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H. Daiber (Frankfurt)
R. Kruk (Leiden)
Editorial Board
volume 24
Sami Aydin
leiden | boston
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Aydin, Sami, 1979- author, editor, translator. | Aydin, Sami, 1979-
editor, translator. | Sergius, Rescainae, -536, author. Introduction to
Aristotle and his Categories, addressed to Philotheos. | Sergius,
Rescainae, -536, author. Introduction to Aristotle and his Categories,
addressed to Philotheos. English.
Title: Sergius of Reshaina : introduction to Aristotle and his Categories,
addressed to Philotheos / Syriac text, with introduction, translation, and
commentary by Sami Aydin.
Other titles: Introduction to Aristotle and his Categories, addressed to
Philotheos
Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2016] | Series: Aristoteles
semitico-latinus, issn 0927-4103 ; volume 24 | English and Syriac. |
Slightly revised version of the author's thesis (doctoral)–Uppsala
universitet, 2015. | Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: lccn 2016027429 (print) | lccn 2016033882 (ebook) | isbn
9789004324954 (hardback : alk. paper) | isbn 9789004325142 (e-book)
Subjects: lcsh: Aristotle. Categoriae. | Aristotle. Physics. | Sergius,
Rescainae, -536.
Classification: lcc B491.C26 A93 2016 (print) | lcc B491.C26 (ebook) | ddc
185–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016027429
Want or need Open Access? Brill Open offers you the choice to make your research freely accessible online
in exchange for a publication charge. Review your various options on brill.com/brill-open.
Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface.
issn 0927-4103
isbn 978-90-04-32495-4 (hardback)
isbn 978-90-04-32514-2 (e-book)
∵
Contents
Preface ix
Abbreviations xii
1 Introduction 1
1.1 Aim and Scope 2
1.2 Sergius’ Life 3
2 Sergius as Writer 10
2.1 Original Works 10
2.1.1 Philosophical Works Here Considered Authentic 10
2.1.2 Dubious Attribution of Philosophical Works 13
2.1.3 Philosophical Adaptations and Translations 15
2.1.4 A Lost Philosophical Work (?) and a Possible Translation 17
2.1.5 An Original Theological Introduction and a Translation 18
2.1.6 Lost Theological Works 20
2.1.7 Sergius’ Medical Adaptations and Translations 21
2.2 Some Rhetorical topoi in Sergius’ Extant Prefaces 26
2.3 Sergius’ Achievements as Translator 36
6 Editorial Principles 91
8 Commentary 176
9 Bibliography 261
10 Syriac-Greek Glossary 295
11 Greek-Syriac Glossary 303
12 Greek Names in Sergius’ Introduction 311
13 Syriac-English Index 312
14 English-Syriac Index 319
15 Name and Place Index 326
Preface
Syriac studies have slowly but gradually been flourishing during the last four
decades, with an increasing number of researchers engaged in the field. Much
research has, for understandable reasons, been devoted to theological works,
since the Syriac literature, with its high output of religious prosaic and poet-
ical texts, constitutes one of the most significant and beautiful witnesses to
the Eastern branch of Christianity. But the Syriac language is also the bearer
of many interesting and important literary works in other disciplines, which
deserve the proper attention of scholars. Interest in philosophical texts has
in fact increased in recent years, but many key texts in the field still remain
unedited. Therefore, future research will hopefully aim to publish, translate,
and elucidate thus far overlooked texts.
Even if some religious literature in Syriac appeals to me, especially hagio-
graphical material, yet since my early youth I have been equally interested in
philosophy and its history. As a consequence, the first courses that I took as an
undergraduate student were in the History of Ideas at Stockholm University,
where the focus was of course on the history of Western philosophy. Later on,
when I began my studies in Aramaic/Syriac at Uppsala University, new oppor-
tunities arose where I could combine my interest in the Syriac language with
a neglected philosophical tradition, which was specifically dear to me because
of my background. Besides, it felt right to be in search of this tradition’s source,
where I found Sergius of Reshaina, heaving already dealt with Mara bar Sera-
pion and Bardaisan in two papers in Swedish. It was truly fortunate that in 2010
I was given the chance to carry out my postgraduate studies at The Department
of Linguistics and Philology (Uppsala University) on a project about Sergius.
There are two related texts extant in Syriac written by the physician and
commentator Sergius of Reshaina (d. 536) about the philosophy of Aristotle.
This book provides a critical edition and a facing English translation of the
shorter of these texts. The edition is based on the single preserved manuscript
of the text (Berlin, Petermann i 9). An introduction to Sergius’ life and works,
and an analysis of the text in its intellectual context, is also provided. His
writing is one of the earliest analyses on Aristotelian philosophy in the Syriac
language and presents concepts that were taught at the Neoplatonist school of
Ammonius Hermeiou (d. 517–526) in Alexandria.
Sergius received his philosophical and medical education in Alexandria and
was active in the city of Reshaina as one of the first translators of profane Greek
material into Syriac. He translated chiefly medical works by Galen, especially
those that were studied in the Alexandrian school, but also the theological
x preface
Sami Aydin
March 2016, Uppsala
Abbreviations
Introduction
During the nineteenth century, when Western museums and libraries acquired
Syriac manuscripts in large numbers, the scholars attached importance pri-
marily to those manuscripts that contained Syriac translations of extant or lost
Greek works. For the extant texts, new textual evidence came to the disposal
of scholars, while a specific lost Greek work became available for the first time
to the modern reader, even though in translation. Therefore, there was a ten-
dency among the scholars of that period to edit the Syriac texts which were
based on Greek originals, and to translate them into modern languages. This
inclination to edit and translate Syriac translations of Greek works was espe-
cially applied to philosophical texts. Nonetheless, there were some exceptions,
such as Hoffmann’s edition of Proba’s commentary on Aristotle’s On Interpre-
tation in 1860, Land’s edition and translation of Paul the Persian’s treatise on
Aristotle’s logic in 1875, and Baumstark’s edition of some material concerning
Porphyry’s Eisagoge in 1900. A scholar who during the twentieth century made
some contribution to the edition of Syriac philosophical works was Giuseppe
Furlani (d. 1962). But many times, he confined himself to complete or partial
Italian translation of such texts. Thus, many works composed in Syriac in the
field of philosophy have remained unedited up to now.
One of the more influential commentators from the Syriac tradition is Ser-
gius of Reshaina. Yet, most of his few extant original philosophical texts have
remained unedited, in contrast to Aristotle’s Greek commentators, whose texts
were published more than a century ago in the famous series Commentaria
in Aristotelem Graeca (cag, 23 volumes, between 1882–1909). In addition to
the great importance of Sergius’ philosophical production in its own right, it
constitutes a significant complementary contribution to the Alexandrian Neo-
platonist tradition, to which he can be connected. His place and contribution
to this tradition increases our knowledge about the philosophical history and
education of late ancient Alexandria. As a forerunner in the field of Greek phi-
losophy and some other profane sciences in Syriac, he invented and adapted a
new philosophical and scientific terminology for the Syriac language.
However, due to the loss of most of his production, the unedited state of
those extant works, and the false ascription of some anonymous texts to him,
the individual with whom this study deals has yet not been properly assessed.
He was certainly a very influential person, a pioneer, who gave direction to the
subsequent engagement in certain parts of Greek philosophy and medicine
The chief aim of this work is to publish a critical edition of one of Sergius’
philosophical treatise, which centres on questions discussed by Aristotle in his
two works, Categories and Physics. In order to make Sergius’ text accessible also
to people who cannot read Syriac, a translation has been supplemented to the
edition.
Within the scope of the present book, a thorough introduction is given to
Sergius’ life and his works from available evidence. A historical overview to
his educational and intellectual background is also supplied, which enables
the reader to place his text in its philosophical context. A section on some
interesting linguistic matters in Sergius’ text is provided too in this first part.
The second part of the book presents the critical edition and an English
translation of Sergius’ Syriac text. The edition is based on the unique manu-
script that preserves his treatise. The edited text is accompanied by a section
that contains some textual notes, in addition to the necessary notes given in
the critical apparatus. The facing English translation is fairly literal and has a
vocabulary that is in use among translators of such texts from Greek, for the
purpose of recognition and familiarity.
The last part of this book consists of philological and philosophical annota-
tions to Sergius’ text edited here. Some of these comments are more detailed
than others, depending on the character of each issue and current discussions
among scholars. This commentary section is important in placing Sergius’ dis-
cussions in the contemporary philosophical context in which they were con-
ducted and to clarify his lines of reasoning. Finally, a Syriac-Greek glossary is
added, which is based on readings from the related passages in the works of
Greek commentators from the same tradition, as well as a Greek-Syriac glos-
sary and some other useful indices.
1 His name in Syriac is 焏qܢqܥrq ܪ爿qܓr ܣSargīs Rēšʿaynāyā or 焏ܢqܥrq ܕܪ爿qܓr ܣSargīs dǝ-
Rēšʿaynā ‘Sargis of Rēšʿaynā’. I will be using the simplified form Sergius of Reshaina.
introduction 3
Our sources related to Sergius’ life do not provide any information about the
date or place of his birth.2 However, because of the emissary assignment he
shouldered on behalf of Ephraem, the Chalcedonian patriarch of Antioch (526–
545), the last period of his life has been documented. The account of Sergius is
written by a Miaphysite monk from Amid (now Diyarbakır), who translated
the Greek chronicle of Zachariah of Mytilene (c. 465–after 536, also known
as Zacharias Scholasticus or Rhetor) into Syriac. The Ecclesiastical History of
Zachariah covered the time period from 451 to 491 (books 3–6) and was written
in Greek. It is now lost and what is extant is the Syriac version and continu-
ation of it by the anonymous monk from Amid, who is usually called Pseudo-
Zachariah Rhetor. In the Syriac version, some biographical notes about Sergius’
education, religious orientation, literary activity, and personal character are
recorded. This and some other available historical data about Sergius’ life and
works were presented and studied by Anton Baumstark in his 1894 study.3 Since
then, a new edition and English translation of Pseudo-Zachariah’s valuable
account of the events of his own time has appeared and therefore it is worth
quoting the passage concerning Sergius from this chronicle anew, together with
a translation.
After all, most of our biographical information about Sergius, as well as
that found in later historians such as Michael the Great (ca. 1126–1199) and
Bar ʿEbroyo (1226–1286), goes back to the record of Pseudo-Zachariah. Since
indeed, the account in the Chronicle of 846,4 the Chronicle5 of Michael the Great,
and the Ecclesiastical History6 of Bar ʿEbroyo are almost literal citations from
Pseudo-Zachariah’s chronicle, I will not include their texts, except when they
provide some additional information.
2 Nutton’s (1984: 13) note that Sergius was born at Antioch does not have any support in the
historical sources. Neither can he be the Σέργιος ὁ ἑρμηνεύς ‘Sergius the Interpreter’ (ibid. p. 13
n. 17) mentioned by the historian Agathias, since Agathias was born only in c. 532, about just
four years before Sergius’ death.
3 Baumstark, Lucubrationes Syro-Graecae (1894). Many of the historical testimonies are more
recently presented by Fiori (2010c: 79–118) in his unpublished doctoral dissertation in Italian.
4 The account of Sergius is found in Chronicon ad annum Domini 846 pertinens at 224.1–23 in
Chronica Minora ii, edited by E.W. Brooks, Latin translation by J.-B. Chabot, pp. 170f.
5 It is found in the unique Edessa/Aleppo manuscript of Michael’s Chronicle, at fol. 141vb36–
142ra30, which is numbered as pp. 286–287 in Gorgias Press’ facsimile edition of 2009, trans-
lated into English by M. Moosa (2014: 329) = Chabot, Vol. 4, pp. 283b36–284a30, French tr.
vol. ii, pp. 199f.
6 Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, vol. i, col. 205, 207, (eds. Abbeloos & Lamy), translated into English
by D. Wilmshurst (2016).
4 chapter 1
焏ܢqܥrqܘܣ ܕܪrqqq ܐܪ爿qܓr ܕܣ爯qܫ ܕ煟ܓ8 It happened that Sergius, a chief physician of Reshaina, in
爏ܠ ܥ熏ܟ ܕܢܩܒ熏qqܢ焏 ܠ犟 ܣܠ爯qܐ ܗܠrܡ熏̈qܒ those days went up to Antioch in order to accuse Asylus,
爟qrܦ焏ܕܥ ܠ熏 ܡ煟q .爯 ܕܬܡ焏ܠ ܐܦܣܩܦ熏ܐܣ the bishop there [i.e. of Reshaina], making known to Patri-
焏ܐ ܗܘܐ ܗܢr ܘܓܒ.煿 ܡܢqq ܕܐܬܢ焏qrqrqܦ arch Ephraem that he had been harmed by him. He was
焏ܒrq̈ ܕ焏ܢqr ܗܘܐ ܒܩq ܘܡܠ9焏ܢܢrܠ a man of eloquence and trained in the reading of many
̈
.爿qܓܢq ܕܐܘܪ煿ܠܦܢ熏q ܘܒ10焏qܢ熏qܐ ܕ焏qܣܓ
̈ books of the Greeks, and in the teaching of Origen. He had
焏 ܕ̈ܡܠܦܢ焏ܒrq̈ ܕ焏ܩr熏 ܒܦ爯q ܕ煿ܐ ܗܘܐ ܠrܩ studied the interpretation of books by other teachers in
.焏ܥq煟q 焏 ܙܒܢ焏qܪ煟ܣܢqܠ焏 ܒ焏ܢrqܐ Alexandria for some time. He knew Syriac, both reading
7 Michael the Great and Bar ʿEbroyo mention also the Syrian monk ܪܐ熏ܝ ܙܥr ܡ焏rq煟ܩ
焏qܢ熏q‘ ܐܣThe Holy Mar Zoora the Stylite’ as involved in these events on the side
of the Miaphysite bishops. He is also mentioned in the acts of these synods of 536 as
Ζωόρας τις Σύρος ‘Zooras a certain Syrian’. On him see 25.29–27.10, 32.35–33.9, 43.11–44.15,
111.24–125.35 passim in the Collectio Sabbaitica (ed. Schwartz), and its index at p. 245; and
especially John of Ephesus, Lives of the Eastern Saints, i, ed. Brooks, (1923: 18–36). None of
the Sergiuses mentioned in these acts is Sergius of Reshaina, since he died just before the
recorded gatherings.
8 Manuscript c (bl Add 12154) fol. 151v has a title here, which among others gives (p. 136
n. 1): ܘܣrqqq ܐܪ爿qܓr ܗ̣ܘܐ ܠܣ焏ܠܡ熏r 焏ܢq ܕܐ焏q熏qܐ ܕܡrqܥr‘ ܬthe account that
shows which end befell Sergius the archiatros’.
9
̈ ̈
The Chronicle of 846 has (224.3–5): 焏qܢ熏q 焏ܒrq ܒ焏rܪ煟 ܘܡ焏ܠq ܡܠ.焏ܢܢrܐ ܠrܓܒ
ܗܘܐrq ܓܡq ܣܓrܐ ܕܠܒrܡqq ܘܐܦ ܒ.焏qqr熏‘ ܘܣa man of eloquence, articulate
and experienced in Greek and Syriac books, and was also much accomplished in profane
wisdom’.
̈ ̈
10 Bar ʿEbroyo has (col. 207.1 f.): ܬܐ熏qܣ焏 ܘܒ.焏qr熏 ܘܣ焏qܢ熏q 焏ܒrq ܕ焏ܢqr ܒܩqq̣ܕܡܠ
ܗܘܐ爿 ܡܦrq焏ܐ ܬܩܢr‘ ܕܦܓwho was trained in the reading of books of the Greeks
and of the Syrians, and was firmly versed in the healing of the bodies’.
introduction 5
.焏ܢrܘܠ 焏ܢqr ܗܘܐ ܩ爟qq rq焏qqܪ熏ܘܣ and speaking, and the books of medicine. In his convic-
焏ܡܢq煿 ܡ煿ܢqܒ犏 ܘܒ11.ܬܐ熏q ܕܐܣ焏qܒܠqܘ̈ܒ tion [lit. will] he was a believer, as also the prologue bears
焏ܩr熏 ܘܦ.ܣ熏ܠܓrܕ ܐܦ ܦ煿 ܕܣqqܗܘܐ ܐ witness, and the translation of Dionysius that he made
ܣ熏ܓ焏 ܘܠ.煟 ̣ܥܒrq焏ܡq ܠ焯qܣ ܕ熏qܣ熏ܢqܕܕ very correctly, and the treatise on faith that he wrote in
焏ܒqܒq qܡ熏̈qܬܐ ܒ熏ܡܢq ܗ爏 ܥ煿 ܠ煟qܕܥܒ the days of the renowned Peter, the believing bishop.12
ܗܝ熏̈ܢ熟 ܒ爯qܡ ܕr ܒ.焏ܡܢq煿 ܡ焏ܣ ܐܦܣܩܦrqܦ However, of his habits this Sergius was very lascivious in
̈
.焏r ܢrܓr ܒ爿qܓr ܣ焏 ܗܘܐ ܗܢqqrr qܣܓ the desire for women; he was wanton and shameless, and
rܡqr ܒ爯q ܗܘܐ ܕ爯ܥq .牯q ܢ焏 ܗܘܐ ܘܠ爏qܘܙܠ greedy with love for money. When Ephraem examined
煿qqr ܘܐ爟qr ܐܦ煿q ܢܣ煟q 焏ܢ煿 ܠ.焏ܣܦq him and found him to be experienced, he promised to do
ܗܘܡr ܠ煟q .ܪ熏ܠ ܢܣܥ焏r ܕ爏qܘܕܝ ܕrr ܐ.ܪܫ煟ܕܡ anything he would ask, if he would be sent from him to
rq ܪ焏qqܬ ܐܓܦ熏ܬܐ ܠrܓ焏 ܒ煿 ܡܢqܠrrܢ Rome with letters for Agapetus, the head of the priests
ܘܐܙܕܘܕ爏 ܩܒ爯q ̣ܗܘ ܕ.ܟ熏ܦ煿 ܘܢ爯 ܕܬܡ焏ܢ煿̈q there, and return. He accepted and was supplied with gifts
ܬ熏ܐ ܠr̈ܒqrq 爏ܩr ܘ.爟qr ܐܦ爯ܐ ܡrܩq焏ܒ by Ephraem, and carried the writings to the man, while
煟q 焏qܠq rq ܐܘܣ煿 ܠ牯q ܢܩ煟q .ܐrܓܒ he was accompanied by the youth Eustathius, an archi-
爏 ܥ焯q ̇ܗܘ ܕܡ.煟 ܐܡ爯ܢ ܡ熏qܩqqqܐܪ tect from Amid, who related about Sergius an act that is
焏q ܢ焏 ܘܕܠܡ.ܝrq熏ܡ ܕܢ煟 ܡ焏ܢrܥ熏 ܣ爿qܓrܣ strange, and lest it harms the reader, I do not record it.
爯q煟 ܡ熏qq ܐܬܡ.煿 ܠ焏ܒ ܐܢrq ܡ焏 ܠ焏qܘrܠܩ Afterwards, they arrived at Rome before Agapetus, gave
熏ܒ煿q ܘ.焏qqܬ ܐܓܦ熏ܗܘܡ ܠr ܠ爯qܘܗܠ the letters and they [i.e. the men] were received. The man
ܬܗܘܢrܓ焏 ܒq ܘܐܬܗܢ.熏ܬܐ ܘܐܬܩܒܠrܐܓ was pleased with their letters, in that he found agreement
.煿ܢqܬܐ ܕܨܒ熏ܠܡr 爯q煿 ܒqqrܐ ܕܐrܓܒ with his conviction. He came with them to Constantino-
ܕܪ焏 ܒ.爿qܠ熏ܢܦqqܢqܣ熏ܘܢ ܠܩ煿ܘܐܬܐ ܥܡ ple in the month of March in the fourteenth year of indic-
.ܘܪܐ焏 ܗܘܐ ܣ爯 ܬܡ煟q .焏qܩ煟ܣܩrܣq ܕ焏qrq tion [i.e. 536], while Severus was there and Anthimus was
焏qq ]ـ ـ ـ[ ܐܓܦ. ܗܘܐ焏ܢ煿̈q rqܣ ܪ熏ܡqrܘܐܢ the head of the priests. [—] When Agapetus appeared
爏 ܐܬܩܒrq焏 ܪܘܪܒ焏qܝ ܠܡܠ熟q ܐܬ煟q 爯qܕ before the emperor, he was received by him magnificently,
ܕܐܬܪܐ焏ܢ煿̈q rq ܘܪ. ܗܘܐ煿ܢr ܠr ܕܒ.煿ܡܢ because he (spoke) the same language and was the chief
[ ]ـ ـ ـ.煿 ܠ煟ܥܒrr ܘܐrܒq ܕܐܬ.焏qܠqqܕܐ of the priests of the region of Italy, which had been con-
ܗ煟ܬܗ̇ܘܢ ܘܥܒ熏 ܕܠ焏q ܕܡܠ煿ܒ熏q ܠ牯ܠqrܘ quered and subjugated by him [i.e. Justinian]. [—] He [i.e.
.ܐrܢq煟 ܡ爯ܢ ܡ熏 ܐܢ焏q ܘܕ.ܐrq焏ܘܢ ܒ煿qܥܠ Agapetus] changed the love of the emperor towards them
ܘܪܣ焏ܣ ܘܣ熏ܡqrܕܐ ܐܢ煟q̈ ܠ熏qܘܐܬܐܘ and turned him against them in anger, and he [i.e. Jus-
爯ܡrܬܐ ܕܪrܓ焏 ܒ焏qܪ煟ܣܢq ܕܐܠ爿qܘܬܐܕܣ tinian] drove them out from the city.13 Anthimus, Severus,
11 Michael the Great has here (fol. 142ra5 f., p. 287): ܗܘܐ爿ܐ ܡܦrܬܐ ܕܦܓ熏qܣ焏‘ ܘܒand
he was versed in the healing of the body’.
12 The Chronicle of Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, ed. Greatrex (2011: 369 n. 300): “pz [i.e. Pseudo-
Zachariah] refers to Peter, bishop of Reshʿaina, banished in 519, who took part in the talks
of 532.”
13 The Chronicle of Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, ed. Greatrex (2011: 371 n. 310): “Incorrect: Severus
probably left Constantinople in March 536 (…), but Anthimus, having resigned his office,
remained there, hidden in a palace by Theodora, up to and beyond her death in 548.”
6 chapter 1
爯ܘܪܣ ܡ焏 ܘܣ爿ܡqr ܐܢ熏qܢr ܘ.rqr ܠ爯ܡ and Theodosius of Alexandria became united with one
ܐܬܪ.rq焏qrqܘܢ ܡ煿 ܡܢ煟q 煟q 焏q ܕܢ.爯ܬܡ another in the letters that we have copied out below, and
ܬܐ熏q ܡܠrܢq煟 ܒܡ焏ܢ焏 ܡ爯q ܗܘܐ ܕ.煿 ܠqܕܦܩ Anthimus and Severus departed from there, so that each
爿qܓr ܣ爯 ܬܡ爏 ܥܓrq ܘܡ.爿ܡqrܪ ܐܢrܒ of them would live in hiding [in] the place that was suit-
ܘܢ煿ܪܗ ܒr ܒ焏qq ܘܐܓܦ.ܘܣrqqqܐܪ able to him. Menas [536–552] became [bishop] in the
煿ܢr ܠrܦr ܐܬܦ煟q ܪܬܐ熏ܕܡrܐ ܒrܡ熏̈qܒ royal city after Anthimus. Sergius the archiatros suddenly
焏ܗܘܡrܪܗ ܒr ܘܗܘܐ ܒ.ܗܝ熏̈ܢr ܒ煿rrܘܢ died there, and Agapetus [died] after him in those days
.爿qrܠܒqܣ by a miracle, his tongue being cut off and he bit it with
his teeth. After him Silverius [536–537] became [bishop]
in Rome.
焏ܡܢq煿̈ ܡ焏ܢ煿̈q qrqr 爿ܡqrܘܪܐ ܘܐܢ焏 ܣ煟q When Severus and Anthimus, the believing chief priests,
爏 ܠܥ爯 ܕܡ焏ܥr ܕܬ焏ܒrr ܒrq ܕܐܡqqܐ were expelled by the emperor, as was said above in the
rܢq煟 ܡ爯 ܡ熏qܢr ܘ.焏q ܡܠ爯 ܡ熏qqܐܬܕ ninth book, and they departed from the royal city at the
.焏 ܕܪܗܘܡ焏qqܗ ܕܐܓܦrܬܐ ܒܡܥܠ熏qܡܠ entering of Agapetus of Rome, who suddenly died at the
.rq ܡ焏qrq ܗ ܕܐܕܪr ܒܡܦܩ爏̇ܗܘ ܕܥܓ end of the month of March of the fourteenth year of indic-
ܣrqqq ܐܪ爿qܓr ܘܣ.焏qܩ煟ܣ ܩrܣqܕ tion, also Sergius the chief physician who brought him
ܟ熏qqܢ焏 ܕܒ爟qr ܐܦ爯r ܐܬܥ.煿ܒܠܢqܡ [died], Ephraem, who was in Antioch in the East, became
.r ܘܐܬܓܒ.焏qܢ煟ܕܒܡ strong and powerful.
14 According to Nutton (1977), an archiatros was from beginning the title of the king’s
personal physician. This term for a royal physician came eventually to be used as a
general title for a court physician and later on applied also to a civic physician who
had tax immunity and was paid if he at the same time was teaching medicine. It is
likely that Sergius was teaching, but we do not know if this condition was valid in the
entire Roman Empire. However, Nutton (2002, col. 987) states: “In late antiquity, the
term designated in Greek as well as Latin any high-ranking and well-known physician
regardless of his occupational sphere (imperial court, city, or institutions such as hos-
pitals).” During the reign of Justinian the salary privilege was abolished for the archia-
troi.
15 The Chronicle of Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor, ed. Greatrex (2011: 369 n. 302): “Since Agapetus
only became pope in May 535 (…) and Anthimus patriarch in June 535 (…), and one must
introduction 7
him to patriarch Ephraem. The ground for their conflict cannot have been
Christological, since Sergius is viewed as actually a man of “true faith”, which
means that he belonged to the Miaphysite confession, while Asylus, the bishop
of Reshaina, is known as one of the interrogators of bishop John of Tella (483–
538), a strong opponent of the Chalcedonian Dyophysite doctrine.16 We are told
also that Ephraem found Sergius learned and eloquent. He convinced Sergius
to take with him letters to the recently appointed bishop of Rome, Agapetus,
and bring him to Constantinople for a common fight against the opponents of
the Chalcedonian doctrine, and likely also against those who were opposed to
Ephraem’s position as the rightful patriarch of Antioch. We should take into
account that Ephraem saw his position threatened, because at this time the
deposed patriarchs Severus and Theodosius were in Constantinople under the
protection of Empress Theodora.17 The reason why Sergius, who is viewed as
a man of right faith, consented to Ephraem’s wish to bring his letters to Rome
may have been money, or at least it was perceived so, which might explain the
accusation against him of being a greedy man, who betrayed his confessional
group by accepting this mission (cf. Fiori 2014: 62). He was also accused of
having been a dissolute person with a strong desire for women, and the story
concerning him, that his fellow traveller Eustathius of Amid spread, but which
our Syriac chronicler from the same city considers to be deleterious to record,
was also probably of sexual character, if there was any such event at all. As noted
by Greatrex et al. (2011: 378 n. 302), the mention of Eustathius clearly indicates
that he was the source of our anonymous chronicler regarding the information
about Sergius.
In addition to Sergius’ postulated knowledge of Greek, we are told that he
could read and speak Syriac. That he was well-versed in Greek is assumed from
the fact that he had studied in Alexandria for some years and was a trained
physician, who along with the many Greek medical books had studied some
allow time for the news to reach Antioch, Sergius can only have been sent to Rome in late
summer 535 at the earliest, probably in October.”
16 Vita Iohannis Episcopi Tellae auctore Elia, 76.14f., Lat. tr. 18.27f., (ed. Brooks), cf. also
Honigmann (1951: 149 n. 4). Sergius would simply not go to a Chalcedonian patriarch to
lodge a complaint against one of his fellow believing bishops in a religious matter. The
chronicle tells us that Sergius accused Asylus of having harmed him.
17 Indeed, Pseudo-Zachariah writes (135.22–24): ܗܘܘ爯q ܐܘ焏ܢ煿 ̈ q qrqr ܐr ܬܠ爯q ܗܠ煟q
̈
qܟ ܘܣܓ熏qq ܕܐܢ爟qr ܐܬܪܗܒ ܐܦ. ܗܘܘ爯qrqr ܦ焏ܕܐ ܠ煟q 爯ܬܐ ܡ熏ܡܢq煿 ܘܒ焏ܒ熏qܒ
q‘ ܐܬܕܠwhen these three heads of priests [i.e. Anthimus, Severus, and Theodosius] had
joined in love, and were inseparable from one another in faith, Ephraem of Antioch was
alarmed and became very disturbed’.
8 chapter 1
theological works as well, among them the works of Origen.18 After having
returned to Constantinople together with Agapetus from Rome in March, he
died unexpectedly there a short time before the death of Agapetus, which
occurred on 22 April 536. The year of Sergius’ death is also reported by Elias of
Nisibis (also ʾElīyā bar Šīnāyā, 975–1049), who in his Syriac/Arabic Chronicle, for
牟ܒr ܘ爯qܐ ܘܐܪܒܥ焏 ܬܡܢܡrܢr ‘the year 847’,19 among other things, writes
(119.19): ‘ وفيها مات سرجس الراسعينىّ الطبيبand in this (year) Sergius of Reshaina
the physician died’.
Strangely enough, our chroniclers do not mention Sergius’ philosophical
knowledge and writings, although Pseudo-Zachariah notes that he was “trained
in the reading of many books of the Greeks”. Nevertheless, he was certainly
known as an important philosopher too, as is indicated by the testimony of
the Melkite bishop Agapius (also known as Maḥbūb ibn Qusṭanṭīn) of Manbij
(Syriac Mabbog and Greek Hierapolis), who probably wrote his chronicle in the
940s. In his Universal History (written in Arabic), he gives the following account
of Sergius:20
And in that year [the year 8 of Justinian’s reign, i.e. 535], Sergius ar-Raʾsī
( )الراسىwas well-known, a man who was a philosopher, translator, and
interpreter of books, author of many works, and he was also a doctor.
He came to Ephraem, patriarch of Antioch, and stayed with him (some
time). Then, Ephraem sent him to Agapetus, bishop of Rome, about the
matters that had happened to him over there. He [i.e. Sergius] died in
Constantinople.21
18 Yet, as Fiori (2014: 63–67) emphasizes, there is no explicit accusation of Sergius being an
Origenist and the statement that he had read Origen does not imply such a thing, even if
it is sometimes interpreted so, cf. King (2011a: 208–211).
19 This year is given according the system of numbering years from the Seleucid era or “the
year of the Greeks” beginning in 312/1 bc. The year 847 minus 311 is 536.
20 For a list of these sources, see Martindale (1992: 1123f.).
21 Agapius (169.8–11). Its editor Vasiliev’s French translation on the same page as the Arabic
text is: “En cette année, se rendit célèbre Sergius de Râsʿayn, qui était philosophe, traduc-
teur et interprète des livres, auteur de nombreux ouvrages, et en outre médecin. Il arriva
près d’Éphrem, patriarche d’ Antioche, et resta (quelque temps) chez lui. Ensuite Éphrem
l’envoya chez Agapet, évêque de Rome, au sujet des affaires qui lui étaient arrivées là-bas.
Sergius mourut à Constantinople.” A similar account is found in Bar ʿEbroyo’s Arabic An
Abridged History of the States, based on his Syriac Secular Chronicle, (ed. Salihani, p. 149,
see also p. 201).
introduction 9
22 Timothy i, Letter no. 19 (at 129.16–18, ed. Braun), cf. also Watt (2013: 30).
chapter 2
Sergius as Writer
Sergius’ original works and translations will be arranged according to the sci-
entific branch, dealing, in the first place, with the extant works, beginning with
his philosophical production, which is most relevant to our study. The Syriac
headings will also be given in order to illustrate how Sergius and his works are
labelled:
1 He was falsely identified with a Theodore, bishop of Merv (ܘr ܡand مرو, a city of Khurasan
in today’s Turkmenistan, see Renan 1852a: 320 n. 1), until Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 126 n. 2)
showed that he must be the little known Theodore, bishop of Karkh Guddan. This city is
known from Arabic sources as كرخ جدانKarḫ Ǧuddān (see e.g. Chronicle of Seert, 27.5, ed.
Scher). In Hunayn ibn Ishaq’s famous Risāla, he is called “ ثيادورى أسقف الـكرخTheodoros,
den Bischof von al-Karḫ” (Arabic text ١٢/12.22, tr. Bergsträsser 1925: 10), but in a different
recension of his Risāla ‘ ثياذورس اسقف كرخ جدانTheodore, bishop of Karḫ Ǧuddān’ is given
(p. 80.21f., ed. Bergsträsser 1932, see also p. 51.13). And Fiey (1968: 71 n. 8) states correctly that
Karkh Guddan is not the same city as Karkh Samarra, as some sources indicate (cf. e.g. Streck
& Lassner 1978: 653), but it was located close to the border between Iraq and Iran, opposite to
the landscape Khanaqin ( خانقينḪānaqīn), which forms the boundary between Shahrazur
( شهرزورŠahrazūr) and Iraq (Fiey 1968: 71 f.; cf. also Takahashi 2014b: 36 n. 12). Theodore
of Karkh Guddan was closely associated with Sergius, to whom he dedicated several of his
writings and who is also said to have assisted Sergius with his translation of some of Galen’s
works (see below at 2.1.7 and 4.8).
2 In spite of the unflattering description of Sergius by Pseudo-Zachariah, in some manuscripts,
he bears the title ܝr ܡMār(y) ‘my lord’, which is an honorific title given to saints (!), but also
used before the assigned Christian name of bishops, being that of a saint.
3 These are: London bl Add 14658 (= L here), Paris BnF Syr. 354 (= P), Mingana Syr. 606,
Baghdad Chaldaean Monastery 169 and 171, see Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 187f.). The famous
manuscript of British Library, Additional 14658, is the oldest one and contains some of Sergius’
other texts. My readings from Sergius’ Commentary on the Categories, addressed to Theodore,
are based on L and P manuscripts.
12 chapter 2
4 For more on the relation of these two original works of Sergius, see below at chapter 5.
5 There is also an unpublished translation of excerpts from the Berlin ms into French (of §1–2)
and Latin (of §3, 98–99, and 105–109) in a block containing material from Sergius’ writings
and on him preserved (until recently) in the Monastery of the Dominican Friars of Mosul (see
Sony 1997, no. 152). This block has been digitized by Hill Museum & Manuscript Library (with
hmml Project Number dfm 00152, Shelf mark 152; see description at http://www.vhmml.us/
research2014/catalog/detail.asp?MSID=134327).
̈
6 At the end of the text (fol. 129ra31–34) the ms has 焏‘ ܓܢܣgenera’ (i.e. ܝrܐ ܕܡrܡ焏 ܡ爟ܠr
̈ ̈
ܬܐ熏q煟qqq ܘܐ焏r ܘܐܕ焏 ܓܢܣ爏 ܥ焏rqr ܩ爿qܓr)ܣ.
7 And consequently from his Commentary on the Categories. For example the section at
169va28–b22 is an almost verbatim quotation of § 43 in my edition, and that at 170va35–b5
is part of §41, and 170vb24–38 of § 61. Cf. also the close relation of 171va7–27 with §66 and
that of 171va27–b7 with § 21.
sergius as writer 13
8 Yet, I believe that Sergius most likely coined the expression 爟q ̇ܗܘ ܕܣfor ‘subject’, since there
were intimations of its usage in his texts, although it did not become his preferred alternative
(see also comm. to § 50).
9 For the contents of this manuscript, see Wright (1872, vol. 3, pp. 1154–1160), and especially for
the philosophical texts, see Furlani (1915: 297–300), and the recent extensive study of King
(2011a).
14 chapter 2
10 For the philosophical texts of this ms, see Wright (1872, vol. 3, pp. 1160–1162).
11 See the ms for his long Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories, at P.13v2–6 (cf. also P.10v4–8),
and the French translation of Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 202), as well as that of Watt (2014a:
42).
12 The three reciprocations discussed are ‘universal negation’ (ܐrqܠܢ熏q 爿q ܐܦܦܣκαθόλου
ἀπόφασιν), ‘universal affirmation’ (ܐrqܠܢ熏q 爿qܦܣq ܩκαθόλου κατάφασιν), and ‘partial
affirmation’ (ܐrqr ܡܢ爿qܦܣq ܩκατάφασις ἐν μέρει).
13 Renan (1852a: 330): “Un traité de l’ affirmation et de la négation correspondant à la sec-
onde partie du Περὶ ἑρμηνείας.” This view and the attribution to Sergius was adopted by
Wright (1872, vol. 3, p. 1156), who gave it the title “A tract on negation and affirmation”, cf.
Hugonnard-Roche (1989: 2).
sergius as writer 15
deals with the Analytica Priora and gives a description of the syllogisms. It is
not identical with the treatise ‘on the Syllogisms in the Analytica (Priora)’ of
Aristotle by Severus Sabocht preserved in the Add 17, 156.” Also Hugonnard-
Roche (1989: 4) comes to the same conclusion. Similar arguments as those
raised against the previous work can be raised also against this one in dis-
missing Sergius as its author.
14 The most recent edition of the Arabic versions is by Genequand (2001), with an English
translation of the longer version, but a new edition is being prepared by Fazzo & Zonta
(2014: 92) based on the Syriac and Arabic recensions.
15 Fazzo & Zonta (2014: 101 f.) argue that this Arabic version cannot be taken as a faithful
rendering of Alexander’s lost Greek text, but that Sergius’ version and the two Arabic
translations are important together for any possible reconstructions of the Greek text.
16 chapter 2
iac translation by Hunayn ibn Ishaq (now lost). At the same time, it appears
that Hunayn based his Syriac translation of Alexander’s On the Principles of
the Universe on a Greek Vorlage plus Sergius’ adaptation of it and retained
from the latter some material, inter alia Sergius’ prologue, which therefore
is found in the Arabic versions too. Fazzo and Zonta (2014: 109 f.) suggest
also that a reference to a previous work by Sergius in his Commentary on
Aristotle’s Categories, to Theodore (P.2v10–17) is to this work and not to his
Introduction to Aristotle and his Categories as proposed by Hugonnard-Roche
(2004: 173).16 The Syriac text was for the first time edited and translated into
French by Fiori (2010b). Previously, only the Italian translation of Furlani
(1923) was available.
– Pseudo-Aristotle, On the Cosmos, (Gr. Περὶ κόσμου, Lat. De mundo).17 This
translation by Sergius is also preserved in bl Add 14658 (fol. 107v–122r) and
has the Syriac title: 爯 ܡ焏ܩr ܕܡܦ焏ܦ熏ܠܣq ܦ爿qܠq熏qܬܐ ܕܐܪܣrܐܓ
ܐrܢq煟 ܡ焏ܢqܥrq ܕܪ焏rqr ܩ爿qܓrܝ ܣrܪܐ ܡrq ܠܡ焏qqܪ熏 ܠܣ焏qܢ熏q ‘The
letter of Aristotle the Philosopher that is translated from Greek into Syriac
by the excellent Mar Sergius, priest of the city of Reshaina’. It is described
̈
by Sergius as being 焏qܐ ܕܗܘrܥ煟q ܐ爏‘ ܥOn the knowledge of beings
(hǝwayyā)’ and its Syriac text was edited already in 1858 by Lagarde (pp. 134–
158), and the translation was philologically analyzed by Ryssel (1880: 4–48,
and 1881: 10–29, who praised it), by Baumstark (1894: 405–438), and by Elsas
(1968). More recently, a Greek and Syriac index of its vocabulary has been
prepared by McCollum (2009), who also studied its method of translating
(2011). McCollum finds this translation to be fine and faithful, without any
Christianizing features, and says (2011: 171): “To conclude, we may say that
Sergius, while not reticent to add words for clarification (and Syriac style?)
or omit words for smooth Syriac reading, has followed even the details of
the dm [De mundo], but not on a narrow level focused on individual words.”
From a most recent study by Takahashi (2014a) on the history of transmis-
16 They are probably right, but unfortunately their reproduction of this section contains
some mistakes. Furthermore, the punctuation of the Paris manuscript for the relevant
passage seems to be misleading. At P.2v15f. it should probably read ܬܗ熏 ܡܠܦܢ煿̇ܠq 爏ܥ
爏q 焏ܗ ܕܗܢrܥܠܠ ̈ 爏q ̇ܗܘ ܕܡ.焏ܡqqq ܕand not . ܗ̇ܘ焏ܡqqqܬܗ ܕ熏 ܡܠܦܢ煿̇ܠq 爏ܥ
̈
爏q 焏ܗ ܕܗܢr ܥܠܠ爏qܕܡ.
17 The text is most likely not addressed to Theodore of Karkh Guddan, as proposed by
Renan (1852a: 321) and retained by later scholars, but its tone of appeal indicates that the
addressee of it was a person of higher rank, whether he was an ecclesiastical or a secular
leader. This preface lacks the friendly and intimate tone of the other texts addressed to
Theodore.
sergius as writer 17
sion of the text, we know that Sergius’ translation was used by later writers,
such as Jacob/Severus bar Shakko (d. 1241) and Bar ʿEbroyo, and that at least
one of the Arabic versions is based on it, (cf. also Raven 2003; Daiber 2014).
18 We ought not to forget that Sergius was a priest, either already when he went to study in
sergius as writer 19
lated long ago from the Greek language into the idiom of the Syrians by the
chaste and illustrious Sergius, the priest and archiatros, in a translation that
all of us, the Syrians, have read.”20 Some writers have even proposed Sergius
was the true author of the corpus, among them more recently Arthur (2008:
138 and 197, but also pp. 116ff. and 184ff.). Only the first chapter of Mysti-
cal Theology (edited by Hornus 1970) and the Fourth Letter (by Perczel 2004:
423–425 with trans.) were available in critical editions until recently. Now,
a critical edition with Italian translation of Divine Names, Mystical Theol-
ogy, and Letters has been prepared by Fiori (2014).21 For Sergius’ version of
this collection, see the studies of Sherwood (1952), Perczel (2009, 2000), Mali
(2002), and Fiori (2010a), for the translation technique used by Sergius, see
Fiori (2011b), and for the manuscript tradition of the Dionysian corpus the
earlier study of Wiessner (1972), (see also Hugonnard-Roche 2004: 127).22
– On the Faith, lost but mentioned in Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor with the words
̈
(136.11–13): ܣrq ܦ焏ܒqܒq qܡ熏qܬܐ ܒ熏ܡܢq ܗ爏 ܥ煿 ܠ煟qܣ ܕܥܒ熏ܓ焏ܘܠ
焏ܡܢq煿 ܡ焏‘ ܐܦܣܩܦand the treatise (logos) on faith that he wrote in the
days of the renowned Peter, the believing bishop [of Reshaina]’.
– On Incarnation, mentioned in Sergius’ adaptation of Alexander’s On the Prin-
ciples of the Universe (137.2f.): ܗܘܬ焏q犏 ܡ焏 ܕܠ爯qr ܕܐܡ爯qܠq ܐ爏ܩܒ熏ܠ
焏qrܐ ܐܢr ܦܓrܐ ܢܠܒ煿‘ ܕܐܠAgainst those who say that it would be impos-
sible that God assumes a human body’. For a discussion of this heading and
what it may reveal about Sergius’ theological orientation, see King (2010a:
178–183).
20 From the French translation of van Esbroeck (1997: 171): “lesquels furent interprétés depuis
longtemps de la langue grecque dans l’ idiome syriaque par le saint et illustre Serge
prêtre et médecin-en-chef, dans une traduction que nous tous, les Syriens, avons lue.”
In his partial edition of this preface, Wiessner (1972: 198) excluded the second part of
this quotation: 焏ܬ ܩܠr ܠܒ焏qܢ熏q 焏ܢr ܠ爯ܐ ܡrq ܢܓ焏 ܙܒܢ爯 ܗܘܬ ܡ焏ܩrܐ ܕܡܦ煟qܐ
… ܣrqqq ܘܐܪ焏rqr ܩ爿qܓrܐ ܣrq煿 ܘܡ焏ܦq܉ ܠܢ焏qqr熏ܕܣ. Again, a quotation from
Sergius’ translation of Divine Names 1.4 (at 8.8–20, ed. Fiori 2014) is found in Gabriel
Qatraya’s commentary on the liturgical offices.
21 An edition with facing Italian translation of the Divine Names was prepared by Fiori (2010c:
144–411) in his unpublished dissertation.
22 Antoine Guillaumont (1962: 214–227) suggested that Sergius might also be the translator of
the second Syriac version of Evagrius of Pontus’ Kephalaia Gnostica, but Perczel (2009: 37
n. 15) reports that a comparative analysis of this version and Sergius’ translation methods
does not confirm Guillaumont’s hypothesis; (see also Fiori 2014: 63f. n. 16 and pp. 66f.).
sergius as writer 21
23 The books of this canon were later abridged and adapted into a medical compendium
called Summaria Alexandrinorum ‘Alexandrian summaries’, which is extant in Arabic,
Hebrew, and Latin translations, but not in its original Greek version. In Arabic it is labelled
جوامع الإسكندرانيينǦawāmiʿ al-Iskandarāniyyīn, (cf. Gutas 1999: 169–174 and Overwien
2013).
24 According to the report of Hunayn, Sergius did not translate De sectis and De pulsi-
bus ad tirones by Galen (Hugonnard-Roche 2004: 125f.; cf. also Meyerhof 1926a: 703).
These two books of Galen were part of the sixteen books by him which constituted
the Alexandrian medical canon, together with four books by Hippocrates. On the other
hand, Ibn Abi Usaibia mentions that he has come across sixteen medical translations by
Sergius.
25 For a complete list of Sergius’ translations, see Degen (1981: 131–166), nos. 5–8, 10–12, 15, 32–
38, 47, 49–56, 59–61, 65, 77, 80, 84, 104–105, and 122; (see also Strohmaier 1994: 1997–1999).
For an earlier study listing all Sergius’ medical translations reported in Hunayn’s Letter,
see Pigulevskaya (1979: 149–168, esp. 159–163).
26 Fiori (2014: 67) writes that Sergius’ medical translations have not survived because Hunayn
outclassed him with his translations. However, most of Hunayn’s Syriac versions have in
fact not survived either. And as Brock suggests, (personal communication) the loss of
medical works in Syriac is rather due to the fact that Arabic later on took over as the
language of medicine and there was no need any more to copy manuscripts containing
medical texts in Syriac.
22 chapter 2
27 Sachau has ܬܐܕܘܪܐin his edition (101.3), but Wright (1872, vol. 3, p. 1158) has given the
expected reading, though see also footnote 33 in this chapter.
28 The manuscript has 熏ܢܡrqܥ … ܕܐܣ煟q rܐܢ, but the correct reading with ܥ煟 ܢis given
in the end title (124.22), while 熏ܘܢܡrqܣ焏 ܠis found in the main text (102.6).
29 This introductory text to astrology by Paul of Alexandria was written in 378 ad as indicated
by the dedication to his son Cronamon.
30 Cf. the Greek title for this chapter κηʹ/28 (79.1–3, ed. Boer): Περὶ τῆς τοῦ Ἡλίου κινήσεως καὶ
τοῦ μαθεῖν ἐν ποίῳ ζῳδίῳ καὶ πόσων μοιρῶν ἐστὶν παχυμερῶς ‘On the motion of the sun and
learning in what sign and of how many divisions it is roughly’.
sergius as writer 23
et facultatibus, sometimes called just On Simple Drugs, ed. Kühn, vol. 11:9,
pp. 379–892). For a long time, only Sergius’ translation of books 6–8 (incom-
plete at the end) was known from bl Add 14661 (fol. 1v–73v, see the descrip-
tion of Wright 1872, vol. 3, p. 1187). The second part of this work of Galen
(books 6–11) constitutes the botanical section of the complete work and to
the beginning of each of the three previously known books Sergius has pre-
fixed a short introduction of his own and a Syriac-Greek list of the names of
plants occurring in it. Hunayn reports in his Letter (no. 53, Degen 1981 no. 59)
that Sergius had translated the second part of the work, though Sergius’
introduction to book six indicates that he had translated the previous five
books too.31 Also this translation is addressed to Theodore as we learn from
the heading of the sixth book: ⟨ܐr … ⟩ܥܠ焏qq̈r ܦ焏ܡܢ ̈ ܐ ܕܣܡrqܦܢܩ
̈ ̈
爿qܓrܐ ܠܣ煟q⟨ ܕܥܒ焏qqr ⟩ܦ焏 ܣܡܡܢ爏 ܥ爿ܢqܐ ܕܓܠrrܐ ܕrܡ焏ܕܡ
焏rqrܬ ܬ⟨ܐܕܘܪܐ ܩ熏ܘܣ ⟩ܠrqqq ܘܐܪ焏rqr‘ ܩtablet of simple drugs (…) the
⟨reason⟩32 of sixth book of Galen on the ⟨simple⟩ drugs, which is written by
Sergius, the priest and chief physician, to Theodore the priest’.33 Most of the
text of this manuscript was edited by Merx (1885) with a German translation,
and remarks to the edition were provided by Löw (1886). Its terminology has
recently been analyzed by Bhayro (2005), and its translation technique by
Pormann (2012). Fortunately, in 2009 Sebastian Brock and Siam Bhayro were
able to identify a medical text beneath the script of a liturgical manuscript
from the 11th century containing hymns of the Byzantine and Melkite tradi-
tions. The underlying medical text turned out to be another copy of Sergius’
translation of Galen’s On Simple Drugs, which seems to have been copied
in the ninth century and is now named the Syriac Galen Palimpsest. This
manuscript is more extensive and has also some material from at least book 9
of Galen’s work. But judging from its size, the palimpsest contains at least
31 See On Simple Drugs 246.6, 16 f. (ed. Merx) and cf. also Bhayro & Brock (2013: 38ff.). In
the article “Medicine’s Hidden Roots in an Ancient Manuscript”, by Mark Schrope, in
The New York Times, June 1, 2015, it is reported that Grigory Kessel and his colleagues
have recognized some words from books 2 and 4 as well in one of the loose leaves of
the Syriac Galen Palimpsest (see http://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/02/science/medicines
-hidden-roots-in-an-ancient-manuscript.html).
32 What is implicated in ܐr‘ ܥܠreason’ in this context is both what we would denote
‘background’, or why the book is written, and by extension its ‘aim’ (焏rq)ܢ, cf. also Riad
(1988: 182f.).
33 Note again the Syriac spelling of the name of Theodore, and above all that he is called
焏rqr‘ ܩa priest’ here, which sometimes was used for bishops too, but at that time Theo-
dore was perhaps still just a priest.
24 chapter 2
the whole second part of Galen’s On Simple Drugs, namely books 6–11. This
accords well with Hunayn’s report that Sergius translated the whole second
part of this work (Bhayro et al. 2013b: 144f.). As the only witness of books
9–11, this discovery is of great importance and is now being edited by Peter
E. Pormann, Siam Bhayro, and Bill Sellers, (see Bhayro et al. 2012, Bhayro &
Brock 2013, and other cited works by Bhayro et al.).
– Galen, The Art of Medicine, (Τέχνη ἰατρική, Ars medica, ed. Kühn, vol. 1:7,
pp. 305–412), preserved just as three vellum leaves (bl Add 17156, fol. 13–
15), which were part of a larger manuscript. As Wright (1872, vol. 3, p. 1188)
describes these leaves, they “are the remnants of a manuscript of the works
of Galen, probably in the translation of Sergius of Rās-ʾain.” These frag-
ments, which constitute a translation of chapters 23–24 and 28–31 of The Art
of Medicine, were edited by Sachau (1870: 88–94). Hunayn maintains that
Sergius translated this work before he yet mastered the art of translation
(Letter, no. 4, Degen 1981 no. 5).
– Galen, On the Properties of Foodstuffs, (Περὶ τροφῶν δυνάμεως, De alimento-
rum facultatibus, ed. Kühn, vol. 6:2, pp. 453–748), preserved also fragmentar-
ily in fol. 15 of bl Add 17156 corresponding to the end of chapter 58 onwards
of Galen’s book 2. Likewise, it was edited by Sachau (1870: 94–97). This book
was reported by Hunayn (Letter, no. 74, Degen 1981 no. 32) to have been trans-
lated into Syriac by Sergius. For remnants of Hunayn’s own translation of this
book, see Hawley (2008).
– Galen, Commentary to Hippocrates’ On Nutriment (Εἰς τὸ Ἱπποκράτους περὶ
τροφῆς ὑπομνήματα In Hippocratis librum de alimento commentarii, ed. Kühn,
vol. 15:3, pp. 224–417). Among the parts of several medical treatises of ms
New York, Jewish Theological Seminary of America 2761, Gerrit Bos and
Y. Tzvi Langermann identified recently an Arabic version of Galen’s com-
mentary to Hippocrates’ On Nutriment, which is written in Hebrew char-
acters. Sergius had translated the Greek commentary of Galen into Syriac,
which later apparently was translated into Arabic, including Sergius’ intro-
duction to it (Bos & Langermann 2009). This introduction is interesting for
the preliminary questions it treats. Sergius was not known to have translated
this Greek commentary of Galen, but Hunayn reports that he himself made
a Syriac version, now lost, for Salmawaih ibn Bunan (d. 840), (Letter, no. 100,
Degen 1981 no. 68). Obviously, Hunayn did not report all the previous Syriac
translations by Sergius, either because he was not aware of all of them, or it
was sometimes beneficial to him not to make known some of these transla-
tions.34
34 It must be borne in mind that during the Abbasid period the translational activity was a
sergius as writer 25
profitable business enterprise and that the patrons paid well for the books they commis-
sioned to be translated. The suppression of a previous translation or the characterization
of it as defective could be the reason that called for a new translation, which sometimes
could in fact be a quick revision of an existing version and thus be an easy way to make
money from an unsuspecting client.
35 For Gesius or Gessius/Gessios, see Schmid (1910), Nutton (2004), and Watts (2009).
36 For earlier surveys of Sergius’ writings and other works previously attributed to him, see
Wright (1894: 88–93), Duval (1907: 247–250), Baumstark (1922: 167–169), Georr (1948: 17–
23), Ortiz de Urbina (1965: 110 f.), Lumpe (1995), Brock (1997: 201–204), Bettiolo (2006:
463f.), and Fiori (2010c: 90–98), but especially Hugonnard-Roche (1989: 1–8 and 2004:
131f.).
26 chapter 2
A quality that almost all ancient sources emphasize and ascribe to Sergius
is his eloquence and ability to express himself persuasively. It was his elo-
quence and erudition which probably induced Patriarch Ephraem to commis-
sion him with letters to Pope Agapetus. Besides perhaps having a natural tal-
ent as speaker, Sergius most probably studied rhetoric in Alexandria for some
time (cf. Hugonnard-Roche 2004: 171). There are indications that teaching in the
art of rhetoric was integrated into the curriculum of the Alexandrian school37
and that it occupied an important place in the students’ training. Also for
Christian scholars knowledge of rhetoric was of great value in the disputes
among them, but above all, with pagan philosophers. Zachariah of Mytilene
gives the following answer to Severus of Antioch, who urged him to follow
him to Beirut (46.11–47.1, ed. Kugener): 焏 ܐܢ犟q ܣܢ爏qq煟ܬ ܕܥr ܐܡ爯q ܕ焏ܐܢ
ܢ熏 ܗܢ焏ܢܦq̈ 爏q ܡ:ܐr ܐܩrqܐrqrq 焏ܦ熏̈ܠܣqܐ ܘܕܦrqܗrܐ ܕrܡ焏ܕܡ
焏ܢqq ܐ:爯qܪܘܪܒr ܡ爯qܪܥr ܡrq焏 ܪܘܪܒ爯q ܗqq ܕܐ焏ܠܦܢ熏q̈ 爯qܠ煿ܕܒ
ܫrqr ܢ爯qܘܢ ܕܗܠ煿 ܘܡܢrq焏ܩqrܢ ܦ熏 ܗܢ爏ܩܒ熏‘ ܕܠI said that I still needed
to study further the speeches of the rhetoricians and philosophers, because
those pagans who excessively meditate upon such disciplines become exalted,
in order that we would (be able) to easily argue against them by means of their
own (tools)’.38
Taking my point of departure in Eva Riad’s Studies in the Syriac Preface
(Uppsala, 1988), I will now analyze all the extant prefaces that are attached to
Sergius’ own original writings and to his translations. It can almost be taken for
granted that Sergius usually wrote a preface to his works and sometimes also
epilogues (cf. Riad 1988: 28), as evident from those of his writings that we have
preserved in their entirety. The following works have some kind of a preface or
an introduction:
37 Kustas (1973: 116 f., n. 5): “In Alexandria, for example, rhetoric was an integral part of the
curriculum, whereas in Athens it may not have been taught at all as an independent
discipline.” See also below at 3.2–4 the discussion on the school’s curriculum.
38 Two Early Lives of Severos, Patriarch of Antioch, trans. Brock (2013: 57) and The Life of
Severus, trans. Ambjörn (2008: 46), here revised by me.
sergius as writer 27
– On the Causes of the Universe, according to the view of Aristotle, addressee not
stated, but probably Theodore.39
– Translation of Pseudo-Aristotle, On the Cosmos, addressee not stated and
probably not Theodore.
– Epilogue to Discourse on the Spiritual Life to be perceived as a short preface
to his translation of the Pseudo-Dionysian Corpus, addressee not stated, but
a certain ‘Stephen’ is mentioned to have assisted him with the translation
(§123, ed. Sherwood).
– Translation of Galen’s Commentary to Hippocrates’ On Nutriment (Arabic ver-
sion in Hebrew characters), addressee not stated, but is probably Theodore.
These prefaces are, of course, very valuable sources and provide us with some
personal information as well as with the aim of a certain work and the circum-
stances that surrounded its composition. They are also important for distin-
guishing the genuine productions of Sergius from false attributions. Some very
common rhetorical topoi from both the Greek and Syriac traditions appear in
Sergius’ prefaces, which reveal his familiarity with all the tools of rhetoric.
An important contribution to the extant prefaces of Sergius was the discov-
ery in 2009 of his introduction to Galen’s commentary on Hippocrates’ book
On Nutriment in an Arabic translation with Hebrew characters. The most inter-
esting feature of this text is that it contains the preliminary questions, a so-
called schema isagogicum ‘introductory scheme’, which the Neoplatonist com-
mentators were dealing with in their prefaces before they proceeded to the
commentary itself. These kinds of preliminary questions were present even
before they appear in Ammonius’ preface to his Commentary on Porphyry’s Eis-
agoge (21.5–22.2), but they seem to have constituted an important part of his
school’s commentary tradition. The number of the preliminary questions that
needed to be settled before the study itself varied from six to eight, but some-
times even up to ten. Nevertheless, it does not mean that the commentators
dealt with all the preliminaries in every book, but rather that they adapted
the number of questions to the book they were expounding. They often made
use of other points too, which display some common rhetorical topoi found
in many prefaces, including Sergius’ other prefaces. There were in fact two
parallel sets of introductory schemes among the scholars of the Alexandrian
school.40
39 The prologue of this treatise belongs no doubt to Sergius and not Alexander, as suggested
by Fazzo & Zonta (2014: 111 ff.), with whom I side.
