenderse de la cultura
educativa tradicional, orientada a los exámenes y centrada en el profesor
(Gopinathan & Mardiana, 2013). La calidad y el estatus social del cuerpo docente
ha mejorado considerablemente con la introducción de medidas más exigentes de
acceso al sistema educativo, el refuerzo de la formación del profesorado y el
desarrollo de mecanismos sofisticados de formación profesional (O.S. Tan, 2012).
También se han diversificado los itinerarios escolares escolar para facilitar la
integración de las economías nacionales en la economía global y ofrecer más
oportunidades de acceso a la educación postsecundaria y terciaria. Ambos gobier-
nos se han esforzado por transformar sus respectivos sistemas educativos,
desarrollando sistemas de referencia a nivel internacional. Además, aparte de
educar a los estudiantes como ciudadanos globales, se recuerda constantemente
a los centros educativos la importancia de los valores morales y de una educación
en ciudadanía nacional, con el objeto de cultivar un fuerte sentido de identidad y
pertenencia nacional (Gopinathan, 2015; Gopinathan & Lee, 2013; Leung, Chong,
& Yuen, 2017; K. Tan, 2008, 2010).
No obstante, si bien los estudiantes de Singapur y Hong Kong obtienen las
mejores puntuaciones en las comparaciones internacionales, el dilema es que
dichos resultados se consiguen a través de métodos bastante tradicionales de
enseñanza y aprendizaje (Deng & Gopinathan, 2016). Además, ambas sociedades
presentan todavía una fuerte orientación hacia los exámenes y están muy influ-
enciadas por exámenes oficiales, que suelen utilizarse como método de selección
(Gopinathan, 2015; J. Tan, 2010; Tsang, 2011). Aunque se ha observado una
mejora constante en el rendimiento de ambos sistemas en las tablas internacio-
nales de clasificación, se ha observado también que los estudiantes más avanzados
de ambos lugares muestran falta de confianza e interés en asignaturas centrales
224
- India 7 0.4
- Otros 2 5.6
PIB per cápita (USD) 52,960 43,681
Tasa de desempleo (%) 2.3 3.2
Índice de capital humanoa (2017) 11 n.d.
Índice de libertad económicab (2017) 2 1
Índice de competitividad globalc (2016–17) 2 9
Índice mundial de educación para el Futurod (2017) 5 14
Coeficiente de Ginie 0.458 0.539
Instituciones educativas
Número de escuelas primarias 185 575
Número de escuelas secundarias 150 506
Número de universidades con financiación pública 6 8
Número de matrículas
Estudiantes de primaria 238,140 349,000
Estudiantes de secundaria 180,000 338,000
Estudiantes de politécnicas públicas 73,100 n.d.
Estudiantes de universidades públicas 66,500 75,500
Gasto público
(Continúa )
Tabla 1. (Continuación).
como las matemáticas, las ciencias y la lectura, así como un nivel elevado de
ansiedad ante los exámenes, incluso entre los estudiantes de mayor rendimiento
(Davie, 2017; OECD, 2017; Zhao, 2015). Asimismo, la manera de conseguir
resultados más equitativos es otra de las preocupaciones ante las crecientes
diferencias de ingresos y estatus social en ambas sociedades. El logro
académico del individuo parece estar cada vez más relacionado con el estatus
social y el entorno familiar. Se considera que el problema de la desigualdad de
oportunidades educativas es uno de los temas más importantes que los legisla-
dores deberán afrontar en ambos sistemas (e.g., Chua & Ng, 2015; Gopinathan,
2007, 2015; Ho, 2010; Ng, 2013; J. Tan, 2010, 2014; Yuen, 2017).