40 For the preliminary questions of Alexandrian introductions, see Hein (1985: 385–387);
28 chapter 2
Already Riad noted (1988: 52 n. 54) that “One would expect to find the same
[introductory] scheme” in Sergius’ prefaces. The list of the introductory themes
has the following points:41
The relevant passage from the Arabic version of Sergius’ introduction quoted
here in the translation of Bos & Langermann (p. 199, Arabic text, p. 193)
reads:
Hadot (1990b: 24–47), Mansfeld (1994: 10–19), Hoffmann (2006: 607–613), Bos & Langer-
mann (2009: 181–190), and also Wisnovsky (2013, with the literature quoted at p. 199
n. 4).
41 For these points see the quoted literature in the previous footnote and for the correspond-
ing Syriac terminology, mainly from Proba’s preface to On Interpretation (63.23–65.18, ed.
Hoffmann), except point eight, see Riad (1988: 42 f. and 48f.).
42 Perhaps ‘utility’, cf. Sergius’ On the Influence of the Moon (101.10f.): 焯 ܘܢܣ焏ܗܢr ܕܢqqrܡ
ܡ煟 ܡ焏ܠqq 煿‘ ܡܢhe will be able to gain benefit and receive some strength from it [i.e.
the book]’.
43 Perhaps ‘order of reading’.
sergius as writer 29
Later on in the Arabic preface, Sergius explains each of the themes (which
seems to differ slightly from what is quoted above), but some of these passages
are missing in the surviving manuscript and cannot be completely evaluated.
Unfortunately, we do not have the original version of his text to decide the
exact Syriac words he used for these eight preliminaries and their explanations,
though it is possible to reconstruct some of them from their occurrences in the
works of other writers.
It is noteworthy that the number of preliminaries that Sergius mentions is
eight (against the seven found in Ammonius’ and Proba’s extant prefaces46)
and that they occur in the introduction to a medical commentary to Galen
and not in his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories or Introduction to Aristotle
and his Categories. Nonetheless, we have examples of other commentators too,
who dealt with eight preliminary points in the introductions to medical works,
namely Stephanus of Alexandria47 in his commentary on Hippocrates’Prognos-
tic, and Palladius, another Alexandrian iatrosophist, in his commentary to the
Hippocratic Aphorisms, the latter extant only in Arabic. There are also writers
in the Arabic tradition, who discuss these eight headings in their introductions
to medical treatises and we may guess the partial influence of Sergius at work
here.48
At the same time, in the introduction to his Commentary on the Categories,
addressed to Theodore, he deals with a couple of the themes present mostly in
the first introductory scheme of the Neoplatonists. The points that he presents
and discusses here are the reasons for Aristotle’s deliberate obscurity, or the
difficult nature of some of his works, and the division and the classification of
Aristotle’s works (Hugonnard-Roche 2004: 169, 180 f., and 194 ff.).
44 Sergius’ explanation (op. cit., p. 199): “The seventh will make clear to which of the branches
of knowledge this book belongs.”
45 Sergius’ explanation (ibid.): “The eighth will declare which type of instruction Hippocrates
employed in this book.”
46 From Proba’s list point eight is missing, i.e. the manner of the teaching, cf. Riad (1988: 42).
47 This Stephanus might possibly be the same person as the one called Stephanus of Athens
and also Stephanus the Philosopher, a commentator of Aristotle, (see Wolska-Conus 1989).
If so, we would then have an interesting parallel to Sergius of a physician and philosopher
from the Alexandrian school.
48 See Joosse (2013: 503f.) on these writers, with relevant references. Cf. also Overwien (2012:
168).
30 chapter 2
We will now point out some common rhetorical topoi in Sergius’ extant
prefaces, which for the most part are in line with the features of many other
Syriac prefaces, as studied by Riad and whose main points are summarized
in her introduction, where she writes (1988: 15): “The skeleton of a personal
preface, or the personal part of the preface, mostly comprises a request, a
dedication, an expression of unwillingness to write due to the author’s alleged
incompetence, his reasons for writing, and a prayer for assistance.” All these
themes can be abstracted from Sergius’ prefaces and epilogues, as I will show
in what follows (cf. Hugonnard-Roche 2004: 170 f.).
As noted above, most of Sergius’ writings are addressed to a person, whose
name is stated or not, although some writers are supposed to have used even
fictitious addressees, which might have been the case for some of Sergius’
addresses too. The recipient of at least three of Sergius’ works is Theodore,
described by Hunayn ibn Ishaq as the bishop of Karkh Guddan. He is spoken
to as ‘our brother’ (ܢ熏q)ܐ,49 which may indicate that he was either a student
or close friend of Sergius, but who at the time of the composition of the text
probably did not have a higher religious office. This, in contrast to the addressee
of the Pseudo-Aristotelian On the Cosmos, who is spoken to as ܬܟ熏q‘ ܓܒelect
you’ (134.14), who has ‘ordered’ (煟 )ܦܩhim to translate the work and whose
commands Sergius is trying to fulfill. Even if such words are usually employed as
a sign of courtesy, a common topos in many prefaces, I think that the recipients
of these two texts are different persons. The whole preface of the Pseudo-
Aristotelian On the Cosmos gives indeed the impression that its translation
was not a priority to Sergius himself. When Sergius speaks to Theodore (or
Philotheos), he calls him a ‘brother’ who has ‘requested’ (爿q )ܐܦor ‘asked’
(ܠ焏r) him to write or translate a work, and not ‘ordered’. Also the recipient
of the Arabic version of Sergius’ preface is addressed as a ‘brother’ and is
very likely Theodore, since Sergius initially inscribed his medical translations
to him, as stated in his Commentary on the Categories. The addressee of the
Pseudo-Dionysian Corpus is on the other hand difficult to determine from the
information given in the epilogue/preface, but was probably not Theodore.
As far as we can gauge from Sergius’ prefaces, most of his literary produc-
tion came about in consequence of a request from a person, which was a
very common topos.50 In Sergius’ case, the requester is often Theodore. The
49 Note that Philotheos too, the addressee of his Introduction to Aristotle, is twice spoken
to as ܢ熏q‘ ܐour brother’ (§ 1 and § 80), and the latter passage is a literal excerpt from
the Commentary on the Categories (L.47vb5/P.88v23). Thus, ‘our brother’ of the two texts
denotes to two different persons!
50 On the request theme, see Riad (1988: 191 ff.).
sergius as writer 31
and the great many general benefits offered by this kind of knowledge. In the
Arabic version of his translation of Galen’s Commentary to Hippocrates’ On
Nutriment we find (p. 192, tr. 198 by Bos & Langermann):
Dear brother, since you asked me and requested of me many times that
I translate for you some of the books of the Greeks into Syriac, but espe-
cially the treatise that Hippocrates composed about foods, and this was
on account of your love for all knowledge that the soul requires, I assented
and will not deny you that which you asked for and requested; for it is one
of the things that are required.
爯 ܘ̣ܡq ܡܢ爯ܢqܠ焏r 煟q 爯ܥܢq ܗܐ ܐܬܬܙ焏r ܗNow, see how terrified we are when asking you and those
爯ܢqܪ犏 ܡܒ爯ܢqܡ ܕ煟 ܕ̇ܗܘ ܡ.ܬܟ熏q ܕܐ爯qܠq ܐwho are like you, to speak what we reduce, and to correct
焏ܣqq 爯 ̣ܡrܡ ܠܒ煟 ܘܐܢ ܡ58.ܢ熏ܘܢ ܬܡܠܠr ܐܢit if we say something out of place.
.ܘܢ ܬܬܪܨܘܢr ܐܢ爯ܢqrܐܡ
焏qq犏 ܒrqqrܡ ܕܐ煟 ̇ܗܘ ܡrq ܓ焏ܐܢ For what I have found in the copy that was sent from you,
rq ܠܡrܦ犏q 煿 ܠ.qܒ熏q ܬ熏 ܠ爯ܕܪ ܡrrܕܐ beloved, that I have endeavored to keep in perfect com-
焏 ܐܢ牯ܣ熏 ܡ焏 ܠ煟q .ܬܐrqܬܐ ܓܡ熏ܠܡrܒ pleteness, as I neither add anything to those things that
.爯 ܬܢ焏ܦ熏ܠܣq ܠܦ煿 ܠ爯̈ܒrq ܕܡ爯q ܗܠ爏ܡ ܥ煟ܡ are composed here by the Philosopher, nor do I subtract
.qܠqq qq ܐ爯q煿 ܡܢ焏ܪ ܐܢ犏 ܬܘܒ ܡ̇ܒ焏ܘܠ from them (anything) according to my ability.
58 As suggested by Daniel King (personal communication) ܢ熏‘ ܬܡܠܠto speak’ here might be
an error for ܢ熏‘ ܬܡܠto fill’, which would fit here as well, if not better.
sergius as writer 33
In the case of the translations, Sergius has to relate to an authority and the
integrity of his text and therefore maintain the ambition to render the text
faithfully,59 but when it comes to his original works it is a deep-laid technique
to ask for assistance.
The most remarkable, but not uncommon,60 theme that appears in sev-
eral of Sergius’ prefaces is his desire to defend himself by an apology (犟ܡܦ
焏qܘr ܒPs.-Dion. §122, cf. Riad 1988: 179ff.) and in advance refute any criticism
that he expects to come because of envy (焏ܣܡq) and malice (ܬܐ熏ܥqr)ܪ
or difficulty in understanding the meaning (焏ܢqܬܐ ܕܪܥ熏 )ܥܣܩof some of
his works. Several of his prefaces contain the word ‘envy’ (焏ܣܡq)61 and
‘blame’ or ‘criticism’ (焏qܠ煟)ܥ62 and different forms of the verb ܠ煟‘ ܥto blame’,
‘reproach’.63 It seems that Sergius expects to be subjected to the envy and crit-
icism of others, perhaps because of his close association with Hellenistic cul-
ture.
As it has been noted, the criticism might according to Sergius depend on
envy and malevolence of some persons or the difficulty to comprehend the
meaning of a text. But instead of enviously criticizing him, which is to no
benefit, Sergius asks his readers to correct him mercifully (Ps.-Dion. § 122): 焏ܠ
ܬܪܨrܬܐ ܢ熏ܡܢqr ܒܡ焏ܠ ܐܠ煟ܥr ܢ焏ܣܡq‘ ܒwe may not be reproached
with envy, but be corrected in mercy’, (cf. also Commentary on the Categories
P.3r23). He usually recommends his readers seek what is to the general help
and search for the benefits that are offered in the books in front of them. But if
the criticism comes from the difficulty of understanding the meaning of the
text, he recommends his readers reread a book several times if the topic so
requires and if he yet finds anything obscure, he should go to someone who
is able to instruct and explain it to him (Commentary on the Categories P.3r2–
5): 爯ܢ ܡ焏 ܢܡ爯q煟q ܗ焏 ܘܐܦܠ.ܛ熏ܡ ܕܥܡ煟ܐ ܡ熟qr ܢ焏ܢq ܘܐܦ ܗ爯q煟ܐܢ
ܥ煟q̇ 焏 ܕܠ焏 ̇ܗܘ ܡ煿ܐ ܠ熏qܬܐ ܘܡr ܡqqr ܕܡrܬ ܐܢ熏ܙܠ ܠ焏‘ ܕܠܡand also
in this way [i.e. after several readings] if something appears to be obscure, even
then he should not hesitate to go to someone who is able to instruct and show
him what he does not know’.
But the unusually long defense that Sergius offers in the preface to his
Commentary on the Categories made Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 173f.) wonder if
Sergius is not seeking to prevent certain resistance that might arise from the
reception of Aristotle among Syriac readers.64 And it might indeed be the case,
even if such anticipation of criticism was used as a rhetorical figure occasion-
ally. In fact, other writers such as Proba and Job of Edessa also defended their
sciences as the study of Eva Riad (1988: 171, 175ff., and 188) shows, as well as
George, Bishop of the Arabs (Miller 1993: 318f.). Since this anticipation of crit-
icism is present in several of Sergius’ prefaces, it would not be a defense only
of Aristotle, but also of all the new disciplines, of which Sergius was the first
promoter and introducer in the Semitic sphere in general and the Syriac in par-
ticular.
It might also be the case that he is not solely anticipating censure because of
an uncertainty regarding the reception of profane disciplines, but he is rather
responding to criticism that he already had been targeted with. For he does not
only feel compelled to defend his scholarship, but he also needs to point out
his orthodoxy to the Christian faith by renouncing any belief in the teaching
of Aristotle, when he writes in the preface to his Commentary on the Categories
(P.3v1–7):
熏 ܠ.ܐr ܕ̇ܩ焏ܢq ܐ爏qr ܕܢܣ焏 ܐܢr ܐ̇ܡ爯q ܕ爯qܗܠ I will say this in order that the one who reads will under-
ܐ܆rܗ ܕܓܒrq熏ܒrr ܒ焏 ܐܢ煟qq ܕܐ爯 ̇ܡqqܐ stand: it is not so that I hold the doctrine of the man [i.e.
ܒrq ̇ܡ焏r ܗ.爿q ܗrq ܬܪܥrܝ ܒrqܐܘ ܐ Aristotle] or that I am of his opinion—God forbid!—that
爏q ܡ焏 ܐܠ.ܬܗ熏 ܕܡܠܦܢ焏rq ܢ爏 ܥ焏ܐܢ I now compose about the aim of his teaching, but because
爯ܬ ̣ܡr ܕܐܡ焏ܢqq ܐ.qܒ熏q 爯 ̣ܡrq犏ܕܐܬܥ I have been forced by you, beloved, as I mentioned above,
̇ܗܘܐ焏 ܪܒ焏r ܕܕܘܪ焏 ܐܢr ܕܡ̣̇ܣܒ爏q ܘܡ.爏ܠܥ and because I think that a great erudition arises from
爯qܠq焏ܐ܆ ܠrܥ煟q ܬ熏 ܠ焏ܬܪܐ ܪܒ熏 ܘܥ.爯q ܗܠ爯̣ܡ these things, and a great richness towards knowledge for
.爯q煿 ܒ爯qr ̇ܩrq焏ܢrܠ熏qܕܣ those who prudently read them.
ܬܐ熏̈ܒܢrq ܕܡ焏ܠqq 焏܉ ܠ爯q ܗܠ爯 ܡ煟ܒܠܥ Without these [i.e. Aristotle’s logical writings] neither can
ܐrq ܬܪܥ焏 ܘܠ.ܕܪܟrܬܐ ܡ熏qܕܐܣ the effect of medical writings be comprehended, nor can
焏ܢq ܬܘܒ ܪܥ焏 ܘܠ.焏ܥ煟qr ܡ焏ܦ熏̈ܠܣqܕܦ the opinion of the philosophers be understood, nor,
rqܐ ܓrqܕr )…( ܡ焏q煿̈ ܐܠ焏ܒrq̈ܐ ܕrqrr indeed, the true sense of the divine Scriptures (…). For
̈ 煟q 爯q煿ܠq ܬ熏 ܕܠ焏ܒܠ熏rܘ
焏ܠqq 爯 ܕܡqqܐ ܐrܥ education and direction towards all the sciences, as far as
煟q ܐܢ ܒ焏 ܐܠ.ܘܐ煿 ܕܢ焏qqr ܡ焏܉ ܠ焏qrܐܢ human ability is concerned, cannot take place except only
.ܬܐ熏ܠq ܕܒܡܠ焏rܕܘܪ through training in logic.
After having presented Sergius’ individual works and some rhetorical topoi
in their prefaces, I shall in translation quote the information about Sergius
provided by Ibn Abi Usaibia ( ا بن أبي أصيبعةIbn ʾAbī ʾUṣaybiʿa, 1203–1270), a
physician and historian from Damascus, in his The Best Accounts of the Classes
of Physicians (in Arabic ʿUyūn al-Anbāʾ fī Ṭabaqāt al-Aṭibbāʾ, vol. i, p. 109, ed.
Müller, tr. Kopf):
67 This English translation was made by the orientalist Lothar Kopf (d. 1964), but was
never published, until it was made available online by Roger Pearse in 2011 (see http://
www.tertullian.org/fathers/index.htm#Ibn_Abi_Usaibia). An unsatisfactory edition of the
Arabic text was made by August Müller (Cairo, 1882). A new edition, based on the best
manuscripts, and a new English translation will be produced within the scope of the
project A Literary History of Medicine Project (see http://krc2.orient.ox.ac.uk/alhom/index
.php/en/).
sergius as writer 37
philosophical and medical works from Greek into Syriac” (tr. Budge 1932: 56f.;
slightly modified). This ancient tradition which describes Sergius as the first
translator of Greek philosophical and medical works into Syriac is taken up and
upheld also by modern scholars.68
Later on, Ibn Abi Usaibia says (vol. i, p. 189, ed. Müller, tr. Kopf): “I have
come across some of the Sixteen Books as translated from Greek into Syriac
by Sergius the Physician and from Syriac into Arabic by Musā ibn Khālid the
Interpreter.” The mention of Sixteen Books translated from Greek is probably a
reference to the sixteen medical books by Galen, which are assumed to have
been part of the Alexandrian medical curriculum and that Sergius translated
all of them into Syriac, according to Ibn Abi Usaibia. He records also that
Sergius’ Syriac versions of Galen were translated into Arabic by Musa ibn Khalid
(the Tarjuman), an associate translator of Hunayn. In his Risāla,69 Hunayn ibn
Ishaq ( حنين بن إسحاقḤunayn bin ʾIsḥāq) informs us that Sergius translated about
twenty six books from the Galenic corpus. That Sergius made a pioneering
and tremendous contribution to Syriac medical tradition is evident, as is the
enormous significance of his translations for later Arabic translations. It seems
that all subsequent physicians and translators of medical texts related to him.
Therefore, an episode present in Ibn Abi Usaibia is suggestive (vol. i, pp. 185 f.,
ed. Müller, tr. Kopf):
Then, one day, I visited Jibrāʾīl ibn Bakhtīshūʿ70—it was after his return
from al-Maʾmūn’s camp, a short time before his death—and found with
him Hunayn, who had translated for him parts of one of Galen’s anatomi-
cal works (according to the division made by some Greek writers). Jibrāʾīl
spoke to him respectfully, addressing him as Rabbān Hunayn, in other
words, teacher. This surprised me, and Jibrāʾīl, noticing my amazement,
said: ‘Do not think that the respect I pay to this youngster is exaggerated;
for, by Allāh, if he is granted long life, he will outshine Sergius and all
the other translators’. (This Sergius mentioned by Jibrāʾīl was from Raʾs
al-ʿAyn; he was the first to translate Greek scientific material into Syr-
iac.)71
68 Renan (1852b: 15): “atque inter eos Sergius Resainensis uno ore prædicatur, qui primus
Aristotelem syriacum fecit.” See also Brock (1982: 21) and Watt (2008: 764f.).
69 That is, Hunayn’s Letter on the Syriac and Arabic translations of Galen’s works, whose
original Arabic version with a German translation is edited by Bergsträsser (1925).
70 For the East Syrian Boḵtīšoʿ family, see Sourdel (1960: 1298).
71 This scenario and the final statement about Sergius are also found in Ibn al-Qifṭī’s Taʾrīḫ al-
Ḥukamāʾ (written in 1249), who states (١٧٥/175.4 f., ed. Lippert): ّوسرجيس هذا الرأس ع َي ْنى
38 chapter 2
Bar ʿEbroyo too gives this scenario from Ibn Abi Usaibia in his Secular Chron-
icle, (Book x: 162.21–23): .[爯qܢ熏qܗ ]ܕrܥ煟q [ܥ熏rqrq熏 ܒr ܒ爏qr ]ܓܒq ܢܣ煟q
焏qq̇ ܐܢ.焏̈ܒqq ܠܡr ܘܐܡ.ܗ煿ܡr 爯qܢ熏q 爯 ܘܪܒ.ܗrܩq qܐܣܓ
焏qܢqܥr ܪ爿qܓr ܠܣ焏ܗܕܢ熏 ܥ犟ܒr 焏 ܠ.焏ܡq ܥܠ焏“ ܗܢAnd when [Gabriel
Bôkht-Îshoʿ] had tested [Ḥûnain’s] knowledge, he honoured him greatly, and
he named him ‘Rabban Ḥûnain’. And he said to those who were present, ‘If this
young man lives he will not leave any reputation to Sargîs (Sergius) of Râsʿain’ ”
(tr. Budge pp. 147f.; slightly revised). So, when Hunayn in his Risāla disparages
the quality of Sergius’ translations,72 it might be a way to fulfill the statement of
this prophesy to his own advantage. As noted by Brock (1991: 151 f.), such depre-
ciations might also depend on the new lexical innovations and word-formation
in Syriac from the days of Sergius to that of Hunayn, and less likely be due
to the perception of translation techniques, since both Sergius and Hunayn
seem to have been reader-orientated translators with a more free approach to
the source text. And the discovery of the so called Syriac Galen Palimpsest has
revealed that “Ḥunayn is far more indebted to Sergius’ efforts than one would
guess from Ḥunayn’s own account of how he rendered Galen into Syriac and
Arabic.”73 This document seems to show also that the quality of Sergius’ trans-
lations of medical works is much better than the current predominant picture,
which has been influenced by Hunayn’s and Ibn Abi Usaibia’s statements.
There has been some discussion of Sergius’ degree of competence in the Syr-
iac language, and Fiori (2011b: 180–182) ventures the possibility that Sergius
was more versed in Greek than in Syriac. This question is induced by what
Sergius says in the preface to Pseudo-Dionysius, where he tells that he has been
assisted by a certain Stephen in the accomplishment of that translation. Also in
the introduction to his Commentary on the Categories, addressed to Theodore
(P.1v20–25), he reports that when he was translating some of Galen’s works the
same Theodore was correcting and adapting the wording of the language to the
natural idiom of Syriac. But this might indicate that some translators worked in
pairs according to a procedure where the more fluent translator in the source
ّ‘ م َن نقل علوم اليوناني ّين الى السر يانىand this Sergius of Reshaina is the one who translated
Greek sciences into Syriac’. I owe this reference to Iskandar (1976: 246).
72 See, for instance, his judgment of the translations of works by Sergius numbered 7, 11,
13, and 15 in Bergsträsser’s edition, (cf. Fiori 2010c: 84ff.). An unfavourable judgment of
Sergius’ translations is also made by Ibn Abi Usaibia (vol. i, p. 204), who probably bases it
on the information provided by Hunayn. Cf. also Baumstark (1894: 364f.), and esp. Bhayro
(2005: 152–157) on this view of Sergius’ translations.
73 Bhayro et al. (2013b: 143); cf. Bhayro & Brock (2013: 31, 40). See also above 2.1.3, the account
of Sergius’ adaptation of Alexander’s On the Principles of the Universe.
sergius as writer 39
language made an initial and rather literal translation of a text orally and the
assistant person, with less sufficient knowledge of the source language but in
good command of the target language, transferred it into a more idiomatic
expression in writing, as proposed by Sebastian Brock, (personal communica-
tion and Brock 2003: 16f.; cf. also Hugonnard-Roche 2004: 135). With reference
to Sergius’ report, Brock writes (2003: 17): “This suggests that Sergius himself
would provide an oral translation that was pretty literal, and this would be
put into more idiomatic Syriac by his colleague.” Also according to the report
of Hunayn, Sergius translated at least Galen’s book The Causes and Symptoms
twice (no. 14 in Bergsträsser’s edition), first before he studied in Alexandria and
again after his education there. This may mean that Sergius was from an early
age bilingual or that he had obtained some medical training and knowledge of
Greek somewhere in Syria before he travelled to the school of Alexandria for
advanced studies in medicine and philosophy. In this connection, it is worth
noting that Hunayn did not find Sergius’ Syriac defective, when he criticized
him, but rather that he did not understand the contents (see statement on no. 11
in Bergsträsser’s edition).
chapter 3
1 In Greek: Θεοδοσιόπολις and Θεοδοσιούπολις, and the city received this name in 383 by Theo-
dosius i (347–395).
2 That is, Khabur River (Syriac ܪ熏ܒq Ḥabūr, Arabic الخابورal-Ḫābūr). It is a variant spelling
of Ἀβόρρας Aborras, which more often is written Χαβώρας Chabôras. In the chronography
of John Malalas (c. 491–c. 578), Reshaina is defectively written as Ῥοφαεινᾶ Rhophaeina
(267.84).
3 Vatican Syriac 37, fol. 176r–191v (unedited, but images of this manuscript are available on
the cd entitled Syriac Manuscripts from the Vatican Library, Vol. 1 (Bibliotheca Apostolica
Vaticana; Brigham Young University, 2005) and at http://digi.vatlib.it/view/MSS_Vat.sir.37).
1995: 433). The Life of Mar Aha records that there was a big church in the city
where teaching in Bible and the books of Christian teachers was offered to the
children (176v1–10), and that beside the city there was a lake where Mar Aha’s
family used to fish (176r18–20), and that there was also a bridge to the west of
the city (176v14f.).4
If Hunayn’s report that Sergius had translated some Greek medical books
before studying in Alexandria (Letter, no. 14) is true, then Sergius must have
acquired knowledge in Greek and medicine somewhere in Syria, or possibly
in another Greek city. Moreover, we should not forget that bilingualism was
quite widespread in Syria during Late Antiquity (see Brock 1994). Sergius died
in 536 and we may assume that he received his more advanced education in
Alexandria sometime during the late fifth or early sixth century. This assump-
tion is based on the quite large-scale literary production he managed to pro-
duce before his death and the period when his supposed teacher of philos-
ophy, Ammonius Hermeiou, held the chair of philosophy at Alexandria, that
is from about 475 to sometime between 517 to 526, the time during which he
according to the evidence must have died (cf. King 2010a: 176 n. 73). Most likely,
Sergius went to Alexandria primarily in order to study medicine, but the medi-
cal curriculum of the Alexandrian school included comprehensive preparatory
studies in other topics too, although the Greek evidence for the arrangement
of this curriculum is meagre and not conclusive. It has been shown by Wes-
terink (1964) that the medical and philosophical teaching at the Alexandrian
school was closely related in the sixth and seventh centuries. Therefore, it has
been suggested that the teachers at this school were philosophers and physi-
cians at the same time, giving lectures both in the philosophy of Aristotle and
Plato and in the medicine of Hippocrates and Galen. In his study, Roueché
(1999) evaluates the evidence for some of the candidates being both φιλόσοφος
καὶ ἰατρός ‘philosopher and physician’ at Alexandria during the sixth century,
but does not find sufficient support for any of them being so in fact. Perhaps,
it is more fruitful to apply an inverted viewpoint on the situation, namely to
speak of a ἰατρὸς καὶ φιλόσοφος ‘a physician and philosopher’ or ‘a physician-
philosopher’ (cf. Iskandar 1976: 240, 248). An accomplished physician simply
was to a much higher degree expected to be well-versed in philosophy than
4 On Reshaina, see further Takahashi & Van Rompay (2011) and Fiori (2010c: 98f.).
42 chapter 3
5 Perhaps also the little known physician, Asclepius, the namesake and fellow-pupil of Ascle-
pius of Tralles, who like Sergius, studied under Ammonius (see King 2010a: 177 n. 79). In his
commentary On Aristotle’s Metaphysics, Asclepius of Tralles has the following testimony to
him (143.31f., ed. Hayduck): Ἀσκληπιὸς ὁ τῆς ἰατρικῆς τέχνης διδάσκαλος ὁ σὺν ἡμῖν ἐνδιατρίψας
τοῖς μαθήμασιν ‘Asclepius, the professor of the medical art, who with us attended the lectures’
(of Ammonius), cf. Westerink (1964: 172 n. 11). As a parallel, Fiori (2014: 68) mentions also the
Neoplatonist Asclepiodotus of Alexandria (second half of the fifth century), who seems to
have received medical training with a certain Jacob/Jacobus Psychrestus; (on Asclepiodotus
and the medical knowledge of other Neoplatonists, see Wilberding 2014, and on Jacob Psy-
chrestus, see Prioreschi 2001: 80 f.).
sergius’ educational background 43
dents followed the curriculum of a certain subject, or the cursus that led to
a certain profession, whether medicine, philosophy, or grammar. For jurispru-
dence many students, like Severus of Antioch and Zachariah of Mytilene, chose
the famous Law School of Beirut (on which, see MacAdam 2001), after their
preparatory studies in Alexandria. Some kind of theological instruction was
certainly also offered to the Christian students in Alexandria, though probably
separately and independently from the secular or pagan teaching. Therefore,
we may also assume that different teachers gave lectures in their own spe-
cial branch of knowledge and that the students could have several teachers,
whose lectures they attended of their own interest for the optional courses
and of necessity for the compulsory ones. The chronology and great vestiges
of influence indicate clearly that Sergius’ teacher in philosophy (esp. logic) was
Ammonius Hermeiou (c. 440–c. 525), who instructed in philosophy at Alexan-
dria for a great part of his life and many famous students attended his lectures
and made notebooks from them. Thus, most likely, as a medical student, Sergius
was expected to attend the preparatory lectures in logic (and ethics) given by
Ammonius, which usually formed an important part of the elementary training
offered to the students of various branches of the sciences. But in his intro-
duction to Commentary on the Categories, Sergius hints at the fact that he has
received more advanced philosophical education than was offered within the
scope of the propaedeutics.
As noted, the evidence for what was included in the medical curriculum of
the Alexandrian school is scanty in the Greek tradition, but from the Arabic
tradition we have some reports by inter alia Ali ibn Ridwan ( علي بن رضوانʿAlī bin
Riḍwān, d. 1061), even if the credibility of that material is questionable. Based
on the Arabic sources, mainly Ibn Ridwan, Iskandar (1976) has made a recon-
struction of the medical curriculum that the students of the Alexandrian school
probably followed (cf. also Gutas 1999: 158–168). In a schematic representation,
Iskandar (1976: 257f.) gives a list of the different preparatory courses, both the
optional ones, such as “language and grammar” (probably including rhetoric),
and the compulsory topics, such as “logic […], physics, arithmetic, numerals,
measurement, geometry, the compounding of drugs, astrology, and ethics”, (cf.
also Marasco 2010: 210). Especially, the study of logic and ethics was required of
the students, but there were different opinions about the order in which they
should be read, as discussed by Gutas (1985). Some of the Alexandrian teachers,
like Ammonius, viewed logic to be a tool or a discriminating instrument for all
disciplines, helping the students to understand the sciences and discern their
fallacies, and therefore they argued that one ought to start with logic before
philosophical ethics. Yet, these professors deemed awareness of morals impor-
tant and recommended some exercise in practical ethics, before logic, followed
44 chapter 3
6 See also Miller (1993: 311 ff.). As Gutas (1985: 117f.) notes, there were those who had the
opinion that one should start with neither logic nor ethics, but with physics or mathe-
matics.
7 Two Early Lives of Severos, Patriarch of Antioch, trans. Brock (2013: 38); cf. also The Life
of Severus by Zachariah of Mytilene, translation by Ambjörn (2008: 12). For Horapollon,
see further Brock’s note 25 at p. 37 and the index at p. 163; or pp. 10, 18, 20, 24, and 30 in
Ambjörn’s translation; also Watts (2006: 217, 225, 253 n. 104) and Maspero (1914).
8 See Ibn Ridwan apud Iskandar (1976: 248 f., also 257) and Gutas (1999: 164); see also Simpl.
15.12–25.
9 Cf. Roueché (1999: 58–61) and Gutas (1999: 179–187 and 2012: 86 n. 18).
10 The first part consisting of the four books: Categories, On Interpretation, Prior Analytics,
and Posterior Analytics and the second part of the other two books of Organon, being
Topics and Sophistical Refutations, plus Aristotle’s Rhetoric and Poetics, which usually were
included in the Organon, (on this inclusion, see Black 1990: 31–36).
sergius’ educational background 45
interest in the Organon’s four first books, constitute a mutual support for this
being the state of things.11 A further support for this claim is perhaps found
in the report of Dadisho Qatraya (焏qrqܥ ܩ熏rq ܕܕDadīšoʿ Qaṭrāyā, late sev-
enth century), who in his Commentary on the Book of Abba Isaiah (181.13–21, ed.
Draguet) says that some anchorites were tempted to continue reading these
preparatory works of Aristotle even after their entering into an ascetic way of
life:12
焏rq ܒ焏ܒr ܩ焏ܢ煿 ܒ焏qr犏ܬܐ ܡ煿̈ ܐܒqܡ熏̈qܒ In the days of the Egyptian fathers, in this evil and destruc-
熏 ܒܓ焏q煟qq̈q 爟ܐ ܥ熏̈q ܕ熏ܒr ܐܩ.焏q熏qܘܢ tive war, the demons made war against the solitaries in-
爯qܦqrqܘܢ ܘ煿 ܗܘܘ ܒ爯q ܕܪܕ爯qܠq焏 ܠ煟q ܇焏qܠr side the retreat, urging those among them who were (bet-
焏ܠܦܢ熏qܘܢ ܕܒ煿 ܗܘܘ ܠ爯q犏ܘܢ ܥ煿ܙܓ熏ܒܡ ter) educated and (more) temperamental, to be studious
ܘܘܢ煿 ܢ焏qܢ熏̈qܐ ܕrܡqq ܘܒ焏ܦ熏̈ܠܣqܕܦ in the teaching of the philosophers and in the wisdom
ܗܝ熏̈ܒrq ܒ爯q ܘܗܪܓ爯qr ܩ煟q .爯qqqܡܠ of the Greeks, reading and reflecting on the writings of
煿 ܠ爯qܡqܢ ܕܣ熏 ̇ܗܢ.焏ܦ熏ܠܣq ܦ爿qܠqqܕܐܪܣ Aristotle the philosopher, those which he wrote on the
爯q ܕ焏 ܐܢr ܐ̇ܡ.ܬܐ熏ܠq ܕܡܠ焏ܠܦܢ熏q 爏ܥ knowledge of logic, I mean, the Categories, On Interpre-
焏qrr ܘ.焏ܩqܕܩ熏 ܘܐܦ爿ܡܢrqr ܘܦ.爿qr熏ܓqܩ tation, the Apodeictics [i.e. Posterior Analytics], and the
焏ܒܢ熏q ܘܢ煿ܢ ܠ熏qܢ ܕܡ熏܇ ̇ܗܢ爯q ܗܠqqܕܐ like, those which the blessed Evagrius rebukes with proofs
̈
.焏rq煟 ̈ܩ焏̈ܒrq 爯ܐ ܕܡrq熏qr ܒ爿qrܐܘܓ from the holy books.13
Note that also Dadisho counts up to the fourth book of the Organon, namely
to Posterior Analytics, even though the Prior Analytics is omitted here. The
fact that he refers to Evagrius of Pontus (345–399), who was anterior to the
Alexandrian school of Ammonius, is perhaps of lesser importance, and we
should deem the attraction that Aristotle’s works exercised on people as a
reflection of Dadisho’s age.
Even if Sergius’ extant philosophical commentaries and treatises are con-
cerned with themes dealt with primarily in the Categories, they include also dis-
cussions from On Interpretation and Porphyry’s Eisagoge, and even the Physics.
At the same time, we have Sergius’ testimony in the introduction to the Com-
mentary on the Categories, where he says that he plans to expound and intro-
duce all of Aristotle’s writings in separate commentaries, presented in a clear
way with the required proofs (see P.7r21–v2 and 9r1–8, L.3rb5–30/P.17v13–24,
and L.60vb1621, cf. Watt 2010: 29). And in the section on motion, he states
11 Also Gutas (1999: 181–184) seems to embrace the view that the first four books of Organon
were studied, apart from possibly the formal logic section of Posterior Analytics (i 8–22),
which can have been excluded from the curriculum that was studied with a teacher.
12 This reference is found in Brock (1982: 31 n. 13).
13 See the French translation of Draguet at p. 140.
46 chapter 3
that he will just in brief deal with motion and more fully in a book on Physics
(L.60ra15–26/P.109v2–5). At another place (P.51v13), he says that he plans to duly
treat the question on ‘matter’ (焏 < ܗܘܠὕλη) in a book on that subject.
After the preparatory courses in grammar (optional), and logic and ethics
(compulsory), which probably were joint for all the students, the medical stu-
dents of the Alexandrian school proceeded their medicine training proper,
reading four chosen books of Hippocrates and sixteen works by Galen.14 Galen’s
books are said to have been studied in seven consecutive grades. Taken this
into account, the close relation of philosophy and medicine, and the common
arrangement of the introductions to medical and philosophical commentaries,
can be explained by the joint classes of the propaedeutic training at the Alexan-
drian school during this period, where such elementary themes and methods
were taught. Furthermore, for medicine, we have the above mentioned Gesius,
who seems to have taught the subject of medicine in the late fifth and early sixth
centuries and, and as suggested by King (2010a: 175 n. 68 and 177 n. 79), might
have been Sergius’ teacher in medicine. According to the record of Zachariah of
Mytilene, in his Ammonius, Gesius himself attended, in his youth, Ammonius’
philosophical lectures together with Zachariah (see lines 5, 10, 359–370, ed.
Colonna, trans. Gertz 2012: 101, 112, and Watts 2006: 232 n. 1). Another candidate
who may have been Sergius’ teacher in medicine is Asclepius, a medical profes-
sor, who together with his namesake Asclepius of Tralles (if not the same per-
son), attended Ammonius’ lectures on Aristotle’s Metaphysics (see above note 5
in this chapter). What is interesting here is that Asclepius, though a medicine
professor and at the time of the course still a student, followed the complete
curriculum of Aristotelian texts culminating with the Metaphysics (cf. West-
erink 1964: 172). As already stated, Sergius most likely did the same and attended
all of Ammonius’ lectures on Aristotle and was determined to, in Syriac, adapt
and present all of Aristotle’s separate works that were part of Ammonius’ philo-
sophical curriculum. Thus, Sergius had probably several teachers in differ-
14 For the title of these 20 books and their (differing) orders, see Ibn Ridwan apud Iskandar
(1976: 249f., also 258) and Ibn Jumay ( ا بن جميعʾIbn Ǧumayʿ, d. 1198) at §79 (Arabic text
p. ٢٦/26 and Eng. tr. p. 19, ed. Fähndrich); see also Westerink (1992: 11f.), Roueché (1999:
557ff.), and Overwien (2012: 166 f.). As stated, both Ibn Ridwan and Ibn Jumay inform us
that four medical books by Hippocrates and sixteen by Galen were studied (cf. Gutas 1999:
164, 167 and 172).
sergius’ educational background 47
As already noted, the study of the first four books (Categories, On Interpretation,
Prior Analytics, and Posterior Analytics) of the Organon had a propaedeutic role
in the education of the students. In turn, they were preceded by Porphyry’s
Eisagoge, since it was viewed as an introduction to the Categories or even to
Aristotle’s entire logic. It is also worth remembering that most of the teachers
and philosophers of the Alexandrian school are characterized as Neoplaton-
ists. Therefore, even if there is a high number of commentaries on Aristotle’s
works extant by the professors of this school than by those from the school
of Athens, these two groups of professors probably considered the study of
the more practical Aristotle to be propaedeutic to the more idealistic and
sublime Plato.15 It has been shown that a philosophical reading curriculum
was established at the time of Proclus (412–485), a student in Alexandria and
later in Athens, who later on became a teacher at the Academy of Athens
15 But that there would be a distinction between the school of Athens and that of Alexan-
dria in their interest in and attitude to the philosophy of Aristotle and Plato has been
questioned by Hadot (2015: 13 ff., passim).
48 chapter 3
and counted Ammonius among his students. As already stated, after the read-
ing of some popular texts for the purpose of moral edification,16 the philos-
ophy students followed a cursus studiorum, beginning with the study of the
three initial subjects consisting of grammar, dialectic, and rhetoric, (the triv-
ium), followed by study of arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy (the
quadrivium). As Marasco (2010: 212–214) shows, the training in rhetoric, math-
ematics, geometry, and astronomy was equally important for the medical stu-
dents, who in a concrete way made practical application of the knowledge
they obtained from these disciplines in their profession as physicians. The
propaedeutic studies of philosophy students proceeded with the reading of
some ethical discourses. The philosophical instruction proper began with Por-
phyry’s Eisagoge, followed by the logical writings of Aristotle’s Organon, con-
tinuing with his practical writings, such as the Ethics and Politics, then with
his theoretical writings, those dealing with both physics and mathematics,17
and finally his theology, as found above all in the Metaphysics. After the read-
ing of Aristotle’s writings, which were considered propaedeutic to those of
Plato, the following dialogues of Plato were studied in two successive cycles:
Alcibiades i, Gorgias, Phaedo, Cratylus, Theaetetus, Sophist, Statesman, Phae-
drus, Symposium, Philebus, Timaeus (important for physical matters), and Par-
menides (which was held to contain the highest theological wisdom).18 Notably,
when Sergius signifies his intentions to introduce and comment on Aristotle’s
different writings he presents them in the order they were studied accord-
ing the curriculum of the Alexandrian school, beginning with the Categories
and the other logic books of what is called Organon, and continuing with the
books on ethics, physics and mathematics, and finally the theological ones
(see L.3rb5–30/P.17v13–24; cf. also Hugonnard-Roche 2004: 80 and Watt 2011:
240f.).
This state of arrangement had its foundation in the Neoplatonists’ esteem of
Plato being a superior philosopher to Aristotle (for this, see Hadot 1992: 422 ff.),
although the Neoplatonists usually argued for there being an essential har-
mony between the two philosophers (Moreau 1976; Hoffmann 2006: 603f. and
Gerson 2006). It is reasonable to assert that the students at the Alexandrian
school could follow the lectures given by the professors in these textbooks,
even if their main subject was medicine or something else, as in the case of
Sergius. In fact, Sergius’ planned enterprise to explicate all of Aristotle’s writings
indicates that he at least attended most of the lectures dealing with Aristotle’s
teaching. And in contrast to most Neoplatonists, he was enough impressed by
Aristotle’s achievements as philosopher and introducer of a useful system into
the sciences, that he should, no doubt, be viewed as a Christian Aristotelian,
rather than a Neoplatonist. The Neoplatonists usually gave priority to Plato over
Aristotle, in cases where they could not conciliate their standpoints, whereas
Sergius is usually faithful to Aristotle and once even refutes Plato’s position in
a ridiculing way (see comm. to §68–74). Nevertheless, he perhaps found some
Platonic ideas attractive and therefore translated the Pseudo-Dionysian corpus
into Syriac, a work that been shown to contain some Neoplatonic theological
elements. But the Peripatetic Sergius agrees with his master Aristotle regarding
the opinion that logic is an instrument of philosophy and not a part, as advo-
cated by the Platonists. He agrees also with him concerning the question of
names being conventional and not natural (see comm. to § 5), and he upholds
Aristotle’s definition of space (see comm. to §68–74). But if Aristotle were set
into opposition to the Bible or Pseudo-Dionysius, Sergius would most probably
espouse the latter.
Moreover, recent archeological discoveries made at the site of Kom el-Dikka,
in Alexandria, where Polish excavations started already in the 1960s, have
revealed a large complex of lecture halls, so far twenty auditoria from probably
the late fifth to the early sixth centuries. Some of these lecture halls have
rectangular shapes, while others have the plan of horseshoe, whose lower
sidewalls are constituted of tiers or rows of benches to serve as seats for the
students. At the end of the rooms a high seat of honour (a thronos) is found
for the lecturer, while in addition to the tiered seats for the students, there
is a central stone block placed on the ground in the classrooms, probably to
function as a pulpit for recitations by one of the students from the books
discussed. The lecture halls had wide entrances without any doors, apparently
enabling also people outside to hear what was said. Likewise, the Roman
theatre at the site was most likely not only for play-acting, but should be viewed
as “the auditorium par excellence, destined presumably for public orations or
rhetorical declamations presented before larger audiences.”19 Sergius might
19 Majcherek (2010: 475); see also Watts (2011: 137ff.) and Sorabji (2014: 30–39).
50 chapter 3
very well have prowled these classrooms and attended the lectures of different
professors in medicine and philosophy.
The main theological work that Sergius showed interest in and translated
into Syriac was the Pseudo-Dionysian corpus. As first proposed by Bettiolo
(2005: 97f.) and followed by others, the Pseudo-Dionysian corpus was (along
with Evagrius of Pontus’ spiritual writings) perhaps envisaged by Sergius as
a substitute for the Platonic writings that constituted the final stages of the
philosophical curriculum of that school. Considering that Pseudo-Dionysius
was indebted to the Platonic theology of Proclus,20 it is likely that Sergius
regarded it proper to transfer a Christian version of this theology purged from
pagan elements. He may actually have been aware of the correct tradition of
the Pseudo-Dionysian corpus and even known its real author (cf. Stang 2012:
25), but it is perhaps more likely to assume that he believed that “Dionysius”
in fact had anticipated the Neoplatonic philosophy of Proclus and others.
Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor reports that Sergius was “trained in the reading of
many books of the Greeks, and in the teaching of Origen. He had studied the
interpretation of books by other teachers in Alexandria for some time” (see
above p. 4). The “many books of the Greeks” may refer to the philosophical
textbooks of the Alexandrian school, while the “books by other teachers” may
refer to works by Evagrius of Pontus and Pseudo-Dionysius among others.
20 On this, see Saffrey (1966, 1979, and 1998), Perl (2010), and cf. Stang (2012: 26–31).
chapter 4
The question why Sergius did not make a translation of the Categories, but con-
fined himself to a commentary, is touched upon by Hugonnard-Roche (2004:
81) and discussed more in detail by Watt (2010: 29–34). Watt believes that
Sergius envisaged his commentary to be read together with the Greek version
of the Categories by a well-informed intellectual elite with sufficient knowl-
edge of the Greek language. This is a probable presumption, though a signif-
icant fact speaks against it, which also displays the major difference between
Sergius’ commentary and the nearest related compositions from the Alexan-
drian school, especially those of Ammonius and Philoponus. I refer to the differ-
ent structure of the commentaries at hand. Ammonius’ and Philoponus’ texts
are formed as lemmatic commentaries, where a lemma or portion from the Cat-
egories is quoted and explicated, while Sergius’ text is thematically organized
and various questions briefly introduced and discussed in a way that the line
of reasoning is comprehensible even independently from the text of Aristotle.1
The study of a source text obviously benefits from a lemmatic commentary and
therefore, if Sergius intended his exposition to be used as a complement to the
Categories, also he ought to have formed it in that way. At the same time, if
his commentary was intended to be read in a school setting one must assume
that at least the teacher should have access to the complete Greek version of
the Categories. Of course, certain Syriac readers who were bilingual and had
access to Aristotle’s original writings in Greek would be able to read them in
an unexpurgated form. Worth noting is that when Sergius announces his plans
to comment on all of Aristotle’s writings he does not mention anything about
translating any of them. As I have shown in the exposition of the rhetorical
features of Sergius’ prefaces (at 2.2), the introduction of Aristotle’s philosophy
in Syria was not unproblematic, at least in some of its pagan aspects, in con-
trast to Galen’s medicine which served a practical usage. So, by choosing to
write commentaries on Aristotle’s writings, Sergius was in a better position
to decide what would be transmitted and what should not be. In a transla-
1 For the different kinds of commentaries that were written and how they were arranged, see
Hadot (2004).
tion he would not have the same freedom, so long as he stayed close to the
text. Although the Categories does not contain much controversial material,
problems could arise during Sergius’ long-range plans of transposing Aristo-
tle’s other works into the Syriac milieu. In some of his works, Sergius exhibits
a Christianizing tendency and plays down some pagan ideas, especially in his
adaptation of Alexander of Aphrodisias’ On the Principles of the Universe (see
King 2010a: 167ff.)2 and it may be the main reason why Sergius did not make
a regular translation of that work. Adaptations of a similar nature could have
been a possibility for Sergius also in translating Aristotle’s works. However, the
expository approach enabled Sergius to include also the discussion on Aristo-
tle’s separate works as they were expounded at the school of Ammonius and
not the text of Aristotle’s treatise alone, which had a demanding level of diffi-
culty.
Next, I will present the significant philosophers and commentators from earlier
periods and those active in Alexandria during the approximate time of Sergius,
especially those who evidently had an important impact on Sergius and appear
frequently in the commentary section of my present book. Three categories
of thinkers must be taken into account here: the earlier commentators whose
writings influenced Sergius directly or indirectly, the contemporary ones who
orally and in writing formed Sergius’ world of ideas, and the later ones with
whom Sergius shared a common legacy of ideas. The focus will be on their
commentaries on the Aristotelian writings.
Among the earlier individuals whose ideas are reflected in Sergius’ philosophi-
cal writings we mention first Alexander of Aphrodisias, perhaps the best known
Peripatetic commentator of Aristotle (cf. Fazzo 2004: 6–11). He was appointed
professor of Aristotelian philosophy in Athens some time between 198 and 211
and composed commentaries on most of Aristotle’s logical works, among them
on the Categories and On Interpretation, which are lost, and on Aristotle’s the-
2 The first Syriac translation of Porphyry’s Eisagoge, which might have been translated by
Sergius, displays also a few Christianized features.
sergius as a commentator of aristotle 53
3 A listing of Alexander’s lost and extant works can be found in Sharples (1987: 1182–1194).
4 Greek Πρὸς Γεδάλειον and Latin Ad Gedalium ‘To Gedaleios’, see Simpl. (10.21, 33.14, 34.1,13).
Assumed discovered remnants of it were recently published and translated by Chiaradonna
et al. (2013).
5 For Porphyry, see also ch. 8 n. 21, and Strange (1987), Ebbesen (1990), Karamanolis (2004, 2006:
243–330, and 2014), and Smith (2010).
54 chapter 4
totle’s list of categories is true, in an analogical way, for all levels of reality.” In
turn, Iamblichus’ commentary on the Categories influenced that of his pupil
Dexippus (fl. 350) on the same treatise, as well as that of Simplicius. He wrote
a commentary on Prior Analytics and also probably On Interpretation, but both
are lost.6
The next group begins with the main individual among the philosophy profes-
sors at the Alexandrian school, namely Ammonius, son of Hermeias. Around
470, about twenty years after his father Hermeias’ death in c. 450, he became
a lecturer in philosophy at Alexandria. Hermeias had studied with Syrianus
(died c. 437), the Neoplatonist professor of the Academy of Athens, and later
introduced the doctrine of that school in Alexandria (on him, see Westerink
1990: 325f.), while his son Ammonius had studied with Proclus (412–485) in
Athens. Ammonius’ reputation rests mainly on his lectures on Aristotle and the
commentaries they generated, but also on the eminent students that emerged
from his school. By his own hand we have only the commentary On Interpre-
tation,7 but some recordings of his lectures by some of his pupils are extant.
Such dictated commentaries are usually said to have come about apo phônês
‘from the voice of’ a lecturing teacher (see Richard 1950). Among these works
edited by his pupils, that on Eisagoge, Categories, and Prior Analytics i bear
Ammonius’ name, while that on Metaphysics bears the name of his student
Asclepius of Tralles.8 Also four of John Philoponus’ commentaries on Aristo-
tle are stated to be recordings of Ammonius’ lectures on them: Prior Analyt-
ics, Posterior Analytics, On Generation and Corruption, and On the Soul. How-
6 For Iamblichus, see also ch. 8 n. 22, and Dillon (2010), Griffin (2012), and Karamanolis (2014).
7 Blank (2010: 661): “Of his writings, the only one which survives in the written form he himself
published is his commentary (hupomnēma) on the De interpretatione, which is based on
Proclus’ lectures on that text, with the addition of other material, especially from Porphyry’s
huge commentary.”
8 Westerink (1990: 326): “Asclepius, having nothing of his own to add, mixed his lecture notes
with extracts from Alexander, but only as far as the fourth book, 5, 6 and 7 being apparently
pure Ammonius.” For a study on Ammonius’ metaphysics as recorded by Asclepius, see
Verrycken (1990: 204–210 and 218–223). Also a second extant text under Asclepius’ name,
the Commentary to Nicomachus’ Introduction to Arithmetic, is believed to be based on a
course by Ammonius, since a related commentary bearing Philoponus’ name has survived
too.
sergius as a commentator of aristotle 55
ever, Philoponus usually added observations of his own9 and of others to his
editions (Westerink 1990: 326). As my annotations to Sergius’ introduction to
Aristotelian philosophy edited here clearly indicate, his expositions on the
Categories, to a high degree, rely upon Ammonius’ lectures as well. In addi-
tion to Sergius, Asclepius, and Philoponus, we find among Ammonius’ stu-
dents Simplicius and also probably Olympiodorus and Eutocius, while among
those who only attended some of his lectures there are Damascius (c. 458–
after 538), Gesius, and Zachariah of Mytilene. Because of this, Blank (2010:
661) writes: “For us, Ammonius is indeed most important as a commentator
on Aristotle and as the founder of the tradition of Aristotelian commentary in
Alexandria which continued through his pupils Asclepius, Philoponus, Simpli-
cius and Olympiodorus, who were in turn followed by Elias, David, Ps.-Elias and
Stephanus.”10
Among all of Ammonius’ pupils, John Philoponus (c. 490–c. 570, also known
as John of Alexandria and John the Grammarian), became the most distin-
guished. He probably entered Ammonius’ school around 510 (Watts 2006: 237),
but did not succeed Ammonius as a professor of philosophy at the Alexan-
drian school, as noted by Westerink (1990: 328): “Philoponus never held the
chair, for he is always given the title of grammatikos (professor of philology),
never that of philosophos.”11 Even if he might have taught philosophy for a
short time after 529, he was more likely teaching grammar. MacCoull (1995:
49 n. 13 and 51f.) believes that Philoponus was bilingual in Greek and Cop-
tic. As already mentioned, he is responsible for the edition of some commen-
taries, which are said to be the results of Ammonius’ lectures, to which he
also added some “observations” of his own. Philoponus’ literary production
was both versatile and extensive.12 Seven of his commentaries on Aristotle are
9 For example his On Generation and Corruption has the title: Ἰωάννου Γραμματικοῦ Ἀλε-
ξανδρεύς σχολικαὶ ἀποσημειώσεις ἐκ τῶν συνουσιῶν Ἀμμωνίου τοῦ Ἑρμείου μετά τινων ἰδίων
ἐπιστάσεων εἰς τό πρῶτον τῶν περὶ γενέσεως καὶ φθορᾶς Ἀριστοτέλους ‘John the Grammar-
ian of Alexandria’s school notes from the seminars of Ammonius, son of Hermeias, with
some of his own observations on the first of the books On Generation and Corruption of
Aristotle’.
10 For Ammonius, see Westerink (1990: 325–328), Wildberg (1990), and Blank (2010).
11 For a description of the titles of the teachers in various subjects, see Szabat (2007: 181–
208). A teacher of grammar was called γραμματικός; that of rhetoric σοφιστής or ῥήτωρ;
that of philosophy φιλόσοφος; that of medicine ἰατροσοφιστής; and that of law was called
ἀντεκήνσωρ (< Latin antecessor/antecensor).
12 A complete list of Philoponus’ works can be found in Sorabji (2010: 271–275). According
to Strohmaier (2003) the remnants of a commentary on Galen’s On the Usefulness of the
Parts of the Body (Περὶ χρείας τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώπου σώματι μορίων, De usu partium corporis
56 chapter 4
extant, the above-mentioned four from the lectures of Ammonius and three
which do not purport to be direct results of such lectures. Those that do not
mention Ammonius as their source are On Categories, On Physics (on books
1 to 4, with fragments on books 5 to 8), and On Meteorology i. Furthermore,
he was one of the pagan Ammonius’ Christian pupils, who from about 520
joined the philoponoi and turned against Ammonius’ teaching. He came par-
tially to put his philosophical education in the service of Christianity and for
that purpose composed some theological works. Some of his religious writ-
ings are extant only in Syriac and were edited by Šanda (1930) and van Roey
(1979, 1980, and 1984). Also philosophically he was the most independent and
original among the Neoplatonists of Alexandria and came to criticize certain
aspects of Plato’s and Aristotle’s thinking, especially in his Against Proclus on
the Eternity of the World and Against Aristotle on the Eternity of the World (only
fragments extant), but also in his digressions on space and void in On Physics
(see ch. 8 n. 154). Motivated by his Christian faith, Philoponus attacked Aris-
totle’s view on the eternity of the world/matter13 and disagreed with him on
other philosophical matters such as the nature of space, existence of void, the
need of a fifth element, and on dynamics and optics. He might have written a
now lost commentary on Porphyry’s Eisagoge too, of which Baumstark (1900:
167ff. and 173ff.) claimed to have found some fragments in Syriac. In my com-
ments, I refer sometimes to these fragments, though their authenticity is not
ascertained yet. Philoponus’ commentary on the Categories, which is one of
his early works and probably written some time before 517 (see Sorabji 2010:
78 and 81), contains much material from that of Ammonius (edited by one of
his pupils), but it is sometimes more critical and contains independent obser-
vations too. According to the analysis of Laramée (2000: 309–323), 40 % of
Philoponus’ commentary has literal or approximate correspondences to that of
Ammonius, while the remaining 60% does not display any apparent parallel.
Also Sergius’ commentary seems to share some parts with that of Philoponus.
Especially, the same Christian elements are found in both of them (see comm.
too §24–34).14
Sergius might have known Philoponus personally, though he was probably
older and studied under Ammonius before Philoponus, who is supposed to
humani) in the Arabic translation of Ibn Zurʿa (943–1008) belongs to Philoponus. If true,
it is interesting that Philoponus composed medical texts too.
13 In his adaptation of Alexander’s On the Principles of the Universe, Sergius too excludes
passages that imply the eternity of the world, (cf. King 2010a: 168ff.).
14 For Philoponus, see Wildberg (1998), Watts (2006: 237–256 passim), Verrycken (2010),
Sorabji (2010), Giannakis (2011), and Henry (2011).
sergius as a commentator of aristotle 57
have entered Ammonius’ school around 510. It is also possible that Sergius
encountered Philoponus’ early writings, especially his commentaries on the
Categories and Physics, even if it is more likely that some shared features in their
texts depend on the fact that Ammonius is their common source. Furthermore,
Sergius and Philoponus were not the only Christian students of Ammonius
and some shared Christian elements in their texts can be attributed to the fact
that the Christian students in Alexandria inspired and exhorted one another
to take a critical stand towards some pagan aspects of their masters’ teaching,
which were conceived to be incompatible with Christianity. Even if Sergius
did perhaps not belong to the philoponoi, as suggested by Fiori (2014: 87f.), we
know that they tried to influence the Christian students to avoid some pagan
teachers’ religious rituals, but also to influence the school’s instruction in order
to play down its strongly anti-Christian ideas (Watts 2006: 215 f. and 237–246).
In a way, Christianity may have freed the Christian philosophers like Sergius
and Philoponus from the total dominance of Plato and Aristotle and enabled
them to criticize their teaching whenever they found it inaccurate or just to
disregard the inconvenient parts of their ideas.15
Because of the many parallels between Sergius and Philoponus, Furlani
(1925: 36 and 1926: 139) assumed that Sergius was a student of Philoponus,
rather than of Ammonius. This suggestion has been repeated by some later
scholars too, but relative chronology speaks against this idea, as well as the
lack of solid data for Philoponus’ teaching career (cf. also King 2010a: 176
n. 73 and 177 n. 78). Therefore, it is more reasonable to presuppose Ammonius
as the common source of both of them, and also to take into account the
mutual inspiration that the Christian students probably exercised upon one
another. It is noteworthy that nowhere in his writings does Sergius mention
Ammonius (or Philoponus) by name, but at one occasion he says that he has
acquired knowledge about the nature of space and time from some Christian
philosophers (see my comm. to §68–74). That Sergius does not mention his
presumed teacher Ammonius by name might depend on the fact that he did
not want to be associated with the pagan philosopher. This is understandable if
we take into consideration that the Iamblichian inspired Neoplatonist teaching
in Alexandria, which also included some pagan religious practices, caused at
times strong tensions between its protagonists and those Christian students
who opposed such rites, as clearly depicted in The Life of Severus by Zachariah
of Mytilene. Likewise, in his Discourse on the Spiritual Life, Sergius does not
15 I thank Professor John W. Watt for the insight that Christianity perhaps freed the Christian
philosophers from the strong intellectual authority of Plato and Aristotle.
58 chapter 4
mention two of his sources of inspiration (Fiori 2014: 78f.), namely Evagrius
of Pontus and Origen, probably because both them were accused of heresy.
After the presentation of the most significant antecedents to Sergius and the
associated contemporaries, in the third group we found those subsequent
philosophers who are reliant upon the same learning tradition and with whom
Sergius shared some ideas and features of exegesis. The direct inheritor of the
chair of philosophy after Ammonius was probably the little-known Eutocius
of Ascalon (c. 480–c. 525), who most likely was a pupil of Ammonius and is
above all known as a mathematician, but seems to have taught the Organon for
a few years and, according to the Armenian text of David, he wrote a commen-
tary on Eisagoge.16 Eutocius was succeeded by Olympiodorus (c. 495–c. 570),
who most likely was another of Ammonius’ students. He was also a pagan
and held the chair of philosophy for circa 35 years, from around 525 to his
death. Those of his commentaries that have come down to us consist of anno-
tations taken by his students from his lectures and reflect the texts that were
studied within the philosophical curriculum of Alexandrian school. Five of his
commentaries on the following works survive, on Aristotle’s Categories and
Meteorology, and on Plato’s dialogues Alcibiades i, Gorgias, and Phaedo. Also
a commentary on Porphyry’s Eisagoge is attributed to him, but is now lost. The
commentary on the Categories is prefaced by a prolegomena, being a character-
istic introduction from the Alexandrian school to Aristotle and the Categories.
The commentary proper derives for the most part from Ammonius. One thing
that Olympiodorus shares with Sergius is the discussion on the question of
the function or nature of logic, whether it is an instrument or part of philos-
ophy. They present this discussion in their introductions to the Categories and
not, as most other commentators do, in those to the Prior Analytics17 (Olymp.
16 Westerink (1990: 328). The testimony of David the Invincible is found in his commentary
on Prior Analytics 46.24 f. (ed. Topchyan 2010). Of Eutocius’ works (Knorr 1989: 229) “only
his mathematical efforts survive. These consist of his commentaries on Archimedes’
Sphere and Cylinder Books i and ii, Dimension of the Circle, and Plane Equilibria Books i and
ii, and his commentaries on the first four books of Apollonius’ Conics.” For their edition,
see ibid, p. 243 n. 35. For more on Eutocius, see also Bulmer-Thomas (1971).
17 Cf. Westerink (1961: 131f. and 1990: 343). For more on the question of the nature of logic,
see Hein (1985: 153–162), Correia (2004), Sorabji (2004b: 32–36 with cited literature), and
Adamson (2011: 7–18) for the Arabic tradition.
sergius as a commentator of aristotle 59
14.13–18.12 and Sergius P.9r13–13v10). In the West, Boethius too deals with the
question of logic as part or instrument of philosophy in his commentary on the
Categories (see Magee 2010: 798). Elias (In Analyt. Pr. 134.4 f.) and David, in the
preserved Armenian version of his commentary on Prior Analytics (46.24 f.),
report that Eutocius treated this question in the commentary on Eisagoge.
Olympiodorus might have been the last non-Christian Neoplatonist teacher in
Alexandria.18
In addition to these philosophers, we have three commentaries on Por-
phyry’s Eisagoge, namely the ones by Elias, David, and someone called Pseudo-
Elias by the editor Westerink (1967). Concerning all these three, well-founded
information is very scanty. Other extant works under Elias’ name consist of a
commentary on the Categories and only the beginning of that on Prior Analyt-
ics, where also he discusses the nature of logic. The Eisagoge commentary of
Elias has a prolegomena or a general introduction to philosophy, which can be
placed within the tradition of Alexandrian school. Because of the many par-
allels between the works of Olympiodorus and Elias, the latter is assumed to
have been a student of the former. Elias shares with Philoponus and Sergius the
reserved stance towards the commonly held idea that blindness, a privation,
cannot change into the state of sight again, a stand motivated by their Chris-
tian belief in miracles (see my comm. to §95–98). It seems that Elias himself
became a professor at the Alexandrian school, teaching both philosophy and
medicine, the former subject perhaps comprising only the preparatory courses
of the curriculum of his school.19
Likewise, the commentary on Eisagoge attributed to David is prefaced by
a quite extensive Prolegomena or Introduction to Philosophy. David’s name is
often associated with that of Elias and the same text in various manuscripts
is attributed to either of them. His Prolegomena and commentary on Eisagoge
indicate dependence on those of Elias; therefore he might have been a pupil of
Elias or perhaps as fellow-students both of them attended the lectures of Olym-
piodorus, whom David refers to four times. Also he gave lectures on Aristotle’s
logic and physics and perhaps on Plato. In the Armenian tradition there are sev-
eral texts attributed to David, known as David the Invincible (Arm. Anhaght).20
I have not consulted the anonymous lectures on Eisagoge attributed to Pseudo-
Elias and edited by Westerink in 1967. In his introduction (p. xvi), Westerink
18 For Olympiodorus, see Beutler (1931), Vancourt (1941: 1–7), Westerink (1990: 328–336),
Saffrey (2005), Watts (2006: 234–237), and Opsomer (2010).
19 For Elias, see Blumenthal (1981), Westerink (1990: 336–339), Wildberg (1990), and Goulet
(2000).
20 For David, see Westerink (1990: 339 f.), Barnes (2009), and Calzolari (2009).
60 chapter 4
says that it rather may have been composed at Constantinople in the seventh
century, and according to Mueller-Jourdan (2007: xxv) more specifically in the
first half of that century.
Though not definitely certain, the succession of the philosophy professors
at the Alexandrian school has been outlined. It begins with Hermeias and
continues with his son Ammonius and then Eutocius, (also perhaps Philo-
ponus), Olympiodorus, Elias, David, and Stephanus of Alexandria (c. 550–
c. 635). Stephanus was summoned from Alexandria to Constantinople by
Emperor Heraclius (c. 575–641) sometime about 610 in order to teach philos-
ophy, and perhaps medicine. Even if Neoplatonic teaching at Alexandria might
have continued until the Islamic invasion in 642, there is no clear evidence for
that or for any teacher after Stephanus.
A contemporary to Olympiodorus and student of Ammonius, but not a
teacher at the Alexandrian school, was Simplicius of Cilicia (c. 480–c. 560),
another pagan philosopher. He studied first with Ammonius in Alexandria, but
then departed to Athens and there studied with Damascius. After the “closure”
of the Athenian schools in 529, Simplicius left Athens too and took refuge at
the court of the Persian king Chosroes in Ctesiphon. In 532, Chosroes and Jus-
tinian signed a treaty, which among other things guaranteed the safe return of
pagan philosophers to the Roman Empire without requirement of conversion
to the Christianity. However, it is unclear whether Simplicius ever returned to
Athens, or stayed in Persia, or settled in Harran, as has also been suggested.
What seems clear is that it was after 532 that Simplicius composed his exten-
sive commentaries on Aristotle’s Categories, On the Heavens, Physics, and On the
Soul (authorship disputed), and on Epictetus’ Handbook. His commentary on
the Categories contains many of the ideas discussed by the Alexandrian com-
mentators who emerged from Ammonius’ school, but he quotes many passages
directly from the now lost commentaries of Porphyry and Iamblichus on that
work. However, also formally, Simplicius’ commentary seems neither to be a
direct result of any classroom seminars nor intended to be used in any class-
room teaching.21
In my commentaries to Sergius’ text, occasionally and only for the sake of
comparisons and indications of the conservative nature of this commentary
tradition, I refer to an anonymous Greek commentary on the Categories.22 The
One issue that has been mentioned in passing, but which needs to be explored
in greater detail is the conservative character of the commentary tradition and
the continuous process of recycling ideas and modes of exegesis from previous
23 For John of Damascus and his text, see also Roueché (1974: 65–67), Frede (2005: 166–170),
and Erismann (2011).
24 For Theodore of Raithu, see Chase (forthcoming).
25 For editions of their texts and those of some other Byzantine scholars, see Ierodiakonou
(2005).
26 For the Arabic tradition of Aristotelian and Porphyrian writings, see Geoffroy (2011) and
D’Ancona (2011), and for the oriental tradition of Porphyry’s writings Hugonnard-Roche
(2012).
62 chapter 4
writers and works. This state of affairs is also connected to the question of origi-
nality. Westerink (1990: 348) makes the following concluding statement relating
to the introductions to Eisagoge, Categories or Aristotle from the Alexandrian
school: “In spite of successive additions, the main scheme has remained the
same for a century; but not only the outline is traditional, a great many details,
arguments, illustrative citations and anecdotes, too, have been passed on from
generation to generation.” Already during the second century ad, the commen-
tators began to adopt an archaizing approach towards the classics and to view
the legacy they left behind with greatest respect and highest esteem. Generally,
many philosophers from Late Antiquity and onwards considered that all truth
had already been put forward by Plato and Aristotle, and could not be super-
seded, and that their own aim was to search for it in their writings and faithfully
reveal it to their own students and readers. These commentators had almost the
same approach to the works of Plato and Aristotle as the Christian exegetes had
to Bible. They did not conceive their goal to be that of introducing a new doc-
trine or “religion”, but rather to interpret and explain the truth as it in varying
degrees was hidden in the works of Plato and Aristotle, or in the Bible. There-
fore, it was fully natural for the commentators to appropriate the interpreta-
tions and mode of expositions from earlier commentaries on certain works of
Plato and Aristotle. Especially, if the existing elucidations were considered to
be accurate and useful, they were expected to be borrowed. The commentators’
own ambitions were therefore restricted to providing new insights and present-
ing a clearer and more accessible interpretation than those already available.
After all, among the preliminary points that were dealt with in the prefaces of
these professors and writers, we find the question of the qualities and charac-
teristics that an exegete (ἐξηγητής) was required to have (cf. Hoffmann 2006:
610), and not the question of how to be a good or original philosopher. Above
all, we may not forget the primary point of departure for these exegetes, namely
that their mission was not to come up with some of their own ideas and opin-
ions, but to faithfully and intelligibly lay out the teaching of the masters, as they
understood it. Thus, it was not an ideal among the commentators of this period
to come up with a new “original” philosophy in our sense.27
27 For these conditions and the conservatism of this exegetical commentary tradition, see
Fazzo (2004: 5 f.), and for a discussion on originality, Barnes (2009: 10f.).
sergius as a commentator of aristotle 63
28 See also L.60va29–31: q ܠrܡrܕ ܪ煿 ܕܐܬܥrq犏 ܕܐܬܡqq‘ ܐas I was able to remember,
I have outlined for you’. However, such expressions probably were sometimes used as a
topos.
64 chapter 4
reasonable to assume that Sergius’ texts are also the products of both personal
school notes and memories ‘from the voice of’ Ammonius, or ἀπὸ φωνῆς, as the
background of these lecture commentaries is called in Greek. But when Sergius
is engaged with for example Porphyry, he may either be dependent on what
Ammonius included in his oral teaching from him, or partially on Porphyry’s
own written commentaries, while Sergius certainly had studied the Eisagoge.
Some Christian elements which Sergius shares with Philoponus indicate that
they were in some way connected. Their relation was either direct, as a result of
personal exchange, or indirect, as both of them can have taken part of common
material that was prevailing among Ammonius’ Christian students. A quite rea-
sonable assumption is that during the lectures of Ammonius there was room
for fairly free debates and that the Christian students were able to add their own
viewpoints and remarks to the discussions, possibly as pictured by Zachariah of
Mytilene in his largely fictitious dialog named Ammonius. Worth remembering
is that we certainly do not possess everything that Ammonius taught during
his lectures nor everything that was said by others during those discussions.
Neither was everything recorded, nor has all that once existed in written form
survived. The extant commentaries which are stated to be from the lectures of
Ammonius contain only a portion of his teaching according to the annotations
and memories of certain students. In spite of the conservatism of this school,
we may assume a degree of dynamism in Ammonius’ teaching and in the dis-
cussions connected to them, and not that exactly the same things were said
year after year or lecture after lecture. Thus, no session was presumably just the
same as the previous one and the different groups of students of various years
could be exposed to slightly different presentations and involved in divergent
discussions. Some small variations in the commentaries can be ascribed to this
circumstance.
However, what the parallel passages in Sergius’ texts and the later commen-
tators such as Elias, Olympiodorus, and Simplicius indicate is that some ideas
and wordings have an earlier history than their presently known recorders
and that Sergius represents another important source for the oral teaching
of Ammonius. Since we can rule out that Sergius is dependent on the lec-
tures of Ammonius published by those commentators who are later in date,
we can with considerable certainty conclude that he at least gained some of
his material directly from Ammonius’ oral lectures and that Sergius’ texts there-
fore constitute a significant supplementary source to Ammonius’ philosophical
teaching. A more systematic study of Sergius’ Commentary on the Categories
and extant Greek commentaries from the same tradition will provide fruitful
results and uncover new interrelations.
sergius as a commentator of aristotle 65
The next question is whether Sergius founded a school or at least was teach-
ing any group of students. Indeed, some of his writings were composed at the
request of persons such as Theodore and these texts are didactically designed
to be suitable for classroom teaching.29 Theodore is not depicted as a distant
patron, as the introduction to the Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories shows,
but appears to be an assistant and student of Sergius, who during the read-
ing and translation of Galen’s works asks Sergius from where Galen’s method
of education comes, whether he has received it by himself or by a precur-
sor. It was in this connection that Sergius articulated his words of praise for
Aristotle (Commentary on the Categories P.2r7–10): ܐr ܘܥܠ焏qܪ熏r ܘ焏rqܕܪ
ܘܗܝrܒq 焏ܢrq焏ܣ ܘܠ熏ܢqܕ ܠܓܠ熏q ܒܠ熏 ܠ.ܣ ܗܘܐ熏qܠqqܣqܬܐ ܐܪ熏q ܪܕ煿̇ܠqܕ
爯ܐ ܕܗܘܘ ܡ煿ܡr̈ ܡ焏ܦ熏ܠܠ̈ܣq ܦ焏̈ܒܢrqܘܢ ܡ煿ܠq ܘܐܦ ܠ焏 ܐܠ.ܬܐ熏ܐ̈ܣ
ܪܗr‘ ܒthat Aristotle has become the beginning, start, and principle of all edu-
cation, not only for Galen and for his physician friends, but also for all the
famous philosopher writers who have been after him’. Hearing these words,
Theodore desires to know more about the aim of the philosophy of Aristotle
and convinces Sergius to compose commentaries about his individual writings.
Sergius consents to the request and decides to make a written record of (P.2v8)
qqܡ煟 ܩrq ܗܘ焏ܢrܐ ܡrܡ ܕܒܡܠ煟‘ ̇ܗܘ ܡwhat I [earlier] was verbally say-
ing in front of you’, which would indicate that he was giving oral lectures.
In addition to Theodore, a certain Stephen is mentioned in the introduction
to the translation of Pseudo-Dionysius, who might have been a student of
Sergius. We have of course also Philotheos, the addressee of the Introduction
to Aristotle and his Categories, but we cannot decide whether he was a pupil
of Sergius. That Sergius should be perceived as a teacher to at least Theodore
is evident from another passage, where Sergius says to Theodore (L.53vb38–
54ra6/P.100r6–9): qrq̇ ܐܘrqrq ܕ焏ܢrqܡ ܐ煟 ܡ熏qqrܐ ܠܡ犏 ܡr ܐܢ爯qܐܢ ܕ
爯 ܕܠ爯 ܡrqrq ܢ熏q ܐ̃ܘ ܐ牯 ܠܡܩqܘ ܙܕ̇ܩ ܠ煿̇܉ ܠ爯ܢqr ܕܐ̇ܡ焏 ̇ܗܘ ܡ爯 ܡ焯q ‘if
someone is able to find any additional thing or handle (the topic) better than
what we say, O our brother, you should follow him rather than us’.
These testimonies, the formal structure of Sergius’ Commentary, the intro-
ductory prefaces added to his medical translations, and also the persons that
appear around him, lead to the assumption that he probably was a lecturing
29 We ought also to be aware that most of Sergius’ Syriac readers were yet not well acquainted
with such philosophical discussions, even if they were bilingual, and a didactic exposition
might have taken into account this circumstance too.
66 chapter 4
Though the text I edit and translate here is specified as a ‘tract’ (ܐrܡ焏 )ܡon
the Categories in the single manuscript it is found in, I do not believe that it
is a correct characterization of it. In contrast to Sergius’ traditional Commen-
tary on the Categories, addressed to Theodore, where he mentions Aristotle’s
treatise several times, nowhere in the text to Philotheos does he bring up Aris-
totle’s Categories as the book under discussion. Instead, he calls his own writing
five times meltha (ܐr ܡܠmelləṯā) ‘discourse’ and twice memra (ܐrܡ焏ܡ
m(ʾ)ēmrā) ‘tract/treatise’. Also, its disposition is not that of a typical commen-
tary. In spite of the many coincidences of Sergius’ two texts, the discourse to
Philotheos is not an ordinary commentary on the Categories of Aristotle, even if
it is most likely an abridgment of the commentary proper to Theodore. He per-
haps meant it to be a general introduction to Aristotle’s philosophy.1 Support for
this view is also to be found in other products of the Alexandrian school from
which it originates. As Westerink (1990: 341f.) declares, most of the Alexandrian
philosophers are represented “by an introduction to philosophy in general and
to Porphyry’s Isagoge or by one to Aristotle and the Categories, or by both.”
While the discourse on Aristotle’s philosophy, addressed to Philotheos,
should be reckoned as one of these introductions, the Commentary on Aris-
totle’s Categories (to Theodore) is Sergius’ first composition of many planned
on the separate writings of Aristotle. Because it was the initial part of a greater
project, it is prefaced with a traditional prolegomena, in which he undertakes
to specify his enterprise and deals with the common preliminary questions
discussed in the introductions of the Alexandrian commentators.2 Although
this treatise To Philotheos covers many of the themes found in the Categories,
nonetheless it is better categorised as a general introduction. Because the Cat-
egories was the first book of the Organon, any general introduction to Aris-
totelian logic was bound to focus more on that work than any other. Nonethe-
less, both of Sergius’ texts cover topics from Aristotle’s On Interpretation and
1 Or possibly, as Hugonnard-Roche (2013: 243) states, we can distinguish two literary genres
from such texts, one being manuals or textbooks and another exegetical commentaries.
2 For the preliminary schemes and the points discussed, see above, pp. 27–29 and ch. 2 n. 40.
Physics too. In any case, his Introduction to Aristotle can be placed in the same
tradition as the Eisagoge ‘Introduction’ of Porphyry, aiming at defining the nec-
essary philosophical concepts and terminology of Aristotle. But Sergius’ intro-
duction differs from those of Olympiodorus, Elias, and David in that it does not
treat the set of preliminary questions usually discussed in their prolegomena,
(on the contents of these, see Westerink 1990: 341–348).
The main difference between Sergius’ two texts can briefly be defined in
what follows. Sergius usually supplied his translations with introductions,
which have a didactic character and show how they were intended for an edu-
cational context in the Syriac environment he was operating in. From his time
in Alexandria, Sergius received direct experience of studying philosophy and
other topics in classrooms and composed his works in a way intended to be
used in a classroom setting (see esp. Watts 2011: 147–149). In fact, many of the
commentaries from the Alexandrian school are products of classroom teach-
ing, recorded school annotations by students from the lectures of the profes-
sors. The form of Sergius’ Introduction to Aristotle and His Categories, on the
other hand, seems to indicate that it was not designed to be a textbook, but
a general introduction to Aristotle’s philosophy intended for a more educated
circle. However, it is not an uncommon procedure to write doublets of com-
mentaries on a certain text. Porphyry composed two commentaries on the
Categories, one extensive and one abridged, as also Boethius did on the same
book in Latin, and Al-Farabi composed two commentaries on On Interpretation
in Arabic.
The verbal overlaps between Sergius’ two texts are many. Most of the con-
tents of the Introduction to Aristotle (addressed to Philotheos) are also found
in the Commentary on the Categories (to Theodore), many times in verbatim
agreement. If we accept that the Commentary, as I will try to show, was written
before the Introduction, then we can say that entire passages in the Introduction
are literal quotations and excerpts from the Commentary. These exact overlaps
make the manuscripts of the Commentary useful in correcting scribal errors in
the single manuscript of the Introduction, except where Sergius may have made
deliberate changes in the process of abbreviating the longer text. The two main
manuscripts of the Commentary have therefore been used and specified in the
critical apparatus of my edition.
Along with much additional material, the Commentary is sometimes more
elaborate and thorough in its discussion of the same topic (cf. also Hugonnard-
Roche 2004: 149ff.). The sections in the Commentary, which are left out from the
Introduction, are primarily the didactic and introductory transitions from one
theme to another. The shifts in the Introduction are sometimes very abrupt and
the reader is unprepared for what is to come, whereas the shifts in the Commen-
sergius’ two texts on categories 69
In neither of these two works does Sergius make any explicit reference to the
other, which would reveal for us their sequence of composition or chronology.
But some traces in the Introduction seem to indicate that it was written after
the Commentary and can indeed be characterized as an abridgment or epitome
of it.4 A similar procedure of writing is found in commentators like Porphyry
too, who composed his extensive commentary first and later on produced an
abbreviated version of it. This seems to be also Sergius’ line of action. The
fact that many of the initial questions related to Aristotle and his writings are
discussed in the prologue to the Commentary, and not in the preface of the
Introduction, shows also that the former was written before the latter. Moreover,
the didactic form of the Commentary makes it more suitable as a first work to
encounter than is the compact composition of the Introduction.
Besides, we have indeed a phrase in the Introduction, which can be taken
as a strong evidence for its later composition. Sergius begins the discussion
on locomotion with the following words (§107): “But since we have sufficiently
3 For examples of latter works from the seventh century, see Roueché (1974).
4 Also Furlani was of this opinion, as he writes (1936: 433): “Il trattato minore sulle Categorie,
diretto a un certo Filoteo, è un estratto del maggiore.”
70 chapter 5
(rq焏 )ܣܦܩspoken above (爏 ܠܥ爯ܡ ̣ ) about all the modes of change” (cf. also
the end of §106). Yet, this is not a true statement. Previously (at § 89), he had
only enumerated the six modes of change, without actually treating them.
However, in his Commentary (L.54ra9–55va19/P.100r10–102v8), he has a more
thorough description of these kinds of changes. Because sections § 106–107
of the Introduction coincide literally with that of the Commentary (L.60ra26-
va28/P.109v5–28+lacuna), they must be considered to be excerpts from it,
which explains also how the adverb rq焏‘ ܣܦܩsufficiently’ found its way into
our text. In the Commentary (L.60rb11/P.109v14), this adverb appears in its
proper context.
Two significant terms found in the Introduction, but not in the Commentary,
suggest also clearly that the former was written later. Nowhere in the Commen-
tary, it seems, does Sergius mention or use the technical word ܬܐ熏qܢq §( ܐ9)
or ܬܐ熏ܢq§( ܐ12) for the category of ‘quality’. He usually uses 焏 ܙܢbut also
焏ܙܓ熏 ܡand 焏ܠqq (see comm. to §12), when we would expect that he would
at least mention ܬܐ熏qܢq ܐor ܬܐ熏ܢqܐ. Also, the fact that the fourth kind of a
statement, the ‘declarative’, has the form 犟 ̇ܗܘ ܕܦܣin the Commentary, while
in the Introduction it has received the form 焏ܩ熏ܦܣ, a form that is harmonized
with the other three kinds of statements, supports this claim. Sergius’ other
minor philosophical works exhibit some progress and development in his ter-
minology too.
To conclude, Sergius composed his Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories first
and later on made an abridgment of it, here called Introduction to Aristotle and
his Categories, which he addressed to a certain Philotheos.
The treatise called Categories (Gr. Κατηγορίαι) is one of Aristotle’s very influ-
ential and much commented upon works.5 Already the question of its aim,
namely what it was dealing with, was a matter of great dispute among its inter-
preters. Likewise, many other questions were fiercely discussed by both the
Peripatetics and Platonists from the early period of the commentary tradition,
sometimes even questions of minute details.6 It came also to occupy the ini-
tial position among the philosophical textbooks studied at the Alexandrian
5 The literature on the Categories is very extensive, for some general works see Husik (1952),
Owens (1960), Frede (1987), Anton (1992), Mann (2000), and Sanford (2004). There is a
considerable discussion on the original title of the work too.
6 For good surveys of the early commentators on the Categories, see Gottschalk (1990: 69–
sergius’ two texts on categories 71
81), Reinhardt (2007), Sharples (2008 and 2010: 47–69), Tarrant (2008), Barnes (2012), Griffin
(2015), and Moraux (1973: 97–113, 147–164, 182ff.; 1984: 212 f., 216–221, 222f., 227ff., 315ff., 336ff.,
366–374, 485ff., 519–527, 530–563, 585–601, 608–623, 692–700; and 2001: 3–15).
7 See Porph. (56.28–30, 134.28f.), Ammon. (13.4, 36.11, 53.6, 55.12f.), Philop. (50.11, 87.24,
58.19, 153.19), and Sergius (L.24ra2–7/P.65r4–6, L.34ra10–18/P.42v10–13, L.35vb1–4/P.44r26f.,
L.50vb3–7/P.93r9–11; L.53va13–17/P.99r7 f.; and L.60va38–b3).
8 For discussions on the notion of Aristotle’s deliberate obscurity, see Kustas (1973) and Barnes
(1992); cf. also Kanthak (2013). For a translation of the relevant section from Sergius’ Commen-
tary with a note, see Watt (2014a: 35 f. and 49).
72 chapter 5
was intensely discussed in the introductions of the commentators was the sub-
ject matter of the Categories (see my comm. to § 4).
Below, I present a brief overview of the contents of these two texts, to serve
as some kind of a synopsis, but also as a thematic presentation of Sergius’
texts. Because of its length, its prior origin, and the greater number of ques-
tions discussed in the Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories, I give the contents
of its different books first and then supply the corresponding paragraphs (§)
of the Introduction to Aristotle and his Categories added by me to this edition.
In fact, parallel passages of the two texts can also be obtained from the critical
apparatus of my edition, where I provide the exact places for the supplemen-
tations and emendations I have made in the text, on the basis of the two main
manuscripts of the Commentary on Aristotle’s Categories. The asterisk (*) added
to the paragraph numbers indicates that I have written a commentary on the
topic or question under discussion, found after my edition and translation of
the Introduction.
9 Cf. Ibn Ridwan apud Iskandar (1976: 254) and Adamson (2011: 9ff.).
sergius’ two texts on categories 73
– The sequence of the logical works of Aristotle and whether also rhetoric
belongs to the art of logic as an instrument.
– The reasons for Aristotle’s obscurity or the difficult nature of some of his
writings.
– The aim of Aristotle’s different works and whether the Categories is about § 4–5*
simple things, simple notions or simple words, including the question
regarding the being of the universalia. § 7*
– The four kinds of speech or statements. § 6*
– The genera and species or “Porphyry’s tree”, that is, the gradation and division § 20*
of substance.
– Aristotle and the Peripatetics on the ten categories. § 9–19*
– Homonyms, polyonyms, heteronyms and synonyms. § 21*
– Charts of some points treated in this book.
(cont.)
Book vii:
– A brief prologue.
– Book seven is on change, opposites, motion.
– On change. § 89*
– On motion.
– Opposition and contrariety are not the same.
– The different kinds of opposition. § 88–94*
– On the distinctions of opposition. § 95–98*
– On priority and posteriority. § 99–105*
– On simultaneity.
– More on motion. § 106–107*
– Epilogue.
Thus, the Commentary covers most of the points discussed in the Introduction
too, as well as it treats some further themes found usually in the Alexandrian
commentaries on the Categories and the Physics in addition to being more
elaborate in some of its discussions.
76 chapter 5
(a) 焏 ܠ爯q ܘܐܢ ܕand 焏 ܠ爯q煟‘ ܘܐܢotherwise’, ‘or else’ (at § 5, 47, and 80).
This syntagm is recorded in Thesaurus Syriacus (col. 250), but only its Greek
corresponding εἰ δὲ μή has been offered there with reference to its occurrence
sergius’ two texts on categories 77
in John 14:11. Also Hoffmann records it in his glossary10 based on its attestation
in the Syriac translations of Porphyry’s Eisagoge, and provides the following
equivalences (H.158a34f.): “焏 ܠ爯q = والّا ܘܐܢ ܕἐπεί quia alioquin”. And indeed
the Arabic وإلّا11 is constituted of the same units, except the particle 爯q <( ܕGreek
δέ).
The Greek particle combination εἰ δὲ μή γε or εἰ δὲ μήγε, meaning ‘but if not,
or else, otherwise’, occurs eight times in the Greek New Testament (Luke 5:36,
5:37, 10:6, 13:9, 14:32, Matthew 6:1, 9:17, and 2Cor. 11:16; cf. Thrall 1962: 9 f.).
Its first instance at Luke 5:36 is not reproduced in Peshitta, but at 5:37 the
Peshitta text has 焏 ܠ爯q ܘܐܢ ܕfor it. However, at 10:6 Peshitta has the 爯qܐܢ ܕ
焏 ܠwithout the conjunction ܘ, but the Old Syriac Curetonian version has the
expected 焏 ܠ爯qܘܐܢ ܕ. At 13:9 Peshitta, Curetonian and Sinaitic versions all
have 焏( ܘܐܠcf. Arabic )وإلّا. And at 14:32 Peshitta has 焏 ܠ爯qܘܐܢ ܕ, while the
Curetonian and Sinaitic versions have again 焏ܘܐܠ.
At Matthew 6:1 the Peshitta version has 焏ܘܐܠ, while the Curetonian and
Sinaitic versions give just 焏ܕܠ, which also occurs in all three versions at its
second instance at 9:17. Finally, it appears at 2Cor. 11:16 for which we find in
the Peshitta 焏 ܘܐܢ ܠor 焏 ܘܐܠdepending on edition or manuscript. When it
occurs without the emphasizing γε (i.e. εἰ δὲ μή which is its usual combination
in classical literature, Thrall 1962: 10), as at John 14:2,11,12 Peshitta gives again
焏 ܘܐܢ ܠor 焏ܘܐܠ.
Its original Aramaic form seems to have been 焏( ܘܐܢ ܠcf. Nöldeke § 374d),
and writing as one word 焏ܘܐܠ, which is indicated also by its occurrence in
Daniel 3:15 being ְוֵהן ָלא, for which Peshitta has indeed 焏 ܘܐܢ ܠand 焏ܘܐܠ.
The conjunction ܘwas initially probably adversative, but later became weaker
in this sense and under Greek influence the additional particle 爯q <( ܕδέ) was
incorporated into the syntagm for greater emphasis, in the same way as a γε
was added to this phrase in koiné Greek.
The other equivalent Greek particle ἐπεί13 occurs in Porphyry’s Eisagoge five
times and is variously rendered into Syriac, but at Eis. 11.2,3 the two Syriac ver-
sions have 焏 ܠ爯q( ܘܐܢ ܕEis. Syr.i 24.14–17), where it clearly means ‘otherwise’
(cf. also Porph. 80.13). Also in the Arabic rendering of the Eisagoge by Abu Uth-
man al-Dimashqi, we find وإلّاat Eis. 11.2 (٧٩/79.9, ed. al-Ahwani, 1952).
I have not found any adequate exposition of this expression in the Syriac lex-
icons or grammars. In the context of Sergius’ text here, it evidently means
‘though’, ‘even though’, ‘although’. Fortunately, this reading is supported by
Sergius’ translation of On the Cosmos, where 焯q 煟q once (at 137.11, ed. Land
= Ps.Arist. De Mundo 392a17) corresponds to the Greek καίπερ (lsj: ‘although’,
‘albeit’) and once to καίτοι (lsj.iii: “with a participle, much like καίπερ”, at
149.5/397a28).14 The single occurrence of καίπερ in Porphyry’s Eisagoge (20.22)
is rendered in the first Syriac translation (Eis.Syr.i 45.11) by 焯q 煟q too. In a simi-
lar context, I have come across the following formulation in a Syriac manuscript
containing questions and answers on Aristotle’s Categories (3r2 f.):15 焏ܢqrܣ
ܘܢ煿 ܡܢ煟q 爏q ܘܗܝrqܬܐ ܐ熏qq 焯q 煟q .焏rqܘܢ ܪ煿 ܠrq܉ ܠ焏ܒr ܘܥܩrqܓ
‘but the crab and the scorpion do not have a head, even though each of them is
an animal’.
14 See also 焯q 煟q in On the Cosmos at 154.2 (/399b12) and at 154.2 (/399b12). When it has
the form 焯q 煟qܘ, with conjunction, it does not have the same sense, as indicated by its
occurrence at 135.2 (/391a4).
15 Vatican Syriac 568, defective, all in all 7 folios, (unedited, but images of this manuscript are
available on the cd entitled Syriac Manuscripts from the Vatican Library, Vol. 1 (Bibliotheca
Apostolica Vaticana; Brigham Young University, 2005)).
sergius’ two texts on categories 79
12): ‘if … but if’, ‘whether … or’; and Nöldeke (§ 258): ‘either … or’, ‘whether
… or whether’. In Porphyry’s Eisagoge (7.4–6) ܐܘ … ܐܘrepresents among
other constructions such as the Greek ἢ … ἢ ‘either … or’ (Eis. Syr.i 15.14–16.1)
found in Payne Smith. This additional implication can be conceived as a natural
extension of these other meanings.
(d) ̣ܗܘ煟q ‘ ̣ܗܘat the same time’, ‘simultaneously’ (§ 7, 10, 20, and 36).
The common meaning of 煟q between two pronouns is ‘the same’. But also an
extended temporal dimension of that sense can be discerned from Sergius’ text.
An attestation of the meaning ‘at the same time’ is found in the same context of
discussion in the Syriac translations of Porphyry’s Eisagoge as well. At Eis. 4.19
and 8.5 the Greek τὰ αὐτά is rendered by ܢ熏 ܗܢ煟q ܢ熏( ܗܢEis. Syr.i 9.12 f. and
18.6). The same translation is also offered by Athanasius of Balad.
16 In Sergius’Introduction (at § 7, 27, 44, 52, 67, 72, 73, 92, 100, and 106). In Sergius’ Commentary
(L.36ra6/P.44v18) and in his adaptation of Alexander’s On the Principles of the Universe
(130.24).
17 In the Introduction (at § 24, 83, 102, and 104) and Commentary (P.9v21, L.45va19,b29 /P.85r1,
19, and L.49rb37 f./P.91r13).
18 The feminine plural ܕ̣ܗܝ爯qܠq ܐoccurs in for example Simeon of Beth Arsham’s letter on
the martyrs of Najran, at 511.2, as edited by Ignazio Guidi, “La lettera di Simeone vescovo
di Bêth-Arśâm sopra i martiri omeriti”, Atti della Reale Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei,
Serie Terza: Memorie della Classe di Scienze morali, storiche e filologiche 7 (1881), pp. 471–
515.
19 Strangely enough, the first Syriac version of Porphyry’s Eisagoge has ܐ ܕ̣ܗܝ煟q( ܐat 18.13)
for the Greek ὁπωσοῦν (at Eis. 8.9), which is accurately changed to ܕ̣ܗܘ爯qq ܐby Athana-
sius of Balad in his revision. At any rate, both Syriac versions have ܕ̣ܗܘ爯qq ܐfor the Greek
πως (at Eis. 1.21, 9.22/Eis.Syr.i 2.15, 22.7). This expression is also found in Sergius’ On the
Influence of the Moon (焿ܩܒ/123.6).
80 chapter 5
is used for ‘in some way’). Again, we find ܕ̣ܗܘ焏ܡq for ‘how many soever’
(at §11, 15 and at L.18ra30f.,37/P.69v11 and L.18ra36f.). In Sergius’ Commentary,
we have also ܝ ܕ̣ܗܘr‘ ܐܡwhenever’ (L.36vb32 f. /P.45v17) and 焏ܢrqܡ ܐ煟ܡ
‘ ܕ̣ܗܘsomething else whatsoever’, (P.53r3). Compare to the ܢ ܕ̣ܗܘ熏‘ ܡanything
whatsoever’ in Sokoloff (2009: 778 “any”). Cf. especially Nöldeke § 353.
An interesting record of some of these indefinite pronouns is found in the
Greek and Syriac versions of Dionysius Thrax’s Grammar (ιβʹ/12.85 f. no. 13,
ed. Lallot): ἀόριστον δέ ἐστι τὸ τῷ ἐρωτηματικῷ ἐναντίως λεγόμενον, οἷον ὅστις
ὁποῖος ὁπόσος ὁπηλίκος20 焏ܠܢ焏r ܡ爏ܩܒ熏ܘܗܝ ̇ܗܘ ܕܠrq ܐ爯q ܕ焏ܡܢqr ܡ焏ܠ
. ܕ̣ܗܘ爯qq ܐ. ܕ̣ܗܘ焏ܡq . ܕ̣ܗܘ焏ܢq ܐ. ܕ̣ܗܘ爯 ̇ܗܘ ܕܡqq܉ ܐrܐܡr( ܡ57.21–23,
ed. Merx). In addition to those indefinites found in Sergius’ texts, we have here
ܕ̣ܗܘ爯‘ ̇ܡwhosoever’.
(f) 煿 ܘܠ煿 ܡܢor 煿̇ ܘܠ煿̇‘ ܡܢby itself’, ‘of itself’, ‘in its own right’ (§ 88).
This expression which is inflected after number and gender occurs once in
Sergius’ Introduction, but several times in his Commentary21 and is equivalent
to the Greek καθ᾽ αὑτό (cf. Arist. Cat. 5b4,8,9,21, and 31).
(g) 焏 … ܐܠ爯( ܐܦalso 焏‘ )ܐܦ ܐܢ … ܐܠeven though … still’, ‘even if … yet’
(concessive conditional clauses).
A quite frequent conditional clause that Sergius construes is that whose prota-
sis begins with 爯‘ ܐܦeven if/even though’ and the apodosis has 焏‘ ܐܠyet/still’
(see § 37, 57, 63, 72, 78, and 104). The apodosis is sometimes negated and is given
as 焏 ܠ焏 ܐܠor 熏 ܠ焏ܐܠ. In the first Syriac translation of Porphyry’s Eisagoge
(2.25) the Greek εἰ καὶ … ἀλλ’ οὐ is rendered by 焏 ܠ焏 … ܐܠ爯( ܐܦEis.Syr.i 5.5 f.,
cf. also Eis. 3.6–8/Eis.Syr.i 6.3–5). For this kind of concessive conditional sen-
tence, see esp. Nöldeke §374e.
20 In the English translation of Kemp (1987: 179 no. 13): “An indefinite noun is one which
conveys an opposite sense to that of the interrogative, for instance ‘whoever, whatever
sort, however much, however great’.” And he has a note (1987: 187 n. 18): “‘Opposite’ as
lacking the specificity of the interrogative, which requires a definite answer.”
21 See among other at L.14rb21/P.34v25, L.15vra31f./P.36r23, L.33va30/P.42r12, L.34rb20/
P.43r1f., L.41vb6/P.77v3, L.45rb7/P.84v6, and L.47rb14f./P.88r17.
sergius’ two texts on categories 81
Cat. (13a25–27): ἐὰν δὲ ἅπαξ κἂν μικρὰν ἐπίδοσιν λάβῃ, φανερὸν ὅτι ἢ τελείως
ἂν μεταβάλοι ἢ πάνυ πολλὴν ἂν ἐπίδοσιν λάβοι.22
Anon. Syr. (156.11f.): 焏q܉ ܓܠ焯 ܢܣ焏qr熏r 爏q ܘܩܠ爯ܐ ܙܒ煟q 爯qܐܢ ܕ
.焏qr熏r q ܣܓ煟q 牯ܠqrr ܢrq焏qܡܠrܕܡ
Compare also Cat. (8b12f.) with Anon. Syr. (132.28), Jacob (279.9f.), and George
(28.1f.).
In Sergius’ text there is also an interesting case of a verb in the perfect tense
used to express a conditional event in the future, what is called future perfect,
as described by Nöldeke (§258). The perfect form of the verb is followed by a
22 Ackrill’s trans.: “And if he once made even a little progress it is clear that he might either
change completely or make really great progress.”
82 chapter 5
̇
participle here (at §7): 煿ܗܕܢ熏 ܒܥ煿̇r ܐܦ ܐܕ焯 ܢܣ爯q煟q ܗ.ṙܗ ܐܢ熟q ܕ焏ܡ
‘when someone shall have seen it [i.e. the object], then he receives its form in
his memory too’.
Another case is concerned with the temporal conjunction ܕ焏‘ ܡwhen’, here
denoting ‘if’, and followed by a verb in the imperfect to form a conditional
clause. Nöldeke (§258, 377) has described such temporal conditional clauses
only with the perfect.
Note also the negation at §36: ܐܦ焏ܕ … ܐܠ熏q ܒܠ熏‘ ܠnot only … but also’
(cf. Nöldeke §328b). As well as the use of 熏 ܐܠwith a negation to express an
impossible condition of events, as at §98: ⟨ܘܗܝ ⟩ܗ̣ܘܐrq ܐ熏 ܬܘܒ ܐܠ焏ܘܠ
ܚ ܗ̣ܘܐr‘ ̇ܦnot even if he [i.e. Socrates] ⟨were⟩ present would he fly’ (cf. Nöldeke
§375).
Notice again the causal use of the preposition ܕ煟q ܒat § 50: 爯qܕܥ熏r ܕܡ煟qܒ
爯q煿‘ ܠby signifying them [i.e. the primary substances]’, which is briefly describ-
ed by Nöldeke (§360a).
23
̈
The expression ܘܢ煿qܐ ܓܦrr ܕ焏ܦr‘ ܣsix-winged seraphs’ is found in prayer books of
the Syriac Orthodox Church.
sergius’ two texts on categories 83
The verb 爯ܢqܣܦ熏 ܡwith the meaning ‘we continue to …’ occurs three times,
where it twice (§21 and 62) introduces a verbal form in the infinitive that it
governs and once (§90) is syndetically followed by another active participle.
To our knowledge, Sergius’ Introduction to Aristotle and his Categories has sur-
vived only in a single manuscript, now preserved at The Berlin State Library.
The manuscript has been described by Sachau (1899: 321–335) in detail in
his catalogue of the Syriac mss of that library and its history and acquisi-
tion by Kellermann (1965: 8–12, non vidi, cited in Brock 2014: 102f. n. 19). Brief
manuscript description:
Number of folios: 238ff. (a few folios are missing from the beginning and the
end; there are also a few other gaps inside it). Sergius’ text is at fol. 83v–
104r24 and is complete.
24 Fol. 86–90 are in disorder, the correct sequence being: 83v–85, 87, 86, 89, 88, 90–104.
Already Hoffmann (1869: 216) had observed this disorder. He included some of the vocab-
ulary of Sergius’ Introduction in his ‘Glossary’ (pp. 154–216), where Sergius is stated with
just an S (= Sergi archiatri Resaenensis commentatio de categoriis, as specified at p. 216).
84 chapter 5
Provenance: unknown.
Date: 1259/1260 ad (as indicated at f. 36r and f. 112r, where the Seleucid era
year of 1571 is given: 焏ܥ.ܩ.ܬ.)ܐ.
Script: East Syriac.
Scribe: Unidentified.
Size: 26,5 × 17,5cm.
Format: Bound.
Material: Paper (has become brittle, especially the later part of the manu-
script, fol. 180r–238v, is heavily damaged, either because of moisture or
strong heat).25
Text shape: Undivided, except for fol. 8v–36r which have two columns.
Line number: For Sergius’ text, between 29 and 37 lines.
Vocalization and punctuation: The Syriac text is generally unvocalized, apart
from some scanty vowels, the dots of quššāyā and rukkāḵā and some other
diacritic marks. Also the Arabic texts are without vowels. However, its
punctuation is extensive and according to Sachau in line with that of older
manuscripts.26
25 According to a restoration report put at the end of the manuscript by Hans Heiland, the
commissioned book restorer, it was repaired and restored in 1961. It is said that about
100 leaves were taped with a large number glassine slips and many of the remaining
leaves were lobed and glued over at the edges. All 239 leaves were separately cleaned and
removed from the oxidized iron. Two new sheets were added at the beginning and the
end, as well as a new calf leather used as jacket cover. The original leather book-cover and
spine was then again wrapped on.
26 Digital pictures of the entire manuscript are now available at Digitalisierte Sammlungen
der Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin (http://resolver.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/
SBB0000144400000005).
sergius’ two texts on categories 85
煿q ܐܦrܢr ܒrܠܡ熏‘ ܕܓThe full of sins, Sabrisho bar Galaldin [Saḇrīšoʿ bar
Gallaldīn], brother of Father Mar Yaballaha [Mār Y(h)aḇallāhā] bishop of Gul-
mar, purchased this book of logic in the year 1825 (= 1514)’,27 and on the left
side of one of the end leaves without text we have (f. 239r): 焏ܒrq ܘܗܝrqܐ
焏 ܡܡ焏q ܡܢr ܒ焏ܩqܘܠrܢ ܩ熏ܡܥr ܝrܬܐ ܕܡ熏ܠq ܕܡܠ焏‘ ܗܢthis book of
logic belongs to Mar Shemon the Catholicos, the son of the late Mama’. This
mentioned Shemon was the Catholicos of the Church of the East from 1539
to 1558, who is titled ܒ煿qܥ熏rq 焏qܥqܒr ܢ熏ܡܥr Šemʿon Šǝḇīʿāyā Īšoʿy(h)aḇ
‘Shemon vii Ishoyab’, and is buried in the monastery of Rabban Hormizd
(near Alqosh).28 According to a notice at f. 4r the manuscript was once in
the possession of San Pietro in Montorio (Lat. Sancti Petri in Monte Aureo) in
Rome.
What is provided here is a brief list of the texts brought together in the
manuscript, many of them very short. For a more detailed description, the
account of Sachau should be consulted.29 The texts of the manuscript are as
follows:
27 Wilmshurst (2000: 148): “Before the fourteenth century the Berwārī region, sometimes
called Julmar (probably after the town of Julamerk) or Beṯ Tannūrā (the name of a large
Jewish village in the Beduh valley) in Syriac colophons, was part of the diocese of Dāsen.
Nothing is known of the region’s history in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, but a
diocese of Berwārī is mentioned in a manuscript of 1514 [sic!] by the scribe Sabrīshōʿ bar
Galalin [sic!], ‘brother of the bishop Yahballāhā of Julmar’.” Sabrisho bar Galaldin is the
scribe of only this colophon and not the manuscript, except its purchaser, and the date of
1514 is not that of the composition of the manuscript, but its purchase.
28 On him, see Wilmshurst (2000: 21 f. passim), as also specified in the index at p. 835 for
Shemʿōn vii Īshōʿyahb.
29 There is also a list of the philosophical texts of this manuscript in Hugonnard-Roche (2004:
91f.).
30 Partial edition (up to 4.20) by Aron Freimann, Die Isagoge des Porphyrius in den syrischen
Uebersetzungen, Diss., (Berlin: H. Itzkowski, 1897), pp. 27–32.
31 Edited by Adalbert Merx, Historia artis grammaticae apud Syros, (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus,
1889), pp. 194–200.
86 chapter 5
32 Also edited by Adalbert Merx, Historia artis grammaticae apud Syros, (Leipzig: F.A. Brock-
haus, 1889), pp. 189–194.
33 Edited by Hoffmann (1869: 55–61).
34 Edited by Giuseppe Furlani, “Contributi alla storia della filosofia greca in Oriente. Testi
siriaci, i”, Rendiconti della Reale Accademia dei Lincei, Ser. 5, Vol. 23 (1914), pp. 154–175, at
167–175.
35 Edited by Giuseppe Furlani, “Uno scolio d’Eusebio d’Alessandria alle Categorie d’Aristotele
in versione siriaca”, Rivista trimestrale di studi filosofici e religiosi 3:1 (1922), pp. 1–14.
36 Partial edition (up to 25b23) by Isidor Friedmann, Aristoteles’ Analytica bei den Syrern,
Diss., (Berlin: H. Itzkowski, 1898).
37 Edited by Hoffmann (1869: 23–55).
38 Also edited by Hoffmann (1869: 62–90).
sergius’ two texts on categories 87
As shown by this list, the manuscript contains diverse philosophical texts, espe-
cially the first part of Aristotle’s Organon, but also of grammar and theology, and
a few other brief tracts.
39 Edited by Mechthild Kellermann, Ein pseudoaristotelischer Traktat über die Tugend: Edi-
tion und Übersetzung der arabischen Fassungen des Abū Qurra und des Ibn aṭ-Ṭayyib, Diss.,
(Erlangen-Nürnberg, 1965).
40 Edited by Giuseppe Furlani, “ ‘Il libro delle definizioni e divisioni’ di Michele l’Interprete”,
Atti della Reale Accademia dei Lincei. Memorie della classe di Scienze Morali, Storiche e
Filologiche, ser. 6, vol. 2:1 (1926), pp. 17–99; and see Hein (1985: 36).
41 Edited by Friedrich Baethgen, 焏qqܪ熏 ܣ焏 ܬܘܪܨ ܡܡܠܠoder Syrische Grammatik des Mar
Elias von Tirhan, (Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 1880).
42 Edited by Adalbert Merx, Historia artis grammaticae apud Syros, (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus,
1889), pp. 183–189.
88 chapter 5
43 Note that the Arabic ( حكيمḥakīm) can mean both ‘philosopher’ and ‘physician’.
90 chapter 5
Editorial Principles
The text edited and presented here is that of the Berlin, Petermann i 9 (Sachau,
no. 88) manuscript (B = Berlin) of Sergius’ treatise, here renamed Introduction
to Aristotle and his Categories. This is a critical edition which to some extent
aims to reconstruct Sergius’ original text from the available evidence. The pri-
mary authority of the single Berlin manuscript has been acknowledged and its
readings have been kept, except where they are clearly faulty. The reason why
a modified diplomatic edition is not provided here is that many passages of
Sergius’ Introduction are paralleled in his Commentary on the Categories. Since
the former is most likely an epitome of the latter, it seemed to justify emen-
dations and supplementations to Sergius’ text, whenever the reading of the
manuscript has appeared defective. Thus, changes in the text of the Berlin
manuscript have only been introduced when its readings are obviously erro-
neous or some words are clearly missing, judging from grammar or contents, or
whether for some other reason, as for example through homoioteleuton (as at
§72, 74, and 94). The emendations and additions are made mainly from literal
or very literal corresponding passages of his longer commentary. These addi-
tions and changes are based on British Library Additional 14658 (L = London)
and Bibliothèque nationale de France Syr. 354 (P = Paris) of the Commentary
and have always been recorded in the critical apparatus. When the reading of
B appears good and acceptable, it has usually been kept even if that of L or P
is better. The decision to use readings from another work, although by Sergius,
in order to establish the text of present edition may seem controversial and
unconventional, but since the goal is to present an accurate version of Sergius’
text as restored from scribal mistakes, rather than to give the recension of a
specific manuscript, this approach may serve the reader better.
For this edition the punctuation of the manuscript is maintained, but is
reduced and slightly changed where the dots were obviously making a break
in a phrase.
The text of the manuscript is not vocalized, except some words which are
vocalized according to East Syriac system and all these vowels have been
removed. The vocalization of a few words (at § 40, 49, 67, and 107) is not
accurate, or at least not conventional, and the vocalized form of these words
has been given in the critical apparatus.
The emendations are given in the main text and the readings of B are given
in the apparatus without a siglum. Readings from L and P are specified with
folio and line numbers.
Errors corrected by the scribe himself in the text above or below the words
or in the margin are not indicated, especially if such corrections are in accor-
dance with the reading of L and P and no other reasons call for comment.
Furthermore, the few deletions made by me from the reading of manuscript
are enclosed with square bracket ([…]) and placed in the critical apparatus,
and not kept in the main text, as it is more customarily done. They are at § 43,
49, 62, 67, 72, 74, 75, and 96.
In many places, the ms lacks the plural points for verbs in the feminine
plural. I have supplied these points without marking this omission more than
once, namely at the first instance at §1 (B.83v9), where it has ܪܢ煟ܡܥ. However
when the two dots marking the plural form of nouns (so called sǝyāmē/焏ܡq̈)ܣ
are missing, I have indicated this.
Scribal abbreviations are expanded and this is indicated in the critical appa-
ratus, except for the very frequent abbreviation in the ms, namely ܗfor 熏ܗܢ
爯q‘( ܕthat is’), which is indicated only at its first occurrence (at § 3).
Only the uncommon or unexpected solid writings are separated and written
in two or more words, and this is indicated in the critical apparatus.
comm. commentarii ‘notes’, ‘annotations’ (textual notes and not the commen-
taries on the contents).
em./emend. emendavi ‘I have emended’, usually on the basis of L and P.
exp. expunxit ‘he (the scribe) has deleted/erased’.
possis ‘you could’, that is, consider this tentative conjecture.
suppl. supplevi ‘I have supplied’ from L and P, unless otherwise stated.
vd. vide ‘see’!
vid. videtur ‘seems’ to be.
chapter 7
§1 ܡ 爏qܗ 爏qqܕܐܬ rq熟qܠ 爯ܐ̃ܘ ܐ熏qܢ ܦqܠrܐ̇ܘܣ܆ ܕ 焯qܐ̣ 煿̇qrqܡ爯
ܗܠ 爯qܕ 爯qr̈qܘrqrqܐ rqܡܥr煟ܢ ܠ煟qܥrܐ ܘ熏qܠܦܢ 焏ܕ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕܒ爏qq
ܠ煿ܘܢ ܥ 爏ܕܘܪ 焏rܕ熏qܠ̈ܦܢ 焏ܕܦqܠܣ熏ܦ熏ܬܐ ܕܒ焏ܘܡܢ熏ܬܐ ܡܠqܠrܐ̇ .ܗܝ 5
ܕܠ煿ܘܢ ܠ̈煿ܘܢ 焏ܘܣ̈q熏ܠ 焏ܕܦqܠܣ熏ܦ熏ܬܐ :ܥ 爟ܩܢ̈熏ܢ 焏ܘܦ熏ܠ̈ܓ 焏ܘ̈qqܣ焏
ܕܐܘܡܢ熏ܬܐ .ܢqܢ rܠ qܒrqrqܐ ܐ qqܕܡ 焏qqrܥܠ 煿̇qܥ 爏ܗܕܐ.
§2 ܗ 焏rܗܐ ܐܬܬܙqܥܢ焏r 煟q 爯ܠqܢ 爯ܡܢ qܘ̣ܡ 爯ܐqܠ 爯qܕܐ熏qܬܟ .ܕ̇ܗܘ
ܡ煟ܡ ܕqܢ 爯ܡܒ犏ܪqܢ 爯ܐܢrܘܢ ܬܡܠܠ熏ܢ .ܘܐܢ ܡ煟ܡ ܠܒ̣ rܡqq 爯ܣ焏
ܐܡqrܢ 爯ܐܢrܘܢ ܬܬܪܨܘܢ 煟q .ܠ 熏ܠ熏ܬ ̇ܗܝ ܕܬܥ煟ܠ熏ܢ ܒܡܠrܐ ܪܗrqqܘܢ. 10
ܐܠrqrq 焏ܐ rqܠ熏ܬ ̇ܗܝ ܕܡܥ煟ܪܐ ܠܓ熏ܐ ܡqrܦrqqܘܢ .ܘܗܠ 爯qܡܢ煿
ܕ熏rܪ 焏qܕܡܠrܢ ܠ熏ܬܟ rqܒܢ 爯ܒ煟ܡܦܣqܢ 爯ܕܡܥ 煟ܗ̣ܘ ܣqܢ̇ :焏ܗܘ ܣܢ焏ܐ
ܕ熏qܬܪܢ 焏ܕܓ熏ܐ܇ ܕܐܡrܝ ܕܡ煟ܡ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܕܥ熏ܕܪܢ 焏ܓ熏ܢ 焏qܡܣrܥ.r
ܙ̇ܩ rܠ焏ܢ̈ 爯qrܕܢrܬܥrqܘܢ ܒqܣܡ焏܇ ܘ煟q 煟qܥ 爯qܠ̣ 煿ܠrrܪ̇ܗ ܕܡܠrܐ
ܠܩ熏ܒܠ̇ 煿ܩqܡ .爯qܘqܠ 牯ܕܢܒܢ熏ܢ ܘܢrܒܢ熏ܢ ܒ熏qܒ 焏ܣqܦ 爯qܘܡܣqrܦ爯q 15
ܒqܣܡ .焏ܘ 煟qܗܠ 爯qܥ煟ܡ 焏ܠ煿ܪ 焏qܣ̈ܦܩ .爯ܡrܦܢqܢ 爯ܠ 爯ܥ 爏ܢ焏rq
ܕ熏rܪ 焏qܕܡܠrܢ ܡ 爯ܗܐ ܡ.焏q
[Preface]
Now, see how terrified we are when asking you and those who are like you, §2
to speak what we reduce, and to correct it if we say something out of place,
not by rushing to find fault in a discourse that you complain of, but rather by
encouraging what is in general helpful. We have written this for you at the
beginning of our discourse, as we are convinced that Satan, the enemy of the
common good, whenever something is done that is to the general benefit, is
accustomed to goad some people to be stirred up with envy, and though they
recognize the truth of the speech they rise against it. And instead of edifying
and being edified in love they throw themselves and get overthrown into
envy. Since this (that we have said) is enough for now, let us turn henceforth
to the aim of the beginning of our discourse.
96 chapter 7
§3 ܐܡ 爯qrܓ rqܐqܠ 爯qܕܒqqܡrܐ ܥqq 爏ܡrܐ ܡܠܠ熏܆ ܕܩ煟ܡ̇ rqܡ爯
̣ܗܝ ܦqܠܣ熏ܦ熏ܬܐ ܡrܦܠܓ 焏ܠrܪܬ 爯qܡܢ̈熏ܬܐ .ܗܢ 熏ܕ 爯qܠrܐܘܪ焏q
ܥrܐ ܘܠܣܥ熏ܪܘܬܐ .ܐܦ ܗܝ ܕ 爯qܬܘܒ ܬܐܘܪ 焏qܡrܦܠܓ 焏ܠ̈ 煟q
̈ ̣̈
ܕܐܠrq̈煿ܐ ܘܠܡܠܠ熏ܬ qqܢ 焏ܘܠ熏qܠܦܢ .焏ܗܢ 熏ܕ 爯qܕܡrqܘܬܐ .ܘܕܡܢ熏qܬܐ.