Tras revisar y analizar las principales cuestiones y desarrollos educativos en
Singapur y Hong Kong, este artículo propone que, además de mantener las
primeras posiciones en las comparaciones internacionales, es de vital importancia
que los legisladores afronten las carencias y desventajas en ambos sistemas
educativos. Planteamos y discutimos las siguientes cuestiones: ¿Cuáles son las
principales dificultades a las que se enfrentan los sistemas educativos de Singapur
y Hong Kong en la actualidad? ¿Cómo pueden resolverse dichas dificultades a
través de reformas en las políticas educativas? Aparte de mantener su alto
rendimiento, ¿qué objetivos educativos deberían plantearse ambos sistemas frente
a los cambios y desafíos que surgen de la globalización y del rápido desarrollo
actual? A través de esta discusión, esperamos aprender lecciones cruciales de las
respuestas de ambos gobiernos, que podrían ser de interés y aplicación para la
comunidad educativa global.
A esta sección introductoria, siguen cuatro secciones que forman el resto del
artículo. La primera sección ofrece un breve resumen del contexto sociopolítico y
educativo en Singapur y Hong Kong. A continuación, la segunda sección plantea
algunas lecciones aprendidas con base en las políticas educativas de ambos
sistemas. En la tercera sección, se examinan los principales problemas de las
políticas educativas a los que se enfrentan ambos países y se consideran sus
semejanzas y diferencias en el contexto socioeconómico actual. La sección final
se centra en las políticas necesarias para gestionar los problemas identificados en
ambos sistemas educativos.
Contexto político
Singapur y Hong Kong presentan semejanzas significativas y diferencias impor-
tantes. Ambos tienen una extensión pequeña y son más bien pobres en recursos
naturales, y han sido y siguen siendo importantes ciudades portuarias fundadas
por los británicos en 1819 y 1842, respectivamente. Su antigua riqueza fue debida
a su proximidad con las ricas regiones del sureste de Asia y China, respectiva-
mente. Asimismo, tanto en Singapur como en Hong Kong la población es
mayoritariamente china. Ambos países han tenido administraciones que han
dedicado grandes esfuerzos al crecimiento económico para crear legitimidad
política, de un modo similar al de otros estados desarrollistas, tratándose de
estados con gran capacidad de mantener el crecimiento de la economía para
Excellence and equity in high-performing education systems / Excelencia y equidad en sistemas educativos de alto
rendimiento 227
Contexto
Por lo que se refiere al contexto, históricamente tanto Singapur como Hong Kong
han afrontado problemas existenciales. En particular, Singapur tuvo un fallido
intento de formar parte de Malasia, por lo que vio la necesidad de labrarse un
futuro nuevo. Se trata de una isla pequeña, vulnerable entre vecinos, con pobla-
ciones mucho mayores y con una diversidad interna considerable. Por su parte, en
Hong Kong, surgieron conflictos tras el acceso al poder del partido comunista
chino en 1949 y la perspectiva de la ‘devolución’ de la ciudad autónoma a China
por Gran Bretaña en 1997 en cumplimiento de la declaración conjunta de 1984,
que estipulaba el estatus de Hong Kong como región administrativa especial bajo
el principio conocido como ‘un país, dos sistemas’.
Podría afirmarse que estas amenazas centraron la atención gubernamental en la
necesidad de sobrevivir y prosperar. De hecho, el periodo entre 1965 y 1978 se
conoce en Singapur como el periodo de ‘supervivencia’. Eso hizo que arraigara
una mentalidad centrada en el desarrollo, donde el desarrollo económico era
prioritario, por lo que una educación de calidad y relevancia se consideraba
esencial para lograr los objetivos económicos perseguidos. Rápidamente, se
modernizó el currículum y tanto las asignaturas conocidas en inglés como
STEM (ciencias, tecnología, ingeniería y matemáticas) como la educación y
formación técnica y profesional (TVET) cobraron gran relevancia. Gracias al
crecimiento económico logrado y a las políticas redistributivas, entre las que
destacan la inversión en vivienda y salud públicas, los gobiernos de ambos
países adquirieron la legitimidad suficiente para poder tomar decisiones menos
populares. Un claro ejemplo en Singapur fue la decisión de adoptar la lengua
inglesa, previamente la lengua colonial, como la lengua de enseñanza en todos los
ámbitos. Fue una decisión políticamente muy arriesgada, dada la hostilidad de la
población, educada en lengua china, hacia el inglés. Pero el gobierno se mantuvo
firme y Singapur pudo incorporarse a la economía global mucho antes y con
mayor éxito que otros países asiáticos cuyas políticas lingüísticas se mantuvieron
en una línea más nacionalista.