ܘܕܐܣrqܘܢ熏ܡ .焏qܘܕܡ熏ܣqܩrܘܬܐ .ܗqܢ 焏ܬܘܒ ܐܦ ܣܥ熏ܪܘܬܐ 5
ܡrܦܠܓ 焏ܠܡ煟ܒrܢ熏ܬܐ ܕܓ熏ܐ ܕqܠ 煿ܥܡ .焏ܘܠܡ煟ܒrܢ熏ܬܐ ܕܒrqܗ
ܕܐܢ .rܘܠܡ煟ܒrܢ熏ܬܐ ܕܩܢ熏ܡ 煿ܒܠ熏qܕܘܗܝ̇⟩ 爏q .ܡ ⟨爯ܓ rqܕ̇ܣܥ rܡ煟ܡ ܕ焯q
̇
ܐܘ ܕܒ .rqܐܘ ܒqܠ 煿ܥܡ 煿ܘܒܡq煟ܢrܗ ܣܥ .rܐܘ ܒܒrqܗ ܐܘ ܢܦ.煿r
84r ܐܘ ̇ 煟qܣ焏ܡ ܢܡ̈熏ܣ̈q 焏ܒ | 焏ܐܘ ̈ܒ 焏rqܘܡrܢ .爯qrqܐܘ 煟qܣ焏ܡ ܘܠ焏
̇
ܡrܢ 爏q .爯qrqܓ rqܢܡ熏ܣq 焏ܒ 焏ܐܘ ܒ 焏rqܒܡq煟ܢrܗ ܐܢ̇ rܣ焏ܡ .ܐܘ 10
ܒܒrqܗ ܐܘ ܒܩܢ熏ܡ .煿ܘ 爏qܕܠܩܢ熏ܡ 煿ܠ 爟qq̇ 焏ܕܢ 爿q݁qܒܣ 爟qܢܡ̈熏ܣ焏܉
ܘܠ 焏ܠܒrqܗ .ܘܠ 焏ܠܡq煟ܢrܗ 煟qܥ ܕܢrܪܨ̇ .ܗܘ ܓ rqܕ̇ܣ焏ܡ ܢܡ̈熏ܣ焏܆ ܒ熟ܒ爯
ܐ qqܣ̇焏ܡ ܢܡ̈熏ܣ 焏ܙܕܩ ܠ 煿ܕܢ煿ܘܐ .ܘܒ熟ܒ 爯ܐ qqܕ̇qܢ 焏ܘܬܒ熏ܥ 焏ܕܥܒrܝ
̈
ܢܡ熏ܣ熏ܗܝ.
§4 ܘ⟩ 煟qܗܠ ⟨爯qܗqܢ rqqܹ 焏ܩܢ熏ܢ̈ rq焏ܡrܦܠܓ爯܉ ܬܘܒ ܠ熏ܬ ܗܠ 爯qܐrqܢrqܐ 15
ܒ煟q焏ܐ ܒ煟q焏ܐ ܩrܒqܢ 爯ܘܣqܡqܢ 爯ܒqqܣ̇ 煿ܕܐܘܡܢ熏ܬܐ ܡܠqܠrܐ.
ܘܐ̇ܡqrܢ̣ 爯ܡ 爯ܒrܪ ܦ熏ܠܓ 焏ܕqܠ̇ 煿ܕܦqܠܣ熏ܦ熏ܬܐ܉ ܕqܠ 爯q煿ܐqܠ 爯qܕܦ̈爯qqr
ܒܥܠܡ焏܉ ܐܘ ̈ܒܢ̈ rܩܠ 焏ܐ 爯q煿qrqܐܘ rܥqܢ 焏ܕܡ熏rܕܥ 爯qܠ̈犏ܒ熏ܬܐ
ܥ̈ .爯ܒܢ̈ rܩܠ̇ 焏ܡ 爯ܦ̈rqqrܐ܉ ܐr qqܡ焏ܕܒܥܠܡ 焏ܐܘ ܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ܕܡ̈ 煟qr
ܘ熏qܢ 焏qܕ煟q 爏qܐ ܡܢ 爯q煿ܕܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ .ܐ qqܐܢ rܢ焏ܡ rܣ熏ܩ 爿qqrܐܘ 20
ܦܠ熏qܢ .ܐܘ ܐܢ rܐrqܢ̣ 焏ܡ̈ 爯ܒܢqܢr .焏rܥqܢ 焏ܕ 爯qܕܡ熏rܕܥ 爯qܐ煿qrqܘܢ
̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕܥ煟q 爏q 爏ܐ 煟qܐ ̣ܡ 爯ܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ܡrܪܥqܢ 爯ܘܩܢqܢ .爯ܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ
ܥ 爯ܐ爯q煿qrq܉ ܐ焏q qqܦ 焏ܘܩqܣ 焏ܘ焏qrr ܕ 爯qܦ̈rqqrܐ ܕܡ̈ 煟qr
ܕܐrqܢrqܐ.
§5 ̈ܒܢ̈ rܩܠ̇ 焏ܡ 爯ܠqq 熏ܢ rq焏ܐ 爯q煿qrqܒܥܠܡ .焏ܘܐܦqq 爯ܢ rq焏ܐ爯qrq 25
̈ܡܠqܠ .焏ܘܐܢ 爯q煟ܠ焏܉ ܒ 爏qܥܡ̈ܡ̇ 爯qܗܢ̇ 煟q 爯qܗܢ 爯qܡ̈rܡܠܠ 爯ܘܡrܩ爯qr
̈ܗܘܝ .ܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ܕqq 爯qܢ rq焏ܐ 爯q煿qrqܒܥܠܡ .焏ܘܡ 爏qܗܢ 爏q 焏ܐ焏qq
ܗ ]ܗܢ 熏ܕ2 爯q ܐܦ̣3 爯q煟q煿 7 suppl. ex P.6v6 ; em. ex P.6v7ܥܡ8 焏 15 add. 17
ܕܦ熏ܠܣ熏ܦ熏ܬܐ
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 97
[Division of philosophy]
Those, who in wisdom have spoken about wisdom, say firstly that philoso- §3
phy is divided into two parts, that is into theory and practice. Again, theory in
turn is divided into theology [i.e. metaphysics], into science of natural things
[i.e. physics], and into mathematical sciences, that is geometry, arithmetic,
astronomy, and music. In the same way, also practice is divided into general
government of a whole people, into the government of someone’s house-
hold, and into the government of the individual person. For everyone who
does something that is good or bad, he does that either to his entire people
and to his city, or to his own household, or to himself. Irrespective of whether
he institutes good or bad laws and they are kept, or whether he institutes
them and they are not kept. For a person institutes every good or bad law in
his city, in his household or in his own person, and whoever is not capable
of disposing his person by legislation, neither knows to direct his household,
nor his city. For the one who institutes laws needs sometimes to be like a
legislator, and sometimes like a judge and a punisher of those who break his
laws.
[Simple things]
As ⟨these things⟩ are in this way regularly divided, we further approach the §4
other things one by one and put them into the order of the art of logic. After
the division of philosophy, we say that all things that are simple in the world
are either words or concepts that signify the objects that are in the world,
or objects that are perceived. The simple words are such as a (proper) name
and an appellation of every single object, as someone would say: ‘Socrates’
or ‘Plato’, or some other person among men. And concepts that signify are
those that we think about with regard to each and every one of the objects
and we possess. And the simple objects that are perceived are like ‘a stone’
and ‘a log’, and the rest of such things.
1 That is, we are endowed with speech and reason and are holders of words/concepts, see
also the last section of the commentary to § 36.
98 chapter 7
§6 焏rܕ 爯qܕqܠ̇ 煿ܕܡܠrܐ ܕܓ熏ܐ ܐ煿qrqܘܢ ܐܪܒܥ .焏ܗܢ 熏ܕ 爯qܦܩ熏ܕܐ. ܐܕ ̈
̇
ܡ犏ܠqܢ .焏ܡ焏rܠܢ .焏ܦܣ熏ܩ ..焏ܦܩ熏ܕܐ ܡ爯܉ ܐqqܢ 焏ܕܐܢ rܢ焏ܡr 5
ܡrܠ rq焏qܠ̇ܡ 爯ܕܡrܥܒ 煟ܠ .煿ܕܙܠ ܣܥ熏ܪ ܣ熏ܥrܢ 焏ܦܠ .爯ܡ犏ܠqܢ 焏ܕ爯q܉
ܐ qqܕܐܢ rܕܢܩ熏ܡ ܒrqrܦrܐ ܕܢ焏rܠ ܣ熏ܥrܢ 焏ܡ煟ܡ .ܡ焏rܠܢ 焏ܕ爯q܉
ܐ̇ qqܗܝ ܕܢ焏rܠ ܐܢ rܠqܒrܗ .ܕܡ 爯ܐ 焏qqܐܬܐ ܐܢ rܘܠ 焏qq焏ܐܙܠ
ܐܢ .rܐܕ 焏rܕ 爯qܕܐܪܒܥ 焏ܘܐ⟩ 焏qrqܐrqܘܗܝ⟨ ̇ܗܘ ܕ̇ܦܣ .犟ܐqqܢ 焏ܕܐܢr
ܢ焏ܡ .rܕ 爏qܒrܢ 焏rܕ qqܢrܡrܐ ܐ rqܒ .煿ܐܘ ܕ 爏qܢܦ 焏rܡܠqܠrܐ ܠ焏 10
ܡ熏qܬܬܐ ܐ .煿̇qrqܥ 爏ܗܠ 爯qܓ rqܬܠrܐ ܐܕ̈ 焏rܩ̈煟ܡ 焏qܕܡܠrܐ܉ ܠ焏
̈
ܡܥܩܒ 爯qܦqܠܣ熏ܦ .焏ܡ 爏qܕܠ 焏ܡܡrܘܡ ܡ熏rܕܥrr 爯qܪܐ ܐܘ ܕܓܠ熏ܬܐ.
§7 ܘ 煟qܗqܢ 焏ܐܕ̈ 焏rܕܡܠrܐ ܐܘܡܢ rq焏ܡrܦܠܓ爯q܉ ܘܐܦ ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܐܕ̈焏r
84v ܘܓ̈ܢܣ 焏ܕqܠ 爯q煿ܕܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ܡrܦܠܓ .爯qܕܐ煿qrqܘܢ | ܡܢ煿ܘܢ ܠ熏ܬ ܒrܘ焏q܉
ܘܡrܩ 爯qrܦ̈ 焏qqrܘܩ̈煟ܡ .焏qܘܡܢ煿ܘܢ ܒ煿ܘܠ 焏ܐ煿qrqܘܢ܉ ܘܡrrܡ爯q煿 15
̈ܗܘܠܢ 焏qܘ̈qqܢ .焏qܘܡܢ煿ܘܢ ܒrܪܥrqܐ ܐ煿qrqܘܢ܉ ܘܡqrܢ 爯qܐ焏qrq
ܘrܥqܢ .焏qܘ̇ܗܢ 爯qܐܠܦ 熏ܥ 爏ܐܕ̈ 焏rܘܓ̈ܢܣ 焏ܗqܢ .焏ܦܠ熏qܢ ܥ焏qrr 爟
ܕ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕ̣ܡ 爯ܐܩ煟ܡ 煟q 焏qܐܡ .爯qrܕ 爏qܨܒ熏ܬܐ ܐ煟qܐ ܕqqܢ rq焏ܐ煿̇qrq
ܒܥܠܡ .焏ܐ rqܠ̇ 煿ܐܕ 焏rܡ煟ܡ ܕܩܢ熏ܡ̇煿܉ ܘܩܢ 焏qܬܘܒ ܐܦ ܐܕ焏r
rܘܐܬ ݀
ܬ ܡ煟ܡ ܠ熏ܬ ܒrܘ .煿̇qܕܐ rqܠ 煿ܩq熏ܡ 焏ܕrqܗ .ܕܒ 煿ܐܬqܒܥ ݀ 20
̇
ܬܢ 爯ܠ煿ܘ .焏qܘܬܘܒ ܡ 焏ܕ̇熟qܗ ܐܢ .rܗ 爯q煟qܢܣ 焯ܐܦ ܐܕ 煿̇rܒܥ熏ܗܕܢ.煿
ܘ̇ܗܘܐ ܠ̇ 煿ܩq熏ܡ 焏ܒrܪܥrqܗ .ܐqqܢ 焏ܕܢ̣ qqrrܗܘ ܗܢ 焏ܐܕ焏r
ܬܠrqܐ .rqܗܢ 熏ܕ 爯qܠ熏ܬ ܒrܘ 焏qܘܒ̇ 煿ܒ犏ܒ熏ܬܐ ܘܒܥ熏ܗܕܢ 煿ܕ̇ܗܘ ܕ̇熟qܗ.
ܐܘ 爟qq̇ rqqܠ̇ .煿ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܓ rqܕܐܡ 爯qrܕܢܓrܐ ܐܘ ܐܘܡܢ 焏ܐrqܢ焏
The types2 of speech in general are four, namely imperative, precative, inter- §6
rogative, and declarative. Imperative is the way someone authoritatively tells
the one who is subject to him: “go and do a particular deed”. Precative is the
way someone in supplication sets about to ask for a certain deed. Interroga-
tive is like when someone asks another one: “wherefrom are you coming and
whither are you going?” The fourth and last type ⟨is⟩ the one that declares in
the way someone says: “every man who is alive has breath”, or “every ratio-
nal soul is immortal”. The philosophers do not inquire into these first three
types of speech, because they never signify truth or falsity.
As the types (ʾādšē) of speech in this way are divided according to the art (of §7
logic), so also are the forms (ʾādšē)3 and genera of the objects divided (in the
same way). Some of them [i.e. the forms] are with the Creator and are called
simple and primary, and some of them are in matter and are named material
and physical, and some of them are in mind and are designated last and
conceptual. In this way, Plato and the rest of those of the Academy taught
these things about forms and genera by saying: every object that naturally
exists in the world has a certain form of its own and possesses also a certain
form with its Creator, which [i.e. the form] has self-subsistence, through
which (the object) has been imprinted and come into being here (in this
world). And again, when someone shall have seen it, then he receives its form
in his memory too, and it obtains subsistence in his mind, so that this form is
found threefold, namely with the Creator, in the object, and in the memory
of the one who has seen it, that is to say, knows it. Just as they [i.e. the
Platonists] say that the carpenter or any other artisan, who at first imprints in
2 The Syriac word here is ʾādšā (焏r)ܐܕ, which is a pre-existing Greek loan word from eidos
(εἶδος) and in conformity with the underlying Greek it can mean both ‘species’, ‘form’ or
just ‘kind/sort/type/class’.
3 Since Sergius in this section is dealing with the Platonic forms and the Syriac ʾādšā
(焏r )ܐܕis representing both Greek concepts eidos (εἶδος) and idea (ἰδέα), I render it by
‘form’ here as also the Greek εἶδος is more often rendered by ‘form’ and not ‘species’ in such
contexts, see also the commentary to § 7.
100 chapter 7
85r § 9 rܡ⟨ ܕܐ̇ܡ煟 ⟩ܡ爯ܢqܡq | ܘܣ爯ܢqܦܢr ܡ爿qܠq熏q ܐܪܣ爯 ܕ̣ܡ爯qܬ ܗܠ熏 ܠ爯q ܕ煟q
̈
:爯q ܓܢܣ爿 ܓܢ爯q煿ܡrrܢ ܕܡ熏 ̇ܗܢ焏qrqr ܘ焏qܡ ̈ 煟 ܩ焏 ܕܓ̈ܢܣ.爟qrܘܡ
qqrr ܕܢ焏q犏 ܡ焏 ܘܠ.爯q煿qrq ܘܕܐ爯q̈ܬܐ ܕ̈ܗܘܝ ܘܕ̇ܗܘ熏 ܨ̈ܒ爯q煿ܠq 爯qṙܒqܕ
̇
.焏q ܐܘܣ:爯qܘܢ ܗܠ煿qrqܘܢ܉ ܐ煿 ܡܢ煟q rqq ܬ爏 ܢܦ焏ܘܡ ܕܠrܡ ܡ煟ܡ
̇
.煟 ܕܥܒ.爟q ܕܣ.rq ܕܐ.ܝr ܐܡ.焏qq ܐ.ܡ煟ܬ ܡ熏 ܕܠ.ܬܐ熏qܢq ܐ.ܬܐ熏qܡq 25
.ܫ焏qܕ
7 rq焏q ;ܐܬem. ex L.5va32/P.20v21 8 ܬܐ熏 ܨ̈ܒ爯q ܕܗܠ焏q ܗܘ爏( ܥvd. comm.) ‖ 焏q;ܐܬ
em. ex L.5va35/P.20v23 9 suppl. ex L.5vb1/P.20v24 13 焏ܢq ;ܪܥsǝyāmē suppl. ex
L.5vb13/P.21r4 15 爯q煿qr ܘܐܕ爯q煿 ;ܓܢܣem. et sǝyāmē suppl. ex P.21r6, (cf. L.5vb18) 16
焏̈ܦq ;ܘܓܠem. ex L.5vb22/P.21r8 17 suppl. ex L.5vb25/P.21r9 21 vid. 爯ܢq ;ܣܡem. et add.
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 101
his mind the forms and the figures of the objects that are being made by him,
and then carves and shapes them, and when someone else comes after him
and sees them [i.e. the objects], then he receives them from the crafts into his
memory and lays hold of and grasps them in his mind. And these (objects)
are found in three ways, whereby they subsist simultaneously, namely in the
mind of the artisan, in the crafts, and in the memory of the other one who
sees them.
In this way did also the wise Creator and Maker of the Universe think §8
essentially of the coming into being of these objects, and these notions
emanated as if from an essence, became suddenly realities, and through
them he imprinted, carved, and set up ⟨all⟩ these objects that are here
(in this world). Also still and without end he is forming and ordaining
everything through these primary thoughts, as he conducts the art of his
creatorship. Even we human beings, who from time to time come into
being, see physical objects and acquire knowledge of them and possess the
concepts of them in our memory. Therefore, concerning the thoughts with
the Maker, which they say are essentially with him, they consider them to be
the primary genera and forms of objects. And they name those imprints and
carvings, which come into being from these (thoughts) here in this matter of
physical things, the physical genera and forms ⟨of objects⟩. And again, they
call those concepts, which accumulate from objects in our memory by the
acquaintance of them, the last genera and forms of objects. These (words)
about those things are enough so far.
We turn to the (words) of Aristotle and present ⟨what⟩ he says and defines. §9
The primary and main genera that are named the most generic genera,4
which contain all the objects that have come into being, are coming into
being and (already) exist, and it is impossible that something will ever be
found which does not fall under one of them, are these: substance, quantity,
quality, toward something, where, when, having, placed, doing, (and) being-
affected.5
4 Literally ‘the genus of genera’, that is, ‘the most generic/general genera’.
5 The last seven categories are traditionally designated: relatives/relation, location/place,
time, habit/state, position/posture, action, and affection/passion.
102 chapter 7
§ 10 ܡ 爏qܕ 爯qܕrqrqܐ rqܢ̈煿ܘ 爯qܦq̈rܩ 爯ܘ̈ܓܠ 爯qܘq̈煟qܥ 爯ܠܩrܘ :焏qܥ爏q 爏
煟qܐ ܡܢ 爯q煿ܬܘܒ ܥqܦqܢ 煟q 爯ܐܡqrܢ .爯ܕܐܘܣ̇ 焏qܡ 爯ܒqܠ熟ܒ 爯ܓܢܣ焏
ܐ .煿̇qrqܡ 爏qܕܠ rqܓܢܣ 焏ܐrqܢ 焏ܠܒ rܡܢ̇ .煿ܘܒ煟ܓ熏ܢ ܓܢ 爿ܓܢ̈ܣ爯q
ܡrrܡ煿ܐ .ܘܣ熏ܣ 焏qܬܘܒ ܕܓ熏ܐ ܒqܠ熟ܒ 爯ܐܕ 焏rܗܘ .ܡ 爏qܕܠrq
ܐܕ 焏rܐrqܢ 焏ܠܒ rܡܢ̇ .煿ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕ 爯qܕܒܡ犏ܥrܐ ܕܐ煿qrqܘܢ 熏qqܬܐ 5
ܘܓr熏ܡ 焏ܢܦrܢ焏܉ ܐܕ̈ 焏rܘܓܢ̈ܣ 焏ܐ煿qrqܘܢ ̣ܗܢ熏ܢ ̣ 煟qܗܢ熏ܢ .ܐܠ焏
ܐܕ̈̇ 焏rܡ 爯ܕ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕܩ煟ܡ煿qܘܢ .ܓܢ̈ܣ 焏ܕ 爯qܕ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕܒrܪܗܘܢ̣ .ܗܘ ܗ爏qq
ܗܢ 焏ܓܢܣ 焏ܕܩ煟ܡ qܘܪqrq܉ ܡ 爏qܕ̇qܒ rܓܢ̈ܣ 焏ܘܐܕ̈ 焏rܣ̈ܓ焏qܐ܉
̈
ܐrqܘܗܝ ܒrܬ ܩܠ 焏ܦrqqrܐ ܕܡ熏rܕܥ 焏ܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ܦ̈rqqrܐ ܕܠ 焏ܡܢ.爯q
ܒ 煟qܪܥqܢ 焏ܦ 焏qqrܕܥ煟q 爏q 爏ܐ 煟qܐ ܡܢ爯q煿܉ ܘܡrrܡ煿ܐ ܐܘܣ.焏q 10
§ 11 ܐ rqܬܘܒ ܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ܐrqܢrqܐ ܒܥܠܡ焏܉ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܩq熏ܡ 爯q煿ܒ̇煿
ܒ焏ܘܣ焏q܉ ܗܠ 爯qܕܡrܐܡrܢ ܒܡrq̈r熏ܐ ܘܒܡܢ̈qܢ焏܉ ܐqqܢrqqܹ 焏
ܕܡܥq煟ܢ 爯ܠܡ焏ܡ .rܬܪܬ 爯qܐ̈ܡ 焏ܘܬܠ rܐ̈ܡ .焏ܘܦ 焏qrܬܘܒ ⟩ ⟨煟qܐܘ
ܬܪ .爯qܘܙܒܢ 焏ܕܥܣrܐ 爯qqrqܐܘ ܕܥܣr rܢ̈ .爯qܐܘ ܕqܡ 焏ܕ̣ܗܘ .ܘ̇ܗܢ爯q
ܗܠ 爯qܘܕܐ qqܗܠ爯q܉ ܡr̈qrܒ 爯ܬ rqqܓܢܣ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕܡrܐܡq rܡ熏qܬܐ. 15
qܠ 爯q煿ܓ rqܡrq̈r熏ܐ ܘܡܢ̈qܢ 焏ܘr̈熏qܒܢ 焏ܕܙ̈ܒܢ 焏ܘܕ̈rܢq 焏qܡ熏qܬܐ
ܡ煟ܡ ܡ熏rܕܥ.爯q
̈ ̈
§ 12 ܡ 爯ܗܠ 爯qܬܪ 爯qܓܢܣ.爯q ܐ rqܬܘܒ ̈ܒܢ̈ rܩܠ 焏ܐrqܢrqܐ܉ ̈ܕܠ rqܐܢ̣ 爯q
̈
ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕqܠ熏qܬܐ ܘܡrqrܘܬܐ ܘܓ熏ܢq 焏ܠ煿ܘܢ ܘܐܣqqܡ .焏ܗܠ 爯qܓrq
ܠ 焏ܐܘܣ⟩ 焏qܐ煿qrqܘܢ⟨ ܘܠq 焏ܡ熏qܬܐ ܡ煟ܡ ܡ熏rܕܥ .爯qܡ 爏qܕܐܦܠ焏 20
̣ܗܢ熏ܢ ܩܢ熏ܡ煿ܘܢ ܡ 爯qqqrܕܢrܩqܡ熏ܢ܇ ܐܠ 焏ܐܢ ܒqqܢ 焏ܐrqܢ.焏
ܘܐܦܠ 焏ܡrq熏rܐ ܕqܡ熏qܬܐ ܩܢ .爯qܕ̣ܗܢ 爯qܗܠ 爯qܘܕܐ qqܗܠ爯q܉ ܒ煟q
85v ܓܢܣ 焏ܕܓ熏ܐ | ܡ 爯qq̈rrܘܡ̈rrܡ煿ܢ ܦ熏ܐ .爿qqqܗܢ 熏ܕ 爯qܒ熟ܒqq 爯ܠ焏
ܘܒ熟ܒ 爯ܐqܢ熏ܬܐ ܩ 爯qrܠ.煿
§ 13 ܡqqqrܢ 爯ܬܘܒ ̈ܒܢ̈ rܩܠ 焏ܐrqܢrqܐ܉ ܕܠ 焏ܢ̈ܦܠ 爯ܬ̣ 煟q rqqܡ 爯ܗܠ爯q 25
⟩ܬܠrܐ⟨ ܓܢ̈ܣ 焏ܕܐܬܐܡrܘ .ܕ̣ܗܢ 爯qܗܠ 爯qܢܩqܦ熏ܬܐ ܡ煟ܡ ܩ̈ܢ 爯qܠ熏ܬ
̈煟qܕܐ܉ ܘܠ 焏ܡ煟q 焏q犏ܐ ܡܢ 爯q煿ܕܬܬܪܢ 焏ܒܠܥ̇ 煟ܗܝ ܐrqܬܐ܉ ܐ爯q煿qrq
ܕ 爯qܗܠ爯q܉ ܒ熟ܢ 焏ܕ̇ 爯qܗܘ ܕܡrܡq煿ܢ 爯ܒ 煿ܒrܐ ܘܐܒ焏܇ ܘܥ̣ܒ煟ܐ ܘܡrܐ.
ܘܥ焏ܦ 焏ܘܦܠܓ .焏ܠ 焏ܓ rqܒrܐ ܡrܪܢ 焏ܒܠܥ 煟ܐܒ焏܇ ܘܠ 焏ܥ̣ܒ煟ܐ ܕܠ焏
ܡrܐ܇ ܘܠ 焏ܥ焏ܦ 焏ܕܠ 焏ܦܠܓ .焏ܘܠ 焏ܬܘܒ ܐܒ 焏ܐܘ ܡrܐ ܐܘ ܥ焏ܦ焏 30
ܡqܠ1 爯q煟 ; em. ex P.25v3 (cf. L.7ra22) 13ܕܡ熏ܕܥ (vd. comm.) 9 焏ܕܩ煟ܡ qܘܪ8 qrq
; em. ex P.26r23 20 suppl.ܡ熏rܕܥ; sǝyāmē suppl. ‖ suppl. ex P.26r17 17 爯ܘܬܠ rܐܡ焏
̈
(vd. comm.) 26 suppl. ex P.26v14ܐqܢ熏ܬܐ 24ܒqqܢ 焏ܐrqܢex P.26v4 21 P.26v7: 焏
; em. ex L.8ra1–3/P.26v19ܘܠ 焏ܥ̣ܒ煟ܐ ܘܠ 焏ܡrܐ܇ ܘܠ 焏ܥ焏ܦ 焏ܘܠ 焏ܦܠܓ29–30 焏
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 103
In order that they will be more clear, obvious, and known to the reader § 10
we return to each of them by saying: substance is always a genus, because
there is no other genus separate from it, and that is why it is named the
most generic genus. ‘Horse in general’ is always a species (ʾādšā), because
there is no other species separate from it. And those in between [i.e. the
intermediates/subaltern genera], which are ‘animal’ and ‘animate body’, are
species and genera at the same time. On the one hand, they are species of
those that are before them, on the other hand, genera of those that are after
them. Therefore, this genus that is primary and main, because it contains
many genera and species, is a simple word that signifies a countless number
of simple objects by a simple concept of each and every one of them, and it
is named substance.
There are also other objects in the world, whose subsistence (qūyāmā) is in a § 11
substance (ʾūsīyaʾ), and which are said with measures and with numbers. In
the way we are wont to say: two cubits and three cubits, and again ⟨one⟩ span
or two, a period of ten months or of ten years or how many soever. These and
the like are reckoned to the genus that is called quantity. For all measures,
numbers, reckonings of times and years signify a certain quantity.
There are also other words, which do not pertain to [lit. are not of] these § 12
two genera, as for example sweetness and bitterness, and all the colours
and figures. For these ⟨are⟩ neither substance nor do they signify any quan-
tity, because these are neither able to constitute their own existence [as
substance does], except in another physical being, nor do they possess the
measure of quantity. These and the like are found in a single general genus
and are named poiótês, that is, people call it sometimes faculty (ḥaylā) and
sometimes quality (ʾaynūṯā).
We find again other words, which do not fall under any of the ⟨three⟩ § 13
genera that have been mentioned. These hold some entailment of each
other, and none of them is possible to be thought of without the other one
[i.e. its counterpart]. These are present in the way we name ‘son’ and ‘father’,
‘slave’ and ‘master’, ‘double’ and ‘half’. For neither ‘son’ is thought of without
‘father’, nor is ‘slave’ without ‘master’, nor ‘double’ without ‘half’. And neither
104 chapter 7
§ 14 ܐ rqܬܘܒ ̈ܒܢ̈ rܩܠ 焏ܐrqܢrqܐ ܕܠ rqܐ̈ܢ 爯qܬ̣ 煟q rqqܡ 爯ܗܠ 爯qܓܢ̈ܣ焏
ܕܐܡrܢ .爯ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܗܠ 爯qܕܡ̈熏rܕܥ 爯ܐܬrܘܬܐ ܐܘ rqqܕܘ̈rqqܐ ܐqq
ܐܢ rܢ焏ܡ .rܕܣ熏ܩ 爿qqrܒrܐrqܘܢ ܐrqܘܗܝ܉ ⟩ܐܘ⟨ ܦܠ熏qܢ ܒ熏̣rܩ.焏 5
ܥ 焏qrr 爟ܕܐrqܢrqܐ ܕܐ qqܗܠ .爯qܕ̣ܗܢ 爯qܗܠ 爯qܘܕܐ qqܗܠ 爯qܡ̈qrܢ爯r܉
ܬ 煟q rqqܓܢܣ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕܡrܩrܐ ܐ .焏qqܒܦ熏ܢ qܦrܓܡ 焏ܓ rqܕܐ焏qq܉
ܡrܩ̈qܡ 爯ܗܠq 爯qܠ.爯q煿
§ 15 ܡ 爯ܗܠ 爯qܕܐܡrܢ.爯 ܗqܢ 焏ܬܘܒ ܐ rqܐܦ ̈ܒܢ̈ rܩ ̈ܠ 焏ܐrqܢrqܐ܉ ܠܒ̣ r
ܕܐܦ ̇ܗܢ̇ 爯qܡ 爯ܙܒܢ 焏ܡ煟ܡ ܡ熏rܕܥ爯܉ ܐ qqܕܡܥq煟ܢ 爯ܠܡ焏ܡ .rܐܬܡܠq 10
ܘ熏qܡܢ 焏ܘܩ煟ܡ ̈rܢ 焏qܥܣ 爯qrܐܘ ܒrܪ ̈rܢq 焏qܡ 焏ܕ̣ܗܘ .ܕܐܦ ̇ܗܢ 爯qܗܠ爯q
ܡ̈qrܒ 爯rܒ 煟qܓܢܣ 焏ܕܓ熏ܐ ̇ܗܘ ܕܡrܩrܐ ܐܡrܝ .ܡ 爏qܕ 煟qܢ焏rܠ
ܐܢ rܗqܢ̇ .焏ܗܝ ܕܐܡrܝ܉ ܡܦܢqܢ 爯ܦrܓܡ .焏ܐqqܢ 焏ܕܢ̣ qqrrܗܘ ܐܡrܝ
ܓܢܣ 焏ܕqܠ煿ܘܢ ܕܐ qqܗܠ.爯q
§ 16 ܬܘܒ 爯q煟ܐ rqܐܦ ̈ܒܢ̈ rܩܠ 焏ܐrqܢrqܐ .ܗܠ 爯qܕܡ熏̈rܕܥ̇ 爯ܗܘ ܡ煟ܡ ܕܐrq 15
ܠ 煿ܠܒrܢ .焏rܐ qqܕܡܥq煟ܢ 爯ܠܡ焏ܡ .rܕܠܒ rqܐܘ ܣ 爯q焏ܐܘ ܣ 爟qܥ熟ܩrܐ.
ܘ̇ܗܢ 爯qܗܠq 爯qܠ 爯q煿ܡ̈qrܒ 爯rܬ rqqܓܢܣ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕܡrܩrܐ ܕܐ.rq
§ 17 ܐ rqܬܘܒ ܘܐrqܢrqܐ ܐqܠ 爯qܕܣqܡ 焏ܡ煟ܡ ܡ熏̈rܕܥ爯܉ ܐ qqܡ焏
ܕܐܡqrܢ .爯ܕ̇ܩ焏ܡ ܐܘ .焯qrqܐܘ ܪܡ .焏ܘ̣ܗܢ 爯qܗܠq 爯qܠ 爯q煿ܡ̈qrܒ 爯rܬrqq
煟qܓܢܣ̇ .焏ܗܘ ܕܡqrܢ 焏ܣ.爟q 20
§ 18 ܗqܢ 焏ܬܘܒ ܘ̈ܒܢ̈ rܩܠq 焏ܠ 爯q煿ܗܠ 爯qܕܡ̈熏rܕܥ 爯ܡܥܒ煟ܢ熏ܬܐ ܡ煟ܡ܉
87r ܐqܡ 焏ܕܐܡqrܢ 爯ܕ̇rqܒ .ܐܘ ̇ܡ .焏qܐܘ ̇ܡܩ | rܐܘ ̇ܡ .爯qrܘܡ̈qrܢ爯r
ܥܒ .煟ܡܥܒ煟ܢ熏ܬܐ ܓrq ܘܡ̈qrܒ 爯rܬ 煟q rqqܓܢܣ焏܉ ̇ܗܘ ܕܡrܩrܐ ̇
ܡ 爯ܗܠ.爯qܐ qqܕܐܡrܢ爯܉ ܕܡ煟ܡ ܡ熏rܕܥq 焏ܠ煟qܐ ̣
§ 19 ܘܬܘܒ ܐ̈ rqܒܢ̈ rܩܠ 焏ܐrqܢrqܐ ܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ 焏ܕܗܠ .爯qܐ qqܡ 焏ܕܢ焏ܡr 25
ܕܡrqrܒ ܐܘ ̇ܒܠ 牟ܐܘ ̇ܩ焏ܪ ܐܘ ̇焏qܡ̈q .ܢ 爯rܠ 煟qܓܢܣ 焏ܕܓ熏ܐ܉ ̇ܗܘ
ܕܡrܩrܐ ̇焏qܫ.
‘father’ nor ‘master’ nor ‘double’ can be said to exist without ‘son’, ‘slave’, and
‘half’. These and the like come together and exist in one genus, the toward
something [i.e. relatives].
There are other words, which are not to be found under any of these genera § 14
that we have mentioned, as for example those that signify locations, namely
places, as someone would say: “Socrates is at the theatre” ⟨or⟩ “Plato at the
marketplace”, with the rest of other such things. These and the like are
gathered under one genus that is called where [i.e. place], for in answer to
‘where’ all these are constituted.
In this way there are also other words, beside those we have mentioned, § 15
which in their turn signify a certain time, as we are wont to say: yesterday,
today and twenty years ago, or in how many years soever. These too are
contained in a single general genus, which is called when [i.e. time]. Because
when someone asks (a question) of the sort of ‘when’, we offer an answer in
such a way that ‘when’ turns out to be the genus of everything of this sort.
There are also other words, those that signify what a person has, as we are § 16
wont to say: he is dressed or shod or with a ring on. All these are contained
under the genus that is called having [i.e. state].
There are other (words) too which signify a certain posture, as we say: he is § 17
standing or he is sitting or he is lying. And all these are contained under one
genus, which is designated placed [i.e. position].
In this way again all the words which signify a certain activity, as we say: § 18
‘he writes’ or ‘he hits’ or ‘he cools’ or ‘he heats’. They are gathered and
contained under one genus, which is called doing [i.e. action]. For each of
these signifies the activity of something, as we have said.
Again, there are other words which are opposite to these, as we say: ‘is being § 19
written’, or ‘is being beaten’, or ‘grows cold’, or ‘grows hot’. They come together
into a single general genus, which is called being-affected [i.e. affection].
106 chapter 7
§ 20 ܘ 煟qܗqܢ 焏ܢrq煿ܐ rqܡ 爏qܕܘܪ 焏rܕܒܡܠqܠ熏ܬܐ ܠ煿ܠ 爯qܓ̈ܢܣ 焏ܥܣrܐ
熏rܕܥܢ爯܉ ܩrܒqܢ 爯ܠ 爯ܡ 爏qqܕܠ熏ܬ 熏rܘܕܥ 焏ܕܦrr熏ܢ 焏ܕܗܠ 爯qܕܒܥܠܡ焏
ܐ 爯q煿qrqܢ焏ܡ .rܓܢܣ 焏ܓ rqܩ煟ܡ 焏qܐqqܢ 焏ܕܩ煟ܡ 爯qܐܡrܢ̇ 爯ܗܘ ܕܠܥ爏
ܡܢ 煿ܐrqܢ 焏ܠ 焏ܐrq܉ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܐܘܣ .焏qܠ̣ rqrܡ 爯ܗܢ 焏ܕ 爯qܐrq
ܓܢܣ 焏ܐrqܢ̇ .焏ܗܘ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܓr熏ܡ .焏ܘܬ rqqܓr熏ܡ 焏ܕ爯q܉ ̇ܗܘ 5
ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܢܦrܢ .焏ܘ̇ܗܘ ܕܠ 焏ܢܦ .rܘܬ̇ rqqܗܘ ܢܦrܢ 焏ܬܘܒ܉ ܐrq
ܓܢܣ 焏ܐrqܢ熏qq 焏ܬܐ .ܬ熏qq rqqܬܐ ܕ爯q܉ ܐܕ̈ 焏rܐ煿qrqܘܢ .ܕܠ 焏ܬܘܒ
ܡrܦܠܓ 爯qܠܓܢ̈ܣ焏܇ ܐܠ 焏ܠܩܢ̈熏ܡ̇ 焏q煟qq̈q 焏ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕܒܡܢqܢ 焏ܒܠ熏qܕ
ܦ̣ 爯qrqrܡ煟q̈ 爯ܕܐ܉ ܡ 爯q煟ܐܕ 焏rܐ 焏qrqܕܠ rqܐrqܢ 焏ܠ rqrܡܢ .煿ܡ爏q
爯qr܉ ܐ qqܣ熏ܣ 焏qܕܓ熏ܐ܉ ܘܐq qqܠܒ 焏ܕܓ熏ܐ. ܗܢ 焏ܡqrܢ 焏ܐܕܫ ܐܕ ̈ 10
ܓܢܣ 煿ܕ 爯qܕܗܢ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ 熏qqܬܐ .ܘܗܝ ܬܘܒ 熏qqܬܐ܉ ܓܢܣ 焏ܐ̇煿qrq
̣
ܕܣ熏ܣ 焏qܘܕqܠܒ 焏ܐ qqܕܐܡrܢ爯܉ ܘܕܐrqܢrqܐ ܕܐ qqܗܠ .爯qܐܕ焏r
ܕ 爯qܐ 煿̇qrqܕܓr熏ܡ 焏ܢܦrܢ .焏ܘ̣ܗܘ ܬܘܒ ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܢܦrܢ焏܉ ܓܢܣ焏
ܐrqܘܗܝ ܕ熏qqܬܐ ܘܐܕ 焏rܕܐܘܣ .焏qܡ 爯q煟ܐܘܣ 焏qܒqܠ熟ܒ 爯ܓܢܣ焏
ܐ .煿̇qrqܡ 爏qܕܠ rqܓܢܣ 焏ܐrqܢ 焏ܠܥ 爏ܡܢ̇ .煿ܘܒ煟ܓ熏ܢ ܓܢ 爿ܓܢ̈ܣ爯q 15
ܡrrܡ煿ܐ .ܗqܢ 焏ܬܘܒ ܐܦ ܣ熏ܣ 焏qܕܓ熏ܐ ܒqܠ熟ܒ 爯ܐܕ 焏rܗܘ .ܡ爏q
ܕܠ rqܐܕ 焏rܐrqܢ 焏ܠܒ rܡܢ̇ .煿ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕ 爯qܕܒܡ犏ܥrܐ ܕܐ煿qrqܘܢ
̈
焏rܘܓܢܣ 焏ܐ煿qrqܘܢ ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ̇ 煟qܗܢ熏ܢ. 熏qqܬܐ ܘܓr熏ܡ 焏ܢܦrܢ :焏ܐܕ ̈
ܐܠ 焏ܐܕ̈ 焏rܕ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕܩ煟ܡ煿qܘܢ .ܓ̈ܢܣ 焏ܕ 爯qܕ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕܒrܪܗܘܢ .ܐ̇煿qrq
ܡ 爯q煟ܐܘܣ 焏qܓܢ 爿ܓܢ̈ܣ .爯qܓr熏ܡ 焏ܕ 爯qܐܕ 焏rܘܓܢܣ .焏ܘܬܘܒ 20
ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܕ 爯qܢܦrܢ 焏ܐܕ 焏rܘܓܢܣ .焏ܘ熏qqܬܐ ܐܕ 焏rܘܓܢܣ .焏ܒrܢ焏r
ܕ 爯qܕܓ熏ܐ ܐܕ 焏rܒܠ熏qܕ܉ ܘܒ煟ܓ熏ܢ ܐܦ ܐܕܫ ܐܕ ̈
.爯qr
87v § 21 ܘ 煟qܗܠ 爯qܗqܢ 焏ܡܠqܠ | rq焏ܘܒqqܣ 焏ܐܬܐܡrܘ .ܘܡ熏ܣܦqܢ 爯ܩܢ熏ܢrq焏
ܠܡܦܠܓ 熏ܘܠܡ焏ܡ .rܕܡܢ 爯q煿ܕܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ܒrܡ 焏ܒܠ熏qܕ ܡ熏̈rܬܦ爯
Having thus clearly presented these ten genera [i.e. categories] for the study § 20
of logic, we henceforth approach the hallmark of the distinctions that [per-
tain] for things that exist in the world by saying: the primary genus, as we
have said before, above which there is no other one [i.e. no superordinate
genus], is substance. But beneath this there is another genus, the one that is
body, and beneath body the one that is animate body and the inanimate one.
Furthermore, beneath the animate one there is another genus: animal.6 And
beneath animal there are species, which are not further divided into genera,
but into particular individuals, those that are distinct from one another only
in number, since it is the last species beneath which there is no other one [i.e.
no subordinate species]. Because of this, it is designated the lowest species,7
such as ‘horse in general’ and ‘dog in general’. The genus of this is ‘animal’,
and again, as we have said, ‘animal’ is the genus of ‘horse’ and of ‘dog’, and
of others like these, but it is a species of ‘animate body’. And again, ‘animate
body’ is the genus of ‘animal’ and species of substance, since substance is
always a genus, because there is no other genus above it; hence it is named
the most generic genus [i.e. the highest or supreme genus]. In this way, ‘horse
in general’ is always a species too, because there is no other species separate
from it. And those in between [i.e. the intermediates] are animal and ani-
mate body: they are species and genera at the same time. On the one hand,
they are species of those that are before them, on the other hand, genera of
those that are after them. Therefore, substance is the most generic genus.
‘Body’ is species and genus, and also ‘animate body’ is species and genus,
and ‘animal’ is species and genus, but ‘man in general’ is only species, and
therefore also a lowest species.
6 What is meant at many places in the text by ‘animal’ (ܬܐ熏qq ζῷον) is a ‘living being’, and
not only the animal genus, as Sergius specifies it in his On Genus, Species, and Individuality
(126vb6–8): ܬܐ熏qq ܐrܩr ܡ焏r ܢܦ煿 ܒrq ܕܐ焏ܡr熏‘ ܓa body in which there is a soul
is called animal’.
7 Literally ‘the species of species’, that is, ‘the most specific species’.
108 chapter 7
§ 22 ܘ̣ܡ 爯ܒrܪ ܕܗܠ 爯qܕܗqܢ 焏ܐܬܦܠܓ 熏ܘܐܬܬܣqܡ :熏ܡ 爏qܕܐܦܠ 焏ܗܠ爯q
ܐrqܢrqܐ ܢ̈煿ܘ̈q 爯qܣ 爯qܘܡ̣ 爯qr̈qܡ 爯ܐqܠ 爯qܕܨ̇ܒ 爯qܕܢrܕܪ熏rܢ ܒ̇煿
ܒܦqܠܣ熏ܦ熏ܬܐ܉ ܐܡqrܢ 爯ܕܠ̇ 煿ܠܒrܬ ܩܠ 焏ܗܕܐ ܕܐܘܣ .焏qܗܢ 熏ܕ 爯qܠ̇煿 10
ܠ焏ܘܣ 焏qܡ 爟qrܠ̇ 煿ܐܪܣq熏qܠ 煟q 爿qܐܡ rܗqܢ .焏ܕܐܘܣ 焏qܠ爟
ܐ 爏q 煿̇qrqܨܒ 熏ܕܐ rqܠ̇ 煿ܩq熏ܡ 焏ܕ̇rqܗ܉ ܘܠ 焏ܣܢqܩ 焏ܥ 爏ܡ煟ܡ
ܐ 爯qrqܕܒ 煿ܬܬܩ .爟qܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܒrܢ 焏rܘܩqܣ 焏ܘ焏qܦ焏܇ ܘܗܠ爯q
ܐrqܢrqܐ ܐqܠ 爯qܕܩ̈ܢ 爯qܩq熏ܡ 焏ܕrqܗ .爯qܘܬܘܒ ܠܓ 焏r̈煟ܗܠ 爯qܕܠ 焏ܐrq
ܠ煿ܘܢ ܩq熏ܡ 焏ܕrqܗܘܢ ܐܠ 焏ܒ̇ 煿ܒ焏ܘܣ 焏qܡrܩqܡ爯q܉ ܡ 爟qrܠ煿ܘܢ 15
̣ܗܘ ܐܪܣq熏qܠ 爿qܗqܢ .焏ܕܓ 焏r煟ܠ 爟ܐrqܘܗܝ ̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܒܡ煟ܡ ܐ爯qrq
ܐrqܘܗܝ܇ ܘܠ 熏ܐ qqܡܢrܐ ܡܢ煿܇ 煟qܠ 焏ܡ 焏q犏ܕܢ煿ܘܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ
ܡrܘܡ ܒܠܥ̇ 煟ܗܘ ܡ煟ܡ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܒ.煿
§ 23 ܬܗܘܐ ܕq煟q 爯qܥ 焏ܠ qܐܦ ܗܕܐ܉ ܕ̇ܗܝ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܡ煟ܡ ܒܡ煟ܡ܉ ܒ煟qܥܣr
̈ܙܢ 爯qܡrܐܡrܐ .ܐܡ rܐܢ 焏ܕ 爯qܐ qqܕܒ熟ܒܢ .焏ܐܘ ܐ qqܕܒ焏ܬܪܐ. 20
̈ ̈
ܐܘ ܐ qqܕܒܡ焏ܢ .焏ܐܘ ܐ qqܡܢ熏ܬܐ ܒ̇煿ܘ ܡ 焏ܕܐ 爯q煿qrqܡܢ熏ܬܗ.
ܐܘ ܐq qqܠ 煿ܡ煟ܡ ܒܡܢ̈熏ܬܗ .ܐܘ ܐ qqܐܕ 焏rܒܓܢܣ .焏ܐܘ ܐqq
̈
ܓܢܣ 焏ܒ焏ܕ̈ .焏rܐܘ ܐ qqܐܕ 焏rܒ煿ܘܠ .焏ܐܘ ܐ qqܕܘܒrܐ ܕܐqܠ爯q
ܕܡrܕܒ̣ 爯qrܡ 爯ܬ rqqܐ煟qܐ ܕܐܢr܉ ܒ̇煿ܘ ̇ܡ 爯ܕܡ煟ܒ rܠ煿ܘܢ .ܐܘ ܐqq
ܕܒ熏rܡܠ .焏qܐܘ ܐ qqܓ 焏r̈煟ܒ焏ܘܣ .焏qܐܠ 焏ܡ 爏qܕqܒ rܠq煟q 焏ܥ爯q 25
ܗܠ 爯qܓܠ rq焏qܠq焏ܠ 爯qܕܩ爯qr܉ ܢ煿ܦ熏ܟ ܬܘܒ ܥܠ煿qܘܢ ܘܢ焏ܡ rܬrq熏qܐ
̈
ܡ 爯ܐqܠ 爯qܕq煟qܥ | 爯ܠqܠܢ.r
86r ܕqܠ 煟q 煟qܡܢ煿ܘܢ܇ ̣
) (vd. comm.ܦ 5 爿qrܘܡܢ煿ܘܢ ; sǝyāmē suppl. ex P.30r2 2ܕܡ1 rq ; em.ܡ̇] 焏ܡ24 爯
q煟q; em. ex L.14va10/P.35r8ܥex L.14va6/P.35r6 25 爯
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 109
the objects share only a name and are called homonyms, as ‘dog of land’,
‘dog of water’ [i.e. otter], the ‘dog of Orion constellation’ [i.e. Sirius], and
‘philosopher dog’ [i.e. a Cynic]. Some of them share only the definition and
are named of the same species [i.e. polyonyms], as for example ‘stone’, ‘rock’,
and ‘flint’. Some of them share both the name and the definition and are of
one species [i.e. synonyms], as ‘Alexander the Macedonian’ and ‘Alexander
Paris’. And some of them share neither the name nor the definition, and they
are in every aspect different [i.e. heteronyms], as for example ‘log’, ‘stone’, and
‘man’.
After these things have been divided and set forth in this way, in order that § 22
even these other things shall not be hidden and concealed from those who
wish to be instructed in philosophy, we shall discuss the word ‘substance’, in
particular how Aristotle defines it when he says thus: substance is everything
that has self-subsistence and does not stand in need of anything else in
which it can subsist, as for example ‘man’, ‘log’, and ‘stone’, and other things
which have self-subsistence. Furthermore, Aristotle defines the accidents,
which do not have self-subsistence but subsist in the substance, as follows:
accident is what is in something else, but not as a part of it, since it is
impossible that it ever can exist without the thing in which it is.
§ 24 ܒ熟ܒܢ 焏ܗ 爏qqܐܡqrܢ 爯ܕܗܘܐ ܡ煟ܡ܉ ܐqܡ 焏ܕܢ焏ܡ rܥ 爏ܩrܒ 焏ܕܐqܠ熏qܢ
ܕܒ熟ܒܢ 煿ܕܐܠqܣܢ煟ܪܘܣ ܦ 爿qrܗܘܐ .ܐܘ ܕܢ焏ܡ rܥ 爏ܨܒ熏ܬܐ ܐrqܬܐ
ܐ煟qܐ ܕ̣ܗܝ܇ ܕܐܘ ܒrܢrܐ ܕܙܦܠ 爯ܐܘ ܒ熏qܡ 焏ܦܠ 爯ܗܘܬq .ܠ 爯q煿ܓ rqܕܕܐqq
ܗܠ .爯qܒ熟ܒܢ 焏ܡ煟ܡ ܡrܐܡrܢ ܕ̈ܗܘܝ ܐܘ ܕܐ.爯q煿qrq
§ 25 ܘܒ焏ܬܪܐ ܬܘܒ ܐܡqrܢ 爯ܕܐ 煿̇qrqܨܒ熏ܬܐ܉ ܐ⟩ qqܡ ⟨焏ܕܐrqܘܗܝ 爏q 5
煟q 煟qܡܢ 爯ܠܓ̣ 熏ܡ 爯ܣ 焏qܕܐܬܪܐ ܕܢܩ̣ 牯qܡ 爯ܠܒ rܠܓr熏ܡ .爯ܐܘ ܐqq
ܕܐܡqrܢ 爯ܥ̈ 爏ܡ 焏qܐܘ ܥq 爏ܡrܐ ܕܐ煿qrqܘܢ ܒܣ 焏qܓ 焏q熏ܕܓrܒ焏
ܕ犏qܒ 焏ܐܘ ܕܡ煟ܡ ܐ 爯qrqܕ̇qܒ rܠ煿ܘܢ.
§ 26 ܘܗqܢ 焏ܬܘܒ ܘܐܦ ܒܡ焏ܢ 焏ܐܡqrܢ 爯ܕܐ 煿̇qrqܨܒ熏ܬܐ ܡ煟ܡ܉ ܐqq
̈ܡ 焏qܒܓrܒ 焏ܐܘ qܡrܐ ܒ熟ܩ .焏ܐܘ ܐ qqܣ 爏q qܓr熏ܡ 焏ܡ煟ܡ 10
ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܒܓ 熏ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܐrqܢ .焏ܡqrܠ 牯ܗ̣ܘ ܓ rqܗܢ 焏ܙܢ̣ 焏ܡ̇ 爯ܗܘ
ܕܩ煟ܡ熏ܗܝ ܒ煿ܕܐ .ܒ̇煿ܝ ܕܐܬܪܐ܉ ܬܪ 爯qܩ̈qܡ 焏ܒܠ熏qܕ ܐ rqܠ .煿ܗܢ熏
ܕ 爯qܐܘܪ 焏qܘܦ .焏qrܡ焏ܢ 焏ܕ̣ 爯qܡ 爏q 爯ܦrܘܣ ܬܠrܐ ܩ̈qܡ 焏ܐrq
ܠ .煿ܗܢ 熏ܕ 爯qܐܘܪ 焏qܘܦ 焏qrܘܥ熏ܡܩ .焏ܡ 爯q煟ܐܬܪܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܣ煿q
ܕܓr熏ܡ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕ̇qܒ̣ rܡ 爯ܠܓ 熏ܠ̇煿ܘ ܡ煟ܡ ܕܣ 爟qܒ .煿ܡ焏ܢ 焏ܕ 爯qܐrqܘܗܝ 15
̣ܗܘ ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܩܢ熏ܡ 煿ܕܩܢ 焏ܬܪ̈ 爯qܣ 煟q .焏qܓ 焏q熏ܕ煟qܪ ܠ̇煿ܘ ܡ焏
ܕܐ rqܒ煿܉ ܘܡrrܡ 煿ܐ qqܕܐܡrܢ 爯ܐܬܪܗ܉ ܘ 煟qܒ̇ 焏qrܗܘ ܕ̣ܡ 爯ܠܒr
ܕܡ熟qrܐ ܠqܠܢ .rܐܢ 爯q煟ܗܕܐ ܗqܢ 焏ܐ煿̇qrq܉ q煟qܥ 焏ܗܝ ܕܡqrܠ 牯ܗ̣ܘ
̇ܗܘ ܙܢ 焏ܕܢ煿ܘܐ ܡ煟ܡ ܒ焏ܬܪܐ ̣ܡ̇ 爯ܗܘ ܕܢ煿ܘܐ ܒܡ焏ܢ .焏ܒ̇煿ܝ ܕ̇ܗܘ
ܣ 焏qܐrqܘܗܝ ܓ 焏q熏ܕܓr熏ܡ 焏ܐ qqܕܐܡrܢ .爯ܗܢ 焏ܕ̣ 爯qܗܘ ܓr熏ܡ焏 20
ܩܢ熏ܡ 煿ܐrqܘܗܝ.
§ 27 ܐܠ 焏ܐܦ ܐ̈ qqܡܢ熏ܬܐ ܒ̇煿ܘ ܡ 焏ܕܐ̈ 爯q煿qrqܡܢ熏ܬܗ܇ ܐܡqrܢ爯
ܕܐ 煿̇qrqܨܒ熏ܬܐ܉ ܐ qqܐ̈ 焏q煟qܘrܓܠ 焏ܘ 爏qܗܕܡ 焏ܐrqܢ 焏ܐqܢ 焏ܕ̣ܗܘ
ܡܢ熏ܬܐ ܐ 爯q煿qrqܒܦܓrܐ. ܕܒܓr熏ܡ .焏ܗܠ 爯qܓ rqܐ̈ qq
§ 28 ܘ̣ܗܘ ܬܘܒ qܠ 煿ܦܓrܐ ܡrܐܡ rܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܒ̈ܡܢ熏ܬܗ .ܗܢ 熏ܕ 爯qܒ焏rqr 25
ܘܒrqܣ 焏ܘܒ 焏q煟q̈焏ܘܒrܓܠ 焏ܘܒqܠ煿ܘܢ ܗܕܡ̈熏ܗܝ ܐrqܢ 焏ܕ .焏qrrܒ熟ܢ焏
ܡܢ熏ܬܗ.̇ܗܘ ܕܐܡrܢ 爯ܕܡrܐܡ⟩ rܕܐrqܘܗܝ⟨ qܠ 煿ܡ煟ܡ ܒ ̈
§ 29 ܘܐ qqܐܕ̈ 焏rܕ 爯qܒܓܢܣ 焏ܡrܐܡrܐ ܨܒ熏ܬܐ ܕܐ 煿̇qrqܒܡ煟ܡ܉
ܡ 焏ܕܢ熏qܪ ܒ煿ܠ 爯qܕܡ̈rܦܠܓ 爯ܡܢ 煟q 煿ܡܢ 煿ܕ 煟qܓܢܣ焏܇ ܘܢ焏ܡr
; em. ex L.14va26/P.35r14ܗ̣ܘܐ 3 ; em. ex L.14va30/P.35r15ܐ4 爯q煿qrq 5 suppl. ex
ܐܘ ܣ (vd. comm.) 10 qܕ犏qܒ 8 焏ܣ 焏qܕܐܐܪ L.14va33/P.35r16 6 L.14va35/P.35r17:
); emend. 27 suppl. ex L.15ra30/P.35v17ܐܘ ܣ (etiam P.35r21 f.; L.14vb13: 爏q qܐ爏q qq
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 111
Thus, we say that something happens in time, in the way we would say § 24
concerning the war of Ilium, that it happened in the time of Alexander Paris.
Or, as we would say about anything else whatsoever, that it happened either
in the year of a certain (person) or on a certain day. For all suchlike things
are said to have happened in a given time or are (still) present.
Again, we say that an object is in space, as each and every one of us is within § 25
the limit of space, which from without surrounds our body. Or, as we say
about water or wine, that they are in the inner limit of a jar, of a pitcher, or
of something else that contains them.
Again, in the same way we say that a certain object is in a vessel too, as water § 26
in a jar or wine in a wineskin, or as the limit of any certain body, which is
inside another body. For this way [of being in space] is different from the
one preceding it in this respect: in that space has just two dimensions,8
namely length and breadth, but a vessel has, of course, three dimensions,
namely length, breadth, and depth. So then, space is the limit of a body,
which from the inside surrounds the thing that is put in it, but a vessel is
itself a body, which possesses two limits: one inner that encloses what is in
it and is named, as we have said, its space; and one outer, which from without
is perceptible to everyone. If so, it is obvious that the way of something being
in space is different from the one of being in a vessel, in that the former is an
inner limit of a body, as we have said, but the latter is itself a body.
But we also say that an object is present as parts in that of which its parts § 27
are parts, like hands and feet, and any other member whatsoever that is in a
body, for these are present as parts in a human body.
Moreover, the whole human body is said to be in its parts, namely in the § 28
head, in the stomach, in the hands, in the feet, and all the rest of its other
members, in the way we have said that a whole thing is said ⟨to be⟩ in its
parts.
8 For a lengthy discussion on space and its dimensions, see §68–73 and the commentary to
them.