Por lo tanto, una lección que podemos extraer de las trayectorias de ambos
lugares es que el estado formuló sus políticas educativas basándose en cuestiones
prácticas y no ideológicas, enlazando dichas políticas con sus respectivos pro-
gramas de desarrollo y manteniendo el control suficiente para garantizar que se
cumpliesen los objetivos trazados.
Cultura
Debido a su población mayoritariamente china, tanto Singapur como Hong Kong
son culturas basadas en el confucionismo. Tradicionalmente, en esta cultura se
valora mucho el estudio y la enseñanza, un factor clave que facilitó el énfasis en la
educación y en los resultados académicos antes mencionados. Este enfoque se vio
reforzado por el crecimiento económico, que favoreció el surgimiento de una clase
media con grandes aspiraciones para sus hijos, que valora la movilidad social
facilitada por el éxito académico. Los padres se toman la educación de sus hijos
Excellence and equity in high-performing education systems / Excelencia y equidad en sistemas educativos de alto
rendimiento 229
muy en serio y tienen grandes expectativas para ellos, y tanto padres como
estudiantes saben que para competir con éxito se requiere capacidad y esfuerzo.
Tanto en Singapur como en Hong Kong prevalece la ética meritocrática. La
desventaja es que ambos sistemas se han hecho excesivamente competitivos,
hasta el punto de ser una fuente potencial de desigualdad socioeconómica. Las
familias con mayor poder adquisitivo invierten en actividades académicas y
extraacadémicas que benefician a sus hijos, reforzando su capital académico y
cultural. Por tanto, los jóvenes estudiantes de ambos países obtienen un rendi-
miento académico muy elevado, pero también sufren estrés y ansiedad (Davie,
2017; OECD, 2017).
Como ya se señaló en Gopinathan (2015), en los últimos años, Singapur ha
iniciado un giro hacia un estado de desarrollo adaptativo en el que se reconoce la
necesidad no solo de una política económica, sino también de políticas sociales
para luchar contra la desigualdad y la marginalización social, que erosionan la
confianza entre los distintos grupos étnicos y clases socioeconómicas. Por tanto,
para los gobiernos, es esencial no sólo incrementar la productividad y competiti-
vidad económica, sino mantener además una sociedad que muestre cohesión,
confianza, compasión y atención al prójimo. En Singapur, con una clase media
creciente y más educada, es inevitable que el gobierno avance de una cultura
política paternalista a otra más participativa o colaborativa, que facilite un mayor
nivel de participación ciudadana en el debate político (Mahbubani & Teng, 2017).
Competencia
El modelo de Singapur se caracteriza por un alto nivel de capacidad adminis-
trativa. Desde los comienzos de la nación, los líderes políticos reconocieron el
valor de la planificación a largo plazo, el estado de derecho y el pragmatismo
racional como base de esa planificación en lugar del interés sectorial (Chua, 2017;
Gopinathan, 2015). Buscaron y lograron atraer hacia los cargos públicos a ‘los
mejores y más brillantes’. Estar a cargo del Ministerio de Educación ha sido con
frecuencia un símbolo de gran competencia; muchos de los ministros de
educación llegaron a asumir cargos importantes en el gabinete ministerial. En la
actualidad, dos viceprimeros ministros de Singapur son antiguos ministros de
educación.
Los aspectos clave del modo en que, durante las décadas de los 60 y 70,
Singapur reconstruyó un sistema educativo incluyeron su capacidad de asumir un
‘enfoque global’ por parte de todo el gobierno (es decir, incluyendo actores clave
como las finanzas, el comercio y la industria, así como los recursos humanos
necesarios, en la planificación de las principales iniciativas de reforma educativa),
para asumir una visión a largo plazo y para llevar a cabo una reforma gradual y
calibrada, en lugar de una reforma al estilo ‘big bang’. Otra muestra de inteligen-
cia política en Singapur fue la atención prestada desde el principio a cultivar la
capacidad de liderazgo y el profesionalismo educativo. Singapur supo aprovechar
su tamaño reducido para estructurar un fuerte alineamiento entre el Ministerio de
Educación y las escuelas, en las que los niños reciben su educación. De este
230 S. Gopinathan and M. H. Lee
Políticas educativas
Tanto Singapur como Hong Kong han demostrado una gran capacidad para mejorar
consistentemente sus respectivos sistemas educativos: ambas administraciones
siguen sobrepasando en resultados a otros países europeos y norteamericanos más
desarrollados, tanto en informes y tablas comparativas internacionales como el
Programa Internacional de Evaluación de los Alumnos (PISA), el estudio de
comprensión lectora PIRLS (Progress in International Reading Literacy Studies) o
el TIMSS (International Mathematics and Science Study) sobre el estudio de las
matemáticas y las ciencias (véase Tabla 2). Su extraordinario rendimiento
académico puede atribuirse a sus respectivos sistemas escolares, que dependen de
la disponibilidad de programas de formación de profesores bien desarrollados, la
auto-renovación puntual y oportuna del currículum y de la pedagogía en respuesta a
las necesidades creadas por la economía global, la efectividad de la administración
educativa con un liderazgo competente en el ministerio de educación y a través de
Tabla 2. Clasificación internacional de la educación.
TIMSS (2015)
Matem. Matem. Ciencias Ciencias
PISA-Ciencias (2015) PISA-Matem. (2015) PIRLS (2011) 4º grado 8º grado 4º grado 8º grado
Singapur 1 (556) 1 (564) 4 (567) 1 (618) 1 (621) 1 (590) 1 (597)
Hong Kong 9 (523) 2 (548) 1 (571) 2 (615) 4 (594) 5 (557) 6 (546)
China 10 (518) 6 (531) n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d. n.d.
Taipéi 4 (532) 4 (542) 8 (553) 4 (597) 3 (599) 6 (555) 3 (569)
Japón 2 (538) 5 (532) n.d. 5 (593) 5 (586) 3 (569) 2 (571)
Corea del Sur 11 (516) 7 (524) n.d. 3 (608) 2 (606) 2 (589) 4 (556)
Finlandia 5 (531) 12 (511) 2 (568) 16 (535) n.d. 7 (554) n.d.
Francia 26 (495) 26 (493) 29 (520) 35 (488) n.d. 34 (487) n.d.
Alemania 15 (509) 16 (506) 16 (541) 24 (522) n.d. 20 (528) n.d.
Países Bajos 15 (509) 11 (512) 13 (546) 19 (530) n.d. 29 (517) n.d.
Rusia 32 (487) 23 (494) 2 (568) 7 (564) 6 (538) 4 (567) 7 (554)
España 28 (493) 32 (486) 30 (513) 31 (505) n.d. 28 (518) n.d.
RU/Inglaterra 15 (509) 27 (492) 10 (552) 10 (546) 10 (518) 15 (536) 8 (537)
EUA 25 (496) 39 (470) 6 (556) 14 (539) 10 (518) 10 (546) 10 (530)
Nota: Clasificación (puntuación)
Fuentes: Mullis, Martin, Foy, y Drucker (2011), Mullis, Martin, Foy, y Hooper (2016a, 2016b), OECD (2015).