112 chapter 7
§ 30 ܐܠ 焏ܐܦ ⟩ܐ ⟨qqܓܢܣ 焏ܒ焏ܕ̈ 焏rܡrܐܡr܉ ̇ܗܘ ܡ煟ܡ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ
ܒܡ煟ܡ܇ ܐ qqܡ 焏ܕܢ焏ܡ rܐܢ rܕ熏qqܬܐ ܒ焏ܕ 焏rܕqܠܒ 焏ܘܕܣ熏ܣ焏q 5
86v ܘܕqܠ熏̈qq 爯q煿ܬܐ | ܐrqܢrqܐ ܐ煿̇qrq܇ ܐܘ ܢ犏ܒrܐ ܬܘܒ ܒrܬܐ
ܘܒ煟ܘܠܒ 焏ܘܒrq熟ܐ ܘܒqܠ煿ܘܢ ܐܕ ̈
焏rܕܢ犏ܒrܐ.
§ 31 ܘܐ qqܐܕ 焏rܬܘܒ ܒ煿ܘܠ 焏ܡrܐܡrܐ ܨܒ熏ܬܐ ܕܐ 煿̇qrqܒܡ煟ܡ܉
ܐ qqܡ 焏ܕܢ焏ܡ rܐܢ rܠ 爟ܕܕܡ熏ܬܗ ܕܐܢ煟ܪqܢ 焏qܒܢ 焏rqܐ煿̇qrq܇ ܐܘ
ܐܣqqܡ 焏ܕ熏qܪܣ 焏qܒܩqܣ 焏ܐܘ ܒܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܢ 焏ܕܕܐ qqܗqܢ.焏 10
§ 32 ܐܠ 焏ܐܦ ܕܘܒrܐ ܬܘܒ ܕܐqܠ 爯qܕܡrܕܒ 爯qrܒ̇煿ܘ ܕܡ煟ܒ rܐܡqrܢq 爯ܡ焏
ܙ̈ܒܢ 爯qܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܡ煟ܡ ܒܡ煟ܡ .ܐ qqܕܡܥq煟ܢ 爯ܠܡ焏ܡ rܕܕܘܒrܐ ܕܒrqܐ
ܒ熏rܠqܢ 煿ܕܡrܐ ܒrqܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ܇ ܐܘ ܕܕܘܒrܐ ܕܡq煟ܢrܐ ܒ̇煿ܘ ܕrܠqq
ܥ 爏ܡq煟ܢrܐ ܣ.爟q
§ 33 ܘܐ qqܕܒ熏rܡܠ 焏qܬܘܒ ܐܡqrܢ爯܉ ܕܬܨܒrqܗ ܕܒrqܐ ܒ熏rܡܠ̣ 煿qܗܝ. 15
ܘrqrqܐ ܕܐܠܦ 焏ܒ熏rܡܠ .煿̇qܘܐrqܢrqܐ qܠ 爯q煿ܕܕܐ qqܗܠ.爯q
§ 34 ܐ qqܓ 焏r煟ܕ 爯qܒ焏ܘܣ 焏qܐܡqrܢ爯܉ ܕܐ熏q rqܪܘܬܐ ܒܓr熏ܡ.焏
ܗܢ 熏ܕ 爯qܒqܠܒ .焏ܘܐܘqܡ熏ܬܐ ܒ焏qܦ .焏ܘqܠ熏qܬܐ ܒ煟ܒ .焏rܘܡrqrܘܬܐ
ܒܡ熏ܪܐ .ܘܐrqܢrqܐ qܠ 爯q煿ܕܕܐ qqܗܠ.爯q
§ 35 ܘ 煟qܗܠ 爯qܗqܢ 焏ܘܠ rq焏qܘܒ熟ܕܩ 焏ܐܬܬܣqܡ 熏ܠܢ熏ܗܪܐ ܕ̇ܗܘ ܕ̇ܩrܐ܉ 20
ܥ煟ܠ 焏qܡ煟ܡ ܕܡ 爯qrqܐܢ 爯qrܥ爏ܐܬrqܒ 爯ܬܘܒ ܕܐܦ ܙq̈qܡ 焏qܘ ̈
ܬ熏qܡ 焏ܕܓ̇ 焏r煟ܗܘ ܕ̣ܡ 爯ܠܥ 爏ܣܡܢ爯܇ ܢ熏rrܡ ܠ qܥ 爏ܡܦ 犟ܒrܘ焏q
ܘ 焏qrrܕqܠ煿ܘܢ.
;) (etiam L.15ra4ܕܐ; em. ex L.15rb1/P.35v20 2 爯q煿qrqܕܒ 煿ܒܓܢܣ] 焏ܕܒ 煿ܒܓܢܣ1 爯q煿
; sǝyāmē del.ܒ焏ܕ ̈
; em. et suppl. ex L.15rb8 f./P.35v23 5 焏rܐܠ 焏ܘܐܦ em. ex P.35v22 4
ܡܠ熏qܗܝ ]ܒ熏rܡܠ̣ 煿qܗܝ ; em. ex L.15rb33/P.36r12 15ܐܡex L.15rb12/P.35v25 11 爯qr ܒ̈ 熏r
ܐܬܬܣ); emend. 20 爟qܒ熏rܠܡ 煿ܗܝ (L.15va8/P.36r13:
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 113
would say that they are in their genus, as for example we say that ‘horse’,‘dog’,
and ‘ox’ are in the genus of animal; and also ‘vine’, ‘olive’, and ‘cedar’ are in
the genus of plant.
But also what is in something is said to be [so] ⟨as⟩ a genus in species, in the § 30
way someone would say that animal is in the species of ‘dog’, of ‘horse’, and
of all other animals; or plant is in ‘fig tree’, in ‘plane tree’, in ‘olive tree’, and in
all species of plant.
Also the rule of those who are ruled is in the one who rules. We say occasion- § 32
ally that something is in something, as we are wont to say that the rule of a
household is in the power of the master of household, or that the rule of a
city is put in the one who is in command of the city.
And as in purpose we say that the decoration of a house is in its purpose, and § 33
the usefulness of a boat is in its purpose, and all other things like these.
While these things were in this way properly and duly set forth to the eluci- § 35
dation of the reader, we were also considering some disputes and criticisms
that some persons bring up about the definition of accident that we have
presented above. We will outline for you the defense and the solution of
them.
114 chapter 7
§ 36 ܐܡ 爯qrܓ rqܕܡܠrܐ ܡqrܡܢrqܗ ܕܓ焏r煟܉ ܠ 熏ܒܠ熏qܕ ܠܓ 焏r̈煟ܬqܡ ݀
r
r܉ ܐܠ 焏ܐܦ ܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ܐrqܢrqܐ܉ ܐqܠ 爯qܕ̣ܡ 爯ܐܘܣ 焏qܘܠ熏 ܘqܒ݀ r
̇ ̈
⟩̣ܡ ⟨爯ܓ 焏r煟ܐ .爯q煿qrqܐܢ̣煿ܘ ܓ rqܕܓ 焏r煟ܐrqܘܗܝ ܐ qqܡܠrܐ ܗܝ
ܡ 爯ܠܥ̇ :爏ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܒܡ煟ܡ ܘܠ 熏ܐ qqܡܢrܗ: ܕܐܬܬܣqܡ ݀
̣ r
煟qܠ 焏ܡ 焏q犏ܕܢ煿ܘܐ ܩq熏ܡ 煿ܠܒ rܡܢ :煿ܡ 爏qܕܐܦ ܣ熏ܩ 爿qqrܘ爏q 5
煟q 煟qܡܢ 爯ܒ焏ܬܪܐ ܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܘܗܝ 煟q :ܠ 熏ܐ qqܡܢrܐ ܐ̣ 爯qrqܡ爯
ܐܬܪܐ :ܘܠ 焏ܬܘܒ 煟qܡܢ 爯ܡ犏ܐ ܒܠܥ̣ 煟ܡ 爯ܐܬܪܐ ܠܡ煿ܘܐ܉ ܡ 爯q煟ܐqq
qqܠ̇ 煿ܕܡܠrܐ ̇ܗܝ܉ ܐܦqܢ 爯ܓ 焏r煟ܐ .爯qrqܘܐ qqܕ̣ܡ 爯ܗܠ 爯qܡ焏qqrr
ܕܐ煿̇qrq܉ ⟩ܐܘܣ̣ ⟨焏qܗܝ ̣ 煟qܗܝ ܐܘܣ 焏qܘܓ焏r煟܉ ܐܘ rqqܕ̣ܗܘ ܩܢ熏ܡ 爯ܠ焏
ܐrqܘܗܝ ܐܘܣ 焏qܐܠ 焏ܓ.焏r煟 10
§ 37 ܠ熏ܬ ܗܠ 爯qܕ 爯qܐ rqܠ焏ܢ rܠܡ焏ܡ rܗqܢ .焏ܕܐܦ ܐܢ qܠ 煟q 煟qܡܢ爯
ܒ焏ܬܪܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ 煟qܠ 熏ܡܢrܐ ܡ煟ܡ ܐ̣ 爯qrqܡ 爯ܐܬܪܐ ܕܐ 爯qrqܒ煿܉
ܐܠ̣ 焏ܗܘ qqܢ 爯ܡ犏ܐ ܕܢrܪܢ 焏ܠܒ̣ rܡ 爯ܐܬܪܐ .ܡ 爏qܕܠ 熏ܡrܡܠqܢ煿
ܕqqܢ 爯ܐrqܘܗܝ ܐܬܪܐ܉ ܐܠ 焏ܡܩ̣ 牯ܗܘ ܢܩ 牯qܠ 爯ܐq qqܠܠ 焏ܠܓr熏ܡ.焏
89r ̇ܗܘ ܕ 爯qܡ 焏ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܡܩܒܠܢ 煿ܕܓ焏r煟܉ ܡrܡܠqܢ | 焏ܕqqܢ 煿ܐrqܘܗܝ. 15
ܒܠܥ煟ܘܗܝ ܓ rqܠ 焏ܡ 焏q犏ܕܢrܩ爟q܉ ܐ qqܕܐܡrܢ̣ 爯ܡ 爯ܠܥ .爏ܐܢ 爯q煟ܗܠ爯q
ܗqܢ 焏ܐ爯q煿qrq܉ ܡ 爯q煟ܠq̇ 焏ܒ rܬ熏qܡ 煿ܕܓ̇ 焏r煟ܗܘ ܕܐܬܐܡ̣ rܡ爯
ܠܥ 爏ܡ煟ܡ ܐ爯qrq܇ ܐܠ 焏ܐܢ ܠ 煿ܒܠ熏qܕܘܗܝ.
§ 38 ܦrܦ熏ܪ熏qܣ ܕ爯q܉ ܐܦ ̣ܗܘ ܡ 爟qrܠ 煿ܠܓ 焏r煟ܗqܢ .焏ܕܓ 焏r煟ܠ 爟ܐrqܘܗܝ
̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕ̇ܗܘܐ ܒܡ煟ܡ ܘܡrܦrܫ ⟩ܡܢ 煟q ⟨煿ܠ̇ 焏ܡ݁qܒ 爏ܠ .煿ܒrܡ ܕ爯q 20
ܐܦ ܥܠ熏ܗܝ ܕܬ熏qܡ 焏ܗܢ 焏ܐqrq rqܢ 焏ܕܠ 焏ܒ熟ܥ熏ܪ .ܕܥ ܓ rqܕܡܢ煿ܘܢ
ܕܓ 焏r̈煟ܡrܦ̣ 爯qrrܡ̇ 爯ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܓ 爯qr煟ܒ煿܉ ܘܡqrܒܠ 爯qܘܥ焏ܠ爯q
ܐrqܢq 焏ܠܦ煿qܘܢ .ܘܡܢ煿ܘܢ ܠ 焏ܡrܦ 爯qrrܡrܘܡ ̣ܡ̇ 爯ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܓ爯qr煟
ܒ .煿ܐܘqܡ熏ܬܐ ܓ rqܕܗܘ 焏qܒܓr熏ܡ 焏ܕܐܢ :rܡ 焏ܕܡrܕܒ rܙܒܢ焏
ܕܠ 焏ܒ熟ܥ熏ܪ ܒrܡ̇ 焏rܗܝ ܕܐ 煿̇qrqܓ焏r煟܉ ܗܕܐ ܡrܦ 焏rrܘ̇ܡqrܩ焏 25
ܡ 焏qܘܒqܠܠ 焏ܢ煿ܦ熏ܟ ܢrܕܒ rܙܒܢ 焏ܣܓ焏qܐ. ܡܢ煿܉ ܡ 焏ܕܒܣ 焏qqܕ ̈
2–3 焏r ; suppl. cum sǝyāmē ex L.16vb1/P.37v11f.ܘܠ 熏ܓ] 焏r煟ܘܠ̣⟩ 熏ܡ ⟨爯ܓ̈ 煟 6
; em. exܐqq qqܠ 焏ܕܡܠrܐ ]ܐqq qqܠ̇ 煿ܕܡܠrܐ 煟q 7–8ܠ 熏ܡܢrܐ L.16vb13/P.37v16:
)L.16vb18/P.37v18 (vd. comm. )9 suppl. ex L.16vb18/P.37v18 (vd. comm. 20 suppl. ex
;ܢrܒ] rܢrܕܒ; em. ex L.30vb14/P.38v22 (vd. comm.) 26 rܕܠ 焏ܙܥ熏ܪ L.30vb9/P.38v22 21
em. ex L.30vb29/P.39r5
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 115
For they say that his defining description of accident has not only defined § 36
and included accidents, but other objects too, which pertain to substance
and not ⟨to⟩ accidents. Given that accident is in accord with the definition
that previously was set forth “what is in something but not as its part” (Cat.
1a24), as it is impossible that [an accident’s] subsistence can be separate
from [the thing in which it is]. And because also Socrates and each and
every one of us is in a certain space, although we are not as a part of space
and yet none of us can be apart from space, then the implication of that
definition is that also we are an accident. And as it seems to follow from this,
a ⟨substance⟩ is at the same time substance and accident, which would mean
that our essence is not substance but accident.
Concerning this one may say as follows: even if each and every one of us § 37
is in space, we are not any part of the space in which we are, yet it is
possible to think of our nature to be separate from space, because space
is not completive [i.e. is not forming an essential part] of our nature, but
rather it follows upon us like a shadow (follows) upon a body. However,
what is receptive of an accident is completive of its nature, for it [i.e. the
accident] cannot subsist without it, as we have said above. And if it is how
these matters stand, then the definition of accident that was given above
does not include anything else, except itself alone.
§ 39 ܡ 焏q犏ܕ 爯qܠܡܦ 犟ܒrܘq 焏qܠܦ熏ܗܝ ܕܬ熏qܡ 焏ܗqܢ .焏ܕܓ̇ 焏r̈煟ܗܢ熏ܢ
ܕܠ 焏ܡrܪqܩ̣ 爯qܡ̇ 爯ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܓ 爯qr煟ܒ .煿ܐ qqܐܘqܡ熏ܬܗ ܕ焏qr熏q
ܘܕܢܥܒ .焏ܘܐܦ 爯ܠ 焏ܡqrܩ⟩ 爯qܒ ⟨煿ܒܣ熏ܥrܢ̣ 焏ܡ 爯ܓr̈熏ܡ̇ 焏ܗܢ熏ܢ
ܕܒ煿ܘܢ ܐ煿qrqܘܢ܉ ܐܠ 焏ܒܡܠrܐ ܘܒr熏qܒ 焏ܡrܦ 爯qrrܐܢ熏ܢ
ܡܢ煿ܘܢ 煟q .ܠ 焏ܥܒ 爯q煟ܒ煿ܘܢ ̇qܒܠ 焏ܡ煟ܡ .ܡ 焏q犏ܓ rqܕܢrܪܢ焏 10
ܐܦ 焏qr熏qܘܐܦ ܢܥܒr熏q 焏ܐ܉ 煟qܠ 焏ܡrܢ 焏qqܐܘܣ 焏qܕ煟q
ܡܢ煿ܘܢ ܒܡ煟ܡ .ܘܒ煟ܓ熏ܢ ܐܦ ܠ煿ܘܢ ܠqܡ 焏ܡܠrܐ ̇ܗܝ ܡqrܡܢrqܐ
ܡ 爯ܠܥ.爏 ݀
ܕܐܬܐܡrܬ ̣
§ 40 ܗqܢ 焏ܬܘܒ ܐܦ ܠ熏ܩܒ̇ 爏ܗܝ ܕܐܡrqܐ ܒ 煿ܒ熏qrܡ 焏ܕܡrܦrܫ ܠ爟
ܓ̣ 焏r煟ܡ̇ 爯ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܒ̣ 煟q 煿ܠ 焏ܡ݁qܒ 爏ܠ .煿ܡ煿ܦ qܐܢr 15
ܘܐ̇ܡ .rܕܗܐ ܐrrܐ ܐܦ̣煿ܝ ܓ 焏r煟ܡ煟ܡ ܐ .煿̇qrqܘܗܐ ܡqܒܠ焏
89v ̣ܗܝ ܠܓr熏ܡ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕܗܘ 焏qܒ .煿ܘܩ熏̣qrܬܐ ܬܘܒ ܕܗܘ 焏qܒܣܥrܐ܉ |
ܡqܒܠ 焏ܠ 煿ܠ̇煿ܘ ܡ 焏ܕܗܘ 焏qܒ .煿ܡrrܪ 爯qܬܘܒ ܘܐܦ ܗܠ 爯qܗqܢ.焏
ܕܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܡ 焏ܕܡrܡ̈ 爯q̈rܡܢ 焏ܒܩrqܪܐ :ܐܘ ܡrrܦ̣ rqrq 爯qܡ 爯ܡ焏
ܕܙܕܩ :ܡ̈qܒܠ 爯ܠ̇ 煿ܠ焏ܪܡ熏ܢ 焏qܘܠܩqܢrܐ rq熏rܐ ܕܒ爯q煿܉ 煟qܠ 熏ܠ煿 20
ܠܩrqܪܐ ܡ̈qܒܠ爯܉ ܗqܢ 焏ܐܦ ܐrrܐ ܠ 焏ܗ̣ܘܐ ܠܦܓrܐ ̇ܡqܒܠ :焏ܐܠ焏
ܠ焏ܪܡ熏ܢrq熏r 焏qܐ ܕܡ熏ܙܓ 煟q .煿ܕ 爯qܢqrܒ̣ 爏ܗܘ ܗܢ 焏ܡ熏ܙܓ :焏ܠ焏
ܐܠ犏ܐ ܕܐܦ ̣ܗܘ ܦܓrܐ ܢqrܒ 爏ܠ 煿ܥܡ̇ .煿ܡ 爯q煟ܐܦܠ 焏ܗܪ̇ 焏qܡ݁qܒ爏
ܓ 焏r煟ܠ̇煿ܘ ܡ 焏ܕ̇ܗܘܐ ܒ .煿ܐܦ ܩ熏qrܬܐ ܕ 爯qܠ 焏ܗ̣ܘܐ ܒܣܥrܐ
ܕܡ̇qܒܠ 焏ܠ 煿ܐ煿̇qrq܉ ܐܠ 焏ܒ̇ 煿ܒܩrܩܦrܐ qqܢ̇ 煿ܓ .焏r煟ܐ qqܕ̣ܡ爯 25
ܗܪ 焏qܬܬ熟qܐ܉ ܕܠ̇ 焏ܡ݁qܒ 爏ܓ 焏r煟ܠ̇煿ܘ ܡ 焏ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܒ .煿ܒrܡ ܕ爯q
爏qܡ煟ܡ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܒܥܠܡ焏܉ ܠܩq熏ܡ 焏ܕrqܗ ܡ焏qrܒ ܘ ̇
ܥrܩ ̣ܡq 爯ܒܠ̣煿
̇
ܒqܠ熟ܒ .爯ܐܢ̣煿ܘ ܗ 爏qqܕܠ 焏ܡ犏ܐ ̣ 煟qܡ 爯ܓ 焏r̈煟ܠܡrܩqܡ 熏ܒܠܥ̣ 煟ܡ 爯ܗܘ
ܡ 焏ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܒ煿܉ q煟qܥ 焏ܗܝ ܕܠ rqܡ煟ܡ ̣ܡ 爯ܓ 焏r̈煟ܕܡqܒ̇ 爏ܗܘ ܡ焏
ܕ̇ܗܘܐ ܒ .煿ܕܠܡ 焏ܢܥܒ⟩ 煟ܠ ⟨煿ܐܦ 熏qܒܠ 焏ܕܩܢ熏ܡ.煿 30
he resumes spending a long time bathing in the water and in shade. But the
blackness of a Cushite [i.e. African] or of a raven, also it being an accident,
is never separated and goes away from the skin of the Cushite9 or from the
feather of the raven. One may therefore say that the definition that is set
forth by Porphyry about accident does not include all accidents, but merely
the ⟨accidents⟩ that are separated and go away from what they occur in.
In this way, someone may also retort against what was said in the definition § 40
that separates accident from what it is in [i.e. its substrate] without destroy-
ing it, and say: indeed also fever is a certain accident, and yet it destroys the
body in which it occurs [i.e. its substrate]. Furthermore, the baldness that
occurs in the hair destroys what it occurs in. Also these (objections) are
solved in this way: just like when the strings on a cither are tightened or loos-
ened more than what is required, they destroy the balanced harmony and
melody that is in them, without destroying the cither itself. In the same way,
also the fever does not destroy the human body itself, but the balanced har-
mony of its temperament. When this (corporal) temperament is destroyed,
it is not necessary that the human body is also destroyed along with it. There-
fore, not even here does the accident destroy what it occurs in. Baldness
too does not exist in the hair that it destroys, but its nature appears in the
skull. It may be seen from this that an accident does not destroy what it
is in. Nonetheless, everything that is in the world strives after its own self-
subsistence and always avoids its own destruction. If, therefore, no single
accident can subsist without what it is in, it is obvious that there is no single
accident which destroys what it occurs in, lest it causes also the destruction
of itself.
9 For a similar example and the name Cushite, i.e. an Ethiopian or a black person, cf.
Jeremiah 13:23 in Hebrew language.
118 chapter 7
One ought to know that all differences that have been put forward from § 42
human being to substance are said in general [i.e. are generalizations],
because each and every one of them contains many objects beneath itself
that are different from one another, either by the difference of individuals
or by species. However, also those differences that are higher in relation to
one another are all the more said to be general, since each and every one of
them contains all those that are below it, and it gives its name and its nature
to each item beneath it [in the tree/hierarchy]. I mean the following: ‘man’
is a difference and a species of the living body, as we have said; hence this is
120 chapter 7
ܡ 爏qܕ̇qܒq rܠ煿ܘܢ ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܩܢ̈熏ܡ 焏q煟qq̈q 焏ܕ̣ 煟q 煟qܡ̈ 爯ܒܢqܢ焏q煟qq̈q .焏r
ܕ̣ 爯qܗܢ熏ܢ ܩܢ̈熏ܡ 焏ܡrrܡ爯q煿܉ ܡ 爏qܕܠ rqܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܢ 焏ܕqܒ rqܠrqr
ܡܢ煿ܘܢ܉ ܘܠ 焏ܡrܦܠܓ 爯qܠܦrr熏ܢ 焏ܐrqܢ 焏ܘܠ 焏ܠ焏ܕ̈ .焏rܘ̣ܗܘ ܬܘܒ
ܓr熏ܡ 焏qq 焏ܕܓ熏ܐ ܡrܐܡr܉ ܡ 爏qܕ̇qܒ rܠܒrܢ 焏rܕܓ熏ܐ ܘܠܒܥrqܐ
ܕܦ̣ 爯qrqrܡ煟q̈ 爯ܕܐ .ܠ 熏ܒܡܢqܢ 焏ܒܠ熏qܕ܉ ܐܠ 焏ܘܐܦ ܒ焏ܕ .焏rܘ煿̇qܒ ܠ煿ܘܢ 5
̣ܡ熏r 爯ܡ煿ܗ ܘ̣ܡqq 爯ܢ .煿ܡ 爏qܕܐܦ ܒrܢ 焏rܘܒܥrqܐ ܡrܐܡ 爯qrܕ爯qqq
ܒܢܣqܒ熏ܬܐ ܕ熏qܢ 煿qܕ̇ܗܘ܉ ܘܓr熏ܡ 焏ܬܘܒ ܢܦrܢ 焏ܡrܐܡ rܐܦ ̣ܗܘ
ܕܓ熏ܐ̇q .ܒ rܓ rqܐܦ ̣ܗܘ ܬ熏qܬܘܗܝ ܠ̇煿ܘ 焏qqܘܠqܠ煿ܘܢ ܦrr熏ܢ熏ܗܝ.
ܘܢܣܒ 爯qܐܦ ̣ܗܢ熏ܢ ̣ܡ熏q 爯ܢ .煿qܡrܩrܐ ܓ rqܢܦrܢ 焏ܐܦ ܒrܢ焏r
ܐܦ 熏qqܬܐ .ܒ̇ 煿ܕ 爯qܒ煟ܡ熏ܬܐ ܐܦ ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܐܦ ܐܘܣ 焏qܕܓ熏ܐ 10
88v ܐ煿qrqܘܢ | .ܡ 爏qܕqܒq 爯qrܠ煿ܘܢ ܦrr熏ܢ 焏ܕܠ rqrܡܢ煿ܘܢ܉ ܘ煿qܒ爯q
ܠ煿ܘܢ ̣ܡ熏q 爯ܢ煿qܘܢ .ܡrܩrܐ ܓ rqܐܘܣ焏q܉ ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܘܓr熏ܡ焏
ܢܦrܢ .焏ܘ熏qqܬܐ ܘܒrܢ .焏rܘqܠ煿ܘܢ ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܦrr熏ܢ 焏ܐrqܢ 焏ܕܐ煿qrqܘܢ
ܒ焏ܘܣ焏q܉ ܘܩܢ̈熏ܡ 焏ܬܘܒ ̇ 焏q煟qq̈qܗܢ熏ܢ ܕܠrqr܇ ܕܠ 焏ܡrܦܠܓ 爯qܠܡ煟ܡ
ܐ.爯qrq 15
; em. ex L.32va4/P.40v10ܘܡ11 爏q ; em. ex L.32vb13/P.41r5ܕܥ焏ܠ] 爯qܕܥܠ25 爯qq 25–26
煿q; del. et sǝyāmē suppl. ex L.32vb15ܒ̣ 爯qܡ̣] 爯ܡ熏r [爯ܡ煿q煿ܘܢ
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 121
To recount in brief: all the lower differences receive the titles of those that § 43
are above them, but the upper ones are not designated by the title of the
lower ones. For each man is living, animate, body, and substance, but not
everything that is living is man, as for example beast, and not everything
that is animate is living, as for example plants; and again, not everything
that is substance is animate, as for example stones and logs. For these are
substance, but they are not called animate. Likewise, also everything that is
living is called animate and substance, and again, everything that is animate
is named substance, but not everything that is substance is by any means
body, animate, animal, or man. Therefore, what we were saying has appeared
clearly: all genera that are higher in relation to one another assign their titles
and their nature to all the lower species, down to particular individuals that
are not further divided. But the lower ones do not ever assign their title or
their nature to those that are immediately above them or to those that are
further above and remote from them.
122 chapter 7
§ 44 ܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܗ 爏qqܩ̈煟ܡrqܐ ܐ爯q煿qrq܉ qܠ 爯q煿ܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ rq煟qq̈qܐ ܕܐrq
ܠ 爯q煿ܩq熏ܡ 焏ܕrqܗ .爯qܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܕ 爯qܕܬܪܬ 爯qܡ̈rrܡ煿ܢ܉ qܠ煿ܘܢ
ܐܕ̈ 爯q煿qrܕܗܠ 爯qܘܓܢ̈ܣ .爯q煿qܒܥrܐ ܗܝ ܓ rqܐܦ ܗܪ 焏qܪܒrܐ܉
ܕܒq焏ܢ 焏ܙܢ 焏ܡrܦܠܓ 焏ܐܘܣ 焏qܠ̇煿ܝ ܩ煟ܡrqܐ ܘܠ̇煿ܝ ܕܬܪܬ .爯qܘܙܕ̇ܩ
ܩ煟ܡ rqܕqܠ煿ܘܢ ̈ܙܢ 焏qܕܡ 焏qqrܕܢ煿ܘܐ ܒ煿ܘܢ ܦ熏ܠܓ 焏ܐqܢ 焏ܕ̣ܗܘ 5
90r ܢܣ爟q܉ ܘܗqܢ 焏ܢܥܒ 煟ܠ̇ | 煿ܡܦܩܢ 焏ܠܡܠrܐ ܐqqܢ 焏ܕܙܕܩ.
§ 46 ܡ 爏qܗ 爏qqܕܒ̣ 煟qܡ 爯ܗܠ 爯qܬܠrܐ ̈ܙܢ 焏qܡrܦܠܓ 爏q 焏ܨܒ 熏ܐ煟qܐ 15
ܕܡܩܒܠ 焏ܦ熏ܠܓ :焏ܘܠ 焏ܡ 焏q犏ܕܢ qqrrܡ煟ܡ ܕܡrܦܠ :焿ܕܠ 焏ܐܠ犏ܐ
ܕܬ 煟q rqqܡܢ煿ܘܢ ܢ݁ܦ爏܉ ܢܩܦ 焏ܡ 爏qqܕܢܒܥ 焏ܕܒq焏ܢ 焏ܙܢ 焏ܡܢ煿ܘܢ
̇ܗܘܐ ܦ熏ܠܓ 焏ܕܐܘܣ 焏qܠܩ̈ 煟
ܡrqܐ ܘܠ煟ܬrܬ.爯q
ܕܨ (vd. comm.) 8 add. 9 add. 11 rqܕܡrܦܠ; em. ex L.34va5/P.43r11 7 焿ܕ2 爯q煿qrq
ܕܩ̈ 煟
ܡ; em. ex L.35ra20/P.43v17 26 L.35rb2–3: 焏qܐ rqܗ̣ܘܐ ]ܐ rqܗܘܬ (vd. comm.) 21
; em. ex L.35rb4/P.43v25ܕܡܢ, (etiam P.43v24–25 sine sǝyāmē) 27 煿ܘܐ焏qrq
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 123
Now, primary substances are all particular objects that have self-subsistence, § 44
and all their species and genera are named secondary substances. Also here
the dispute is huge: in what way is substance divided into the primary and
the secondary one? It is proper that we first set forth all the ways in which
any division whatsoever possibly may come about, and afterwards we shall
make a conclusion for the discussion as it is required.
For everything that is divided is ⟨divided⟩ either (1) as a genus into species, or § 45
(2) as a word into dissimilar objects [i.e. homonyms], or (3) ⟨as⟩ into similar
parts or into dissimilar parts. (It is divided) as a genus into species: as animal
into man and into all other animals. As a word into dissimilar objects: into
the dog of land, into the dog of water, into the (dog) of Orion constellation,
and into the depicted one. And into similar parts to each other, apart from
that of largeness and smallness [i.e. size]: as bone and log and other suchlike
things; and into the dissimilar (parts): as feet, hands and head, and the like.
As every object that admits of division, is divided in one of these three ways, § 46
and it is impossible to find anything that is divided, which does not neces-
sarily fall under one of them, it is accordingly suitable that we investigate,
in what way of these (three), the division of substance into primary and sec-
ondary comes about.
I say thus, that it [i.e. substance] has not been divided as into parts, neither § 47
as those that are similar nor as those that are dissimilar to one another;
otherwise it would be necessary that there was another substance that could
be divided into such things as into parts. And there should have been a
teaching also concerning this latter one before the former ones.10 But nor
is substance here divided into a primary and a secondary one as a genus
into species, because amongst the species that pertain to the same genus
there is no prior and posterior, except from wherever a person wishes to
begin with [any] division of them, from there he makes him one, as all the
species proceed without any notion of prior and posterior (being present).
Therefore, if some substance is primary and some secondary, it is obvious
that its division is not herein established as a division of species. Again, nor
as a single word that is divided into objects, the nature of each of which is
10 If there were any substance that could be divided as into similar or dissimilar parts,
there should be a tradition of exegesis concerning that one too and its divisions.
124 chapter 7
§ 48 ܐܡqrܢ 爯ܗ 爏qqܕܠ 熏ܦ熏ܠܓ̇ 煿ܕܐܘܣ 焏qܥ̣ܒ 煟ܐܪܣq熏qܠ 爿qܒ煿ܕܐ ܕܐ̇ܡ.r
ܕܡܢ̇ 煿ܩ煟ܡrqܐ ܐ 煿̇qrqܘܡܢ̇ 煿ܕܬܪܬ爯q܉ ܐܠqq 焏ܣ 焏ܒܠ熏qܕ ܣ 爟ܒ̇煿
ܕܩ煟ܡ熏qܬܐ ܘܕܬܪqܢ熏ܬܐ .ܘܐrqܢ̣⟩ 焏ܗܘ⟨ qqܣ 焏ܕܡܢqܢ焏܉ ܘܐrqܢ̣ 焏ܗܘ
̇
ܦ熏ܠܓ 焏ܕܢܣܒ 焏ܨܒ熏ܬܐ ܕܓ熏ܐ܇ ܘܡܦrܫ ܠ̇ 煿ܢܩܦ rq焏ܠrq煟qq̈qܐ.
§ 49 ܘ̣ܡ 爯ܒrܪ ܗܠ 爯qܗ̣ܘ煟q rqܥ݁ rܐܦ ܗܕܐ܉ ܕܐܕ 焏rܩ 焯qrܗ̣ܘ ܠ焏ܘܣ焏q 10
̇ܗܝ ܩ煟ܡrqܐ ̣ rqrqܡ 爯ܓܢܣ .焏ܩ煟ܡ rqܓ rqܐܢ̣煿ܘ ܕܢrrܐܠ ܐܢ rܕܡ̣ܢ熏
ܣ熏ܩ爿qqr܉ ܡqqܢ rq焏ܐ̇ܡ rܕܒrܢ .焏rܐܢ 爯q煟ܐܦ ܡ̣ܢ 熏ܒrܢ 焏rܢrrܐܠ܉
ܗ 爯q煟qܡܦܢ 焏ܦrܓܡ焏܉ ܕ 焏qqܡܠqܠ 焏ܡ熏qܬܐ .ܒ熏rܐܠ 焏ܗ̇ 爏qqܗܘ
ܩ煟ܡ焏q܉ ܐܕ 焏rܢ̣ܣ 焯ܘ熏rܕܥ ܥ 爏ܣ熏ܩ 爿qqrܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܐܘܣ焏q
ܩ煟ܡrqܐ .ܒ̇煿ܘ ܕ 爯qܐrqܢ焏܉ ܓܢܣ 焏ܡ煟ܡ ܢ̣ܣ̇ .焯ܡq煟q 爯q煟ܥ 焏ܗܝ܉ 15
ܕܩqrܒ 爯qܐܢ熏ܢ ܐܕ̈ 焏rܠ焏ܘܣ 焏qܩ煟ܡrqܐ ̣ rqrqܡ 爯ܓ̈ܢܣ 焏ܘܡrqܪ爯q
ܡܢ煿ܘܢ .ܒ̇煿ܝ ܕܓ̈ܢܣ 焏ܣܢqܩ 爯qܥ 爏ܐܕ̈ 焏rܕܢrܐܡrܘܢ ܥܠ煿qܘܢ܉ ܐܕ̈焏r
ܕ 爯qܠ 焏ܣܢqܩ 爯qܥ 爏ܓ̈ܢܣ 焏ܕܢrܐܡrܘܢ ܥܠ煿qܘܢ܉ ܐܠ 焏ܕܒܠ熏qܕ ܢqܒ熏rܢ
ܐܢ熏ܢ.
§ 50 ܡ 爏qܕܐܦܠ 焏ܗܕܐ ܗܦrqܐ ܢܥܒ 煿̇qrܘܠ 焏ܢܣqܡ 煿̇qܒܡ焏ܡrܢ 20
ܕܠ熏ܬܟ܉ ܐqqܢ 焏ܕܐܦܠ 焏ܗܕܐ ܬܗܘܐ qܥ 焏qܠܩrܘ .焏qܐ̇ rqܡ 爯ܐܢ̈爯qr
ܕܡ煿ܦ 爯qqܘܐܡ爯qr܉ ܕܐܢ̣煿ܘ ̇ܡ 爯ܕܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܩ̈煟ܡrqܐ ܐ煿qrqܘܢ ܩܢ̈熏ܡ焏
.焏q煟qq̈qܘܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܕܬܪܬ 爯qܐܕ̈ 焏rܘܓ̈ܢܣ焏܉ ܥ 爏ܡܢ 焏ܠ 焏ܐܦ ܓ焏r̈煟
ܡrrܡ 爯q煿ܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܕܬܠ .rܡrrܪ 焏qܕ 爯qܒܥrܐ ܗܕܐ ܕܐܬܐܡ݀ r
ܬ
ܒrܪ̈ 爯qܙܢ.焏q 25
̈
8 suppl. ex L.35va3/P.44r12 9ܐܪܣ; sǝyāmē del. ex L.35rb23/P.44r5 6 熏qܓܢܣ3 焏
;ܢ焏rܠ etܕܢ焏rܠ 11 et 12ܗ̣ܘ̣煟ܵq rqܥ݁ (etiam L.35va5/P.44r13); emend. 10 vid. rܕܢ̇ܣ焯
em. ex L.36vb4/P.45v5 et L.36vb8/P.45v6 ) (vd. comm.ܕ 焏qqܡܠqܠ 焏ܡ熏qܬܐ 13 16
; del. exܡܢ煿ܘܢ ]ܕܓ̈ܢܣ 焏ܐܕ̈ .[焏rܒ̇煿ܝ ; sǝyāmē suppl. ex L.36vb20/P.45v12 17ܓܢܣ焏
L.36vb22/P.45v13
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 125
dissimilar to the others, can anyone say that the division of substance has
come about here, since substances are similar one to another not only by
a name, but also their definition and their nature is the same in every way.
Hence, if substance has not been divided into a primary and secondary one
as into parts, nor as a genus into species, and nor as a word into different
objects, (then) the dispute seems very much to be without a solution.
We say therefore that Aristotle did not make a division of substance in saying § 48
this: “some of it is primary and some of it secondary” (cf. Cat. 2a11–19), but
merely he put the order of priority and posteriority into it, and another
⟨being⟩ the order of number, and another being the division that a general
object receives and differentiates it accordingly into particulars.
After these things, you should know also this: species is closer to primary § 49
substance than is genus (Cat. 2b7f.). For firstly, if someone is asked “what
is Socrates?”, he appropriately says ‘man’. And if he is also asked “what is
man?”, then he offers the answer: ‘living, rational, mortal’. Thus, through the
first question he received a species and signified Socrates as being a primary
substance. And through the other (question) he received a certain genus.
Therefore, it is obvious that species are closer to primary substance than are
genera, and are superior to them, in that the genera stand in need of species
to be predicated of them, but species do not stand in need of genera to be
predicated of them, but only to contain them.
In order that we neither pass over the following objection nor (fail to) put § 50
it in our treatise for you, nor that it leads to confusion within the reader
[we report]: there are some people who retort and say that if particular indi-
viduals are truly primary substances, and species and genera are secondary
substances, why are accidents not in turn named tertiary substances? How-
ever, the said problem is solved in two ways.
126 chapter 7
§ 51 ܐrqܘܗܝ ܕ̣ 煟q 爯qܡ 爯ܗܠ 爯qܬܪ̈ 爯qܙܢ 焏qܗqܢ .焏ܕܐܕ̈ 焏rܘܓ̈ܢܣ 焏ܡrܐܡ爯qr
ܡrqܐ .ܕ̇ܗܢ 爯qܐrqrqr 爯q煿qrqܐ ܘrq̈rqܬܐ.qqܢ rq焏ܥ 爏ܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܩ̈ 煟
̈
ܘܡܒqܠ熏r 爯qܐܠ 焏ܕܥܠ爯q煿q܇ ܒ 煟qܕܡ熏rܕܥ 爯qܠ .爯q煿ܓ 焏r煟ܕ 爯qܠ焏
91r ܡrܘܡ ܥܒ 爯q煟ܗqܢ .焏ܐܡrܢ 焏ܕ 爯qܕܕܐ qqܗ | .爯qܣ熏ܩ 爿qqrܘܦܠ熏qܢ
ܘܐrqܢ 焏ܕܐ qqܗܠ .爯qܩܢ̈熏ܡ 焏ܐ煿qrqܘܢ 焏q煟qq̈q܉ ܘܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܩ̈煟ܡrqܐ 5
ܡrrܡ .爯q煿ܐܢ ܗ 爏qqܢrrܐܠ ܐܢ rܕܡܢ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ ܣ熏ܩ .爿qqrܒrrܥrܗ
ܡܦܢ 焏ܦrܓܡ焏܉ ܕܒrܢ 焏rܐrqܘܗܝ ܘ 焏qqܬܘܒ ܘܢܦrܢ .焏ܡ 爯q煟ܒ煟q
ܐܕ̈ 焏rܘܓ̈ܢܣ̇ 焏ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕܐ煿qrqܘܢ ܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܕܬrܬ爯q܉ ܐܩ熏r 爟qܐܠ焏
ܕܥ 爏ܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܩ̈煟ܡrqܐ܉ ܘܒ煿q煟q̈焏ܘܢ 熏rܕܥ ܐܢ .爯qܐܢ 爯q煟ܢ焏ܡ rܠ熏ܬ
̇ܗܘ ܕܡ焏rܠ ܠ .煿ܕܡ̣ܢ 熏ܣ熏ܩ 爿qqrܐܘ ܦܠ熏qܢ .ܕ熏qܪܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܐܘ 10
ܐܘqܡ 焏ܐܘ ܩ 焏qrܐܘ ܐܪ .焏qqܐܘ 煟qܐ ̣ܡ 爯ܗܠ 爯qܕܓr煟ܢ rq焏ܢܩ̈qܦ爯
ܘܠqq 熏ܢq煟q .rq焏ܥ 焏ܗܝ ܕܠ 焏ܡ熏rܕܥ ܕܡܢ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ ̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܐrrܐܠ
ܥܠ熏ܗܝ .ܕܐ qqܕ̣ܡ 爯ܗܪ 焏qܬܬ熟qܐ܉ ܕܐܕ̈ 焏rܘܓ̈ܢܣqq 焏ܢ rq焏ܡ熏rܕܥ爯q
ܠ煿ܘܢ ܠܩܢ̈熏ܡ 焏q煟qq̈q 焏ܕܐ煿qrqܘܢ ܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܩ̈煟ܡrqܐ܉ ܓ 焏r̈煟ܕ 爯qܠ焏
ܡrܘܡ ܥܒ 爯q煟ܠ̇ 煿ܠ煿ܕܐ .ܡr 爯q煟ܦ rqܡrܬܣqܡ 爯qܐܕ̈ 焏rܘܓ̈ܢܣ焏 15
ܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܕܬrܬ .爯qܠܓ 焏r̈煟ܕ 爯qܠ̣ 焏ܩrܐ ܐܢ熏ܢ ܐܘܣ̈爿q܉ ܡ 爏qܕܠ 焏ܡqܢ爯q
ܐ qqܕܐܡrܢ 爯ܕܢ熏rܕܥ熏ܢ ܠ 煟q 爯ܡ焏rܠqܢ 爯ܥ 爏ܐܘܣ 焏qܩ煟ܡrqܐ܇ ̇ܗܝ
̈
焏rܘܓܢܣ.焏 ܕ 焏qqqrܠ熏ܬ ܐܕ ̈
§ 52 ܙܢ 焏ܕ 爯qܐrqܢ 焏ܕ 煿̇qrrܬܘܒ ܕܒܥrܐ ܗܕܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ܉ ܕܐ qqܗqܢ.焏
ܩܢ̈熏ܡ̇ 焏ܗܢ熏ܢ 焏q煟qq̈qܐܘܣ̈rqrqr 爿qܐ ܘܩ̈煟ܡrqܐ ܐܬܩ熏qr܉ ܡ爏q 20
ܕ̣ܗܢ熏ܢ ܣqܡ 爯qܐ qqܕܐ̇ܡ rܠ焏ܕ̈ 焏rܘܠܓ̈ܢܣ焏܉ ܘܢܩqܦ 爯qܠ煿ܘܢ ̣ܡ爯
爏qܦrܘܣ .ܒ̇煿ܝ ܕܡ 焏ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܩܢ熏ܡ 焏q煟qqq 焏ܐqܢ 焏ܕ̣ܗܘ܉ ܢܩ牯q
ܠ̣ 煿ܡ 爏q 爯ܦrܘܣ ܐܕ 焏rܘܓܢܣ .焏ܐܢ̣煿ܘ ܓ rqܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܐ熟qܢ焏
ܕܦܠ熏qܢ ܐܘ ܐܪܣq熏qܠ .爿qܐq煟qܥ 焏ܗܝ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܐܦ ܒrܢ 焏rܘ焏qq
ܘܢܦrܢ 焏ܕܐ煿qrqܘܢ ܐܕ̈ 焏rܘܓ̈ܢܣ .焏ܡ 爯q煟ܣqܡ 爯qܐܢ熏ܢ ܩܢ̈熏ܡ焏 25
焏q煟qq̈qܠ焏ܕ̈ 焏rܘܠܓ̈ܢܣ 焏ܕܢ煟qrܥ熏ܢ ܒ煿ܘܢ ܘܢrܐܡrܘܢ ܥܠ煿qܘܢ .ܘܐܦ
̣ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕ 爯qܐܕ̈ 焏rܘܓ̈ܢܣ 焏ܕܐ煿qrqܘܢ ܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܕܬrܬ爯q܉ ܣqܡ 爯qܠܓ焏r̈煟
ܕܢrܩqܡ熏ܢ ܒ煿ܘܢ .ܓ 焏r̈煟ܕ 爯qܠ 焏ܡ 爯q熟qrܕܣqܡ 爯qܠܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܢ焏
ܕܢrܩ 爟qܒ煿ܘܢ .ܐܘ ܕܢ煟qrܥ ܒ煿ܘܢ .ܐ qqܕ̣ܡ 爯ܗܪ 焏qܗ 爏qqܬܬ煟qܥ܉
91v ܕܐܢ ܩܢ̈熏ܡ | 焏q煟qq̈q 焏ܐܬܩ 熏qrܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܩ̈煟ܡrqܐ ܘrqrqrܐ .ܡ爏q 30
ܕܣqܡ 爯qܠ焏ܕ̈ 焏rܘܠܓ̈ܢܣ 焏ܕܢrܩqܡ熏ܢ ܒ煿ܘܢ ܗܠ :爯qܘ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܬܘܒ ܐܕ̈焏r
ܘܓ̈ܢܣ 焏ܡrܩ 爯qrܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܕܬrܬ .爯qܡ 爏qܕܡrܐܡqq 爯qrܢ rq焏ܥ爏
ܐܘܣ̈ 爿qܩ̈煟ܡrqܐ .ܘܡ 爏qܕܣqܡ 爯qܠ煿ܘܢ ܠܓ 焏r̈煟ܕܢrܩqܡ熏ܢ ܒ煿ܘܢ
)ܢrrܐܠ ܐܢ rܕܡܢ; em. ex L.37rb6, (P.46r8: 熏ܢ焏rܠ ܐܢ rܡܢ6 焏 ! sicܣܘܩ10 rq
̇; em. ex L.37rb27f./P.46r18ܗܘ ̇ܡ̇] 爯ܗܘ ܡ12 焏 ; em. exܒrܢ ‖ 焏qq 焏rܐܪܣ24 熏q
L.37va28/P.46v8 sic!; em. ex L.37va34/P.46v10ܘܢ焏ܬܡrܘܢ 26 (etiamܡrܩ32 爯qr
P.46v18); em. ex L.37vb15
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 127
One of these two ways is as follows: species and genera are naturally predi- § 51
cated of primary substances, as they are supreme and proper, and (hereby)
they invalidate the question about them by signifying them [i.e. the pri-
mary substances], but accidents never do so. I also say as follows: Socrates
and Plato and others like them are particular individuals, and are named
primary substances. If, therefore, someone is asked “what is Socrates?”, he
immediately offers the answer: “he is man, and also living and animate”.
Therefore, through species and genera, which are secondary substances, he
raised a question about primary substances and by means of those he signi-
fied them. And if he would say to the one who asks him “what is Socrates or
Plato?”, that “he is white or black, bald or long(-haired?)”;11 or any of these
things that are attended by accident and not by nature, (then) it is obvious
that he does not signify what he was asked about. As it appears from this:
species and genera signify by nature particular individuals, which are pri-
mary substances, but accidents never do this. Therefore, species and genera
are correctly denoted secondary substances, but he [i.e. Aristotle] did not
call accidents substances, because they are not constituted to signify for us,
as we have said, when we ask about primary substance, which is found in
species and genera.
11 See Anon. Syr. Cat. 焏ܨܬܢ熏 ܩκομήτης cincinnatus Cat. 13a36 (cf. Br.LS. p. 656). Porphyry
has in the related section (In Cat. 92.11) τρίπηχυς ‘three cubits long’.
128 chapter 7
§ 53 ܘ 煟qܗܠ 爯qܗqܢ 焏ܠ煟ܘܪ 焏rܐܬܬܣqܡ :熏ܡrܦܢqܢ 爯ܡ 爏qqܠܡ焏ܡr
ܘܠܡ熏q熏q܉ ܐܦ ̈ܙܢ 焏qܕqܠ̇ 煿ܕܕqܠ熏qܬܐ qܡ 焏ܐ煿qrqܘܢ .ܡqqqrܢ 爯ܓrq
ܒ̈rqܒ 焏ܩ̈煟ܡ 焏qܠ 爟ܕܦqܠܣ熏ܦ熏ܬܐ ܡܠqܠrܐ ܕܡ 爯q熏qܠ爯܉ ܕܐܪܒܥ焏
ܐ煿qrqܘܢ qܠ煿ܘܢ ̈ܙܢ 焏qܕܕqܠ熏qܬܐ .ܕ 煟qܡܢ煿ܘܢ ܒܠ熏̣qܕ ܩܢ 焏ܠ̇煿
ܠrqrqܘܬܐ܉ ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕ 爯qܕ焏qrr܉ ܐ qqܕܒq焏rܠ熏ܬܐ ܡ 爯qqrqrܒ煿ܘܢ. 10
§ 54 ܙܢ 焏ܗ 爏qqܩ煟ܡ 焏qܐrqܘܗܝ܉ ̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕ qqqrܠqܠ 煟q 煿ܐܕ 焏rܒܠ熏qܕܘܗܝ.
煟qܠ 熏ܒqܠ煿ܘܢ ܩܢ̈熏ܡ 焏q煟qq̈q 焏ܕqܒ 爯qrqܒ 煿ܡ熟qrܐ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ
ܡܥܒ煟ܢ .rq焏ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕ熏qܠ̈ܦܢ 焏ܕܐܣ熏qܬܐ ܘܕܦqܠܣ熏ܦ熏ܬܐ ܘܕܡrqܘܬܐ
ܘܕ 焏qrrܕܐܘܡ̈ܢ熏ܬܐ ܐrqܢrqܐ .ܗܕܐ ܓ rqܠ焏ܕ 焏rܒܠ熏qܕ ܕܒrܢ焏r
焏qqqr܉ ܘܐܦ ܠ 熏ܠ熏ܬ qܠ煿ܘܢ ̈ܒܢqܢ 焏rܐ煿̇qrq܇ ܐܠ 焏ܠ熏ܬ ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܒܠ熏qܕ 15
ܕܡrܕܪ 爯qrܒ煿ܘܢ .ܘ̣ܗܝ ܗܕܐ ܕqܠ熏qܬܐ ܕܐܕ 焏rܐܢ 焏qrܐ 煿̇qrqܒܠ熏qܕܘܗܝ.
ܘܠ 焏qqqr 焏ܠ熏ܬ ܐܕ 焏rܐrqܢ.焏
§ 55 ܬܘܒ ܕ 爯qܙܢ 焏ܕܬܪ 爯qܐrqܘܗܝ܉ ̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕ qqqrܠ熏ܬ qܠ煿ܘܢ ܩܢ̈熏ܡ焏
ܕܒ焏ܕ焏r܉ 煟qܠ 熏ܠ煿ܘܢ ܒܠ熏qܕ煿qܘܢ ܐ 煿̇qrqܗܕܐ :ܐܠ 焏ܐܦ ܠ焏ܕ̈焏r
ܐrqܢ焏܇ ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܒrܢ 焏rܕܬܪܬr 爯qܓܠ熏ܗܝ܇ ܐܦ ܗܕܐ ܓrq 20
ܠqܠ煿ܘܢ ̈ܒܢqܢ .焏qqqr 焏rܘܒ煟ܓ熏ܢ ܕqܠ煿ܘܢ ܡrܐܡrܐ ܕܐ煿̇qrq܉ ܒ̇煿ܝ
92r
̈
ܕܠqܠ煿ܘܢ | 焯q 煟q .焏qqqrܦrqrܐ ܣܓ焏qܬܐ ܐ rqܕܬܪܬr 爯qܓܠ.爯q煿q
§ 56 ܘܬܘܒ ܙܢ 焏ܕܬܠrܐ ܕܕqܠ熏qܬܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ܉ ̇ܗܘ ܕ qqqrܠqܠ 煿ܐܕ.焏r
ܘܠܩܢ̈熏ܡ 焏ܬܘܒ ܕܒ 煿ܒܠ熏qܕ܉ ܠ 熏ܕ 爯qܒqܠ熟ܒ 爯ܐܠ 焏ܒ熟ܒ爯܇ ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܢ̈煿ܘ爯q
r熏qܬܐ ܒ熟ܒ 爯ܣqܒ熏ܬܐ .ܐܦ ܗܕܐ ܓ rqܠ焏ܕ 焏rܕ̈ܒܢqܢ 焏rܘܠqܠ煿ܘܢ 25
̈ܒܢqܢ 焏qqqr 焏rܒܠ熏qܕ .ܠ 熏ܕ 爯qܒ 爏qܥ煟ܢ܉ ܐܠ 焏ܒ熟ܒ 爯ܣqܒ熏ܬܐ.
) (vd. comm.ܠqܠ11 煟q 煿 ]ܕܐܕ 焏rܐܢ; emend., (vd. comm.) ‖ 焏qrܕܡrܬܕܪ16 爯qr
ܕܬrܬ; (L.39va3/P.48v14f.: 爯qܕܬܪܬr 爯qܓܠ; em. ex L.39rb19/P.48v7 22 qܕܓܢܣ 焏ܐܢ焏qr
)rܓܠ爯q煿q
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 129
accidents do not underlie any other thing that can subsist in them. Instead,
they always stand in need of the substances in which they subsist. It is there-
fore accurate that species and genera are called secondary substances, after
the primary ones, but accidents were neither denoted as tertiary substances,
nor were they at all reckoned to the class of substances.
Having thus set forth these things for study, we return henceforth to mention § 53
and show how many manners of a (distinctive) property there are. We find in
ancient books of logical philosophy, which show us, that all the manners of
property are four. Only one of them relates to reality, and the rest are treated
as by metaphor.
Thus, the first manner is what is found in the entirety of one species alone, § 54
while it does not seem to actually be in all the particular individuals that are
contained in it, as for example the sciences of medicine, of philosophy, and
of geometry, and of the rest of other arts. For this (property) is found in the
species of man only and it is not present even in all men, but only in those
who are instructed in them. So, this is a property of human species only and
is not found in any other species.
The second manner is what is found in all the individuals that are in a § 55
species, while it is not present only in them, but in other species too, as for
example man is two-footed. For also this is found in all men, and therefore
is said to be proper to them, in that it is found in all of them, even though
there are many birds that are two-footed.
The third manner of property is that which is found in the entire species § 56
and only in the individuals in it, not always but at some time, as for example
turning grey at the time of old age. For also this is found in the species of
men and in all men only, however not all the time but at the time of old age.
130 chapter 7
§ 57 ܙܢ 焏ܕ 爯qܕܐܪܒܥ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ ܒrrܪܐ ܕqܠ熏qܬܐ rqrqܬܐ .ܘqܠ 爯q煿ܗܠ爯q
ܩܢ 焏ܐ煟qqܐ܉ ̇ܗܘ ܕ qqqrܠ 煟qܒܠ熏qܕ ܐܕ 焏rܘܠ熏ܬ qܠ煿ܘܢ ܩܢ̈熏ܡ焏
ܕܒ煿܇ ܘܠ 熏ܒ熟ܒ 爯ܒܠ熏qܕ ܐܠ 焏ܒqܠ熟ܒ爯܇ 煟qܠ 焏ܢܩ 牯qܠ焏ܕ 焏rܐܘ
ܠܩܢ熏ܡ 焏ܐrqܢ 焏ܠܒ̣ rܡ̇ 爯ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕܡrܐܡ rܥܠ煿qܘܢ܇ ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܐ煿̇qrq
ܓ熏q熏qܬܗ ܕܒrܢ 焏rܘܨܗܘܠ熏ܬܗ ܕܣ熏ܣ 焏qܘܢܒ熏q熏ܬܗ ܕqܠܒ焏 5
ܘܐrqܢrqܐ ܕܐ qqܗܠ爯q܇ ܐqܠ 爯qܕܠ 煟qܐܕ̣ 焏rܗܘ ܒܠ熏qܕ 爯qq̈qr܇ ܘܠqܠ煿ܘܢ
ܩܢ̈熏ܡ 焏ܕܒ焏ܕ̇ 焏rܗܘ܇ ܘܠ 熏ܒ熟ܒ 爯ܐܠ 焏ܒqܠ熟ܒ .爯ܘܐܦ 爯ܓ rqܠ 焏ܓqq
ܒrܢ 焏rܒ 煿ܒܣ熏ܥrܢ焏܉ ܐܠ 焏ܓ 焏q熏qܡrܩrܐ .ܒ̇煿ܝ ܕܩܢ 焏ܒqq 煿ܠ̇煿
ܕܗܕܐ܉ ܘ 爏qܐܡrܝ ܕ̇ܨܒ 焏ܡqrܠ 牯ܠ 煿ܠqqܠ 焏ܗܢ 焏ܠܡܥܒ煟ܢ熏ܬܐ.
ܙܢ 焏ܓ rqܗܢ 焏ܐ焏qrq܉ ܒ煟ܡ熏ܬ ܬ熏qܡ̇ 焏ܡ煿ܦ qܒqܠ熟ܒ 爯ܐܣqqܡ焏 10
ܕܡܠrܐ ܠ熏ܬ ̇ܗܘ ܡ煟ܡ ܕܐ 煿̇qrqܕqܠ熏qܬܗ 爏q .ܓ rqܕܒrܢ 焏rܗܘ ܓ焏q熏q
ܗܘ .ܘ 爏qܐqܢ 焏ܕܓ 焏q熏qܗܘ ܒrܢ 焏rܗܘ̇ .ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕ 爯qܬܠrܐ ̈ܙܢ 焏qܐrqܢ焏
ܕܕqܠ熏qܬܐ܉ ܠ 焏ܡ煿ܦ 爯qqܠ熏ܬ ܢܦ煿rܘܢ .ܘܒ煟ܓ熏ܢ q焏rܠ rq焏ܡrܐܡ.爯qr
§ 58 ̇ܗܘ ܓ rqܩ煟ܡ 焏qܐrqܘܗܝ ܕ 煟qܐܕ .焏rܘܠ 熏ܕqܠ .煿ܐ熏̈q qqܠܦܢ 焏ܕqqܢ焏
ܐܢ .焏qrܘܗܢ 焏ܠ̇ 焏ܡ煿ܦ 爏q .qܡ 焏ܓ rqܕ̇ܡܩܒ 爏ܠ煿ܘܢ ܠ熏̈qܠܦܢ 焏ܒrܢ焏r 15
ܗܘ .ܠ 熏ܕ 爏q 爯qܡ 焏ܕܒrܢ 焏rܗܘ ܢ̇ܣ 焯ܠ煿ܘܢ ܠ熏̈qܠܦܢ .焏ܣ̈ܓ焏qܐ ܓ̣ rqܡ爯
̈ܒܢqܢ 焏rܠq 焏ܠܦ 爯qܠ煿ܘܢ.