rendimiento 231
Excellence and equity in high-performing education systems / Excelencia y equidad en sistemas educativos de alto
232 S. Gopinathan and M. H. Lee
Economización de la educación
Uno de los cambios y desafíos más importantes a los que se enfrenta la educación
en Singapur y Hong Kong es la reinterpretación de los objetivos y usos prácticos
de la educación desde un enfoque centrado en la economía, que Spring (2015)
denomina la ‘economización de la educación’ puesto que sugiere
Desigualdad educativa
Mientras que en Singapur y en Hong Kong se ha fomentado la competición y la
posibilidad de elegir a través de la economización y la comercialización de la
educación, en los últimos años ha surgido una preocupación creciente por cues-
tiones relacionadas con la desigualdad educativa. Un sistema educativo más
diverso trae de la mano la jerarquización creciente de las escuelas y la
estratificación social. En Singapur, el número restringido de escuelas secundarias
independientes (menos de 10) seleccionadas por el gobierno son centros presti-
giosos, de gran arraigo y académicamente selectivos. La prestigiosa reputación
que les confiere su distinguido grupo de antiguos alumnos les facilita enorme-
mente atraer a estudiantes con altas capacidades académicas. Por ejemplo, dos de
los tres primeros ministros de Singapur estudiaron en Raffles Institution, una de
las pocas escuelas independientes del país. Estos centros independientes disfrutan
de un número mayor de ventajas que otros centros estatales, puesto que tienen
mayor capacidad de admitir a estudiantes con mayores capacidades (J. Tan, 2014).
Excellence and equity in high-performing education systems / Excelencia y equidad en sistemas educativos de alto
rendimiento 235
Tan, 2014; Zhang, 2014). Además, durante muchos años, los estudiantes malayos
han obtenido índices inferiores de aprobados de matemáticas y ciencias en los
exámenes oficiales. Este resultado está relacionado con un porcentaje relativamente
bajo de estudiantes malayos registrados en los centros de educación preuniversitaria
y universitaria (J. Tan, 2010). El gobierno respondió con la creación, a principios de
los 80, del Consejo sobre la Educación de niños y niñas musulmanes (Mendaki),
para ofrecer ayuda económica y educativa a los escolares de origen malayo. Aunque
el índice de abandono escolar y la brecha entre grupos étnicos se redujo significa-
tivamente y el rendimiento de los niños malayos en los exámenes nacionales
mejoró, sigue existiendo desigualdad entre estos y los estudiantes de origen chino
(Shamsuri, 2015; J. Tan, 1997, 2014). Esta situación evidencia el vínculo entre la
estratificación social y la estratificación académica, que sigue requiriendo mayor
atención política en Singapur (Gopinathan, 2015).
En Hong Kong, con más del 95% de la población de habla cantonesa, existen
preocupaciones semejantes sobre el rendimiento académico de dos grupos parti-
culares de estudiantes no locales. Uno de ellos es el denominado ‘nuevos inmi-
grantes’ de China que llegan a Hong Kong principalmente a través de la
reunificación familiar. Estos nuevos estudiantes han nacido en China, con uno o
ambos padres residentes en Hong Kong. Algunos de ellos tienen dificultades de
adaptación al currículum hongkonés, particularmente con el inglés, así como con
un estilo de vida y un entorno cultural tan distintos a los de su país natal. No
obstante, estas circunstancias no excluyen un rendimiento académico satisfactorio;
algunos de estos inmigrantes obtienen mejores resultados que la mayoría de
estudiantes locales en el informe PISA de 2012. Ho (2017) atribuye estos resulta-
dos al deseo parental de mejorar el nivel de vida familiar a través del éxito
académico de los hijos, contribuyendo al ascenso social de la familia en el futuro.
Dado que la mayoría de los padres de estos estudiantes pertenecen al grupo de
menor nivel de renta, les resulta bastante difícil costear actividades académicas
adicionales o extraescolares como tutores privados o las matrículas de las escuelas
afiliadas al programa DSS. Otro grupo con bajo rendimiento académico es el
formado por los hijos de las minorías del sudeste asiático con residencia fija en
Hong Kong. A diferencia de los inmigrantes de origen chino, los estudiantes de
estos grupos minoritarios tienen dificultades con la escritura del chino, un pre-
rrequisito para obtener un empleo público o en distintas instituciones de Hong
Kong (Yuen, 2017). Así pues, aunque se ha avanzado bastante, sigue habiendo
ciertos problemas de desigualdad, como en el caso de Singapur. Como sugiere Ho
(2017) en relación con el informe PISA de 2012, Hong Kong tiene una trayectoria
más positiva que otros lugares como Singapur por lo que respecta a ofrecer
oportunidades educativas de calidad y equidad relativamente altas, sea cual sea
el origen socioeconómico o cultural del estudiante.
¿Meritocracia o parentocracia?
La meritocracia ha sido un valor cultural clave en Singapur y en Hong Kong
tradicionalmente, ya que la educación desempeña un papel esencial en la
Excellence and equity in high-performing education systems / Excelencia y equidad en sistemas educativos de alto
rendimiento 237
creación del Council for Skills, Innovation and Productivity (Consejo para la
Capacitación, Innovación y Productividad) es un ejemplo de los esfuerzos guber-
namentales para integrar la educación, la formación profesional y el apoyo a la
industria para el desarrollo profesional a través de la colaboración con los
empleados, los sindicatos y la industria. En Hong Kong, existe la iniciativa
‘Qualifications Framework’ (Marco de Cualificaciones) introducida en 2009,
que define los estándares aplicables a las cualificaciones en los sectores de
educación académica, vocacional y profesional, asegurando que los programas
son relevantes para las necesidades de la industria y para facilitar el aprendizaje
permanente de los trabajadores adultos. Asimismo, se han fomentado los con-
ceptos de ‘aprendizaje aplicado’ y ‘aprendizaje empírico’ para motivar a los
estudiantes a aprender a través de la experiencia práctica que les ofrecen los
programas de prácticas y aprendizajes.
Además de estos aspectos, las políticas educativas deben abordar las dificul-
tades a las que se enfrentan los grupos más desfavorecidos o de bajo rendimiento,
como las familias con bajo nivel de ingresos y las minorías étnicas en Singapur,
así como los nuevos grupos de estudiantes inmigrados de China y las minorías
asiáticas de Hong Kong. Algunas instituciones subvencionadas por el gobierno y
otras organizaciones no gubernamentales en ambos países se han dedicado a
ofrecer recursos económicos y otras ayudas no monetarias, como tutorías priva-
das, a estos estudiantes ‘desfavorecidos’ para ayudarles a gestionar mejor su carga
académica y sus evaluaciones. El gobierno de Singapur, además, ha indicado que
el rendimiento de los estudiantes de origen malayo ha mejorado en la última
década. No obstante, la brecha en el logro académico entre la comunidad malaya
y la mayoría de origen chino sigue siendo significativa (Ministry of Education,
Singapore, 2017; J. Tan, 2014). Desconocemos la efectividad de estas ayudas
voluntarias para mitigar el bajo rendimiento escolar. En Hong Kong, consciente
del creciente descontento popular por la desigualdad de oportunidades y logros
académicos, el gobierno está destinando un nivel mayor de recursos, al tiempo
que perfecciona sus políticas educativas, para responder mejor a estas necesi-
dades. Por ejemplo, se han destinado recursos adicionales a las escuelas que
registran por lo menos 10 estudiantes de minorías étnicas (principalmente de
Asia meridional) en los cursos de chino como segunda lengua, como
cualificación alternativa reconocida de dominio de la escritura de la lengua china.
familiares. Con ello, se pretendía mostrar la intención del Ministro de eliminar las
desigualdades percibidas entre los distintos centros escolares y reducir la
competición de ingreso en las mejores escuelas (Heng, 2012). Por lo tanto,
estos criterios sirvieron de base para alcanzar el objetivo de ofrecer a cada niño
o niña la oportunidad de desarrollar y maximizar de manera holística todo su
potencial. No obstante, esto no significa que todas las escuelas hayan de ser
igualmente buenas, pero se les anima a desarrollar sus propias estrategias para
llegar a ser un buen centro escolar. Sin embargo, según un informe realizado por
Mathews, Lim, y Teng (2007), todavía es más probable que los padres elijan el
centro escolar según el rendimiento académico del mismo, aunque aspiran a la
formación del carácter y a otras áreas holísticas de la educación en un sistema
educativo más equilibrado.