§ 59 ܘ̇ܗܘ ܬܘܒ ܕܬܪ 爯qܕqܠ 煿ܐܕ 焏rܐrqܘܗܝ .ܘܠ 熏ܕqܠ 煿ܒܠ熏qܕܘܗܝ܇ ܐqq
ܕܢrܩrܐ ܒrܢ 焏rܕܬܪܬr 爯qܓܠ熏ܗܝ 爏q .ܓ rqܕܒrܢ 焏rܗܘ܉ ܕܬܪܬr 爯qܓܠ熏ܗܝ
92v ܢrrܡ | .煿ܠ 熏ܓ 爏q rqܕܐ rqܠ 煿ܬܪܬr 爯qܓܠ 焏ܒܠ熏qܕ ܒrܢ 焏rܗܘ. 20
§ 60 ܗqܢ 焏ܐܦ ̇ܗܘ ܙܢ 焏ܕܬܠrܐ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܕ 煟qܐܕ 焏rܘܕqܠ 煿ܘܒ熟ܒ爏q .爯
ܡ 焏ܓ rqܕܩܢr熏q 焏ܬܐ ܒrܢ 焏rܗܘ .ܠ 熏ܕ 爏q 爯qܒrܢ̇ 焏rܗܘܐ ܩܢ 焏ܠ爯q煿
ܠr熏qܬܐ ̣ܡ煟q 爯ܘ .ܡ 爯q煟ܐ qqܕܐܡrܢ爯܉ ܘܠ̣ 煟q 焏ܡ 爯ܗܠ 爯qܬܠrܐ ̈ܙܢ焏q
ܡ煿ܦ qܠ熏ܬ rqܗ .ܘܒ煟ܓ熏ܢ ̇ܗܢ熏ܢ q̈焏rܠ 焏ܐܢ熏ܢ̇ .ܗܘ ܕ 爯qܒܠ熏qܕ rqrrܐ.
§ 61 ܢܩqܦ 焏ܕ 爯qܠ焏ܘܣ 焏qܐ qqܕqܠ熏qܬܐ܉ ̇ܗܝ ܕܠ 焏ܬܗܘܐ ܒܡ煟ܡ ܐܠ爏q 焏 25
ܡ 爯ܬ熏qܡ̇ 煿ܠ 爏qܡ 焏ܕܡrܐܡrܐ ܥܠ熏ܗܝ. ܒ̇ .煿ܘ̇ܗܝ ܕܬܬܠ ̣ܡr 爯ܡ̇ 煿ܘ ̣
ܘ̇ܗܝ ܬܘܒ ܕܬܗܘܐ ܡ熏rܕܥ 焏ܗܢ 焏ܡ煟ܡ 煟qܥ .rq焏ܘ̇ܗܝ ܬܘܒ ܕܡ煟ܡ
ܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ 焏ܠ rqܠ̇煿܇ ܘܐܦ ̇ܗܝ ܕܠ rqܒ̇rqrq 煿ܘܬܐ ܘܒrq犏ܘܬܐ .ܘ̇ܗܝ ܕ煟q
煟qܐ ܗܝ ܬܗܘܐ ܡܩܒܠܢrqܐ ܕܗܠ 爯qܕܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ.焏
But the fourth manner is truly a real property and at once it embraces them § 57
all: that which is found in one species alone and in all the individuals in
it, and not at some time only but always, not being attached to another
species or individual, apart from those it is predicated of, just as for example
man’s ability to laugh and horse’s ability to neigh, and dog’s ability to bark,
and others like these, which are found in one (specific) species only and
in all the individuals in that species, and not at some time but always. For
even if man does not actually laugh, yet he is called ‘able to laugh’ in that
he possesses the potentiality of this, and whenever he wishes he turns this
potentiality into actuality. For this last manner (of property), in the same way
as a definition, always reciprocates its form of expression into that of which
it is the property. For everyone who is man is able to laugh, and everyone
who is able to laugh is man. However, the three other manners of property
do not reciprocate with themselves, since they are metaphorically said.
For the first (manner of property) belongs to a single species and not to its § 58
entirety, as the sciences of human nature, and this does not reciprocate.
For everything that receives sciences is man, but not every man receives
sciences, for many men do not learn them.
The second belongs to the entire species and is not (restricted) to itself alone, § 59
as we call man two-footed. For everyone who is man we name two-footed,
but not everything that has two feet is man.
In this way is also the third manner, which belongs to a single species and § 60
to its entirety and at some time. For everything that turns grey is man, but
it is not the case that every man will turn grey. Therefore, as we have said,
none of these three manners reciprocates with itself, since the former ones
are metaphorical, and only the latter one [i.e. the fourth] is real.
Following upon substance as property is, that which is not in something but § 61
all is in it, that which assigns of its name and of its definition to everything
that is predicated of it, that which is signifying this something explicitly, that
which has nothing opposite to it, also, that in which there is no more or less,
and that which is unique of being receptive of opposites.
132 chapter 7
§ 62 ܘ̣ܡ 爯ܒrܪ ܗܠ 爯qܡ熏ܣܦqܢ 爯ܠܡܣ 爟ܐܦ ܗܪ 焏qܒܥrܐ ܡ煟ܡ ܕܡrܐܡrܐ
ܡ 爏qܡܢ̈熏ܬܐ ܕܐܘܣ 焏qܘܓ .焏r̈煟ܐܢ̣煿ܘ ܠ 爟ܕܓ 焏r̈煟ܒ焏ܘܣ焏q
ܐ煿qrqܘܢ܉ ܘܡܢ̈熏ܬܐ ܬܘܒ ܕܐܘܣ 焏qܒ̇ 煿ܒ焏ܘܣ焏q܉ ܡ 爯q煟ܐܦ
ܡܢ̈熏ܬ̇ܗ ܕܐܘܣ 焏qܓ̈ 煟
焏rܐ.爯q煿qrq
§ 63 ܠ熏ܬ ܗܠ 爯qܕ 爯qܐܡqrܢ .爯ܕ̇ܗܝ ܕܢ煿ܘܐ ܡ煟ܡ ܒܡ煟ܡ ܒ煟qܥܣ̈ rܙܢ 焏qܐqqܢ焏 5
ܕܩ煟ܡq熏q 爯qܢ̣ 爯ܡ 爯ܠܥ .爏ܡrܐܡrܐ ܕ 煟qܡܢ煿ܘܢ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܐqq
ܡܢ̈熏ܬܐ ܕܡ煟ܡ ܒqܠ .煿ܘܐrqܢ 焏ܬܘܒ ܐ qqܓ 焏r̈煟ܒ焏ܘܣ焏q܉ ܡ爯q煟
ܐܦ 爯ܐ 爯q煿qrqܡܢ̈熏ܬ̇ܗ ܕܐܘܣ 焏qܒ̇ 煿ܒ焏ܘܣ :焏qܘܓ 焏r̈煟ܬܘܒ ܒ̇煿
ܒ焏ܘܣ 焏qܩܢ 爯qܩq熏ܡ焏܉ ܐܠ 焏ܐrqܢ 焏ܗܘ ܙܢ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕܡܢ̈熏ܬܐ܉ ܘܐrqܢ焏
̇ܗܘ ܕܓ .焏r̈煟ܡܢ̈熏ܬܐ ܓrq܉ ܐ̇ qqܡ 爯ܕܒ 爯q煿ܘܡܢ 爯q煿ܡrܩqq 爟qܢ̇煿 10
ܕܐܘܣ .焏qܕܐ 爯q煿qrqܒ̇ .煿ܓ 焏r̈煟ܕ爯q܉ ܠ 熏ܐ̇ qqܡ 爯ܕܡ̈rܡܠqܢ 焏ܐܢ熏ܢ
ܕܐܘܣ 焏qܕܐ煿qrqܘܢ ܒ̇ .煿ܐܠ 焏ܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ 焏ܕܗܕܐ .ܕܗܢ熏ܢ ܡrrܡܠ爯q
93r ܘܐrqܘܗܝ ܩq熏ܡ煿ܘܢ ܒ焏ܘܣ̇ .焏qܡ 爯q煟ܐܦ 爯ܐ | 爯q煿qrqܡܢ̈熏ܬܐ ܘܓ焏r̈煟
焏rܒ焏ܘܣ.焏qܒ焏ܘܣ焏q܉ ܐܠ 焏ܠ 熏ܒ 煟qܙܢ 焏ܐ 爯q煿qrqܡܢ̈熏ܬܐ ܘܓ̈ 煟
§ 64 ܕܥ ܕ 爯qܘܐܦ ܗܕܐ .ܕ̣ܗܝ ܐܘܣ 焏qܡrܐܡrܐ ̇ܗܝ ܕܐ 煿̇qrqܒܡܢ̈熏ܬ̇ܗ܉ 15
̈ ̈
ܐ̇qܡ 爯ܕܡܢ 爯q煿ܡqrܒ .焏ܘܡܢ熏ܬ̇ܗ ܒ̇煿܇ ܐ̇ qqܡ 爯ܕܠ̇q 煿ܢ̈ 爯rܡܢ熏ܬ̇ܗ.
ܕܐ 煿̇qrqܕ̣ 爯qܗܝ ܐܘܣ 焏qܒܓ焏r煟܉ ܠ 焏ܡrܐܡrܐ܇ ܐqqܢ 焏ܕܐܦ
̈
ܓ 焏r̈煟ܡrܐܡ 爯qrܠ 爟ܕܐ煿qrqܘܢ ܒ̇ .煿ܡ 爏qܕܠ̣ 熏ܗܝ ܡܩqܡ 焏ܒ煿ܘܢ܉
̣ܗܢ熏ܢ ܒ̇ 煿ܡܩqܡ .爯qܘܗܠ 爯qܠ熏ܬ ܗܠ 爯qܣܦ̈ܩ 爯ܕrܥrܐ.
§ 65 ܡ 爏qܕ 爯qܕܐܦ ܡܠrܗܘܢ ܕܥ 爏ܗܘܠ 焏ܕܦqܠܣ̈熏ܦ 焏ܢ熏ܕܥ qܐܦ ܗܪ焏q܉ 20
ܒrqrqܐ ܪrܡqܢ 爯ܠ̣ qܡ̇ 爯ܗܘ ܡ煟ܡ ܕܐqqrܢ .爯ܐܡ 爯qrܓ rqܕrrܐܣrܐ
ܩ煟ܡrqܐ ܕܓr̈熏ܡ 焏ܐ 煿̇qrqܗܘܠ焏܉ ܘ̣ܗܝ ܗܕܐ ܐ 煿̇qrqܕܠ爏qq 焏
ܘܕܠ 焏ܐܣqq 爟qqܢ .rq焏ܗqܢ 焏ܓ rqܠ 爟ܡ qqrܕܢ煿ܘܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ qqܢ̇煿
̈
ܡ熏ܢ ܘܕ 爏qܐܣqqܡ 爯qܕܬ̇ܒ 牟ܣ熏ܢܩܢ 焏ܕܥܒ熏ܕܘܬܐ. ܡܩܒܠܢ 焏ܕ 爏qܕ ̈
After this, we proceed to set forth here also a certain dispute that is said § 62
about the parts of substance and the accidents: whether accidents are in
substance and whether the parts of substance are in substance, so that also
the parts of substance are accidents?
You should also know this: substance is said to be that which exists in its § 64
parts, because it is compounded of them and its parts (are) in it, since its
parts accumulate it, but substance is not said to be in accidents, in the way
accidents are said to be in it, because it does not subsist in them, but they
subsist in it. So much for that for the moment.
In order to make here known to you also the argument of philosophers about § 65
matter, we will in brief outline for you of what we have found. They say that
the primary foundation [i.e. substrate] of the bodies is matter, and that it
is by nature without quality (ḥaylā) and without figure, whereby its nature
seems to be receptive of any shape and any figure that is a requirement
of its manufacture, since it seems to be found without shape and figure.
12 That is, the way of parts being in substance is different from that of accidents being so.
134 chapter 7
§ 66 ܡq 爏qܡ熏qܬܐ .ܐܦ ܠ̇ 煿ܬܘܒ ܠqܡ熏qܬܐ ܕܐܘܣ 焏qܡܦܠܓ爯q
̈
ܒ焏ܘܡܢ熏ܬܐ ܡܠqܠrܐ ܘܐܡ爯qr܉ ܕܡܢ̇ 煿ܕqܡ熏qܬܐ ܡܦ 爯rrܡܢ熏ܬ̇ܗ. 15
ܘܡq̈rܡ̣ 爯ܡ煟q̈ 爯ܕܐ .ܕܐ 爯q煿qrqܡܢqܢ 焏ܡܠrܐ .ܘܡܢ̇ 煿ܐ̈煟qqܢ ܘܠ焏
ܦܣ̈qܩ̣ 爯ܡ煟q̈ 爯ܕܐ .ܣ熏ܪ熏qqqr .焏qܬܐ .ܓr熏ܡ .焏ܐܬܪܐ .ܙܒܢ .焏ܘܬܘܒ
ܡܦܠܓ 爯qܠ̇ 煿ܠqܡ熏qܬܐ ܗqܢ .焏ܡܢ̇ 煿ܐ rqܣqܡ 焏ܠܡܢ̈熏ܬ̇ܗ ܘܩ̈qܡ爯
ܒ煟ܘ̈rqqܗ .爯qܕܐ 爯q煿qrqܣ熏ܪ熏qqqr .焏qܬܐ .ܓr熏ܡ .焏ܐܬܪܐ .ܘܡܢ̇煿
̈
ܠ 焏ܡrrqܢ ܡܢ熏ܬ̇ܗ .ܐܠ 焏ܡ 爯qrrrܒ煟q焏ܐ ܒ煟q焏ܐ .ܗܢ 熏ܕ 爯qܙܒܢ.焏 20
̈
ܡܠrܐ .ܡܢqܢ .焏ܡ 爏qܕ 爯qܕܠ 煟q 熏ܗ̣ܘ ܙܢ 焏ܕܡܠrܐ ܒܠ熏qܕ ܐܠ 焏ܣܓ焏qܐ.
煿ܐ ܣܓ焏qܐ.
̈ ܐ rqܓ rqܡܠrܐ ܗܕܐ ܕܡܡܠܠ 焏ܕܡrܪqܒ̣ 焏ܡr 爯ܡ ̈
ܘܐ rqܡܠrܐ ̇ܗܝ ܕܒܓ 熏ܬܪܥrqܢ ܡrܪܥqܢ 爯ܒrrܩ 煿ܕܡ煟ܥ :爯ܕܒ̇煿
ܘܡqܠrܢ ܡrܩqrܢ 爯ܘܐ̈ 爯qrqܡܠqܠ .焏ܘܐ rqܬܘܒ ܡܠrܐ ܐrqܬܐ
ܐܘܡܢrqܐ̇ .ܗܝ ܕܡqrܢ 焏rܘܡqrܒܥ 焏ܒܓ 熏ܪܥqܢ 煿ܕܐܘܡܢ .焏ܕܒ̇煿 25
̇
ܒqܠ熟ܒ 爯ܐ qqܕܒ熏qܪܐ ̇ܡ犏ܕ ܘܢܣ 焯ܡܢ̇ 煿ܕܘܡ 焏qܕܐܘܡܢ熏ܬܗ.
ܘܒܦqܡ̇̇ 煿ܣܥ 爏q rܡ 焏ܕܡrܥܒ 煟ܡܢ .煿ܡ 爏qܗ 爏qqܕܬܠrܐ
ܐ煿qrqܘܢ ܗܠ 爯qܐܕ̈ 焏rܓ熏ܢ̈ 焏qܕܡܠrܐ܉ ܙܕܩ ܠܡ煟ܥ܉ ܕܗܢ 焏ܐ焏qrq
ܘ̇ܗܘ ܡ犏ܥ焏q܉ ܠ̣ 熏ܡq 爯ܡ熏qܬܐ ܐ煿qrqܘܢ .ܡ 爏qܕܒܢܦ 焏rܠ焏
ܓqrܡrܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܩܒܥ 焏ܕܣ熏ܬܬܗܘܢ̇ .ܗܘ ܕ 爯qܩ煟ܡ 焏qܕܡ̣ 焯qrܡ爯 30
ܡܡܠܠ 焏ܕܒrܡ̈煿ܐ ܐܘ ܒܦrܓ̈ܡ 焏ܕܐܪ 爯qqqܐܘ ̣ :爯qrqܗܘ̣̣ 煟q 熏qܡ̈ 爯ܙܢ煿̇q
ܕqܡ熏qܬܐ .ܘܗܕܐ ܗqܢ 焏ܠ熏r qܕܥܢ .爯ܡ 爏qܕܠ 煟q 焏ܒ̣ 煟qܡ 爯ܗܠ 爯qܬܪ爯q
̈
ܕqܡ熏qܬܐ ; em. ex P.51r7 15 vid.ܒ 3 煿ܕܠ 焏ܕܡ 熏ܘܐܣ1 possis 爟qq ;ܒ煟ܘ19 爯q煿qrqq
) (vd. comm.ܒrrܩ 煿ܕܡ煟ܥemend. (vd. comm.) 23 爯
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 135
On quantity. They [i.e. the philosophers] divide also the quantity of sub- § 66
stance in the art of logic and say: some of the parts of quantity are discrete
and delimited from one another, which are number (and) language. And
some of (its parts) are continuous and are not cut off from one another,
(being) line, surface, body, place, (and) time. Moreover, they divide quantity
in this way: some of it has position to its parts and they succeed one another,
which are line, surface, body, (and) place. And some of its parts do not
endure, but are gradually dissolved, namely time, language, (and) number;
because the sort (zənā) of language is not one only but many. There is the lan-
guage of speech, which is compounded of many words, and there is the lan-
guage that we in our reason consider in the silence of our intellect, through
which we on our account are called (rational) and are rational. And there is
another technical language, which is gathered and imprinted into the mind
of the artisan, at which he always gazes as at a model, and obtains from it the
image of his work of art, and by comparison to it he makes everything that is
done by him. Thus, since the general kinds (ʾādšē) of language are three, one
must know that the last one and the middle one do not pertain to quantity,
since the construction of their base is in an incorporeal self. But the first one,
which is compounded of a speech with nouns or with syllables that are long
or short, is one of the forms of quantity. In this way, we have reported this
for you in order that, when you fix your mind on any of these two kinds (of
136 chapter 7
煟q .qܟ ܠrrܘܕܐ ܬ煟܇ ܠqܬܐ ܬܨܕ ܗܘܢ熏qܡq 爯ܘܢ ̣ܡ煿qrq ܐ焏 ܕܠ焏q̈ܙܢ
94r ̣ ܐr ܡܠ煿̇qrq ܐ焏 ܕܠr ܐܢrܡܣܒ
| .ܬܐ熏qܡq 爯ܡ
§ 67 爯qܡq̈ܐ ܩr ܕܬܠrq ܕܐ焏ܡr熏 ܓ爏q ܠ焏 ܡܢ爏q ܕܐܦ ̇ܗܝ ܕܡ爯q ܕ爏qܡ
煿̇rqܘܗܝ ܪrq ܕܐ焏qܪ熏 ܘܠܣ.ܕ熏q ܒܠ爯q ܬܪ爯qܬܐ ܕ熏qqqr ܠ.煿 ܠ爯q煿ܡrܡ
ܬܐ煟ܩ熏܉ ܢ焏ܥrr ܢq ܠ爯q ܗܠ爏q ܘܡ.爏qܐ ܬܘܒ ܕܩܠrq ܐ.煟q ܬܐ熏qqqrܕ 5
܉焏ܢܣܒrܡ ̇ܡ煟 ܡ焏ܡr熏 ܗ̣ܘܐ ܒܓ焏 ܘܠ:焏qܪܢr ܡ焏ܒr熏q ̇ܗܝ ܕܒ爟ܠ
焏ܠܓ熏 ܦ焏ܐ ܘܕܠr ܡܢ焏ܕܐ܉ ܕܠ煿 ܠ煿̇ ܘܠ.ܐrq ܡ煿̇ ܠ爯q煿ܡrܢ ܡ熏qܡqܣ
.ܡ熏r ܓ爏q ܕ焏ܡqr ܓ焏ܡ ܠ煟 ܡ焏rq܆ ܪrܡ焏 ܢr ܕܐܢqq ܘܐ.煿̇ ܠ爯qܡqܣ
ܬܐ熏qq ܐܪ焯ܐ ܘܬܣrܒrq̈ ܡ熏 ܬܪܕܐ ܒܓ爟 ܠ煟q܉ ܕ爯qrܕܐ ܐܡ煿ܥܠ
ܬܐ熏qqܘܗܝ ܐܪrq ܕܐ.ܐ煿ܡrr ܡ焏qܪ熏 ܣ爯q煟q܉ ܗ焏qr ܦ焏ܡ ܕܠ煟ܡ 10
焏ܢrq ܐ焏qr ܬܘܒ ܡ焯 ܢ̇ܣ焏 ܗܢ焏qܪ熏 ̣ܗܘ ܣ爯q煟 ܐܢ.焏qr ܦ焏ܕܠ
.ܕ熏q ܒܠ焏qr ܘܦ焏q ܐܘܪ煿̇qrq ܕܐ.焏ܡqܩrܬܐ ܡ熏qqqr 爯q煟q܉ ܗ煿qrܠܦ
܉焏ܢrܪܓr⟨ ܕܬܗܘܐ ܡqqܚ ܗܕܐ ⟩ܐr ܬܬܡ焏ܡܩ熏 ܐܦ ܠܥ爯q煟ܐܢ
焏qr ܘܠܦ焏qܘܪ焏 ܠ.焏q̈rܐ ܡr ܬܠ焏܇ ܕܩܢ焏ܡq ܡܩ焏ܡr熏 ܓ爯q煟qܗ
爯qܡq̈ܐ ܩr ܕ̣ܗܘ܉ ܕܬܠ焏ܢq ܐ焏ܡr熏 ܓ爏q ܠ焏 ܗܢ爏q ܘܡ.焏ܡܩ熏ܘܠܥ 15
煿rq ܪ煿̇qrqܬܐ ܐ煟ܩ熏 ܕܢ: ܗܝ焏q ܓܠ爏qq ܗ爯q ܗܠ爯 ܘ̣ܡ.煿 ܠ爯q煿ܡrܡ
ܬܐ熏qqqr ܘ.ܬܐ熏qqqrܘܗܝ ܕrq ܐ焏rq܉ ܪ焏qܪ熏 ܣ爯q ̣ܗܘ ܕ.焏qܪ熏ܕܣ
爯ܐ ̣ܡrr ܬ煟q ܘܢ煿 ܡܢ煟q 爏q ܘ.ܡ熏r ܓ爏q ܕ焏qܪ熏r ܘ焏rqܬܘܒ܉ ܪ
ܬܐ煟ܩ熏ܢ ܢ熏ܓ煟 ܘܒ.ܗrܒq 爯 ̣ܡrqܣq 焏qr ܡ煟q ܉爏 ܠܥ焏 ܘܬܦܢ焏ܡr熏ܓ
ܡ煟ܐ ܡr ܡܢ焏 ܐܦ ܠ焏 ܗܢ爏q ܘܡ.r ܠܓܡ焏qqrr ܡ焏qr ܡ焏ܕܠ 20
焏ܡr熏 ܓrq ܐܢܓ.ܡ熏r ܓ焏 ܕܠ焏qܡ煟ܡ ܩ煟 ܡ焏rq ܪ煿̇qrq ܐ焏 ܐܠ.焏q̇ܩܢ
.焏qܕ ܩܢ熏q ܒܠ爯q܉ ܬܪ煿qܪ熏r 煿̇qrqܬܐ ܕܐ熏qqqr ܉煿 ܠrq ܐ焏ܡq̈ܐ ܩrܬܠ
. ܗܕܐ爯ܡ ̣ rqܣq 焏qr ܡ煟q ܬܐ܉熏qqqr ܕ煿̇rqܘܗܝ ܪrq ܬܘܒ ܕܐ焏qܪ熏ܘܣ
爏q ܡ爯q煟 ܡ.ܬܐ熏qqܕ ̇ܗܘ ܕܐܪ熏q ܒܠ焏qr ܡ煟q 焏 ܩܢqqrr ܕܢqqܐ
煟q 煿 ܡܢrqܣq ܘܐ煿 ܕܢ:ܢ熏qܡq ܠܣ爯q ܕ熏 ܗܢ:焏qܪ熏 ܕܣ煿rqr ܠ煿ܕܙܕܩ ܠ 25
94v 焏q ܗܘ܉ ܓܠ焏qr ܡ焏 ܘܐܢ ܕܠ.qqrr ܡ焏qr ܡ焏 ܗܝ ܕܕܠ焏ܥq煟q | ܉焏qrܡ
.ܘܗܝrqܬܐ ܐ熏qܡq 爯ܡ ̣ 焏ܕܐ ܐܦܠ煿ܠq ܘܡ.焏ܬܐ ܩܢ熏 ܪܒ焏ܗܝ ܕܐܦܠ
rq܉ ܠ焏ܡr熏ܬܐ ܘܓ熏qqqr ܘ焏qܪ熏 ܣ爯q ܕ熏 ܗܢ.煿̇ܐ ܕܡܢr ܬܠ爯qܢ ܕ熏̇ܗܢ
.ܘܢ煿qrqܬܐ ܐ熏qܡq 爯ܡ ̣ 熏 ܕܠ.r ܠܓܡ焏ܢqrq ܘܢ煿qܥܠ
3–4 煿̇ ܠ爯q煿ܡr ܡ爯qܡqܐ ܩr ;ܕܬܠsǝyāmē suppl. et emend., possis ܗܝ熏ܡq̈ܐ ܩr ܕܬܠ7
ܐrܹq̣̇ ̣̇ܡ8 et 18 ܡ熏r ]ܓ爟r熏 ;ܓemend. (vd. comm.) 10 ܘrq ܕܐ13 suppl. ex L.20ra10
/P.59r23 15 爯qܡq̈ܐ ܩr ;ܕܬܠpossis ܗܝ熏ܡq̈ܐ ܩr( ܕܬܠvd. comm.) 19 爏[ ܠܥ爯 ]ܡ焏;ܘܬܦܢ
̈
del. ex L.20ra26/P.59v2 20 ܐrܬܐ ]ܡܢ熏 ;ܡܢem. ex L.20ra31/P.59v4 28 煿( ܕܡܢetiam
L.20rb16/P.59v15); emend.
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 137
language), which do not pertain to quantity, you will not end up in (a state
of) disturbance, imagining that language does not pertain to quantity.
Also concerning why they name every existing body three-dimensional, and § 67
surface only two(-dimensional), and line, which is the starting point (rēšā) of
a surface, one(-dimensional). Bring forward what is less! We will (now) tell
you about these things. The surveyors name the dot, which is considered
by imagination and is not obtained in any body, a mark. They denote this
(dot) without part and without division, as someone would say: a certain
incorporeal starting point of every single body. Because of this, they say:
when you travel in thoughts and obtain a certain length without breadth,
then it is named a line, which is a length without breadth. If this line obtains
another dimension to its breadth, then it constitutes a surface, which is
only length and breadth. If it is extended also to depth ⟨so that⟩ it becomes
perceptible, then it constitutes a body, which has three extensions: length,
breadth, and depth. Because of this, they name any body whatsoever three-
dimensional. Hence, it is obvious from this that a dot is the starting point
of a line, and a line is the starting point of a surface, and a surface is the
starting point and beginning of every single body. And when you strip off
any of them [i.e. the extensions] from a body and you return upwards, there
will be one extension less than its antecedent, and finally a dot without
extension is found altogether. Because of this, it does not have any part
too, but is a certain incorporeal initial principle (rēšā). For if a body has
three dimensions, and surface, which is its beginning, has only two, and
furthermore a line, which is the starting point of surface, is one extension
less than this, so that it seems to possess only one extension, that of length—
since now the starting point of a line, that is a mark, needs to be one
extension less than it [i.e. the line]—it is clear that it is found without
extension. And if it [i.e. the mark] is without extension, it is obvious that
it has no magnitude, and therefore it does not pertain to quantity. But those
three that pertain to it, that is line, surface, and body, concerning them there
is no controversy at all that they do not pertain to quantity.
138 chapter 7
§ 68 ܘܡ 爯ܒrܪ ܗܠr 爯qܦrqܐ ܕܐܦ ܥ 爏ܐܬܪܐ ܐ qqܕܒrqrqܐ ܢrrܥ焏
ܘܢ熏qܐ ܠq܉ ܕܐܢ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܐܘ ܠ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ⟩ .ܘܐqqܢ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ⟨ ܘܕܡܢ焏
ܐrqܘܗܝ .ܘܢ熏qܐ ܠ qܬܘܒ ܕܐܦ ̣ܗܘ ̣ܡq 爯ܡ熏qܬܐ ܗܘ .ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܗ爏qq
ܐܦ qqܢ 煿ܕܐܬܪܐ܉ ܡ熏ܕ̣ 焏qܗܝ ܐܦ ܬܪܥrqܐ ܕܓ熏ܐq .ܠܢ rܓ rqܡܣܒr
ܕ 爏qܡ煟ܡ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܡrܪܓrܢ 焏ܐܘ ܡ煟qrܥܢ焏܉ ܒ煟ܘrqܐ ܘܒ焏ܬܪܐ 5
ܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܘܗܝ .ܘܐܦ ܥ 爏ܠ 焏ܓ̈qrܡ 焏ܕ爯q܉ ܠ̇ 煟q 煿ܠ̇ 煿ܠܡܣܒrܢ熏ܬܐ
ܩܢ̣ 爯qܡ 爯ܕܘܡ 焏qܕܗܠ 爯qܡq熟qrܢ̈rqܐ .ܒ̇煿ܝ ܕܠ 焏ܡ煟ܪܫ ܗܘܢ煿ܘܢ ܠܡ煟ܪ熏q܇
ܕ 爏qܡ煟ܡ ܕܕܠ 焏ܓ熏rܡ ܗ̣ܘ ܒ 爏qܕܘ 焏qܗܘ܉ ܐܠ̣ 焏ܡ 爯ܡrܬܙqܥܢ熏ܬܐ
ܘܬܪܒrqܐ ܘܒ犏ܪܐ ܕܓ̈r熏ܡ焏܉ ܡrܕܪ 焏qܕܐ rqܐܬܪܐ .ܐqqܢ 焏ܓrq
ܡrܬܙ 牟qܗ̣ܘܐ ⟩ܡ煟ܡ⟨ ̣ܡ 爯ܕܘ 焏qܠ煟ܘ焏q܉ ܘܐqqܢ 焏ܪ̇ܒ 焏ܗ̣ܘܐ ܐܘ 10
̇ܒ犏ܪ܉ ܐܠ 熏ܠ 焏ܐ rqܗ̣ܘܐ qqܢ 煿ܕܐܬܪܐ ܕܒ 煿ܗܠ 爯qܗ̈ܘ熏r .爯qܢ 焏qܓrq
ܕ̇ܗܘܐ ܒ 煟qܙܘܥ̣ 焏ܡ 爯ܕܘ 焏qܠ煟ܘ̇ 焏qܡܣ煿ܕ ܓܠ rq焏qܥ̇ 爏ܗܘ ܡ焏
ܕܡrܬܙ牟q܉ ܕܒ焏ܬܪܐ ̇ܗܘܐ 熏rܢ .煿qܐܦ ̣ܡ̇ 爯ܗܝ ܕܡqrܩ 爯qܓ̈r熏ܡ焏
̈
ܡ 爯ܕܘrqqܗܘܢ ܘ煿qܒ 爯qܐܬܪܐ ܠ̈煟qܕܐ܉ ܓܠ 焏qܗܝ ܕܐ rqܐܬܪܐ. ܒ熟ܒ̣ 爯
̈ ̇
ܗܐ ܓq熟q rqܢ 爯ܕܐ 焏qqܕܐ rqܗ̣ܘܐ ܡ 焏qܩ煟ܡrq܉ ܐܐܪ ܡ煟q qqrr 15
ܢqrܩ熏ܢ .ܘܐ 焏qqܬܘܒ ܕܐ rqܗ̣ܘܐ ܐܐܪ 煟qܢrܢܣ熏qܢ ̈ܡ焏q܉ ܡrܢ焏
ܘ煿̇qܒ ܠ煿ܘܢ ܐܬܪܐ .ܐܢ ܗ 爏qqܢqrܩ熏ܢ ܓ̈r熏ܡ̣ 焏ܡ⟩ 爯ܩ煟ܡ⟨ ̈煟qܕܐ煟q :
̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܐ煿qrqܘܢ ܗܘܘ ܒ 煿ܗܘ̣ 煟q 熏qܗܘ܉ q煟qܥ 焏ܗܝ ܕܐ rqܩq熏ܡ煿
ܕܐܬܪܐ .ܘܓܠ⟩ 焏qܗܝ⟨ ܬܘܒ ܠqܠܢ rܕܐܦܠ 焏ܡrܢ 焏ܥ 爟ܓ̈r熏ܡ .焏ܐܠ焏
̣ 煟qܗܘ ܩ̇焏ܡ ܒ煟ܘrqܗ܉ ܡrܢ 爯qܓ̈r熏ܡ 焏ܘ煿qܒ 爯qܐܬܪܐ ܠ̈煟qܕܐ .ܘ̣ܡ爯 20
ܣ̈ܓ焏qܬܐ ܐrqܢrqܐ ܐ rqܗ̣ܘܐ ܕܢ熏qܐ ܕܐ rqܐܬܪܐ .ܐܠ̣ 煟q 焏ܡ爯
rܡܢ 爯ܕܐrq ܐܪ熏qqܬ ̈ܡܠ 焏ܡ煿ܡqܢ爯܉ ܒ 煟qܗܠ 爯qܙܥrqr熏ܐ ܐܬ݀ q熏q
95r ܐܬܪܐ| .
§ 69 ܡ煟qrܥ 焏ܕ 爯qܐܦ ̣ܡ 爯ܗܕܐ ܕqqܠ 焏ܪܒ 焏ܩܢ 焏ܐܬܪܐ .ܐܢ ܓ rqܠ 焏ܡrܢ焏
ܥ 爟ܓ̈r熏ܡ焏܆ ܐܠ 焏ܐ rqܐܡrܝ ܕܐܦ ܡqrܒܠ 爯qܒ 煿ܘܠ 焏ܡqrܒ爏 25
ܡܢ煿ܘܢ .ܘܒqܠ熟ܒ̇q 爯ܒ rܠ煿ܘܢ ܘܠ 焏ܡqrܒ rܡܢ煿ܘܢq煟q .ܥ 焏ܗܝ ܕܐܦ
ܡrqܪ qqܢ̣ 煿ܡ 爯ܕqܠ煿ܘܢ .ܡ 爏qܕܕܡܥܠ熏qܬܐ ܐ 煿̇qrqܕܢ݁qܒ熏ܫ ܡ煟ܡ ܘܠ焏
ܡq 爯ܒܠ 焏ܕܐqܠ 爯qܕܡ݁qrܒܠ 爯qܒ.煿
ܢqrܒr܇ ܘܕܠ 焏ܢ̣ rq
ܕܐܦܥ1 爏 ) ‖ suppl. ex L.20vb34 f./P.60v8 et B.95v13 (§71ܕܐܢ ܐrqܘ 2 ;ܡ熏ܕܐ 4
)em. ex L.21ra8 (vd. comm. ܡ煟ܥ煿ܘܢ ; L.21ra20/P.60v18:ܗܘܢ煿ܘܢ 7 ܒ 爏qܕܘ8 焏q
; em. exܐ 10 suppl. ex L.21ra27/P.60v21 15 焏qqܒ 爏qܕܘܟ ܗܘ ; L.21ra22/P.60v19:ܗܘ
;ܩܢ熏ܡ] 煿ܩq熏ܡ (vd. comm.) ‖ suppl. ex L.21rb14/P.61r8 18 煿ܘ煿̇qܒ L.21rb6/P.61r4 17
em. ex L.21rb18/P.61r10 ; em. exܡ] 爯ܥ19 suppl. ex L.21rb19, (etiam P.61r8 om.) ‖ 爟
; em. ex L.21rb27 /P.61r13 27–28ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ]ܕܐL.21rb20/P.61r10 et line 24 f./B.95r2 21 rq
; em. ex L.21va25–27/P.61v5–7ܡ 爏qܕܡܥܠ熏qܬܐ … ܘܠ 焏ܢrq
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 139
After this, it is appropriate that we present also space in brief, and show § 68
you whether it exists or does not exist, ⟨and how it is⟩, what it is, and
moreover to show whether it also pertains to quantity. Now, that there
is a natural being of space does even the common sense affirm. For all
men assume that everything that is perceptible and intelligible is in some
place or space. And also concerning the incorporeals they hold the same
assumption on the analogy of the perceptible things, in that their mind is
not trained to comprehend that everything that is incorporeal is everywhere.
However, from the motion, the increase and the diminution of bodies it is
comprehended that there is space. For how would ⟨something⟩ move from
one place to another or how would it increase or diminish, if there was not
a natural being of space in which these things could occur? For the change
that happens by a movement from one place to another indicates clearly
that the change of what is moving happens in space. Also from the fact that
bodies sometimes depart from their places and leave room for each other
[i.e. successive replacement], it is obvious that space exists. For we see where
there was water at first, air is found when it goes away. And where there
was air, when water flows, air departs and leaves room for water. If therefore
bodies depart ⟨before⟩ each other [i.e. replace one another], as what they
were in remains the same, it is obvious that there is a subsistence of space.
Moreover, it ⟨is⟩ obvious for everyone that (space) does not depart along
with the bodies, but as it remains in its location, bodies depart and leave
room for each other. From many other things we could show that there is
space, but since we desist from verbosity, through these few things it has
been shown by us that space exists.
Also, from this it is known that space possesses a great power. For if it does § 69
not depart along with the bodies, but exists even when they sometimes are
destroyed in it and is not destroyed by them; and it always contains them
and is not contained by them. It is obvious that even its nature is superior to
theirs, because it is a superiority to contain something and not be contained,
and not to be affected by the destruction of those that are destroyed in it.
140 chapter 7
§ 70 ܬܘܒ 爯q煟ܡrܥܩܒ 焏ܕܐܢ̣煿ܘ ܕܓr熏ܡ 焏ܗܘ ܐܘ ܠ 焏ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܗܘ .ܘܕܠ焏
ܐrqܘܗܝ ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܓܠ 焏qܗܝ ̣ܡ̇ 爯ܗܝ ܕܡܩܒܠܢ 焏ܗܘ ܕܓ̈r熏ܡ .焏ܐܠ熏
ܓ rqܓr熏ܡ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ ܗ̣ܘܐ ܘܡܩ݁ܒ 爏ܗ̣ܘܐ ܒ 煿ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܐrqܢ焏܉
ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܒܓr熏ܡ 焏ܡ qqrrܗܘܐ̇ .ܗܝ ܕܠ 焏ܡ 焏q犏ܕܬܗܘܐ .ܐܠ熏
ܡ 焏qqrܗ̣ܘܬ ܓ rqܕܢ煿ܘܐ ܡrܘܡ ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܒܓr熏ܡ焏܉ ܡ 焏q犏ܗ̣ܘܬ 5
ܕܐܦ ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܪܒ 焏ܒܓr熏ܡ 焏ܙܥ熏ܪܐ ܢ煿ܘܐ 煟q .ܠ 焏ܡrܐܠ 犏ܒ煿܇
ܐܢܓ rqܠ 焏ܐ̇ 煟qܒ 煿ܕܘrqܐq煟q .ܥ 焏ܗܝ ܕܐܦܠ 焏ܡ熟ܕܪܒ ܒ 煿ܣ.q
ܠ煿ܕܐ ܕ 爯qܢܩ̣qܦ 焏ܕܐܦ qܠr 煿ܡ 焏qܒܓr熏ܡ 焏ܙܥ熏ܪܐ ܢqrܒ rܗ̣ܘܐ.
ܘܐܦ rrܩrܐ 煟qܐ ܙܥ熏ܪܬܐ ܬܐ熏qܕ ܗ̣ܘܬ qܠq 煿ܡ .焏ܡ 爯q煟ܠ 焏ܡ焏q犏
ܕܓr熏ܡ 焏ܢ煿ܘܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܐܬܪܐ .ܐܠ 焏ܐܦܠ 焏ܕܢܣqܡ熏qܗܝ ܐܢ rܠ焏 10
ܓqrܡ 焏ܡ .焏q犏ܒ̇煿ܝ ܕ 爏qܡ煟ܡ ܕܕܠ 焏ܓ熏rܡ ܐrqܘܗܝ܉ ܠ rqܒ⟩ 煿ܠ⟨焏
ܡ 焏qrܘܠ熏q 焏ܪܐ ܘܐܦܠ熏qqqr 焏ܬܐ ܡ煟ܡ .ܐܬܪܐ ܕ 爯qܡrܡrܚ
ܘܡrܦrܐ ܥ 爟ܓ̈r熏ܡ 焏ܕܒ 煿ܘܗqܢ̇q 焏ܒ rܠ煿ܘܢ .ܐ qqܕ̣ܡ 爯ܗܠ爯q
ܬܬ煟qܥ ܕܠrqܘܗܝ ܐܬܪܐ ܠ 焏ܓqrܡ .焏ܐܦܠ 焏ܓ rqܠܡrܢ 焏ܡ 焏q犏ܣq܇
ܕܓ̈r熏ܡ 焏ܒܡ煟ܡ ܕܕܠ 焏ܓ熏rܡ ܗ̣ܘ ܡqrܒ̇ .爯qrܗܘ ܓ rqܡ 焏ܕ̇qܒ rܠ煿ܘܢ܉ 15
ܠܦ熏ܬ ܡrq熏rܗܘܢ ܐܠ犏ܐ ܕܢ煿ܘܐ ܡ qqrܘܡܒrܝ̣ .ܡ 爯ܗܠ 爯qܗ 爏qqܐܦ
ܕܠ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ ܐܬܪܐ ܠܓܡ rܡܣrܒ rܐܢ.r
§ 71 ܘܒ煟ܓ熏ܢ ܐܦ ܙqܢ熏ܢ ̇ܗܘ ܩ焏qqܘܣ ܐ̇ܡ .rܕܠ 焏ܐ rqܐܬܪܐ ܘܡ焯qr
95v ܡܠrܐ ܕܐ qqܗܕܐq | .ܠܡ煟ܡ ܠ 爟ܒ煟ܘ 焏qܐrqܘܗܝ .ܘܐܢ ܡ 爯q煟ܐrq
ܐܬܪܐ :ܡ 爏qܕܐܦ ̣ܗܘ ܡ煟ܡ ܒ煟ܘ 焏qܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܘܗܝ .ܘܡ qqrrܠ煿 20
ܐܬܪܐ ܒ焏ܬܪܐ܉ ܘ̇ܗܘ ܬܘܒ ܒrq焏ܢ .焏ܘܐrqܢ 焏ܒrq焏ܢ 焏ܘܗܕܐ ܕܠ焏
ܣ .qܡ 爯q煟ܠ 爟ܠܓܡ rܠ rqܐܬܪܐ .ܙܕܩ ܗ̣ܘܐ ܕ 爯qܠ煿ܢ 焏ܕܢrܒ爯q܉ ܕܠ爏q 熏
ܡ煟ܡ ܒ焏ܬܪܐ ܗܘ ܐqqܢ 焏ܕ̣ܗܘ ܐ̣ܡ .rܣ̈ܓ焏qܬܐ ܓ rqܘrqrqܐ rqܐqܠ爯q
ܕܕܠ 焏ܓ熏rܡ ܐ̈ܢ爯q܉ ܠ rqܠ 爯q煿ܐܬܪܐ ܘܠ rqܐ̈ܢ 爯qܒ煟ܘ .焏qܘ̇ܗܢ 爯qܬܘܒ
ܕܐ 爯q煿qrqܒ煟ܘ݁焏q܉ ܠ 熏ܒ 煟qܙܢ 焏ܐ 爯q煿qrqܗqܢ .焏ܐ qqܕqܠ 爯q煿ܒ焏ܬܪܐ 25
ܢ .爯q̈qrrܩ煟ܡܢ 爯ܓ rqܕܒ煟qܥܣ̈ rܙܢ 焏qܡrܐܡ̇ rܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܐrqܘܗܝ
ܡ 爯ܬܡ 爯ܡ 焏q熟qrܓܠrq焏q܉ ܕܠ 爏q 熏ܡ 焏ܕܒ煟ܘ 焏qܐrqܘܗܝ. ܒܡ煟ܡ .ܘ ̣
ܒ焏ܬܪܐ ܗܘ ܐ qqܕܐܣܒ rܙqܢ熏ܢ .ܐܠ 焏ܥ̇ 爏ܗܝ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܐܬܪܐ
ܘܐqqܢ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ܉ ܣܦ̈ܩ 爯ܗܠ 爯qܕܐܬܐܡrܘ.
§ 72 ܡq 爯ܡ熏qܬܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܗ 焏rܐܡqrܢ.爯 ܕܡܢ 焏ܕ 爯qܐrqܘܗܝ ܘܕ ̣ 30
ܒܦܣ̈qܩrܐ ܗ 爏qqܠܡ焏ܡ .rܐܬܪܐ ܣ 焏qܐrqܘܗܝ ܘ熏qqqrܬܐ ܕܡ煟ܡ
ܕ̇qܒ rܠ̇煿ܘ ܡ 焏ܕܡqrܒ rܡܢ .煿ܘ 爏qܓr熏ܡ 焏ܓ rqܐqܢ 焏ܕ̣ܗܘ܉ ܐrq
ܠ 煿ܣ 焏qܘ熏qqqrܬܐ ܕܐ 煿̇qrqܥܒrܗ ܒ .焏qrܐܠ 焏ܐܢ ̣ܗܘ ܕqܡqܡ焏
ܒ rܗ̣ܘܐ 6 scriptor exp. ܙܥ熏ܪܐ ܸ postܢܸ qr )q (vd. comm.ܠr 煿ܡ … 焏qܗ̣ܘܐ 8 11
) (vd. comm.ܒ煟ܘ 焏qܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܘܗܝ (vd. comm.) 20ܙqܢ熏ܢ suppl. ex L.22vb13/P.62v8 18
(vd. comm.) 33ܕ̇qܒ rܠ̇煿ܘ ܡ 焏ܕܡqrܒ rܡܢ (vd. comm.) 32 煿ܕܐrqܘ ܒܡ煟ܡ 26–27
)ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܥܒrܗ ܒ; em. ex L.22vb18 f., (P.63r17: 焏qrܕܐ 煿̇qrqܥܒ 煿̇qrܒ焏qr
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 141
Therefore, also Zeno of Citium [of Elea!] says that there is no space, and § 71
formulates the argument as follows: everything is in some place, and if
therefore there is space—since also that thing would be in a certain place—
(then) a space would be found in (another) space, and again that one in
another, and another in another, and so on without end. Therefore, there
is (clearly) no space at all. He should, however, have understood that not
everything is in space in the way he has said. For many things, and especially
those that are incorporeal, do not have space and are not in a place. And
again, those that are in a place are so not in one single way, so that all of
them would be found in space. For we have already presented that what is
in something is said to be so in eleven ways, and thence it clearly appears
that not everything that is in a place is in space, as Zeno thought. However,
what has been said may suffice concerning that there is space and how it is.
But what it is, and that it pertains to quantity we will say now. To recount § 72
in brief: space is a limit and a surface of something that contains what
is contained by it. And every single body whatsoever has a limit and a
surface which is its extreme. However, if it is solid it has one surface, which
142 chapter 7
§ 73 ܥ 爯ܠqܠܢ rܐ 煿̇qrqܐ qqܕܡܣrܒrܐ ܠq܉ ܐܦ ܕ̣ܡ爯 ܡ 爯ܗܠ 爯qܕ 爯qܕ̈ܓܠ 爯qܘ̈ q煟q
̣
qܡ熏qܬܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܐܬܪܐ .ܐܢ̣煿ܘ ܓ rqܕ̇煟qܪ ܠ 爏qܓr̈熏ܡ :爯qܘܠ rqܡrܘܡ
ܠܡrܢqq 焏ܢ 焏ܡrܪܓrܢ 焏ܕܠ 熏ܒ焏ܬܪܐ ܗܘ܉ q煟qܥ 焏ܗܝ ܕܗqܢ 焏ܡrܡrܚ
ܐܬܪܐ ܠܦ熏ܬ ܪܒ熏ܬܗ ܕ 爏qܓr熏ܡ 焏ܐqܢ 焏ܕ̣ܗܘ .ܘܗqܢ 焏ܬܘܒ ܡrܩܦ爿 25
ܠܦ熏ܬ ܙܥ熏ܪܘܬܐ ܕܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ܕܒ .煿ܡ 爯q煟ܐܢ ܓr熏ܡ̣ 焏ܡq 爯ܡ熏qܬܐ
ܗܘ܉ ܓܠ 焏qܗܝ ܕܐܦ ܐܬܪܐ ܡܢ̇ 煿ܐrqܘܗܝ .ܘܐܢ̣煿ܘ ܕܣ熏ܪ 焏qܕ爯q
ܡ 焏qrܒܠ熏qܕ ܕܐܪ熏qqܬܐ ܩܢ .焏ܡ 爏qܡ̣ 煿qrܡq 爯ܡ熏qܬܐ ܗܘ焯q .
ܣܓrqrq qܐ rqܡ熟qrܐ ܐܬܪܐ ܕܩܢ 焏ܬܪ 爯qܡ⟩ 爯qq̈rܗܢ 熏ܕ 爯qܠ焏ܘܪ焏q
ܘܠܦ ⟨焏qrܕ̣ܡq 爯ܡ熏qܬܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ .ܐܢ 爯q煟ܐܢ rܢ焏ܡ rܕܠ 焏ܡrܡrܚ 30
ܐܬܪܐ ܠܦ熏ܬ qܠ 煿ܩq熏ܡ 焏ܕܓ̈r熏ܡ焏܉ ܗܢ 焏ܡrܐܠ 犏ܕܢ焏ܡr܉ ܕܠ熏
qܠ 爯q煿ܡܢ̈熏ܬܗܘܢ ܕܓ̈r熏ܡ 焏ܒ焏ܬܪܐ ܐ̇ .爯q煿qrqܗܝ ܕܠ 焏ܡ焏qqr
ܕܬܗܘܐ .ܐܢܓ rqܡ 焏q犏ܗܘܬ ܕܢ̈煿ܘ 爯qܡܢ̈熏ܬܐ ܡ煟ܡ ̣ܡ 爯ܓ̈r熏ܡ 焏ܕܠ焏
ܐܢ 爯q煟ܢ煿ܘܐ ̇qܒ rܡ煟ܡ ; del. ex L.22vb26/P.63r20 3–4ܬܪܬ熏q̈qqr 爯qܬܐ ]ܒܠ熏qܕ[ ܩܢ2 焏
; em. ex L.22vb28–32/P.63r21–23ܒqܠܠ煿܉ ̇ܗܝ 熏qqqrܬܐ ݁ܒrqrܐ ̣ܡ 爯ܐܐܪ rq煟qܐ 7
suppl. ex L.23ra3–5(conj.)/P.63v4
̈
; em. ex L.23ra6/P.63v5ܠܣ熏qܗܘܝ 8 ܕܒܦܣܩ20 焏
)(vd. comm. 21 suppl. ex L.23rb13/P.64r2 ܡ29–30 爯 ; em. et suppl. exܡ … 爯qqqrܕ ̣
L.23va2f./P.64r14
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 143
And it is from these things that are apparent and known to everyone, as it § 73
seems to me, that space too pertains to quantity. For if it surrounds every
single body and it is impossible to ever think of a perceptible physical item
which is not in space, (then) it is obvious that space in this way is extended in
accordance with the greatness of every body whatsoever, and also in this way
it is contracted in accordance with the smallness of objects in it. Therefore,
if a body pertains to quantity, it is obvious that also space pertains to it. Now,
if a line, having only the extension of length, on account of its extension
pertains to quantity, (then) space, by having two extensions, ⟨namely length
and breadth⟩, to a much greater extent seems to pertain to quantity. But
if someone would say that space is not extended in accordance with the
whole constitution of bodies, this (person) would be obliged to say that not
all the parts of bodies are in space, which is impossible to occur. For if it
were possible that some parts of bodies could occur without space, also
the whole (body) would be able to occur without space. And it makes it
144 chapter 7
96v ܐܬܪܐ܉ ܘܐܦ qܠ 煿ܡ qqrܗܘܐ ܕܢ煿ܘܐ ܕܠ 焏ܐܬܪܐ | .ܘܐܢܢܩ 焏ܥܒ煟ܐ
ܠ 煿ܠ̇煿ܘ ܕܗqܢ 焏ܐ̇ܡr܉ ܕܐܦ ܣܦqܩ熏ܬܐ ܡ煟ܡ ܢܥ 爏ܒqqܢ 爯q煿ܕܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ.
ܘܢܣ 爟qܡ煟ܡ ܕܣܦ̣ 犟ܡ 爯ܓ̈r熏ܡ 焏ܘܠ rqܒqq̈ 煿ܢ 焏ܣ .qܗܕܐ ܕܒܥ熏ܩ̈ܒ焏
ܣ̈ܓ焏qܐ ܐܬ rq熏qܡܢ煿ܘܢ ܕܦqܠܣ̈熏ܦ 焏ܕܠ 焏ܡ 焏qqrܠܡ煿ܘܐ .ܐܦܠ焏
ܓ̇ rqܗܢ熏ܢ ܕܡܥܠ 爯qܐܬܪܐ ⟩ܣܦqܩ ⟨焏ܘܣܦqܩ熏ܬܐ ܣqܡ 爯qܒܒrqrܐ܇ 5
qqܢ rq焏ܐܡ 爯qrܕܐ煿̇qrq܇ ܐܠ 焏ܕܗܘ 焏qܠܒ̣ rܡqq 爯ܢ .焏ܘܗܠ 爯qܡ爏q
ܐܬܪܐ ܣܦܩ rq焏ܗܪ 焏qܣܡܢ.爯
§ 74 ܬܘܒ ܕ 爯qܠܓܢܣ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ ܡܦܠܓ 爯qܠ 煿ܒ焏ܘܡܢ熏ܬܐ ܡܠqܠrܐ
̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕܐܬܕܪ 熏rܒqqܢ̈rqܐ .ܘܐܡ 爯qrܗqܢ .焏ܕܡܢ 煿ܕܗܢ 焏ܓܢܣ焏܉
ܒrܡ̈煿ܐ ܕܕܡ 爯qܡrܢܣ⟩ .焯ܘܡܢ 煿ܒ熏̈qܢ 焏qܕܠ 焏ܕܡ .爯qܒrܡ̈煿ܐ ܗ爏qq 10
ܕܕܡ 爯qܡrܢܣ焯܉⟨ ܐ qqܡ 焏ܕܐܡqrܢ 爯ܕ̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܕܡ 焏ܠ̇煿ܘ ܡ 焏ܕܕܡ焏
ܠ 煿ܕܡ .焏ܘ 爏qܡ 焏ܕ熏rܐ ܥ̇ 爟ܗܘ ܕ熏rܐ ܠ熏r 煿ܐ .ܘܪqܡ 焏ܕܪqܡ煿
ܐrqܘܗܝ ܪqܡ .焏ܘܐrqܢrqܐ ܕܕܐ qqܗܠ 爯qܡrܢ̈ܣܒ̣ 爯ܡ 爯ܓܢܣ 焏ܗܢ焏
ܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ .ܒ煿ܘܢ 煟qܒ煿ܘܢ ܒrܡ̈煿ܐ ܕܕ̇ܡ 爯qܠ̈煟qܕܐ .ܒ熏̈qܢ 焏qܕ 爯qܕܠ焏
̈
ܡ 爯ܓܢܣ 焏ܗܢ 焏ܒ̈熟ܢ 焏qܣܓ焏qܐ.
̈ ̈ ̇
ܕܡ⟩ 爯qܠ̈煟qܕܐ⟨ ܡrܢܣܒ 爯ܨܒ熏ܬܐ ̣ 15
ܐ̇ܡ rܐܢ 焏ܕ 爯qܕܐ qqܗqܢ .焏ܩ煟ܡ rqܒ熟ܢ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕ̇qܒ rܘܡqrܒ .rܐ熟qܢ焏
ܕܥ焏ܦ 焏ܘܦܠ݁ܓ .焏ܦܠܓ 焏ܓ rqܕܥ焏ܦ 焏ܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܦܠܓ焏܉ ܘܐܥܦ焏
ܬܘܒ ܕܦܠܓ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ ܐܥܦ .焏ܘܒ熟ܢ 焏ܬܘܒ ̇ܗܘ ܐrqܢ .焏ܕ̇ܗܘ ⟩ܡ⟨焏
ܕrܠ qqܘܕ̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܡrܥܒ .煟ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܡrܐ ܠ 爟ܘܥ̣ܒ煟ܐ .ܡrܐ ܓrq
ܕܥ̣ܒ煟ܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܡrܐ܉ ܘܥ̣ܒ煟ܐ ܬܘܒ ܕܡrܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܥ̣ܒ煟ܐ .ܘܐqq 20
̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕ̇ܦrܫ ܘܡrܦrܫ .ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕ 爏qܡ煟ܡ ܕܡrܪܓrܢ 焏ܗܘ܇ ܒrܓrrܐ
ܐrqܘܗܝ ܡrܪܓrܢ .焏ܘܐ̇ qqܗܘ ܬܘܒ ⟩ܡ ⟨焏ܕܡ 爯qqrܠ熏qܠܦܢ 焏ܡ煟ܡ܉
ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܣ熏qܠrܢ 焏ܒܣq熏ܠ 焏ܡ煟ܡ ̇ܗܘܐ ܣ熏qܠrܢ .焏ܐܘ 煟qܘܥrܢ焏
ܒ煟qܥrܐ ܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܘܗܝ 煟qܘܥrܢ .焏ܘܐ̇ qqܗܘ ܬܘܒ ܡ 焏ܕܐrqܘܗܝ
ܥܠrܐ ܘ̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܡܢ .煿ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܐܒ 焏ܠ熏ܬ ܒrܐ ܘܒrܐ ܠ熏ܬ ܐܒ.焏 25
ܥܒ 煟ܡ煟ܡ ܘ̇焏qܫ ܡܢ .煿ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕ̇ܗܘ ܕ̇ܡ 焏qܠ̇煿ܘ ܘܐ̇ qqܗܘ ܬܘܒ ܡ 焏ܕ ̇
97r ܡ̇ 爯ܗܘ ܕ̇ܡ̇ 焏qܒܠ .牟ܘܐ qqܣqܡ 焏ܬܘܒ | ̇
ܕ̇ܒܠ 牟ܡ .焏qܘ̇ܗܘ ܕ̇ܒܠ̣ 牟
̇ ̇
ܕܒ焏ܬܪܐ ܡ煟ܡ .ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܗܘ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ̣ܡq 爯ܡqܢ焏܉ ܠ熏ܬ ܗܘ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ
̣ܡ 爯ܣܡܠ 焏ܡ熟qrܐ܇ ܘ̇ܗܘ ܕ̣ܡ 爯ܣܡܠ 焏ܠ熏ܬ ̇ܗܘ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ̣ܡq 爯ܡqܢ焏
necessary for the one who says something like that, that he also introduces
a certain void into the nature of objects and that he presents something that
is empty of bodies and in which there are absolutely no physical items. This
has through many investigations of the philosophers been demonstrated to
be impossible to occur. For those who introduce ⟨empty⟩ space and insert
void into created things do not say that it [i.e. void] exists by nature, but that
it occurs out of nature. And we have sufficiently set forth here these (words)
concerning space.
[On relatives]
Again, those who have been trained in physics divide the category (gensā) § 74
of relatives in the art of logic and say as follows: some of this category is con-
ceived by similar names [i.e. homonymously], ⟨and some of it is conceived
by dissimilar appellations [i.e. heteronymously]. It is conceived by similar
names⟩, as when we say “what is similar is similar to that which is similar
to it”, and “equal is everything that is equal to that which is equal to it”, and
“the friend of his friend is a friend”, and the like are derived from this cate-
gory of relatives, by those names that are similar to one another. And objects
are conceived as being from this category by appellations that are dissimilar
⟨to each other⟩ in many ways. I say like this: at first, in the way of containing
and being contained, as for example double and half. For the half of a certain
double is a half, and also the double of a half is a double. In another way, the
one who rules and the one who is subject, as for example master and slave. A
master is a master of a slave and a slave is a slave of a master. And as the one
who discerns and is discerned, as for example everything that is perceptible
is perceptible in perception. Again, as that which refers to a certain learning,
as for example an intelligent person becomes intelligent in a certain intel-
ligence, or a knower is knower in some certain knowledge. Furthermore, as
what is a cause and that which is (caused) by it, as for example father in rela-
tion to son, and son in relation to father. Moreover, as the one who is doing
something and the one who is affected by it, as for example the one who
smites is smiting the one who is beaten and the beaten one is beaten by the
one who smites. And again, as a position in a certain location, as for example
the one who is to the right is seen in relation to the one who is to the left, and
the one to the left is perceived in relation to the one who is to the right. For all
146 chapter 7
§ 77 ܒqqܢ 焏ܕ 爯qܩ 爟q煟ܡ煟ܡ ܠܡ煟ܡ܉ ̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܡܒ 爏qܥܡ 煿ܠ̇煿ܘ ܡ焏
97v ܕܡrܐܡ rܠ熏ܬܗ ̣ 煟qܗܘ ܠ | 焏ܡrܒ 爏qܥ̇ 爟ܗܘ .ܘ̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕ 煟qܢqqrr 20
̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܡrܐܡ rܠ熏ܬܗ܇ ̇ܡܥ⟩ 爏ܠ ⟨煿ܥܡ 煿ܐܠ犏ܐ 煟q .rqܕ 爯qܢqqrr
̣ܗܘ܇ ܠ 焏ܐܠ犏ܐ ܕܢ煿ܘܐ ܢܩ 牯qܠ̇ 煿ܗܘ .ܐܡrܢ 焏ܕ 爯qܐ qqܕܥ熏qq 爏ܬܐ
ܘܣ熏ܣ .焏qܐܢ ܓ rqܬܒ熏qq 爏qܬܐ ܓܠ 焏qܗܝ܉ ܕܒ 爏qܠ 煿ܐܦ ܣ熏ܣ焏q
ܡ 爯ܐܢܢܩ̣ .qܐܢ 爯q煟ܠ 焏ܢ煿ܘܐ ܐ rqܣ熏ܣ焏q܉ ܠ 焏ܒqܠ 焏ܥܡ熏qq 煿ܬܐ. ̣
ܐ rqܓ熏̈qq rqܬܐ ܣ̈ܓ焏qܬܐ ܐqܠ 爯qܕܠ̈ 焏ܗܘܝ .焏rqrܡ熏qq 爯q煟ܬܐ 25
ܩq煟ܡqq 焏ܢ rq焏ܠܣ熏ܣ .焏qܙܕ̇ܩ ܓ rqܕܢ煿ܘܐ ܩܢ熏ܡ̇ 煿ܘܗ熏̈qq 爯q煟qܬܐ
ܗܠ 爯qܕܒ煟q焏ܐ ܒ煟q焏ܐ .ܘܒrܢ 焏rܬܘܒ 煟qܢqqrr܉ ܥ焏ܠ 焏ܠ̇ 煿ܥܡ 煿ܐܦ
the manners of this category are different from one another in appellations,
and it is not one ⟨and the same⟩ name which signifies two objects that are
two in relation to each other. However, the subsistence of the first modes
exists in a single name that is similar to its counterpart in every aspect, as
we have said. This may suffice regarding the division of this category.
With regard to these things one can say as follows: everything that is prior § 76
to another thing is prior to it, either in time or by nature. For in time, a
thing is prior to another thing, when the period in which some duration
occurs is more distant from the time in which what is said in relation to it
occurs. As we are wont to say that the war of Medes happened before that of
Peloponnesians. Also Pythagoras is prior to Plato the Athenian.
A thing is prior to another thing by nature: that which removes along with § 77
itself that which is said in relation to it, while the former is not removed along
with the latter. And when that which is said in relation to it is present, it
necessarily introduces ⟨it⟩ [i.e. the prior thing] along with itself, while when
the latter is present, it is not necessary that the former follows upon it.13 I
say this, as in the case of ‘animal’ and ‘horse’. For if ‘animal’ is removed, it is
obvious that also ‘horse’ by necessity is removed, but if there would not be
‘horse’, ‘animal’ would not be removed with it. For there are many animals
which are not horses. Therefore, ‘animal’ is by nature prior to ‘horse’, for its
essence needs to be there and then the particular animals. And when ‘man’
13 The prior thing “co-removes” the posterior thing, but is not “co-removed” by it, whereas
the prior thing is “co-introduced” by the posterior thing, but it does not “co-introduce”
it.
148 chapter 7
§ 78 ܡ 爏qܗ 爏qqܕܒ煿ܠ 爯qܬܪ̈ 爯qܙܢ 焏qܡrܐܡ 爏q rܡ煟ܡ ܕܩ .爟q煟ܗܢ 熏ܕ爯q
ܒ熟ܒܢ 焏ܘܒqqܢ焏܉ ܡq熏qܢ 爯ܕܠ 焏ܩ̈q煟ܡ 爯ܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ̇ܗܢ 爯qܕܡrܐܡrܢ ܠ熏ܬ 5
ܡ煟ܡ܉ ܠ 焏ܒ熟ܒܢ 焏ܘܠ 焏ܒqqܢ焏܇ ̇ܗܘ ܕܡrܐܡrܢ ܒ 煿ܠ̈煟qܕܐ .ܐܠ焏
ܐ煟qqܐ ܐ 爯q煿qrqܒ 爏qܙܒ爯܉ ܘܢܩ̈qܦ 爯ܐ̈ܢ 爯qܠ̈煟qܕܐ .ܐܦ 爯ܓ rqܩ爟q煟
ܒ熟ܒܢ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕ̇ܡ熏ܠ 煟ܠ̇煿ܘ ܕܡq̣rܠ 煟ܡܢ煿܉ ܐܠ 焏ܠ 焏ܗܘܐ ܐq̇ qqܠ熏ܕܐ܉ ܘܠ焏
ܬܘܒ ܐ qqܐܒ 焏ܩ 爟q煟ܠܒrܗ ܘܠqܠ煟ܗ܉ ܐܠ 焏ܐ qqܒrܢqqr 焏rܡ.rq焏
ܡ 爯ܓܢܣ 焏ܗܢ 焏ܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܘܗܝ. ܒ煿ܕܐ ܕ 爯qܕܐ qqܒrܢ焏r܉ ܠ̣ 熏 10
ܐܠ̣ 焏ܡ 爯ܐܘܣ .焏qܘܬܘܒ ⟩ܠ ⟨焏ܡrܐ ܩ 爟q煟ܠܥܒ煟ܗ ܐܘ ܥܒ煟ܐ ܠܡrܗ .ܠ焏
ܗ̣ܘܐ ܒ̇煿ܝ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܡrܐ ܘܥܒ煟ܐ .ܕܒ̇ 煿ܡrܐܡ 爯qrܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ .ܒ煿ܕܐ
ܓ rqܐ煟qqܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܩq熏ܡ煿ܘܢ .ܐܠ 焏ܐܢ ̣ܗܘ ܕ 爯qܕܩ 爟q煟ܒ熟ܒܢ煟q 焏
ܡܢ煿ܘܢ ܠqܒrܗ܉ ܒ̇煿ܝ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܒrܢ 焏rܩ .爟q煟ܘܠ 熏ܒ̇煿ܝ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ̣ܡ爯
ܓܢܣ 焏ܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ. 15
98r § 79 ܐܦܠ 焏ܕ 爯qܒqqܢ | 焏ܩ̈q煟ܡ 爯ܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ܕܡrܐܡrܢ ܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ ܠ̈煟qܕܐ܉
ܡ 爏qܕܬܪܬ 爯q煿qܢܩ̈qܦ煟q 爯ܐ ܠ煟qܐ .ܘܐܢ ܬܬܒ煟q 爏qܐ ܡܢ爯q煿܉ ܥܡ̇煿
ܡrܒqܠ 焏ܐܦ qܒrܬ̇ܗ .ܐܢ̣煿ܘ ܓ rqܕܠ rqܒrܐ܉ ܐܦܠ 焏ܐܒ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ
ܐܒ̣ 焏ܡ 爯ܐܢܢܩ .qܐܦ 爯ܐrqܘܗܝ ܒrܢ .焏rܘܐܢ ܠ rqܬܘܒ ܐܒ焏܉ ܐܦܠ焏
⟩ܒrܐ⟨ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܒrܐ ܘܐܦ 爯ܐrqܘܗܝ ܒrܢ .焏rܘܢܩ̈qܦ 爯ܐ̈ܢ 爯qܬܪܬ爯q煿q 20
煟qܐ ܠ煟qܐ .ܘܓܠ 焏qܗܝ ܡ 爏qqܕܗܠq 爯qܠ 爯q煿ܘܕܐ qqܗܠ爯q܉ ܕܐ爯q煿qrq
̣ܡ 爯ܓܢܣ 焏ܗܢ 焏ܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ .ܐ煟qqܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܒ 煿ܩq熏ܡ爯q煿܉ ܘܢܩ̈qܦ爯
ܒ 爏qܙܒ 爯ܠ̈煟qܕܐ ܘܡܩ̈qܡ 爯ܬܘܒ ܘ̈ܡܒqܠ 爯ܠ̈煟qܕܐ܉ ܘrܦ rqܦܣ 犟ܥܠ爯q煿q
ܐܪܣq熏qܠ.爿q
§ 80 ܘ̣ܡ 爯ܒrܪ ܗܠ爯q܉ ܘܐܦ ܗܕܐ ܬܘܒ ܐܡqrܢ 爯ܠ熏ܬܟ .ܕܐܢ̣ 爯qrܡ爯 25
ܐܣ̣焏qܘ̈qܩ̇ 熏ܠܓ̈熏ܢ 焏ܘܠqܥ̈熏ܡ 焏ܘܠ焏ܣ̈qqܡ 焏ܘܠ̈煟ܡ熏ܬܐ :ܗܠ爯q
ܕܒܓr熏ܡ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ ܩq熏ܡ煿ܘܢ܆ ܘqqܣ 焏ܡ煟ܡ ܕܠ 焏ܓ̈qrܡ 焏ܩܢ爯q
ܒqqܢ煿ܘܢ܉ ܠ 焏ܨܒ 熏ܕܠ 焏ܓr̈熏ܡ 焏ܢ焏ܡrܘܢ ܐܢ熏ܢ ܠ煿ܠ爯q܉ ܐܠ焏
ܓr̈熏ܡ 焏ܐ煿qrqܘܢ ܐܦ ܗܠ .爯qܒrܡ ܕ 爯qܡqrܣܣ̣ 爯qܗܢ熏ܢ ܗܠ 爯qܒ煿ܕܐ
ܡ 爯ܡrܗ ]ܠܡrܗ ‖ )11 add., (etiam deest L.44rb16/P.83r9̣ ; em. ex L.44rb18/P.83r10 20
ܡ熏ܬܐ 26ܐܪܣsuppl. ex P.83v9 24 熏q ; emend.ܘܐܣ̈qqܡ 焏ܘܕ ̈
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 149
is present, also ‘rationality’ enters along with him, but it is not (the case that)
if there is ‘rationality’, it is at any rate necessary that there is ‘man’, for it
is possible that there are other rational beings, as for example angels and
demons.
Neither are objects that are called relatives prior to each other by nature, § 79
because both of them are concomitant with each other, and if one of them
is removed, also its counterpart is removed along with it. For if there is no
‘son’, a father is necessarily not a father, even if he is ‘man’. And if there is
no ‘father’, ⟨son⟩ is not a son, even if he is ‘man’. These two are concomitant
with each other. It is therefore obvious that the subsistence of all these and
the like, which pertain to this category of relatives, is simultaneous within
it and they are always concomitant with each other and they introduce and
remove each other. Thus, Aristotle has settled these things properly.
After these things we also inform you this: some of the Stoics concerning § 80
colours, tastes, figures, and shapes—those (entities) whose subsistence is in
a body and possess a certain classification of incorporeals by their nature—
they did not want to call them incorporeal, but that they too are bodies.
However, they are contradicted in saying this, for a colour is not a body,
150 chapter 7
ܕܐܡ .爯qrܓ熏ܢ 焏ܓ rqܠ 焏ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܗܘ .ܘܐܢ ܕ 爯qܠ焏܉ ܡrܘܡ ܠ̇ 焏ܡqrܠ牯
ܗ̣ܘܐ ܓ熏ܢ 焏ܕqqܢ 煿ܠ̣ 煟qܡ 爯ܓr̈熏ܡ .焏ܗqܢ 焏ܬܘܒ ܘܐܦܠ 焏ܐܣqqܡ焏
ܐܘ ܕܡ熏ܬܐ ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܗܘ .ܘܐܢ ܕ 爯qܠ焏܉ ܡrܘܡ ܠ 焏ܩ焏ܪܘܬܐ ܘܠ焏
ܢ 焏rqܘܠ 焏ܬܘܒ ܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܢ̣ 焏ܡ 爯ܗܠ 爯qܕܕܐ qqܗܠ爯q܇ ̇ܡܩܒ 爏ܗ̣ܘܐ
ܡ熏ܬܐ ܕ 爏qܓܢ爿܇ ܐ qqܕ̇ܨܒ 焏ܐܢ rܢqܒ熏ܥ ܒ煿ܘܢ. ܐܣ̈qqܡ 焏ܘܕ ̈ 5
̈
ܓܠ 焏qܗܝ ܡ⟩ 爯q煟ܡ ⟨爏qܕܠ 焏ܢ熏ܪܟ ܥ 爏ܗܠ 爯qܕq煟qܥ 爯ܠqܠܢr܉ ܕܗܠq 爯qܠ爯q煿
ܕܓ 爯r̈煟ܒܓr̈熏ܡ 焏ܘܡqrܩ 爯ܘܡ̈qrܒܠ 爯ܡܢ煿ܘܢ 煟q :ܩqq 爟qܢ煿ܘܢ ̣ܗܘ 煟q
̣ܗܘ܉ ܐrqܢrqܐ ܐ 爯q煿qrqܠܒ̣ rܡqq 爯ܢ 焏ܕqܠ煿ܘܢ ܕܓr̈熏ܡ̣ .焏ܗܢ 爯qܗ爏qq
98v ܡrܐ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ | ܩq熏ܡ 爯q煿ܒܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܢ.焏 ܗܠ 爯qܐ̃ܘ ܐ熏qܢ ܠ 焏ܓ̈ qr
ܗܢ 熏ܕ 爯qܒܓr̈熏ܡ 焏ܐܘ ܒ̈qqܢ̈ 焏ܡܠqܠ 焏ܐqܠ 爯qܕܓ 爯r̈煟ܒ熟ܒ 爯ܘܡqrܩ 爯ܬܘܒ 10
ܒ熟ܒ 爯ܘܡ݁q̈rܒܠ .爯ܗܠ 爯qܡ̈rrܡ煿ܢ ̣ܡ熏̈q 爯ܢ 焏qܦq .爿qqqq熏ܢ 爯ܕ̈ 爯qܙܢ焏q
̈
̇ܩqrܢ 爯ܠ .爯q煿ܐrqܢ 焏ܕq̈q 爯qܠ 焏ܐܘ ܡ熏ܙܓ 焏ܡrܡ 爯q煿ܠ.爯q煿
§ 81 ܠ 煿ܕ 爯qܠܓܢܣ 焏ܗܢ 焏ܕܙܢ 焏ܡܦܠܓ 爯qܠ 煿ܗqܢ .焏ܠܡܣrܬܘܬܐ ܘܠܠ焏
ܡܣrܬܘܬܐ .ܠܡrܡq犏ܢ熏ܬܐ ܘܠܠ 焏ܡrܡq犏ܢ熏ܬܐ .ܠ̈熟ܢ焏r熏̈rq 焏q
ܘܡ̈rqܢ .焏ܠ焏ܣ̈qqܡ 焏ܘܠ̈ 煟
ܡ熏ܬܐ. 15
§ 82 ̈ܙܢ 焏qܕ 焏r熏̈rq 爯qܘܡ̈rqܢ 焏ܡrܦܠܓ 爯qܗqܢ .焏ܐܘ ܒqܠ 煟q 煿ܐܕ焏r
ܐ煿qrqܘܢ܉ ܐ熏q qqܪܘܬܐ ܠqܠ煿ܘܢ ܩ̈熏ܩܢ̇熏܉ ܐܘ ܠ 熏ܒqܠ 煿ܐܕ焏r
ܐ煿qrqܘܢ܉ ܐ熏q qqܪܘܬܐ ܒܒrܢ .焏rܐܘ ̣ܡ 爯ܡ熏ܠ煟ܐ ܢܩqܦ爯q܇ ܐqq
ܐܘqܡ熏ܬܐ ܠ .焏qr熏qܐܘ ܠrqܬܐ ܓ爯qr煟܇ ܐ熏r qqܢ qܓ熏ܢ 焏ܕ̣ܡ爯
熏qܪܗܢ.焏 20
§ 83 ܬܘܒ ܡܣrܬܘܬܐ ܡrܩ焏qr܉ ̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕ̇ܓ煟ܫ ܒܡ煟ܡ ܘܡrܥܠ 爏ܒ煿
ܣܓrq焏q܇ ܐ qqܕܠ 焏ܢrܦrܫ ⟩ܡܢ ⟨煿ܬܘܒ ܠܓܡ .rܐܘ 焯qܣܓq
ܥܣܩ rq焏ܢ 犟qrܡܢ .煿ܘܠ 焏ܡܣrܬܘܬܐ ܠ 爟ܡrrܡ煿ܐ܉ ̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕ煟q
ܢܓ煟ܫ ܒܡ煟ܡ܇ ܠ 焏ܢrrܪܪ ܒ 煿ܓ煿r煟܇ ܐܠ 焏ܬܘܒ ܡ 焏q犏ܠܡqrܩ熏ܬܗ
ܡܢ煿܇ ܐܦ ܒܥܠrܐ ܐ煟qܐ ܕ̣ܗܝ ܕܣܩ熏ܒܠ 焏qܠ.煿 25
§ 84 ܐܕ 焏rܕ 爯qܕܬܪ 爯qܕܙܢ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ܉ ܡrܡq犏ܢ熏ܬܐ ܘܠ 焏ܡrܡq犏ܢ熏ܬܐ܇
ܐ qqܐܢ rܕܡ犏ܐ ܠܡ煿ܘܐ ܡ煟ܡ܇ ܐܘ ܠ 焏ܡ犏ܐ ܠܡ煿ܘܐ.
§ 85 ܐܕ 焏rܕ 爯qܕܬܠrܐ ܕqܠ 煿ܕܓܢܣ 焏ܗܢ 焏ܕܙܢ焏܉ ܘܐܦ ̣ܗܘ ܒ̈熟ܢ 焏qܡrܩ.爟q
̇ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕܡrܩ 焏r熏̈rq 爯qrܘܡ̈rqܢ .焏ܗqܢ 焏ܓ rqܡrrܡ̇ 爯q煿ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕ̇ܗܘ爯q
̈
ܡ 爯ܓ熏ܢ1–2 焏 ̇
sic!; emend. (vd. comm.) 5ܡrܘܡ ܠ 焏ܡqrܠ 牯ܗ̣ܘܐ ܓ熏ܢ 焏ܕqqܢ̣ 煟q 煿
; sǝyāmē suppl. ex L.47va31/P.88v16ܘܕܡ熏ܬܐ 6 suppl. ex L.47va34/P.88v18 11 vid.
; sǝyāmē suppl.ܩ熏ܩܢ̇; emend. 17 熏ܓܢܣ] 焏ܐܕ; cf. cap. 8 n. 68 16 et 17 焏rܦqq熏ܢ爿q
̈
ܐܦܒܥܠrܐ ; emend. 22 suppl. ex L.48ra10/P.89r15 25ܢܩqܦ18 爯
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 151
otherwise the colour of the nature of (that body) would never alter any
of the bodies. In the same way, neither a figure nor a shape is a body,
otherwise wax or bronze, or anything else like these, would never receive
figures or shapes of all kinds, that someone may wish to imprint in them.
It is therefore obvious—⟨in order⟩ not to treat these things that are known
to everyone—that all the things that appear in bodies, and go away and
are destroyed from them, while the constitution of their nature remains the
same, are of different sort, separate from the bodies. Thus, O our brother
(Philotheos), these incorporeals whose subsistence is in something else,
namely in bodies or in rational beings, and those that sometimes appear and
again sometimes go away and are destroyed, these are named by the Greeks
poiótêtes (qualities), but we call them zənayyā (manners), and others name
them ḥaylē (powers, i.e. faculties) or muzzāḡē (temperaments).
They divide this genus of quality (zənā) in this way: into stability and insta- § 81
bility; into capacity and incapacity; into affected and affective qualities; and
into figures and shapes.
The affected and affective qualities are divided like this: they are either in § 82
the entirety of one species, as whiteness in all swans, or they are not in the
entire species, as paleness in man. They are either accompanied from birth,
as blackness for the Cushite, or they appear after the birth [i.e. acquired later
in life], as the departure of colour by sickness.
The third kind of this category of quality (zənā) is also subsisting in qualities § 85
(zənayyā), which are called affected and affective. So are these named which
152 chapter 7
occur in bodies and bring about some changes in our senses. Since, on the
one hand, they occur in objects and make them to possess their faculty
(ḥaylā), they name these qualities affected. While, on the other hand, when
our senses approach the objects and receive from them changes by sensing
them, they call them affective, ⟨because they affect them [i.e. the senses]
in some way⟩, in that they produce in them changes of sensation. I say as
follows: fire and honey, and all other things which accordingly are hot or
sweet, since sweetness or hotness has appeared in their nature, are said to
possess affected qualities, but insofar as they approach our human body
or our mouth, they bring about a change of hotness and sweetness in our
sensation, their faculties are called affective qualities, because they cause us
a certain feeling (ḥeštā) by the sensation of them.
Thus, the third kind of the affected and affective qualities (ḥaylē) is divided § 86
into four parts, of which (1) one occurs in the entirety of one species of
objects, as for example whiteness in snow, in lead, and in swan, and of which
(2) one is not found in the entirety of one species, but in parts of it, like
whiteness or blackness in horses and in men and in some other animals;
and again of which (3) one appears in objects by nature from birth, like the
blackness of Cushites and the redness of Illyrians. And of which (4) one
appears after the birth [i.e. later in life] and is easy to lose, like redness
in consequence of shame and departure of colour in consequence of fear.
However, not only in (animate) bodies and other (inanimate) bodies do
these qualities appear, but also in the soul. As for example blackness in
the Cushite occurs from birth, likewise sometimes also wrath or insanity or
something else like this occurs in the soul of a man from his first birth. And
again, as for example the departure of colour in consequence of fear and
redness in consequence of shame occurs after the birth, in this way a soul
in consequence of any certain affection (ḥaššā) becomes wrathful or insane
after the birth, or that it changes in any other way.
After these, there is another fourth kind of this category of quality, which § 87
contains figures and shapes. Also this (kind) is in need of a certain definition
like this: everything that possesses a shape has also a figure [i.e. form], but
154 chapter 7
§ 88 ܗqܢ 焏ܬܘܒ ܓܢܣ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ ܡrܦܠ 焿ܗqܢ .焏ܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ 10
ܐ煿̇qrq܉ ܐܘ ܐ̇ qqܗܢ 爯qܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ܉ ܐܘ ܐ̇ qqܗܢ 爯qܕܣܩ̈熏ܒܠ爯q܉
ܐܘ ܐqq qqܠ 焏ܘܓܠ熟qܘܬܐ܉ ܐܘ ܐ qqܪܘqܒ 焏ܕܐ 爯qܘܠ 焏ܒܡܠrܐ.
ܡܠ 焏ܐ煿̇qrq܉ ܐ̇ qqܗܝ ܕܣ熏ܩ 爿qqrܪ̇ܗܛ. ܘܬܘܒ ܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ ܡܢ̇ 煿ܒ ̈
ܣ熏ܩ 爿qqrܠ 焏ܪ̇ܗܛ .ܘܡܢ̇ 煿ܒ 爯q煿ܒ̈犏ܒ熏ܬܐ ܐ煿̇qrq܉ ܐܘ ܒ熏rܬܦ熏ܬܐ
ܕܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܢ .焏ܐܘ ܡܢ̇ 煿ܘܠ̇ 煿ܐ煿̇qrq܉ ܐܘ ܡq̈rrܠܦ 爯ܠ̈煟qܕܐ .ܗܠ爯q 15
ܕܣܩ̈熏ܒܠ .爯qܐܘ ܠ 焏ܡq̈rrܠܦ̇ .爯ܗܢ 爯qܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ܉ qqܠ 焏ܘܓܠ熟qܘܬܐ.
§ 89 ܐܕ̈ 焏rܕ 爯qܕ熏rܓܢ 焏qܐ煿qrqܘܢ rrܐ .ܩ煟ܡ̇ 焏qܗܘ ܕܒ煿ܘ 焏qܘܒ熏qܒܠ焏
ܡ熟qrܐ܉ ܘܕܬܪ̇ 爯qܗܘ ܕܒrܪܒrqܐ ܘܒܒrq犏ܘܬܐ ܡrܩ .爟qܕ̣ܗܢ熏ܢ ܗܠ爯q
ܡ 爯ܥܦܦ 爯q煿ܕܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ܕܓ 爯qr煟ܒ爯q煿܉ ܘܗܘ 爯qܐܪܒܥ.焏
ܬܪ 爯qܡrܥܦܦ̣ 爯q
̇ ̇ ̇
ܕqܡ 焏rܕ 爯qܐrqܘܗܝ ܗܘ ܕܥܒq熏r 煟ܠܦ .焏ܕrrܐ ܗܘ ܕܡ熟qrܐ ܒ熟ܘܥ焏 20
ܡ 爯ܕܘ 焏qܠ煟ܘ.焏q
ܕ ̣
100r § 90 ܬܘܒ ܡ熏ܣܦqܢ 爯ܘܐܡqrܢ .爯ܕܡܢ̇ 煿ܕܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ܉ | ܐqqܢ 焏ܕܐܡrqܐ
̣ܡ 爯ܠܥ 爏ܒܦ熏ܠܓ̇煿܉ ܒ̈ܡܠ 焏ܡ .焏qqrrܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܢ焏ܡ rܐܢ rܕܣ熏ܩ爿qqr
ܪܗܛ܇ ܣ熏ܩ 爿qqrܠ 焏ܪܗܛ .ܥ 焏qrr 爟ܕܕܐ qqܗܠ .爯qܘܡ qqrrܐܕ焏r
̇ܗܘ ܕܡrܩ 爟qܒrܘqܒ 焏ܕܡܠrܐ :ܘܡܢ̇ 煿ܒ 爯q煿ܒ̈犏ܒ熏ܬܐ ܡrܩqܡ.焏 25
ܘ̣ܗܝ ܗܕܐ ܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ ܕܓ 焏r煟ܒ̈犏ܒ熏ܬܐ ܡܢ̇ 煿ܒ熏rܬܦ熏ܬܐ ܡ煟ܡ
ܡ煟qrܥ焏܉ ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕqܡqܢ 焏ܘܣܡܠ 焏ܘܠܥ 爏ܘܠ rqrܘ 焏qrrܕܕܐqq
̈
); emend. (vd. comm.ܥ 爟ܗܠ 爯qܒܠ熏qܕ ܐܣqqܡ 焏ܡrܐܡ6–7 爯qr ܕܡ熏ܬܐ 8
)ܕܡ熏ܬܐ ܕܐܣqqܡ 焏ܡrܐܡ; em. ex L.50rb4 f., (P.92r20–21: rܕܐܣqqܡ 焏ܡrܐܡrܐ
); emend., (cf. L.55vb17ܕܐܢ ]ܕܐ12 爯q ܡ煟q̈ 爯ܕܐ ]ܠ̈煟qܕܐ 15 ;ܘܒrq犏ܘܬܐ ̣ ; emend. 18
em. ex L.54ra20/P.100r16 ̈
, vd. Mannaܥܦܦ; em. ex L.54ra22, (P.100r17: 爯q煿qܥܦܦ19 爯q煿q
ܘ (etiam L.55vb33); em. ex P.103r9 27 rrܘܡܢ 25 煿ܣ熏ܩrܛ p. 555) 24
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 155
[On opposites]
And the modes (ʾādšē) of change are six. The first one is seen in generation § 89
and in destruction. And the second one is constituted in increase and in
decrease. These two are doubled by the double number of the objects in
which they appear and become four. And the fifth one is that which makes
alteration, the sixth one is seen in the movement from one place to another
[i.e. locomotion].
We proceed and say that some opposition, as said above in connection with § 90
its division, is found in words, as for example someone says: “Socrates runs”,
“Socrates does not run”, with the rest of such things, and the form (ʾādšā) that
is constituted in the construction of a statement is found in this way. And
some of it is constituted in objects. Some of this opposition that appears
in objects is recognized by certain participation, as for example right and
156 chapter 7
ܗܠ .爯qܘ̇ܗܘܐ ܓܢܣ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ .ܘܡܢ̇ 煿ܕܠ 焏ܐqqܢ熏ܬܐ ܕܥ 爟ܡ煟ܡ
ܐrqܢ 焏ܐ煿̇qrq܉ ܕܐܦ ̣ܗܝ ܗܕܐ ܬܘܒ ܕܠ 焏ܡ熏rܬܦ 焏ܥ 爟ܐrqܢ.焏
ܐܘ ܡqrܠܦ 焏ܠ 爯q煿ܠ̈犏ܒ熏ܬܐ ܕܐ 煿̇qrqܒ 爯q煿ܠ̈煟qܕܐ .ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕ熏qܪܘܬܐ
ܘܐܘqܡ熏ܬܐ .ܘܩrqrܘܬܐ ܘqܡqܡ熏ܬܐ ܘ 焏qrrܕܐrqܢrqܐ ܕܐ qqܗܠ.爯q
ܘ̇ܗܘܐ ܡܢ̇ 煿ܐܕ̇ 焏rܗܘ ܕܣܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ .ܐܘ ܠ 焏ܡqrܠܦ 焏ܠ 爯q煿ܠ̈煟qܕܐ܇ 5
ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕ熟qܬܐ ܥ熏ܕ ܘܣܡ熏qܬܐ .ܕ煟qܐ ܡܢ 爯q煿ܡqrrܠܦ 焏ܠqܒrܬ̇ܗ̇ .ܗܝ
ܕ 爯qܐrqܬܐ ܠ 焏ܗܦ焏q܇ ܘܥܒ煟ܐ ܐܕ̇ 焏rܗܘ ܕqqܠ 焏ܘܕܓܠ熟qܘܬܐ.
§ 91 ܢ焏ܡ rܕ 爯qܐܦ 熏rܘܕܥ 焏ܕqܠ̣ 煟q 煟qܡ 爯ܐܕ̈ 煿̇qrܕܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ܇
ܡܦ rq焏rrܐ qqܕܒܦܣ̈qܩrܐ .ܗܢ 熏ܕqq 爯qܠ̇ 焏ܡ 爯ܘܓܠ熟qܘܬܐ
ܕܐ煿qrqܘܢ ܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ 焏ܕ̈煟qܕܐ ܡrܡ 爯q煿ܦqܠܣ̈熏ܦ焏܉ ܠ̇煿ܘ ܡ 焏ܕܐ rqܠ煿 10
ܒ 爯ܡܥܒ煟ܢ熏ܬܐ ܡ煟ܡ܇ ܘܠ̇煿ܘ ܡ 焏ܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ煿܇ ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕ 焏q熟qܘܣܡ熏qܬܐ.
焏q熟qܓqq rqܠ 焏ܗܘ ܡ煟ܡ qqܢ 焏qܕܡܥܒ 煟ܒ .爯ܣܡ熏qܬܐ ܕ爯q܉ ܓܠ熟qܘܬܗ
ܘqܒܠ 煿ܕܗܢqq 焏ܠ 焏ܐ .煿̇qrqܓܠ熟qܘܬܐ ܕ爯q܉ ܙܕܩ ܠܡܣ 焯ܒqܠ熟ܒ 爯ܠ 焏ܗ̣ܘܐ
ܐ qqܕܐܬ焏q܇ ܡ 焏ܕܓܠ 熟qܐܢ̣ rܡ 爯ܡ煟ܡ ܐܦܠ熏ܣ .ܐܠ 焏ܡ 焏ܕܓܠ̣ 熟qܡ爯
̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܙ̇ܕܩ ܗ̣ܘܐ ܕܢ煿ܘܐ ܩܢ .焏ܒ熟ܒܢ 焏ܘܒܡܢrܐ ̇ܗܝ ܕ 焏qrqܠ .煿ܡ爯q煟 15
ܬܠ rܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ܙܕܩ ܕܢrܥ̈ܩܒ 爯ܥ 爏ܓܠ熟qܘܬܐ .ܗܢ 熏ܕ .爯qܕܐܢ ܡ 爯qܡ煟ܡ
100v ܕܢܩܒܠ 煿ܠqqܠ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ .煿ܘܐܢ ܒ熟ܒܢ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕܡ 爯qܕܢܩܒܠ| .煿
ܒ 煿ܐrqܘܗܝ ܡ 焏ܕܓܠ 熟qܡܢ .煿ܘܐܢ ܬܘܒ ܒ煿ܕܡ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕܡ 爯qܕܢ煿ܘܐ
ܒqq 煿ܠ焏܇ ܠrqܘܗܝ ܒ.煿
§ 92 ܬܘܒ 爯q煟ܐܕ 焏rܐrqܢ 焏ܕܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ܇ ̇ܗܘ ܕܒrܘqܒ 焏ܕܡܡܠܠ焏 20
ܡ熟qrܐ .ܡ 焏ܓ rqܕܢܣ 焯ܬrܬ 爯qܨ̈ܒ熏ܢ ܘܢ焏ܡ煟q rܐ ܥq 爏ܒrܬ̇ܗ
ܕܐ 煿̇qrqܠ̇ 煿ܐܘ ܕܠ⟩ 煿̇qrqܠ̇⟨煿܉ ܗ̈ 爯q煟qܡܠ 焏ܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ 焏ܕ̈煟qܕܐ ܐܡqrܢ爯܉
ܐqqܢ 焏ܕܐܢ rܢ焏ܡ rܥ 爏ܦܠ 爯qܕܪ̇ܗܛ ܐܘ ̇ܩrܐ ܐܘ ܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܢ 焏ܐqܢ焏
ܕ̣ܗܘ .ܘܬܘܒ ܢ焏ܡ rܥܠ熏ܗܝ ܕܠ 焏ܪ̇ܗܛ ܘܠ̇ 焏ܩrܐ .ܗ̈ 爯q煟qܡܠ 焏ܕܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ焏
ܡ 爯ܗܠ.爯q
ܡqrrܒ̣ 爯 25
§ 93 ܐܕ 焏rܕ 爯qܐrqܢ 焏ܕqܠ̇ 煿ܕܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ܉ ̇ܗܘ ܕܡrܢܣ̣ 焯ܡ爯
ܓܢܣ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ܉ ܐq qqܡqܢ 焏ܘܣܡܠ焏܇ ܘܐ qqܠܥ 爏ܘܠrqr܇
ܘܐ qqܦܠܓ 焏ܘܐܥܦ焏܇ ܘܐܒ 焏ܘܒrܐ܇ ܘܡrܐ ܘܥ̣ܒ煟ܐ .ܘqܠ爯q煿
ܐrqܢrqܐ ܕܕܐ qqܗܠ .爯qܗܠ 爯qܓ rqܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ 焏ܕ̈煟qܕܐ ܡrܐܡrܢ
ܡ 爯ܓܢܣ̇ 焏ܗܘ ܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܩq熏ܡ.爯q煿
ܕܐ爯q煿qrq܉ ̣ 煟q 30
] vid.ܗܢ 熏ܕ; em. ex L.56ra16/P.103r19 9 爯qܡܢ 5 煿ܘ; emend. 4 rrܐܕ] 焏rܓܢܣ1 焏
;ܕܠ煿̇qrq܉ ̇ܗܢ] 爯qܕܠ⟩ 煿̇qrqܠ̇⟨煿܉ ܗ (etiam L.56ra37); em. ex P.103v7 22 爯q煟qܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ̇̄ 11 煿ܘ
; em. ex L.56vb29/P.104v12ܘܐ qqܕܠܥ) 27 爏ܕܠ rqܠ̇煿܉ ܗemend., (P.104r21: 爯q煟q
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 157
left, up and down, and the rest of such things, and becomes the category
of relatives. And some of it is without relation to something else. Even this
which does not participate with (something) else: either it turns the objects
in which it is into the other one, as for example whiteness and blackness,
cold and heat, and the rest of other things like these, and make up the species
of contrariety, or it does not turn them into the other, as for example sight,
indeed, and blindness, of which one changes into the other, but the other
one does not revert, and this forms the species of faculty and privation.
We will also tell the headmark of each and every one of the kinds of oppo- § 91
sition separately in brief. The philosophers name that which has a certain
actuality in us and its opposite ‘faculty and privation’, which are opposites,
as for example sight and blindness. For sight is a certain physiological fac-
ulty that acts within us, but blindness is the privation and destruction of this
faculty. However, privation should not always be understood just like that,
when someone is simply deprived of something, but when he is deprived of
what he should be possessing at the time and in the part which is suitable
to him. Therefore, three matters need to be investigated about privation,
namely whether something is capable of receiving the faculty which is its
opposite; and whether at the time in which it is capable of receiving it, (that)
it is present in it when it is deprived of it; and again, whether faculty is in the
member of the body in which it is capable of being, (but) is not there.
§ 95 ܡrܦrܫ ܗ⟩ 爏qqܐܕ̇ ⟨焏rܗܘ ܕqqܠ 焏ܘܕܓܠ熟qܘܬܐ̣ .ܡ̇ 爯ܗܘ ܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ܉
ܒ̇煿ܝ ܕܗܠ 爯qܠ 焏ܡrܐܡ 爯qrܕ̈煟qܕܐ .ܠ 焏ܓ 焏q熟q rqܡrܐܡ rܕܣܡ熏qܬܐ܉ 20
ܘܐܦܠ 焏ܣܡ熏qܬܐ ܬܘܒ ܕ .焏q熟qܗܠ 爯qܕ 爯qܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ܉ ܣ熏ܓ焏ܗ 爯qܕ̈煟qܕܐ
ܡrܐܡrܢ܉ ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܣܡܠ 焏ܠ熏ܬ qܡqܢ 焏ܘ .焏qrrܘ̣ܡ̇ 爯ܗܝ ܬܘܒ ܕqqܠ焏
ܘܕܓܠ熟qܘܬܐ܉ ܒ 煟qܗܕܡ 焏ܡqܢ 爯qܠܡ煿ܘܐ .ܗܠ 爯qܕ 爯qܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ .ܠ焏
ܒ煟qܐ ܨܒ熏ܬܐ ܐ 爯q煿qrqܬrܬ .爯q煿qܘܠ 焏ܬܘܒ ܐ qqܕܒܣ熏ܓ焏ܐ ܒ煟qܐ
ܡܢrܐ ̇ܓ̈ 煟
.爯 r 25
§ 96 ̣ܡ̇ 爯ܗܢ 爯qܕ 爯qܕܐ 爯q煿qrqܣܩ̈熏ܒܠrqܐ ܠ̈煟qܕܐ .ܦ 焏rqrܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ
ܕqqܠ 焏ܘܕܓܠ熟qܘܬܐ܉ ܒ̇煿ܝ ܕܗܠ 爯qܕܣܩ̈熏ܒܠ 爯qܠ̈煟qܕܐ܉ ܒqܠ熟ܒ 爯ܡq̈rrܠܦ爯
煟qܐ ܠ煟qܐ܉ ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕ熏qܪܘܬܐ ܠ焏ܘqܡ熏ܬܐ܇ ܘܐܘqܡ熏ܬܐ ܠ熏qܪܘܬܐ.
ܣܩ熏ܒܠ1 vid. 焏 ܗܠ post 爯qܣܩ̈熏ܒܠrqܐ 2 scriptor exp. –4–5 suppl. ex L.57ra11
15/P.105r1–3 )8 suppl. ex L.57ra36, (etiam P.105r13 om. ; em.ܕܐܡqrܢ14 爯
ex L.57rb19/P.105r22 煿̇qrܕܡrqܪܘܬܐ 17–18 sic!; em. exܩq熏ܡ 焏ܕܐܪܒܥ 焏ܐܕ ̈
; em. ex L.57va29/P.105v23ܡq̈rܠܦL.57rb30f./P.105v4f. 19 suppl. ex L.57rb37/P.105v8 27 爯
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 159
In this way, ⟨the species⟩ of faculty and privation is distinguished from that of § 95
relatives, in that the former ones are not said to be of each other [i.e. belong
to each other]. For sight is not said to be of blindness, neither blindness of
sight. But with relatives, most of them are said to be of each other, as for
example left in relation to right, and so on. Also, in that faculty and privation
are capable of occurring in one (and the same) part of a body, but both
relatives do not exist in one object and they do not even appear in one (and
the same) part generally.
The opposition of faculty and privation is distinct from the things that are § 96
contrary to each other, in that those that are contrary to each other do always
change into each other, as for example whiteness into blackness, and black-
160 chapter 7
§ 97 ̣ܡ̇ 爯ܗܢ 爯qܕ 爯qܕܐ 爯q煿qrqܒ煟ܠܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ ܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ܉ ܦ 爯rqrܗܠ爯q
ܕܣܩ̈熏ܒܠ爯q܉ ܒ̇煿ܝ ܕܗܠ 爯qܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ ܡrܐܡrܢ 煟q .ܬܗܘܐ ܐ煟q 煿̇qrqܐ 15
ܡܢ爯q煿܉ ܐܠ犏ܐ ܕܬ qqrrܐܦ ̇ܗܝ ܐrqܬܐ .ܘܐܢ ܬܬ݁ܒ煟q 爏qܐ ܡܢ爯q煿܉
ܡܒqܠ 焏ܥܡ̇ 煿ܐܦ ܠ̇煿ܝ ܐrqܬܐ .ܐܢܓ rqܐ rqܐܒ焏܉ ܐܠ犏ܐ ܕܢ煿ܘܐ
ܐ rqܒrܐ .ܘܐܢ ܠ rqܒrܐ܉ ܐܢܢܩ 焏ܐ 煿̇qrqܕܢrܒ 爏qܥܡ 煿ܐܦ ܐܒ.焏
ܘܥq 爏ܠ 爯q煿ܐrqܢrqܐ ܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ܉ ̣ܗܝ ̣ 煟qܗܝ ܗܕܐ ܡ .焏q熟qrܗܠ 爯qܕ爯q
ܕܣܩ̈熏ܒܠ爯q܉ ܠ 焏ܗ̣ܘܐ ܗqܢ 焏ܐ .爯q煿qrqܠ 焏ܓ rqܐܢ ܬܗܘܐ 煟qܐ ܡܢ爯q煿 20
ܡܥܠ 焏ܥܡ̇ 煿ܐܠ犏ܐq rqܒrܬ̇ܗ .ܘܠ 焏ܐܢ ܬܬܒ 爏qܡܒqܠ 焏ܠ̣̇ 煿ܡ爯
爏qܦrܘܣ ܠ̇煿ܝ ܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ̇ .煿ܠ 焏ܓ rqܐܢ ܐ熏q rqܪܘܬܐ ܒܡ煟ܡ܇ ܐܠ犏ܐ
ܕܬܗܘܐ ܐ rqܐܘqܡ熏ܬܐ .ܘܠ 焏ܬܘܒ ܐܢ ܬܬܒ 爏qܩrqrܘܬܐ܇ ܡܒqܠ焏
ܥܡ̣̇ 煿ܡ 爏q 爯ܦrܘܣ ܠqܡqܡ熏ܬܐ .ܐܠq 焏ܒ rܐܦ ܡܩqܡ 焏ܠ̇ .煿ܦ爯rqr
̈
ܡqܢ 爯ܕܢܓ.爯r煟 ܕ 爯qܐܦ ܒ煿ܕܐ .ܕ̇ܗܢ 爯qܒ 煟qܡ煟ܡ ܒ熟ܒܢ 焏ܐrqܢ 焏ܘܐrqܢ̈ 焏 25
ܗܠ 爯qܕ 爯qܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ ܡrܐܡrܢ܉ ܠ 熏ܒ 煟qܡ煟ܡ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܩq熏ܡ爯q煿܉
ܐܠ 焏ܒrrܬ 爯qܨ̈ܒ熏ܢ ܐ qqܕܐܡrܢ 爯ܙ̈ܒܢ 爯qܣ̈ܓ焏qܢ܉ ܗܠ 爯qܗ 爏qqܬܠrܐ
煿̇qrܕܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ .ܗܢ 熏ܕ̇ 爯qܗܘ ܕqqܠ 焏ܘܓܠ熟qܘܬܐ :ܘ̇ܗܘ ܕܠ熏ܬ ܡ煟ܡ.
ܐܕ ̈
̈ ܘ̇ܗܘ ܕܣܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ܉ ܗqܢ 焏ܡrܦ̣ 爯qrr
ܡ煟q 爯ܕܐ.
102r § 98 ̇ܗܘ ܕ 爯qܐܕ 焏rܐrqܢ 焏ܪܒqܥ 焏qܕqܠ̇ | 煿ܕܕܠܩ熏ܒܠ熏qܬܐ ܕܡrܩ 爟qܐqq 30
ܕܐܡrܢ 爯ܒrܘqܒ 焏ܕܡܠrܐ܉ ܡrܦrܫ ܐܦ̣煿ܘ ܒܦܣ̈qܩrܐ ̣ܡ 爯ܬܠ煿qrܘܢ
ܗܠ .爯qܒ̇煿ܝ ܕܗܢ 焏ܒܡܠrܐ ܐrqܘܗܝ ܒܠ熏qܕ̇ .ܗܢ熏ܢ ܕ 爯qܬܠrܐ ܠ焏
; em. ex L.57va37/P.106r3 3ܡqrܠ; del. ex L.57va36/P.106r3 ‖ 牯ܠ 熏ܗqܢ] 焏ܗqܢq熟q̇ [焏ܢ2 爯
ܕܡ熟qrܐ sic!; emend. 8 .ܕܣܩ̈熏ܠrqܐ ; em. ex L.57vb4/P.106r5 6ܡqrܠܦ] 焏ܡqrrܠܦ焏
ܕܡ熟qrܐ ܒqܢrܗܘܢ; suppl. et em. ex P.106r17f., (L.57vb28–30: .ܦ 爯qrqrܕ 爯qܗܠ̣ 爯qܡ 爯ܗܠ爯q
)ܦ 爯rqrܕ 爯qܗܠ 爯qܐܦ ̣ܡ 爯ܗܠ爯q (etiam L.58ra5/P.106r23); emend.ܐ12 爯q煿qrq 17
ܐrqܘ ; em. ex L.58ra35/P.106v15 26ܡ煟ܡ (vd. comm.) 22ܡܒqܠ 焏ܥܡ̇煿
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 161
ness into whiteness, and heat into cold, and cold into heat. However, con-
cerning faculty and privation we do not see this, except faculty sometimes
changes into privation, as for example sight into blindness, but privation
never changes into faculty, for blindness does not counterchange into sight,
according to the natural opinion. Also in this respect is the opposition of
those that are contraries distinct from that of faculty and privation: for in
the middle of most contraries there are other (states), as we have said above,
but in the middle of faculty and privation there is nothing else at all to be
seen ⟨in between them⟩. The former are distinct from the latter also in this
respect: concerning most of the contraries, it is necessary that one of them
is found in what it appears, and if it goes away from that one, it is destroyed
directly, as for example heat in fire, and cold in snow [i.e. the substantial
qualities]. But privation and faculty are not like this. For we say that they
always appear in one and the same thing.
The contraries are distinct from those things that have the opposition of § 97
relatives, in that when one of the (two) things called relatives is present, it is
necessary that also the other one is found [i.e. the entailment of existence];
and if one of them is removed, it removes with it also the other one. For if
there is ‘father’, it is necessary that there is ‘son’, and if there is no ‘son’, it is
necessary that also ‘father’ is removed with it. And concerning all the other
relatives the same is observed. But those that are contraries are not like this.
For it is not (the case that) if one of them exists, it necessarily introduces
along with it its counterpart, and it is not (the case that) if it is removed,
it at any rate removes its opposite. For it is not (the case that) if there is
whiteness in something, it is necessary that there is blackness. Again, it is not
(the case that) if cold is removed, it at any rate removes with it heat, unless
it perchance also upholds that one. They are distinct also in this respect:
they [i.e. contraries] are capable of appearing in one (and the same) thing
at different points, but the subsistence of those called relatives is not in one
thing, but in two objects, as we have said many times. Consequently, these
three kinds of opposition, namely that of faculty and privation, and that
of relatives, and that of contrariety, are in this way distinguished from one
another.
§ 99 ܢ焏ܡ rܕ 爯qܕܐܦ ܡܢ 焏ܡ熏rܕܥ 焏ܒrܬ ܩܠ 焏ܗܕܐ ܕܩq煟ܡ熏ܬܐ .ܡrܐܡrܐ 20
ܗ 爏qqܩq煟ܡ熏ܬܐ ܒqܡ̈ 焏rܙܢ .焏qܗܢ 熏ܕ 爯qܒ熟ܒܢ .焏ܘܒqqܢ .焏ܘܒܣ煟ܪܐ.
ܘܒqqܣ 焏ܕܪܒ熏ܬܐ .ܘܒ̇煿ܘ ܡ 焏ܕ熏r 煟qܐ ܥ 爟ܡ煟ܡ ܢܩ 牯qܠ 煿ܩܢ熏ܡ.煿
ܡ 爏qܕ 爯qܕܐܦ ̣ 煟q 爏qܡ 爯ܐܕ̈⟩ 焏rܗܠ ⟨爯qܢ煟qrܥ ܓܠ rq焏qܒܡܠrܐ܉
ܐܡqrܢ 爯ܥܠ煿qܘܢ ܗqܢ̣ 煟q .焏ܡ̇ 爯ܗܘ ܩ煟ܡ 焏qܡqrrܢ .爯ܕܒ熟ܒܢ 焏ܡ焏q熟qr
ܩq煟ܡ熏ܬܗ. 25
§ 100 ܐܡqrܢ 爯ܗ 爏qqܕܩ 爟q煟ܒ熟ܒܢ 焏ܡ煟ܡ ܠܡ煟ܡ܉ ̇ܗܘ ܡ 焏ܕܩ rqrܘܥ犟qr
̣ܡq 爯ܒrܗ .ܐܠ 焏ܩ熏rqrܬܐ ܡrܩ 焏qrܩq煟ܡ熏ܬܐ ܕܨ̈ܒ熏ܬܐ ܐqܠ 爯qܕܕܢܦr
ܐ̈ܢ .爯qܘܥqrܩ熏ܬܐ ܕ 爯qܩq煟ܡ熏ܬܐ ܕܗܠ 爯qܘܕܐqܠ 爯qܕܕܠ 焏ܢܦ rܐ爯q煿qrq
ܣ熏ܩrܛ 2 alterum ܣ熏ܩrܛ 8 ܕܣ熏ܩ 12 ܡ] 爏qܡ 焏ܕܦ ‖ rqqܕܣ熏ܩ14 r
(etiam P.107v6); em. ex L.58va32 15 suppl. ex L.58va34/P.107v7 23 suppl. exܕܦrq̮q
ܡܢqܒrܗ ; em. ex L.59ra18/P.108r9 27ܩ煟ܡrqܗ ]ܩq煟ܡ熏ܬܗ L.59ra13/P.108r7 25
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 163
those three are not in a statement but in objects. For if someone says:
“Socrates writes”, “Socrates does not write”, this one expresses an opposition
that is in a statement. But if someone says: sight or blindness, heat or
cold, or right and left, he states that their essences are objects and not
the construction of a statement. Therefore, the latter kind of opposition is
distinct from the former (three), as we also have said, in that the latter is in
words, whereas the essence of the former ones is in concrete objects. But
if someone would assert that what is announced here by the construction
of a statement, namely “Socrates writes”, that this is also (an expression for)
an object and not only a word that does not signify anything, also to him
we say that not all the constructions of a statement signify objects. Because
occasionally a statement is construed regarding things that are not actual. As
if someone says: “Socrates flies” or “every man writes”, for neither the former
nor the latter is actual, because by no means does every man exist, and even
if he were existing he would not be writing. In the way that neither Socrates
is present (anymore), as he has passed away long ago, and not even if he
⟨were⟩ present would he fly. This kind of opposition that comes about in the
construction of a statement is distinct from those three mentioned also in
this respect: this one always signifies either truth or falsity, but none of those
(three) signifies any of these. This may suffice concerning the distinctions of
the kinds of opposition.
We will also tell what this word priority signifies. Now, priority is said in five § 99
ways, namely in time, and by nature, and in sequence, and in the order of
greatness, and in that which, being equal to something, (that) one’s being is
attendant on it. In order that also each and every one of ⟨these⟩ kinds will
be recognized clearly in the discourse, we discuss them as follows, starting
with the first one, whose priority is observed in time.
Now, we say that something is prior to another thing in time, which is older § 100
or more ancient than its counterpart. However, agedness is called priority
of objects that are animate, and ancientness is called priority of those that
164 chapter 7
ܘܐ煿 ܕ̣ܗܘ܉ ܘܢ焏ܢq ܐ焏ܒܢ熟ܡ ܒ煟 ܕܡ焏qܘܐ ܗܘ煿 ܕܢ爏qq ܗ焏 ܡ.焏qrܩrܡ
焏ܒܢ熟܇ ܒ焏ܢ煿 ܠ爟q煟 ̇ܗܘ ܕܩrܐܡr ܡ爯q煟qܪܗ܉ ܗr ܕܒ焏ܒܢ熟 ܒ焏ܢrqܡ ܐ煟ܡ
.焏 ܙܒܢ爯 ܡ焏ܢܣܒrܬܐ ܡ熏ܡq煟̇ܗܘ ܕܩ
§ 101 ܘܗܝ܇rqܘܐ ܐ煿 ܢ煟q ܕ焏ܡ܉ ̇ܗܘ ܡ煟 ܠܡ爟q煟ܡ ܕܩ煟 ܡrܐܡr ܡ爯q ܕrq焏ܢqq
ܘܐ煿 ܢ爯q ܕ煟q ܇煿 ܠ爟q煟 ܕܩrܐܡr ܕܡ焏 ̇ܗܘ ܡ煿ܠ ܥܡ熏ܐ ܕܢܥ犏 ܐܠ焏ܠ 5
rq ܐܢܓ.焏qܣ熏ܬܐ ܘܣ熏qq ܕ焏ܢ熟q ܐ. ̇ܗܘqqrr ܕܢq܉ ܐܢܢܩ焏ܘܗܝ ܗܢrqܐ
ܐܦrqܘܐ ܐ煿ܘܣ ܕܢr ܦ爏q 爯ܐ ̣ܡ犏 ܐܠ焏ܬܐ܉ ܠ熏qq rqܬܗܘܐ ܐ
ܬܗܘܐ焏 ܕܠ焏ܪܣ熏 ܦrq܉ ܠ焏qܣ熏 ܣrqܘܐ⟨ ܐ煿 ⟩ܢ爯q ܕ煟q .焏qܣ熏ܣ
ܕܬܗܘܐrq ܙܕܩ ܓ.rq焏ܢqq 焏ܡq煟ܬܐ ܩ熏qq 爯q煟 ܡ.ܬܐ熏qq ⟨ ܐܦrq⟩ܐ
ܬܐ熏̈qq ܕ焏qrr ܘܠ焏ܠܒq ܘܠ焏qܣ熏 ܠܣ焿 ܬܬܦܠ焏ܢqܬܐ⟨܉ ܘܗ熏qq⟩ 煿̇qrqܐ 10
.ܐrqܢrqܐ
§ 102 rqܡ煟 ܩ爟qܬܣr ܕܢ焏ܡ܉ ܡ煟ܡ ܠܡ煟 ܡ爟q煟 ܕܩrܐܡrܪܐ ܬܘܒ ܡ煟ܒܣ
103r ̇ܡ焏 ܕ̇ܗܘ ܕܩ焏ܢ熟q | ܐ.焏ܒܢ熟 ܒ煿 ܒ煟q 煿ܡ ܒ煟 ܡ焏ܢrqܕܪ ܐrܪܗ ܢܣrܘܒ
ܐrqܥrܐ܉ ܐܘ ܕܬrܡ焏ܢ ܕܡ熏qܐܘܡr ܦqqܡ܉ ܘܐ煟ܐ ܡ熏 ܕܓ焏rqrܒ
̈ q煟ܢ ܕܩrܐܡrܪܐ ܡ煟 ܒܣ爯q ܗܠqq ܘܕܐrq ܓ爯qܐ ܕܗܝ܉ ܗܠ煟qܐ
.爯 ܡ 15
̣
§ 103 焏q ܕ̈ܡܠ焏ܢ熟q ܐ.ܢrܩq ܘܡ爯qrqr ܕ爯qܠq ܐ爯̈ܡq煟ܬܐ ܩ熏ܒr ܘܒ爯q ܕ焏ܣqqܒ
.爯q ܗܠqqܐ ܕܐrqܢrq ܘܐ焏ܢ熏qrܘܐ
§ 104 爟q̇ ܠ.ܐ煟q ܠܥ牟q煟q 焏ܢq ܗqq ܕܐ熏ܬܐ܉ ܠ熏ܡq煟 ܕܩ焏qrqܡq ̇ܗܘ爯q ܕ焏ܙܢ
rq ܓ爯 ܐܦ.ܬܐ熏qܠq ܕrqܐrqrq 煿̇qrqܐ ܕ̣ܗܝ ܕܐ煟qܬܐ ܐ熏qܠq ܕ爏q⟨ ܠ爯q⟩ܕ
ܪܗr ܘܒ煿 ܠ焏ܦq ܢܩ焏܉ ܐܠ煿 ܒ煿̇qrq ܕܐ焏 ̇ܗܘ ܡ爟ܬܐ ܥ熏qܠq ܕ焏q熏r 20
.煿̇qrqܐ ܕܐrܐܡrܡ
§ 105 ܥ煟ܬܐ܉ ܙܕܩ ܠܡ熏ܡq煟 ܕܩ爯 ܠ熏q熏q ܐܬ爯q ܗܠ焏q ̈ܙܢ焏rܡq ܕ爏qq ܗ爏qܡ
煟q 爏q rq ܓ爏ܩܒ熏 ܠ.ܘܢ煿qrq ܐ焏rܡq ܬܐ熏qrq ܕܐ煿̇qr̈ܕܐܦ ܐܕ
.ܬܐ熏qrq ܕܐ焏r̈ ܐܦ ܐܕrq ܗܝ ܕܐ焏ܥ煟qܬܐ܉ ܐ熏ܡq煟 ܕܩ煿̇qr̈ ܐܕ爯̣ܡ
̇煿ܬܐ⟨܉ ܘܡܢ熏qrqܐ ⟩ܐrܐܡr ܡ焏ܒܢ熟 ܬܘܒ ܒ煿̇ܢ ܐܦ ܡܢ熏ܓ煟ܘܒ 25
ܬܐ熏ܦq ܒܢܩ煿̇ ܘܡܢ.ܬܐ熏ܒr ܘܒ焏ܣqq ܒ煿̇ ܘܡܢ.ܪܐ煟 ܒܣ煿̇ ܘܡܢ.rq焏ܢqq
.ܬܐ熏qܠqܕܕ
are inanimate. When therefore the being of a thing comes about in any time
whatsoever and another thing comes about in the time after that, then the
former is called prior to the latter, at the point when priority is conceived
from time.