A pesar de las buenas intenciones, no es tan fácil cambiar la mentalidad de los
padres para que lleguen a aceptar que todas las escuelas de Singapur son igual-
mente buenas, porque estos todavía recurren al rendimiento y los logros
académicos de cada centro como referencia para elegir una escuela para sus
hijos. Aunque la intención de crear un sistema escolar diversificado, en el que
los padres puedan escoger, constituye una buena intención, es posible que las
familias de clase media y alta, que poseen mayor capital cultural, estén mejor
dotadas para escoger entre los diversos centros. Por tanto, como ya apuntó el
presidente fundador de la Management University de Singapur, Ho Kwon Ping, la
mayoría de los estudiantes de las escuelas primarias más prestigiosas de Singapur
no viven en viviendas estatales, que es el tipo de vivienda de aproximadamente un
80% de los niños de Singapur (The Economist, 2015).
A pesar de las políticas destinadas a convencer a los padres de que cada escuela es
una buena escuela, y de que las tablas comparativas y los informes de clasificación no
se consideren necesarios, la competencia por ingresar en los centros más prestigiosos
es cada vez más intensa. Por ejemplo, Mathews et al. (2017) observaron en un
informe sobre las percepciones parentales del sistema de educación primaria de
Singapur que más de un 70% de los participantes señalaba que es importante, incluso
esencial, que las ‘buenas’ escuelas tengan una trayectoria probada de buenos resulta-
dos en el examen de finalización de los estudios primarios (PSLE). Esta circunstancia
se da a pesar de que la mayoría de los padres se muestran de acuerdo con que las
escuelas deberían dedicar mayor atención al desarrollo del carácter de los estudiantes
y de sus valores, así como a la disciplina. Más del 90% de los participantes se
mostraba de acuerdo en que debería aumentarse la inversión estatal en las escuelas
de barrio, dedicando profesores de primer nivel en todas ellas. Estos resultados
demuestran que los padres en Singapur siguen prefiriendo registrar a sus hijos en
centros escolares de alto rendimiento académico, a pesar de que el gobierno les inste a
valorar otras cualidades de los centros educativos.
Meritocracia compasiva
La relevancia de la educación en Singapur y Hong Kong reside en su estrecha
relación con el valor esencial de la meritocracia, como ya hemos mencionado en
Excellence and equity in high-performing education systems / Excelencia y equidad en sistemas educativos de alto
rendimiento 241
la sección anterior. Las élites dirigentes creen que la meritocracia ofrece igualdad
de oportunidades a toda la población, sin ningún tipo de discriminación, sea cual
sea su origen socioeconómico (Chua, 2017; Gopinathan, 2015; Lam, 2017b; Lee,
2017). A quienes obtienen los mejores resultados en el sistema educativo se les
premia con becas, plazas universitarias y, a largo plazo, futuras carreras profesio-
nales más lucrativas. Así, ambos sistemas tratan de identificar y seleccionar sus
élites de manera imparcial para una gobernanza más eficaz. No obstante, estas
élites de la meritocracia, una vez alcanzado el éxito, invertirán aún más en la
educación de sus hijos para que estos tengan mayores posibilidades de éxito en un
sistema educativo competitivo y, por tanto, mayor probabilidad de llegar a ser
beneficiarios de ese sistema meritocrático que, a su vez, contribuye a un ciclo de
estratificación y reproducción social a través de distintas generaciones (Tan &
Dimmock, 2015). Además, dado el coeficiente de Gini relativamente elevado de
Singapur y Hong Kong, es comúnmente aceptado que el problema de la desi-
gualdad de ingresos y de las diferencias y estratificación de las clases sociales es
más grave en ambos lugares que en otros países desarrollados. Esta situación ha
dado lugar a ciertas críticas del sistema meritocrático según las cuales este no
fomenta la igualdad de oportunidades ni la movilidad social, sino que promueve la
segregación social a favor de las élites.
Esta percepción negativa de la meritocracia y de su impacto han sido aborda-
das recientemente, por ejemplo, por el gobierno de Singapur a través de la
iniciativa ‘meritocracia compasiva’, introducida por el antiguo primer ministro
Goh Chok Tong en noviembre de 2006. La denominada ‘meritocracia compasiva’
solicita a quienes se hayan beneficiado del sistema meritocrático que contribuyan
a la sociedad ayudando a los menos afortunados y más desfavorecidos (Anwar,
2015; Chua, 2017). Como se indica en un informe elaborado por el Instituto de
Estudios Políticos en 2013, la mayoría de la población de Singapur está a favor de
un sistema educativo menos competitivo y más integrado que sea, a su vez, más
inclusivo, permitiendo a los estudiantes aprender con otros estudiantes de distintas
capacidades y procedencias (Amir, 2013). Esto demuestra que, como señaló Goh
Chok Tong, el gobierno debe dar mejor respuesta a la reacción de la población
general frente a sus principales políticas, asegurándose, por ejemplo, de que el
sistema meritocrático funciona debidamente a garantizando la igualdad de con-
diciones frente al peligro del nepotismo y el favoritismo en la sociedad de
Singapur (Seow, 2017).
Para respetar el principio de la meritocracia en un ámbito educativo con
igualdad de oportunidades, en Singapur se han puesto en marcha ciertas
políticas con el objeto de mejorar la educación de todos los niños (Chua, 2017).
Por ejemplo, el Ministro de Economía Heng Swee Keat, anunció en los presu-
puestos de 2016 la asignación de aproximadamente 20 millones de dólares
singapurenses (15 millones de dólares estadounidenses) al lanzamiento del pro-
grama piloto Quistar durante tres años, un programa que beneficiará a 1,000 niños
de hasta seis años de familias más desfavorecidas a través de visitas domésticas
periódicas, asistencia sanitaria y educativa, así como plazas en centros preesco-
lares (The Straits Times, 12 de abril de 2016). El programa StartKid pretende
242 S. Gopinathan and M. H. Lee
Conclusión
En este artículo hemos expuesto algunos de los problemas más importantes a los
que se enfrentan los sistemas educativos de Singapur y Hong Kong, dos sistemas
educativos asiáticos de alto rendimiento. Estos problemas no son visibles a través
de estudios internacionales como los informes PISA, PIRLS o TIMMS, pero no
deben ser ignorados. Entre ellos, hemos señalado la creciente economización de la
educación, la disparidad educativa en función de la clase social y la desigualdad
entre los distintos grupos étnicos, así como el cambio paradigmático de la
meritocracia a la parentocracia. Si bien el interés de ambos gobiernos por seguir
liderando las clasificaciones internacionales de los centros educativos no decrece,
es necesario prestar mayor atención a cuestiones relacionadas con la justicia y la
equidad social, la reducción de la brecha en rendimiento académico entre los
distintos grupos étnicos y clases sociales, así como garantizar que exista igualdad
de oportunidades de acceso a la educación y que la movilidad social sigua siendo
posible. Además, se ha cuestionado el valor fundamental de la meritocracia puesto
que no siempre garantiza la selección imparcial de las élites, que acaban
Excellence and equity in high-performing education systems / Excelencia y equidad en sistemas educativos de alto
rendimiento 243
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors. / Los autores no han referido
ningún potencial conflicto de interés en relación con este artículo.
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