A thing is by nature said to be prior to another thing: that which when it § 101
exists, it is not necessary that what it is said to be prior to, comes along with
it, but when this latter exists, it is necessary that the former is found, as for
example animal and horse. For if there is ‘animal’, it is by no means necessary
that there is also ‘horse’, but when ⟨there⟩ is ‘horse’, there is no way that there
⟨is⟩ not ‘animal’ too. Hence, animal is by nature prior, for it is required that
there is ⟨‘animal’⟩, and then to be divided into horse, into dog, and into the
rest of the other animals.
Again, in sequence one thing is said to be prior to another thing, when it is § 102
placed at first and after it another thing is arranged at the same time, as for
example that which stands at any general beginning, and like a preface of a
treatise or of any narration whatsoever. For these and the like are said to be
prior in sequence.
In order and in greatness are those prior who are leading and venerable, as § 103
for example kings and rulers, and others like these.
The fifth kind (zənā) of priority is not known like this in common usage, § 104
⟨but⟩ it embraces every property whatsoever, which is truly a property. For
although a property is equal with that in which it is, yet it is attendant on it
and is said to be after it.
As we now have presented these five ways of priority, it is required to know § 105
that also the kinds of posteriority are five. For it is obvious that against each
and every one of the kinds of priority there is also a kind of posteriority. Thus,
of these one is called ⟨posteriority⟩ in time, and one by nature, and one in
sequence, and one in order and in greatness, and one in the adherence of a
property.
166 chapter 7
§ 106 ܬܘܒ ܕ 爯qܐܦ ܥ 爏ܡrܬܙqܥܢ熏ܬܐ܉ ̇ܣܦ 犟ܠ qܗ 焏rܠܡrܡ 牟ܘܠ爯
ܠܡ焏ܡ rܠ熏ܬܟ .ܕ熏r 爏qܓܢ 焏qܐqܢ 焏ܕ̣ܗܘ܉ ܙܘܥ 焏ܐrqܘܗܝ
ܡ 爯ܠܥ 爏ܥ熏r 爏ܓܢ:焏q
ܘܡrܬܙqܥܢ熏ܬܐ ܡrrܡ .煿ܡ 爯q煟ܡ 爏qܕܐܡrܢ̣ 爯
ܕܡܢ 煿ܒ焏ܘܣ̇ 焏qܗܘܐ ܘܡrܩrܐ ܗܘ 焏qܘqܒܠ焏܉ ܡܢ 煿ܒqܡ熏qܬܐ
̇ܓ煟ܫ܉ ܘܡrrܡ 煿ܬܪܒrqܐ ܘܒrq犏ܘܬܐ܉ ܡܢ 煿ܒ熟ܢ 焏ܡrܩ 爟qܘܡrܩrܐ 5
q熏rܠܦ .焏ܘܙܘܥ 焏ܕ̣ܡ 爯ܕܘ 焏qܠ煟ܘ̇ :焏qܙܕܩ ܠ 爯ܕܐܦ ܥ 爏ܡrܬܙqܥܢ熏ܬܐ܉
ܠ 煟q 爯q煿ܠ 爯q煿ܗܠ 爯qܕܐܬܐܡrܘ ܥ熏r 爏ܓܢ 焏qܠܡܣ.焯
103v § 107 ܐܠ 焏ܡ 爏qܕܥq 爏ܠ煿ܘܢ ܗܠ 爯qܐܕ熏̈rܗܝ | ܕ熏rܓܢ 焏qܐܡrܢ̣ 爯ܡ 爯ܠܥ爏
ܣܦܩ .rq焏ܘܒܠ熏qܕ ܥ⟩ 爏ܗܢ 煟q ⟨焏ܕܐrqܘܗܝ ܙܘܥ 焏ܕ̣ܡ 爯ܕܘ 焏qܠ煟ܘ焏q
ܠ 焏ܐܠܦܢ :爯ܐqܡ 焏ܕܙܕܩ ܥܠ熏ܗܝ ܕܗܢ 焏ܢ焏ܡ rܗ 煟q 焏rܡܦܠܓqܢ 爯ܠ煿 10
ܗqܢ 爏q .焏ܙܘܥ 焏ܕ̣ܡ 爯ܕܘ 焏qܠ煟ܘ̇ 焏qܗܘܐ܉ ܡܢ 煿ܒ熏qܕܪܐ ܡrqrܟ܉
ܘܡܢ 煿ܬܪ犏qܐ rqܡrܬܙ .牟qܐܠ 焏ܐܦ ̇ܗܘ ܕ̇ܗܘܐ ܒ熏qܕܪܐ܉ ܡܢ 煿ܠqܠ煿
ܓr熏ܡ 焏ܕ̇ܗܘܐ ܒ 煿ܡ̣ 牟q熟ܡ 爯ܐܬܪܐ ܠ焏ܬܪܐ܉ ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܓqܓܠ焏
ܕܥܓܠrܐ 煟qܡrܬܙqܥ 焏ܒ熏qܕܪܐ ܡqܠܦ 焏ܕܘrqܐ .ܘܡܢ 煿ܥ 爏ܕܘrqܗ
ܥܒ ⟨煟ܕܢ̈rܢ̣ 爯qܡ爯
ܡ 牟q熟ܠ 煿ܠܓr熏ܡ 焏ܕ̇ܗܘܐ ܒ 煟q .煿ܡܢ̈熏ܬܗ ܒܠ熏qܕ ⟩ ̇ 15
ܕܘ 焏qܠ煟ܘ焏q܇ ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܓr熏ܡ 焏ܕܡ熏ܙܠrܐ ܕq 煟qܠ 煿ܒ焏ܬܪܗ ܐrqܘܗܝ
ܘܠ 焏ܡ̇rܢ 焏ܠ煟ܘrqܐ ܐrqܬܐ܉ ܡܢ̈熏ܬܗ ܒܠ熏qܕ ̈ܡqܠܦ 爯ܐܬܪܐ ܒ煿
ܒ熏qܕܪܐ܇ 煟qܕܢ̈ 爯qܘ 煟qܗܘ̈ 爯qܠܥ̣ 爏ܡ 爯ܪ 爯rqܘ 煟qܥrܒ .爯ܘܪ 焏qqܬܘܒ ܒ̇煿
ܒ煟ܡ熏ܬܐ܉ ܥ 煟q 爏ܣrܢ̇ 焏ܩ 焏qqܘܠ 焏ܡrܢ̣ 焏qܡ 爯ܐܬܪܐ ܠ焏ܬܪܐ܇ 煟q
ܡܢ̈熏ܬ̇ܗ ܒqܠ熟ܒ 爯ܐ煟q̈qܢ ܕܘrqܐ ܐrqܬܐ ܘܐrqܬܐ ܒ 煿ܒ熏qܕܪܐ .ܙܘܥ焏 20
ܕ̇ 爯qܗܘ ܕ̇ܗܘܐ ܬܪ犏qܐrq܉ ܘܐܦ̣煿ܘ ܬܘܒ ܡrܦܠ 焿ܠrrܐ ̈ܙܢ .焏qܐܘ ܓrq
ܠܥ 爏ܡ 牟q熟ܠ 煿ܠ̇煿ܘ ܡ 焏ܕܡrܬܙ 牟qܐ qqܢ熏ܪܐ܉ ܐܘ ܠ rqrܡ牟q熟
ܠ 煿ܐ̈ qqܡ焏q܉ ܐܘ ܠ̣ 煟qܡ 爯ܣrqܐ܇ ܐ熟qܢ 焏ܕܠqܡqܢ 焏ܐܘ ܠܣܡܠ .焏ܐܘ
ܐ qqܡ煟ܡ ܕܡ熟ܕܢ̣ 犟ܡqq 爯ܠ焏܉ ܐܘ ܠܩ熏ܕܡ 焏ܐܘ ܠܒܣrܪܐ ܡrܬܙ .牟qܐܘ
ܐ̇ qqܗܘ ܕܡ煿ܠ⟩ qܠܩ熏ܕܡ .⟨煿ܐܘ ܐ qqܡ煟ܡ ܕܡrܕܒ rܠܒܣrܪܗ. 25
(etiam L.60rb1); em. exܒ熟ܒܢ] 焏ܒ熟ܢ; em. ex L.60ra36/P.109v9 ‖ 焏ܪܒ熏ܬܐ ]ܬܪܒrqܐ 5
)P.109v10 (cf. P.102v6 9 suppl. ex L.60rb12/P.109v14 postܒܓqܓܠ14 scriptor exp. 焏
; em. exܘܡܢ̇ (cf. L.60rb29/P.109v20) ‖ 煿ܡqܠܦ supra 焏ܒ熏qܕܪܐ et scripsitܡrܬܙqܥ焏
; em. ex L.60rb39/P.109v23ܒ焏ܬܪܐ L.60rb30/P.109v21 15 suppl. ex L.60rb34/P.109v22 16
; em. ex L.60va2/P.109v24ܡq̈rܠܦ17 爯 ̣̇ܩ19 焏qܵq ; em. ex L.60va22, P lac.ܘܠܣܡܠ23 焏
); em. ex L.60va24 25 add., (deest etiam L.60va26, P lac.ܠܩ煟ܡ] 焏ܠܩ熏ܕܡ24 焏
text and translation of sergius’ introduction 167
[On motion]
Once again on motion. It is now sufficient for you to hear and for us to tell § 106
you that every change whatsoever is a movement and is named motion.
Since we above have already spoken about change—that some of it occurs
in substance and is called generation and destruction; some of it appears in
quantity and is named increase and decrease; some of it subsists in quality
and is called alteration; and (lastly) movement from one place to another—
it is required of us to derive also regarding motion the same things that were
said about change.
But since we have sufficiently spoken above about all the modes of change, § 107
and we did not teach only about ⟨this⟩ one that is movement from one place
to another [i.e. locomotion], we will now discuss this one, as it is suited to it,
by dividing it as follows: every movement that comes about from one place
to another, some of it rolls in rotation and some of it moves straight ahead.
But also the one that take place in rotation, some of it causes the whole body
in which it occurs to move from a space to another, as for example the wheel
of a wagon when it moves in rotation (the whole wagon) changes place; and
some of it causes the body in which it occurs to move on its spot, while it
⟨makes⟩ only its parts to depart from one place to another, as for example a
celestial body, as the whole of it is in its space [i.e. its sphere] and does not
depart to another place, (while) only its parts change space in rotation, when
they rise and when they occur above our head and when they set. Again, in
the same way a mill is spinning about an axis and it does not depart from
a space to another, while its parts are always occupying a different place in
the rotation. The movement that occurs straight ahead, in turn is divided
into six kinds. For either it causes what is moving to move upwards as fire, or
it causes it to move downwards as water, or towards one of the directions as
for example to the right or to the left, or as something that is driven away by
a force, it moves either forwards or backwards, either as the one who walks
⟨forwards⟩, or as something that is dragged backwards.
168 chapter 7
§ 108 ܗܠ 爯qܗ 爏qqܐ̃ܘ ܦqܠrܐܘܣ ܐ qqܕܐ 爯qrrܒ煟q̈焏ܝ ̣ܡ 爯ܥ熏ܕܪܢ 煿ܕܡrܢ
ܪrܡ rܠq܉ ܥ 爏ܦ熏ܠ̈ܓ 煿̇qܘq̈qܣ 煿̇qܘ̈ܙܢ 煿̇qܕܦqܠܣ熏ܦ熏ܬܐ qqܢrqܐ
ܘܕܐܘܡܢ熏ܬܐ ܡܠqܠrܐ .ܐܢ̣煿ܘ ܕ 爯qܕܗܠ 爯qܡ煟ܡ qܣrqܢr .ܦrqܘ ܕܢrܬܪܨ
104r ܒ熏qܒ 焏ܘܢrrܡܠ 焏ܒqrܡrܐ ܕܠ 焏ܪܘqܢ 焏ܘܥ煟ܠ焏q܇ | ̣ rqrqܡ̇ 爯ܗܝ ܕܠ熏ܬ
ܥ煟ܠ 煿̇qܕܡܠrܐ ܢrܗܛ܇ ܘܠ犏ܘrqqܐ ܕܐܡ熏ܪ̇ܗ ܢܣrܪܗܒ̇ .ܙܕܩ ܠ 爯ܓrq 5
ܕܢrܒ 爯qܕqܠq 爯ܣrqܝ ̣ܡ熏r 爯ܡܠ 焏qܕqqܡrܐ ܐ .爯qrqܘܒܠ熏qܕ ܕ 煟q 爯qܗ̣ܘ
ܡrܡܠ 焏qܒܠ熏qܕܘܗܝ܇ ܕ̣ܡ̇ 爏q 爯ܘܠ 焏ܕܢrrܒ .qܕܠ 爏qܐ qqܕ̇ܨܒ 焏ܘܐqq
ܕ̇ܒܥ 焏ܡܦܠ 焿ܘ煿̇qܒ ̣ܡ熏r 爯ܡܠ 焏qܕqqܡrܗ .ܕ 煟qܒ 煟qܡ熏ܗܒrܐ ܕܡܢ煿
ܥqq 爏ܡrܗ ܡrrܥ爯q܉ ܙܕܩr rq焏ܡܥ 煟q 煟q 爏q 爯qܡܢ煿ܘܢ܇ ܕܡܢ 焏ܐrq
ܠ qܕܠ 焏ܢܣܒ݁ .rܘܐܢ ܢܣܒ݁r܉ ܥ 爏ܡܢ 焏ܡrrܒ煿ܪ ܐܢr܇ ܐ̇ qqܗܘ ܕܠ焏 10
ܢܣܒ݁.r
§ 109 ṙ 煟qܠ 爟ܐܢ 焏ܠܡܠrܗ ܕܣrܓ 爿qܐܪrqqqܘܣ܆ ܥ 爏ܠqܣ̈ 爿qܗܠ 爯qܐrqrqܐ
ܕܒ 爯q煿ܐܣ qqrܡ焏ܡrܗ܉ ̇ܣ焏ܡ ܐܢ 焏ܗܪ 焏qܠ煟qܐ ̣ܡ 爯ܡrܓܢrqܗ
ܕܢrq煿ܐ ܪܒ 焏ܕܬܒ .爏qܕܬܐܕܘܪܘܣ ̇ܗܘ ܢܒܥ 焏ܕ .焏q̈qܒܦr熏ܩ 焏ܕܒrqrܐ. 15
ܣ̣ 爟ܗܘ ܒ焏ܓrܬܗ ܗqܢ .焏ܡܢ 焏ܬܘܒ ⟩ܒrqrܐ⟨ .ܒrqrܐ ̇ܡ̣ 爯ܗܝ ̣ܡ 爯ܢܦ煿̇r
ܡ煟ܡ ܠ rqܠ̇煿܇ ܐ̇ܡ rܢrq煿ܐ ܪܒ .焏ܐܠ 爏q 焏ܡ煟ܡ ܕܐ rqܠ̇ 煿ܠrqܬܐ
ܡ̇ 爯ܗܘ ܕ̣ܗܘ 煿qܒ ܠ̇ 煿ܒqqܒ熏ܬܗ ܕܬܗܘܐ.
ܩܢrܗ܇ ̣
܀ rܠ 爟ܬܐܕܘܪܘܣ ܀
[The epilogue]
I have now described these things to you, O Philotheos, as it has been § 108
imparted in my hands [i.e. to me] by the aid of our Lord, concerning the
divisions, the orders, and the forms (zənayyā) of natural philosophy and of
the art of logic. But if these things lack something, it is appropriate that we
are corrected in love and completed in friendship without complaint and
criticism, rather than that we rush at the blame of the discourse and hasten
towards the insult of its speaker. It is proper for us to realize that we all have a
lack of perfection of wisdom, and one is only perfect in himself alone, whom
it becomes to be praised by all, (and) who to all, as he wants and as he wishes,
distributes and gives from the perfection of his wisdom, as they through the
gift from him talk about his wisdom. Each and every one among them shall
duly listen: “what do you have that you have not received, and if you have
received (it), why do you boast, as if you have not received (it).” (1 Cor. 4:7)
End of Sergius
When I finish the treatise of Sergius the chief physician about the final words § 109
(λέξεις) in which his treatise has ended, I present here one of the pearls of
the illustrious teacher of the world, of Theodore, the fount of life, in the
interpretation of the creation he wrote in his letter as follows: what is now
⟨the creation⟩? Creation is what by itself did not have anything, says the
illustrious teacher, but everything that it has, it has obtained afterwards from
the one who has granted it to come into being in his grace.
End of Theodore
170 chapter 7
98.20/B.84v7 has 煿̇ ܕܒ.̇ܗrqܵ ܕ焏ܡq熏 ܩ煿̇ ܠrq‘ ܕܐwhich [i.e. the object!] has
self-subsistence, through which’. Also P.20v7 has the same, and L.5rb33 has
煿 ܕܒ.̇ܗrq ܕ焏ܡq ܩ煿̇ ܠrqܕܐ. However, the dot above the ܗin ̇ܗrq ܕis
not the feminine marker, but rather the so called 焏q̈ܐ ܥܠ熟̈ܩ熏‘ ܢhigh points’
()܇, which erroneously also has caused 煿( ܠand 煿 ܕܒfor B and P) to receive
the feminine marker. Also some other instances in the mss provide scope
for such confusion (see L.7rb28; L.14vb34; L.48va17/P.89r18; L.48va18/P.89r19;
P.20v9; P.29r3; P.103v20). Thus, the antecedent here is 焏r‘ ܐܕspecies/form’
and not ܬܐ熏‘ ܨܒobject’ or 焏qܘr‘ ܒcreator’.
98.20/B.84v8 has ܘܐܬ̤ܬr ̤ ܒܥqܐܬ, that is to say, with the East Syriac
markers for verbs inflected in 3 fem.sing.perf. In the text edited here, I have
changed it to ܬ݀ ܘܐܬr ݀ ܒܥqܐܬ, the more standard way of marking this
function in Syriac. This change has been made many times, and will not be
noted further.
114.9/B.86v27–29 This last passage (焏r煟 ܓ焏 … ܐܠ爯 ܕܡqq )ܘܐis a lit-
tle different in L.16vb18/P.37v18: 焏q ܗܝ ܕܐܦ ܐܘܣ焏ܥq煟q ܕ爏q ܡ焏ܐܠ
焏q ̣ܗܝ ܐܘܣ煟q ̣ܗܝ焏q ܐܘܣ煿̇ ܠ焏qqrr܉ ܡ爯 ܡܢ煟q 煟q 爏q ܘܗܝrqܐ
ܘܐ煿 ܠܡ焏q犏 ܡ焏 ̇ܗܝ ܕܠ.焏r煟‘ ܘܓbut since it is obvious that each and
every one of us is also substance, it appears that substance at the same time
is both substance and accident, what is impossible to be’.
114.21/B.89r7 has ܪ熏 ܙܥ焏ܕܠ, while L.30vb14/P.38v24 has ܪ熏ܥ熟 ܒ焏ܕܠ, which
is Sergius’ usual form, cf. 114.25/B.89r12; L.14ra32/P.34v17; L.43rb3,6/P.81v4,5;
L.44vb16/P.83v21; and L.57vb25/P.106r15 (cf. also TS.1144). The form 焏ܕܠ
ܪ熏ܥ熟 ܒoccurs also in Sergius’ On the Influence of the Moon (煿ܩ/105.18).
ܵ
116.17/B.89r33 Here the ms has the vocalization ܬܐ熏̣qrܘ̣̇ܩ, which was repro-
duced by Hoffmann (H.208a21), but most dictionaries have the vocalization
ܵ ܵ
ܬܐ熏̣qr ܩfor thisܵ word, except Manna (1900: 353) who has both forms, sug-
gesting that ݂ܬܐ熏̣qr ̣̇ܩis an East Syriac form, although in the edited East
ܵ ܵ
Syriac Bible the form ݂ܬܐ熏̣qr ܩis given (Lev. 13:42–43). Hebrew has ָק ַרַחתand
ܵ
therefore this variant vocalization ݂ܬܐ熏̣qr ̣̇ܩmay reflect the Hebrew form as
in Lev. 13:42,43,55.
122.11/B.90r7 Here we could envisage that rq ܨreferred to the ‘dog star’ Sir-
ius. In fact, Thesaurus Syriacus (col. 3384) cites rq ܕܨ焏ܠܒq ‘Sirius Con-
stellatio’, but it cites also (col. 646) 焏ܠܒq ܡ煟 ܕܩ焏qq犏ܣ ̇ܗܘ ܢ熏qrqܣ
ܐrܕܓܢܒ, and see especially TS.1742 and TS.3386. In the Syriac version
of Geoponica (7.17,18), just 焏ܠܒq is given for the star Sirius (cf. Sokoloff
2009: 622). However, in his Commentary Sergius has the additional exam-
ples (L.10ra29f./P.30r8f.) 牯q ܘ̇ܗܘ ܕܓܠrq‘ ܘ̇ܗܘ ܬܘܒ ܕܨand also the depicted
and engraved one’ and (L.34vb32f./P.43v8f.) 牯qܘ ܕܓܠ煿̇ ܬܘܒ ܘܠrqܘ ܕܨ煿̇ܘܠ
after separately having stated that (L.10ra23–26/P.30r6f.) 焏ܒq熏q rqܘܐ
ܐrܪ ܓܢܒr ܒ犟 ̇ܗܘ ܕ̇ܣܠ.焏ܢqܐ ܗrܩr‘ ܕܡthere is a star which is called
like this [i.e. dog], that which rises after Orion [constellation]’, that is Sir-
ius. These instances show clearly that ‘depicted’ dog is meant here. And in
this sense, it occurs indeed in the Categories 1a3 where τὸ γεγραμμένον ‘the
depicted (man)’ is rendered by the anonymous translator by rq( ̇ܗܘ ܕܨ96.7,
ed. King).
128.11/B.91v18 has 煟q 煿ܠq ܠas well as L.39rb1, but P.48r26 煟qܠq( ܠcf.
B.99r14, B.92r9, P.49r7, P.49v18 and P.49r25). And at 128.14 f./B.91v22 =
L.39rb11f./P.48v4f. has 焏qqqr 焏rܢq̈ ܕܒܢ煿ܠq ܕ熏q ܒܠ焏rܕ焏‘ ܠfound only
in the whole species of men’, which is apparently wrong.
136.8/B.94r7 has here and in the next instance 136.18/B.94r22 爟r熏ܓ, but has
then ܡ熏r ܓthroughout the text. For the common form of the absolute state
of this kind of noun, see Aydin 2013: 94, §20b. P.59r21 has ܡ熏rܓ.
136.15/B.94r2. For the 爯qܡq̈ܐ ܩr ܕܬܠof the Berlin ms, L.20ra16/P.59r29
have ܗܝ熏ܡq̈ܐ ܩr‘ ܕܬܠthree-dimensional’ here, which would suggest
that the form of our text should perhaps be emended to the same.
Note the analogy to ܗܝ熏ܓܠr 爯q‘ ܕܬܪܬtwo-footed’. We have also 爯qܕܬܪܬ
ܗܝ熏ܓܠr for δίπους ‘two-footed’ at Eis.12.15, 19.18/Eis.Syr.i.28.7, 43.10, whereas
Eis.Syr.ii has 焏ܓܠr ܬ熏ܢq( ̇ܗܝ ܕܬܪτό τε δίπουν); but also for τὸ τετράπουν,
Eis.18.20/Eis.Syr.i.41.10 has ܗܝ熏ܓܠr 爯qܬr( ܕܬsic! error in edition?), whereas
Eis.Syr.ii has 焏ܓܠr ܬ熏qܥqܪܒ, (cf. H.216b5). See also 焏ܓܠr rܒܥr ܐfor τὸ
τετράπουν ‘four-footed’, Eis.14.16/Eis.Syr.i 32.17. Eis.Syr.ii has both rܒܥrܐ
焏ܓܠr here for τέσσαρας πόδας and 焏ܓܠr ܬ熏qܥq ܪܒfor τὸ τετράπουν (see
also H.208b18) and at Eis.18.20. For ὁ δίπους at Eis.19.8 (= Eis.Syr.i.42) Eis.Syr.ii
has 焏ܓܠr qܢqrܬ. Cf. also section 5.4 point (m) here.
174 chapter 7
138.17/B.94v25 For some reason the ms has ܒ煿̇q ܘwith the abbreviation line,
where L.21rb12/P.61r6 correctly do not have it.
140.18/B.95r30 Also here the ms has the abbreviation line above the name
ܢ熏ܢq‘ ܙZeno’ for some unknown reason.
140.20/B.95v2 ܘܗܝrqܡ ܐ煟 ܡ焏qܘ煟ܒ. P.62v22 lacks some words here, while
L.22va7f. has additional ones: .ܘܗܝrqܡ ܐ煟 ܡ爏q 爯ܡ ܡ煟 ܕܐܦ ܡ爏qܡ
ܘܗܝrq ܐ焏qܘ煟‘ ܐܦ ̣ܗܘ ܒsince it [i.e. space] too is a thing among every-
thing, also it is somewhere’.
140.26f./B.95v10f. has ܡ煟ܘܗܝ ܒܡrq ܕܐ焏 ̇ܗܘ ܡand P.63r9 has 焏̇ܗܘ ܡ
ܡ煟 ܒܡ焏ܪܢr‘ ܕܡthat which is considered in something’, while L.22va36 has
焏qܘ煟 ܒ焏ܪܢr ܕܡ焏‘ ̇ܗܘ ܡthat which is considered in a place’.
140.32/B.95v16f. Both L.22vb13/P.63r14f. have here ܬ熏 ̇ܗܝ ܕܠrܒq̇ܡ ܕ煟 ܡ爏qܕ
煿 ܡܢrܒqr ܕܡ焏̇ܗܘ ܡ.
160.17/B.101v11 Here, P.106v6 has 煿̇ ܥܡ煿̇ ܠ焏ܠqܡܒ, while L.58ra17 has
煿̇ ܥܡ煿̇ ܠ焏ܠqܒrܡ.
chapter 8
Commentary1
§1–2 The preface. For some common rhetorical topoi in Sergius’ extant pref-
aces, see the discussion in the introduction (at 2.2).
1 All translations enclosed within single quotation marks (‘x’) are mine, while those given
with double quotation marks (“x”) are taken from existing translations and their translators
are stated the first time a certain work is quoted and also given in the list of literature in
connection with the quoted work.
2 The quotations from Philoponus’ commentary on the Categories (up to 83.4) are taken from
the English translation by Riin Sirkel, Martin Tweedale, and John Harris (2014).
ethical, economic, and political ones’. The political practice underlies Sergius’
‘government of a people’, the economic one underlies his ‘government of a
house’, and the ethical one his ‘government of the individual person’.
Nevertheless, Sergius is right when he states that any occupation with phi-
losophy begins with its division. If we examine the various expositions on Por-
phyry’s Eisagoge, which was considered to be an introductory work to logic
or even to all philosophy, we find that a more general division of the parts of
philosophy was already executed in these texts. But due to the fact that some
of these works are extant only in Syriac this picture has not emerged clearly
before, and therefore in the following I will describe this division at some
length.
We can start by looking at the Greek commentary of Ammonius (In Isag.
11.16–16.20), the famous teacher of philosophy at the Alexandrian school.
Among other things, he says (11.21–23): εἰκότως οὖν ἡ φιλοσοφία εἰς δύο διαιρεῖ-
ται, εἴς τε θεωρητικὸν καὶ πρακτικόν. πάλιν τὸ θεωρητικὸν διαιρεῖται εἰς θεολογικὸν
μαθηματικὸν καὶ φυσιολογικόν ‘reasonably, then, philosophy is divided into two
parts, into a theoretical and a practical one. Again, the theoretical is divided
into theological, mathematical, and physical’, and he continues (15.2): διαιρεῖ-
ται τοίνυν τὸ πρακτικὸν εἴς τε τὸ ἠθικὸν καὶ οἰκονομικὸν καὶ πολιτικόν ‘the practical
is divided into ethical, economic, and political philosophy’, (see also David In
Isag. 65.11–14, 5.6–8 and Elias In Isag. 26.6f., 29.4, 31.27–29). All the three parts
of practical philosophy are subdivided by Ammonius (In Isag. 15.10–17) into two
further units, a passage which is closely paralleled in Sergius. The practical gov-
ernments needs to have a legislative (νομοθετικός) instance, which Sergius calls
焏ܣ熏̈ ܢܡ爟q‘ ܣlegislation’, and a judicial (δικαστικός) instance, as when Sergius
̈
says that a legislator needs to be ܗܝ熏ܣ熏ܝ ܢܡr ܕܥܒ焏ܥ熏 ܘܬܒ焏ܢq̇ ܕqqܐ
‘like a judge and a punisher of those who break his laws’ (cf. Westerink 1990:
344f. and 347). Likewise, in those Syriac fragments, which Baumstark pro-
posed to be from Philoponus’ lost Greek commentary on Porphyry’s Eisagoge,
we find this more general division of philosophy in similar terms to those
of Ammonius and Sergius. Although, this ascription to Philoponus has not
been widely accepted, it remains an important witness to this division, where
the Syriac version has (Syr. In Isag. 13.30–14.1):3 ܬܐ熏ܦ熏ܠܣq ܕܦ.爯ܢq 爯ܢqrܘܐܡ
爯ܪܘܬܐ ̇ܡ熏 ܘܣܥ.ܪܘܬܐ熏 ܘܣܥ焏q ܬܐܘܪ.焏qܐ ܩܢrq̈qܒr ܬܐ熏̈ ܡܢ爯qܬܪ
ܐ煟̈qܬ ܥ熏ܦq犏qܐ ܘܠrܬ ̈ܒ熏ܦq犏qܐ ܘܠrܢq煟ܬ ܡ熏ܦq犏q ܠ焏ܦܠܓr‘ ܡand we
say that philosophy possesses two splendid parts: theory and practice. And
3 Full citation: Philop. Syr. In Isag. 13.30–14.1/焿q .٣٠ ـ煟q .١ in the edition and p. 179.16–19 in the
Greek and German translation by Baumstark (1900).
178 chapter 8
practice is divided into the care of a city, the care of households and the care
of customs’. The wording of this division of practice into the care (ἐπιμέλεια
ܬܐ熏ܦq犏q) of a city, of the households, and of the customs corresponds closely
to Sergius’ tripartite division of the governments or administrations (προστασία
ܬܐ熏ܢrܒ煟)ܡ. Sergius gives only a description of the parts of practice without
providing any designations of them. This division of government into three
parts is the common one in ancient philosophy,4 which are generally known
as politics, economics, and ethics (see Hein 1985: 226–237). Further, Philo-
ponus says that theory (14.3):5 ܬ熏ܬܐ ܘܠܡܡܠܠ熏ܢqq ܬ熏 ܠܡܡܠܠ焏ܦܠܓrܡ
焏ܠܦܢ熏̈qܘܬܐ ܘܠ煿‘ ܐܠis divided into the science of natural things [φυσιολο-
γία ‘physics’], into the science of divine things [θεολογία ‘theology’], and into
mathematical sciences [μαθήματα ‘mathematics’]’, which were considered as
the three main fields of knowledge in Antiquity. Finally, the μαθήματα/焏ܠܦܢ熏q
̈
‘mathematics’,6 for which Boethius coined the Latin term quadrivium7 and
which were so known during the Middle Ages and Renaissance, are given
by Philoponus and Sergius as being 焏qrqܘܡ焏= ܓ8 γεωμετρία ‘geometry’
(Sergius: ܘܬܐrq)ܡ, 焏qܡ熏ܘܢrq = ܐܣἀστρονομία ‘astronomy’, 焏ܩqqܡrqܐܪ
= ἀριθμητική ‘arithmetic’ (Sergius: ܬܐ熏q)ܡܢ, and ܘܬܐrܩqܣ熏 ܡor qܩqܣ熏= ܡ
μουσική ‘music’.9 In his Discourse on the Spiritual Life, Sergius has the same divi-
sion of these four disciplines, but has replaced Greek 焏qܡ熏ܘܢrq = ܐܣἀστρο-
νομία ‘astronomy’ with the Syriac word ܬܐ熏q煟ܠq ‘chaldeism’, thus: ܘܬܐrqܡ
ܘܬܐrܩqܣ熏ܬܐ ܘܡ熏q煟ܠqܬܐ ܘ熏qܘܡܢ.10 Almost the same division of philos-
4 For an illustrative example see the Middle Platonist philosopher Alcinous (probably 2nd
century ad), who in chapter three of his Handbook of Platonism (Ἐπιτομὴ τῶν Πλάτωνος
δογμάτων, ed. Whittaker 1990), and English translation Dillon (1993: 5f. and 59 n. 3),
gives a congruent division of the parts of philosophy. For the Greek terms ἐπιμέλεια and
προστασία, see Dillon (ibid., p. 60).
5 Philop. (Syr. In Isag. 14.3/煟q .٣, tr. 179.21 f.).
6
̈
Jacob/Severus bar Shakko (Ruska 1896: 7.1): 焏ܠܦܢ熏q rqqܢ ܐܘ熏ܩqqܬܡ焏 ܡ爏‘ ܥon
mathematikon that is yūlpānē’, cf. also Wright (1872, vol. 3, p. 1166 on ms bl Add. 21454,
text 2d).
7 In his De arithmetica i.i. For a chart of this elaborated division system of philosophy, see
Magee (2010: 797 f.). See also the diagrams by Gutas (1983: 261); and Hein (1985: 182–225).
8 Equals sign (=) is used for Greek loan words. No sign is used between the Syriac equiva-
lences of Greek words.
9 Philop. (Syr. In Isag. 14.10–22/煟q .١٠-٢٢, tr. 179.21f., cf. also 13.7f./焿q .٧-٨). Paul the Persian
has in his Treatise on the Logic of Aristotle (5.11 f.) ܪܘܬܐrq‘( ܩthe art of cither-playing’) for
‘music’, and like Sergius, he has ܬܐ熏q ܡܢfor ‘arithmetic’, ܘܬܐrq ܡfor ‘geometry’, and
焏qܡ熏ܘܢrq ܐܣfor ‘astronomy’.
10
̈
Sherwood (1961: 124, lxxxi.4). And Sergius has 焏q煟ܠq ‘Chaldeans’ for astronomers (ibid.,
commentary 179
ophy into theory (i.e. natural sciences, metaphysical inquiry, and mathemat-
ical sciences: geometry, astronomy, arithmetic, and music) and practice (i.e.
politics, economics, and ethics, subdivided into legislation and jurisdiction) is
found in the Syriac material transmitted by Jacob/Severus bar Shakko, which
Baumstark believed to go back to Stephanus of Alexandria’s commentary on
Porphyry’s Eisagoge.11 Similar divisions are also found in manuals that are con-
cerned with the parts of philosophy and other philosophical matters, a method
called dihairesis or diairesis (διαίρεσις ‘division’). Such an example is the unpub-
lished Syriac dihairesis-text, attributed to Bar Zoʿbi (12th/13th cent.). According
to Daiber (1985: 78–80), this Syriac text contains materials from many different
Greek sources, among them mostly from Ammonius’ commentary on Aristo-
tle’s Categories. He assumes that this kind of compilations, which must have
been used as textbooks in classroom, existed in Greek and were probably (in
translation) available to later writers such as Bar Zoʿbi. In many sections, the
wording of Bar Zoʿbi’s text is different from that of Sergius, but in a few instances
echoes of passages from Sergius’ text is clearly discernible (see ms. Syr. Berlin
92, Sachau 306, fol. 120v–124r). Also in the prolegomena of Ibn al-Ṭayyib’s com-
mentary on Porphyry’s Eisagoge (11.9–19 and 25.18–20, ed. Gyekye, tr. Dunlop
1957: 80 and 92), a comparable division of the parts of philosophy is present,
but only in passing.
Such a concise division is also found in Sergius’ Concerning the Division
of Substance, where he has (171rb1–14): 焏qܐܘܪr ܠ焏ܦܠܓrܬܐ ܡ熏ܠܣܦqܦ
ܐrܥ煟q ܐ.焏ܠ̈ܦܢ熏qܐ ܘܠrܥ煟q焏 ܠ焏ܦܠܓr ܡ焏q ܬܐܘܪ.ܪܘܬܐ熏ܘܠܣܥ
焏ܠ̈ܦܢ熏q .ܐrqܢqq̈ܐ ܕrܥ煟q焏ܐ ܘܠrq煿̈ܐ ܕܐܠrܥ煟q焏 ܠ焏ܦܠܓrܡ
ܬܐ熏qܘܬܐ ܘܠܡܢrq ܘܠܡ焏qܡ熏ܢrqܣ焏 ܘܠ12ܘܬܐrܩqܣ熏 ܠܡ爯qܦܠܓr ܡ爯qܕ
ܗrqܒ煟 ܘܠ焏 ܥܡ煿ܠqܬܐ ܕ熏ܢrܒ煟 ܠܡ焏ܦܠܓr ܡ爯qܪܘܬܐ ܕ熏 ܣܥ.焏qrrܘܠ
.煿ܡ熏ܩܢ煟 ܘܠr‘ ܕܐܢPhilosophy is divided into theory and practice. Theory
is divided into knowledge and mathematics. Knowledge is divided into the
knowledge of divine things and into the knowledge of physical things. The
mathematics are divided into music, astronomy, geometry, arithmetic, and into
the rest. Practice is divided into the government of the entire people, of some-
one’s household, and of the individual person’.
On the basis of a similar division of philosophy by Paul the Persian (mid-6th
century) in his Treatise on the Logic of Aristotle at 4.26–5.16, Dimitri Gutas (1983,
p. 142, cvii.2 and p. 143, cix.1). For the background of this meaning, cf. the book of Daniel
2:2 passim.
11 See esp. the proposed text of Steph. Syr. (In Isag. 15 f./煿q, 22/焯q, and 25/煿q, tr. pp. 192f.,
199, and 202). Cf. also Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 153 and 156f.).
12 The manuscript has (171rb9) ܘܬܐrܠܡܣܩ.
180 chapter 8
esp. p. 257) connects him with the Alexandrian commentators David and Elias
and the classification of the sciences in their Introductions (or Prolegomena)
to philosophy. In this way, Paul is deemed to be the transmitter of this Alexan-
drian division of the parts of philosophy to Arabic writers, more specifically to
the Persian thinker Miskawayh (d. 1030), who wrote in Arabic, and Al-Farabi
(d. 950). Paul was active at the court of king Khusrau i Anuširwān (also Chos-
roes i Anushirwan, reign. 531–579), and to whom he addressed his treatise. Yet,
two points need to be made here. On the one hand, this division of philosophy
is already fully formulated by Ammonius and his students, and not chiefly by
David and Elias. On the other hand, Paul’s direct connection to the Alexandrian
tradition is presupposed, and the intermediate individual between many such
philosophical matters is more likely Sergius of Reshaina, at least as the one who
introduced them into the Syriac milieu. In fact, some wordings in Paul’s treatise
can probably be traced to Sergius’ text. A couple of passages in Paul’s treatise
have close parallels in Sergius’ text, not only in terms of contents, but also the
wording and Syriac vocabulary is almost the same, which indicates that Paul
was perhaps partly depending on Sergius when he composed his introduction
to Aristotle’s logic. Note the close correspondence between Sergius’ definition
of substance by specifying its properties (at §61) and that of Paul (at 9.17–23).
Compare also Sergius 106.13–16 (§20) with Paul 7.5–7, and 150.13–15 (§ 81) with
10.3–6. Moreover, Paul’s language displays some features typical of a somewhat
later stage of Syriac philosophical terminology; (given that this peculiarity is
not due to the possibility that his treatise was written in Persian and later trans-
lated into Syriac).
13 On the aim of the Categories, see Ammon. (8.20–13.2), Philop. (8.27–12.11), Olymp. (18.14–
22.2), Elias (129.4–132.4), and Simpl. (9.4–16.30). Cf. also Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 157) and
Chase (2003: 160 n. 120).
commentary 181
There seem to have been three main opinions among the ancient philoso-
phers about the aim of the Categories. Some held that the treatise deals with
̈
words (φωναί 焏 ̈ܩܠr)ܒܢ, others claimed it to be about objects/realities (πρά-
γματα ܬܐ熏)ܨ̈ܒ, and again others asserted it to be about notions/concepts
(νοήματα 焏ܢqܥr). On this point we can just give the following short quotation
from Philoponus (8.27–29): τινὲς οὖν περὶ τοῦ σκοποῦ τῶν Κατηγοριῶν διηνέχθη-
σαν, καὶ οἱ μὲν εἰρήκασι περὶ φωνῶν μόνων εἶναι τὸν σκοπὸν οἱ δὲ περὶ πραγμάτων
μόνων οἱ δὲ περὶ νοημάτων μόνων “Certain people, then, have quarrelled over
the aim of Categories. Some have said that the aim concerns only expressions,
others that it concerns only things, and still others that it concerns only con-
cepts.”14 As Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 157) states, the arguments of the differ-
ent factions were centred on what τὰ λεγόμενα/ܢrܐܡr ܕܡ爯q‘ ܗܠthings said’,
mentioned in Cat. 1a16, bear upon. The point of the first view is grammatical, of
the second view is ontological, and of the third view is psychological, as Olym-
piodorus expresses it (21.4–6): φωνὰς μὲν οὖν ᾗ φωναὶ σκοπεῖν γραμματικῆς ἔργον,
νοήματα δὲ ᾗ νοήματα τῆς περὶ ψυχῆς πραγματείας, πράγματα δὲ ᾗ πράγματα τῆς
πρώτης φιλοσοφίας ‘it is the function of grammar to examine words qua words,
concepts as such belong to the study of mind, objects as such belong to first
philosophy’, (see also Philop. 12.5–9).
From Sergius’ Commentary and some other Alexandrian commentators, we
can conclude that these three varying views were reconciled in a formula
expressing that the Categories is about words that signify objects through
mediating concepts. Sergius, Philoponus, Olympiodorus (19.36ff.), and Elias
(130.14ff.) mention only Iamblichus by name in connection with this solution,
but Simplicius reports several other commentators from earlier periods who
were holding this position (Simpl. 9.31–10.23, 13.15–18, cf. n. 171 of Chase ad loc.,
and also Dillon 1997: 68f.). It is appropriate here to give the very close par-
allel passages concerning this topic from Sergius and Philoponus (9.12–15): οἱ
δὲ ἀκριβέστερον λέγοντες, ὧν εἷς ἐστιν ὁ Ἰάμβλιχος, φασὶν ὡς οὔτε περὶ νοημάτων
μόνων ἐστὶν αὐτῷ ὁ λόγος οὔτε περὶ φωνῶν μόνων οὔτε περὶ πραγμάτων μόνων, ἀλλ’
ἔστιν ὁ σκοπὸς τῶν Κατηγοριῶν περὶ φωνῶν σημαινουσῶν πράγματα διὰ μέσων νοη-
μάτων “Now, those who speak more accurately, one of whom is Iamblichus,
say the discussion is neither about concepts alone nor expressions alone nor
things alone, but rather the aim of Categories concerns expressions that signify
things through mediating concepts.” And Sergius (L.7ra8–24/P.22v9–15): 焏ܐܠ
14 The French translation of Laramée (2000: 77): “Donc les avis sur le but des Catégories
ont divergé. Et selon certains, le but ne concernait que des mots; selon d’autres, que des
choses; selon d’autres, que des notions.”
182 chapter 8
ܘܗܝ ܘܐܦrqܘܢ ܐ煿 ܕܡܢ:焏 ܗܢ焏ܒrq ܕ煿rq ܢ爏ܘ ܥr ܐܣܒrqܐ犏qܢ ܕܬܪ熏̇ܗܢ
ܕ熏q ܒܠ焏 ̈ܩܠr ̈ܒܢ爏 ܥ焏 ܘܠ.ܐrqqr̈ܕ ܦ熏qܬܐ ܒܠ熏 ܨ̈ܒ爏 ܥ焏 ܠ.爿qqܡܒܠq
煿̇rqܘܗܝ ܢrqܘ ܕܐrܕ ܐܡ熏q ܒܠ焏qqr̈ ܦ焏ܢqܥr 爏 ܬܘܒ ܥ焏 ܘܠ.ܐrqqr̈ܦ
.ܐrqqr̈ ܦ焏 ̈ܩܠr ̈ܒܢ爏 ܥ爯q ܕ熏 ܗܢ.煟qqܘܢ ܐ煿ܠq 爏 ܥ焏 ܐܠ.ܬܐ熏ܒܢrqܕܡ
.焏qqr̈ ܦ焏ܢqܥr 煟qܐ܇ ܒrqqr̈ܬܐ ܦ熏 ܨ̈ܒ爯ܕܥ熏r̈‘ ܕܡbut those who have accu-
rately proclaimed about the aim of this book, among them Iamblichus, main-
tain that the aim of the writing is neither about simple objects alone, nor about
simple words alone, nor again about simple concepts alone, but rather about
all of them at once, that is about simple words that signify simple objects
through simple concepts’ (cf. the transl. of Watt 2014a: 39 and the comm. at
pp. 50ff.). The last sentence of Sergius has a more similar wording later on in
Philoponus (12.9–11): σκοπὸς οὖν τῷ Ἀριστοτέλει εἰπεῖν περὶ ἁπλῶν φωνῶν σημαι-
νουσῶν ἁπλᾶ πράγματα διὰ μέσων ἁπλῶν νοημάτων “Therefore, Aristotle’s aim
is to talk about simple expressions that signify simple things through simple
mediating concepts” (again at 12.31–33), and is also present in Olympiodorus
(21.18–20). Thus, it seems that most of the Neoplatonist commentators, among
them Sergius, have sided with this harmonizing standpoint, which declares the
subject matter of the Categories to be ‘about simple words that signify simple
objects through mediating simple concepts’, as Sergius, Philoponus, and Olym-
piodorus express it.15 Sergius formulates this notion in his Introduction only in
connection with the description of substance (ʾūsīyaʾ), at § 10.
A final comment can be made about a possible connection between the Ara-
maic or Syriac 焏ܬ ܩܠr ܒand the technical meaning of ‘word’ that the Greek
φωνή ‘sound’ has evolved. The sense ‘word’ for the syntagm 焏ܬ ܩܠr ܒis attested
already in the early Syriac literature, in addition to its primary sense ‘voice’,
‘sound’.16 Urmson writes17 that “(phônê) reflects the view introduced to the
Neoplatonists by Porphyry that Aristotle’s account of ambiguity in the Cate-
gories concerns not things, but words insofar as they signify things.” However,
the Greek term φωνή (pl. φωναί) does not appear in the text of the Eisagoge
itself, except in the heading at Eis. 13.9: Περὶ τῆς κοινωνίας τῶν πέντε φωνῶν
‘On the common features of the five words’, which might have been added
to it by later editors,18 but it is used with this sense in his commentary on
15 For variations on this formula, see Ammon. (10.7–9), Philop. (10.6–8, 12.9–11), Olymp. (21.9–
24), Elias (131.6–14), and Simpl. (10.17–19, 13.12–21), cf. also Porph. (58.5–7 and 58.15–20).
16 At TS.596 see the quoted instances for meaning “2) vox, verbum”, plus the additional
ܶ ܳ ܳ
references for the plural 焏 ̈ܩܠr“ ̈ܒܢverba” at TS.3620, and Sokoloff (2009: 194): “2. word”.
17 Urmson (1992: 47 n. 62) to Simpl. In Phys. (553.12).
18 The treatise itself was sometimes called by later commentators Πέντε φωνῶν ‘The five
words’ (Lat. Quinque Voces), among them Proba: 焏 ̈ܩܠr ̈ܒܢrܡ ̈ q 爯q‘ ܗܠthese five words’
commentary 183
the Categories.19 The term in this title is rendered in the two Syriac transla-
tions of Porphyry’s Eisagoge by 焏 ̈ܩܠr‘ ̈ܒܢwords’ (Eis. 13.9/Eis.Syr.i 347.16 and
Eis.Syr.ii). In this sense, the expression appears also in Proba’s commentary
on On Interpretation, (82.1,2, ed. Hoffmann 1867 with the entry at H.205b1 f.).
Though the meaning ‘word’ for φωνή can be seen as a natural extension of its
basic meaning, yet the evolution of this meaning may also be due to Porphyry
and Iamblichus and their Aramean background, especially since its techni-
cal sense as ‘word’ is primarily found in this philosophical context.20 That the
denotation of Aramaic 焏ܬ ܩܠr ܒfor ‘word’ is the source of the Greek φωνή may
be proposed considering the prominent role both Porphyry21 and Iamblichus22
played with regard to Neo-Platonic philosophy and particularly to the com-
mentary tradition of Aristotle’s Categories.23 Since Porphyry was less exposed to
Latin, a less probable explanation for how the evolution of this meaning have
(Proba In Isag. 4.8/ ܕ.٨, tr. 148.8). The five words that the Eisagoge treats are: genera,
species, differences, properties, and accidents. On the tradition of the title, see Barnes
(2003: xii–xiii).
19 Porph. (56.35, 58.5,8 passim), in the translation of Strange (1992: 32 and n. 16) for a
discussion of this meaning.
20 See Liddell-Scott-Jones (lsj, 1968: 1967f.), and Sophocles (1900: 1156) for the absence of
the meaning of ‘word’ for φωνή, but later in a Christian context it was used in the sense of
“word, opp. ἔργον” (‘deed’), Lampe (1961–1968: 1503 f.).
21 Porphyry was born c. 234 in Tyre (modern Ṣūr, Lebanon), or in Batanaea (modern Syria).
Porphyry’s original Aramaic/Semitic name was mlkʾ/mlkw (or מלכוmlkw and Μάλχος
as this name appears in bilingual inscriptions from Syria, Yon 2012: inscriptions no. 518
pp. 388f., no. 520 p. 390, no. 529 pp. 394 f. passim), which was the name of his father
too, see Porph. Vita Plotini (17.6–10), and cf. Bidez (1913: 5f.). The name mlkw means
‘king’, Stark (1971: 95). He is known as a Phoenician, but this designation is solely geo-
graphical, because, as Bidez indicates, at the time of Porphyry the Phoenicians had since
long assimilated to Arameans, (Bidez 1913: 6 n. 1: “Notons ici qu’à l’époque de Porphyre,
le phénicien s’était depuis longtemps assimilé partout à l’araméen.”). See also Brock
(2011).
22 Iamblichus was born in Chalcis ad Belum/Qenneshrin in Syria and his original Aramaic
name was ya-mliku (or ימלכוymlkw and Ἰάμβλιχος as this name is given in bilingual
inscriptions from Syria, Yon 2012: inscriptions nos. 405 and 405 p. 317, also no. 128 p. 141 and
no. 441 p. 339). Ymlkw is probably the causative form of a verb (√mlk) meaning ‘n.n. shall
cause to rule’, Stark (1971: 91). For Iamblichus’ contribution to logic, see Dillon (1987: 904–
907 and 1997). A collection of his extant fragments on the Categories is found in Dalsgaard
Larsen (1972: 9–72). See also David In Isag. (92.2–6).
23 See for instance Simplicius for his high estimation of Porphyry and Iamblichus and the
importance of their commentaries on the Categories (Simpl. 2.5–3.17, tr. Chase, pp. 17–19,
and also p. 7).
184 chapter 8
taken place is that it happened under the influence from the Latin term vox
(pl. voces), also with the primary sense ‘voice’, but since early times, already in
Cicero and before, it meant ‘word’ too (Lewis & Short, A Latin Dictionary, 1879:
2015).
§4 ‘Socrates’ or ‘Plato’, or some other person among men. The fact that Sergius
like other commentators gives proper names to serve as examples of simple
words is intentional. On the one hand, they intend to point out that the Cat-
egories is about three phenomena, that is about concrete objects (πράγματα)
that can be perceived and give birth to notions (νοήματα) or concepts (ἔννοιαι),
and of which names or words (φωναί) are coined, and that all these three
phenomena can be realized only in a human being, as Philoponus puts it
(12.7–9): οἷον τοῦ Σωκράτους ἔστιν ὄνομα ἡ Σωκράτης φωνή, τὸ δὲ πρᾶγμα αὐτὸς
ὁ Σωκράτης, ἡ δὲ ἔννοια, ἣν ἔχομεν ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ, ἡ περὶ τοῦ Σωκράτους γνῶσις
“For example, the expression ‘Socrates’ is the name of Socrates, and the thing
is Socrates himself, and the concept we have in the soul is the cognition
about Socrates.” On the other hand, they intend to stress that perceptible
objects have a real and independent existence that is anterior to the percep-
tion and the designation of them, and that they are not only in the mind of
man, (see Ammon. 9.24–10.1, Philop. 11.34–12.9, and cf. Hugonnard-Roche 2004:
157).
§5 Words do not by nature exist in the world. The view that names do not
exist naturally, but “by convention” is Aristotelian. In On Interpretation, Aris-
totle writes (16a26–28): τὸ δὲ κατὰ συνθήκην, ὅτι φύσει τῶν ὀνομάτων οὐδέν ἐστιν,
ἀλλ’ ὅταν γένηται σύμβολον “I say ‘by convention’ because no name is a name
naturally but only when it has become a symbol”,24 (cf. also Simpl. 13.26 and
n. 175 of Chase ad loc.). As Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 158) states, such a stance
anticipates potential criticism and explains the divergent prevalence of signif-
icant names/words in different languages. In contrast to names, the concrete
entities and their perception are considered to be natural and the same to all
men under the same circumstances.25 The question concerned here, is whether
names are naturally existing (φύσει rq焏ܢqq, called ‘naturalism’) or conven-
tionally current (θέσει, called ‘conventionalism’). Sergius’ argument that since
24 All translations from Aristotle’s On Interpretation are by J.L. Ackrill (1963), unless otherwise
stated.
25 According to Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 158) this account, though not explicitly expressed,
might also be intending to make a distinction between the two disciplines of logic and
grammar.
commentary 185
names are not the same for all people this should be taken as proof that they
are not natural is found in Ammonius (In De Int. 19.1ff.), which goes back at
least to his teacher Proclus, (Sorabji 2004b: 213–219). Cf. also Stephanus, In De
Int. (9.7–10.13).
26 Schenkeveld (1984: 291 ff.). On pp. 294 f., he gives a list of the passages in the text of
late ancient to late Byzantine Greek commentators, where these kinds of sentences are
discussed.
27 For a survey of the discussion whether such expressions are ‘verbal moods’, ‘sentence
types’, or ‘kinds of speech’, see van der Auwera & Zamorano Aguilar (2016).
28 Dionysius Thrax (ιγ´/13.5f., ed. Lallot): ἐγκλίσεις μὲν οὖν εἰσι πέντε, ὁριστική, προστακτική,
εὐκτική, ὑποτακτική, ἀπαρέμφατος .ܕܐ熏 ܦܩ.焏ܡܢqr ܡ.爯q煿q̈rq ܐrܡq 爏qqܐ ܗrqrܩ
ܐrܡ焏 ܡ爯ܬܐ ܡ熏ܢrܡr ܡ.焏 ܡܩܒܠܢ.焏ܢqܠ犏( ܡAppendix, 59–60/qܣ–ܢ, see also
pp. 249f., ed. Merx 1889). The Greek of Dionysius in the English translation of Alan
Kemp (1987: 180): “There are five moods—defining, imperative, optative, subjunctive, and
infinitive.” For the Syriac grammatical tradition, see also Farina (2013: 148ff. on the “moods
of speech”).
29 In the English translation of Blank (1996: 12) of Ammonius’ In De Int. 2.10–20: “kinds
of sentence”, and they have the order: κλητικός, προστακτικός, ἐρωτηματικός, εὐκτικός,
and ἀποφαντικός. In Blank’s version: Vocative, Imperative, Interrogative, Optative, and
Assertoric; see also Blank’s note 7 and 14 ad loc. However, in Ammonius’ commentary
186 chapter 8
on Eisagoge we have μέρη λόγου ‘parts of speech’ and πυσματικός for interrogative, with
another order as this quotation shows: (In Isag. 43.4–5): τοῦ δὲ λόγου πολλά εἰσι μέρη,
ἀποφαντικὸν εὐκτικὸν κλητικὸν προστακτικὸν πυσματικόν. But the fact that only Ammonius’
commentary to On Interpretation is believed to have been written by his own hand and
the rest of his works recorded by his pupils on the basis of his seminars, may explain this
difference of ordering of words, if the ordering was considered to be important in any
way.
30 In an almost literal quotation the same order and examples are given also in Sergius’
Commentary, (see L.7rb25–7va14/P.23r10–23).
31 But in the Syriac translation from Persian of his Elucidation of Peri Hermeneias by Severus
Sebokht (d. 666/7) we have ܐrܡ焏 ܕܡ焏r ̈ ( ܐܕ52.11, ed. Hugonnard-Roche 2013).
32 In De Int. 66.3–4, ed. Hoffmann 1873, and also pp. 115f.
33 In his translation of an anonymous Greek introduction to Aristotelian syllogistic, (732.7,
ed. Furlani). Cf. the Stoic expression λεκτὰ αὐτοτελῆ ‘complete sayables’.
34 Ed. Phillips (1869), Appendix i, pp. 68 and 75, where he has the translation “five signs of
discourse”.
35 King (2013a: 109 ff.).
36 Revell (1974: 22–26 and 29).
37 Revell (1974: 20 f.), who gives a survey of the Hebrew, Arabic, and Syriac tradition, mentions
the grammarian Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyā Thaʿlab (d. 908) with the claim of four categories.
According to Diogenes Laertius, book 9 (53–54, ed. Dorandi 2013), also Protagoras had
four sentences, but as Professor Jaap Mansfeld points out (personal communication), this
is certainly a later interpretation.
commentary 187
The order of none of these Syriac lists is in agreement with those two of
Ammonius, but Proba and the anonymous grammarian have the same terms
and internal order.
Following up Sergius’ four species of statement, it is valuable to quote Al-
Farabi’s description of the five kinds of sentences and to give his account of the
discussion about vocative, concerning which there seems to have been a dis-
pute whether it should be considered as a complete sentence. In his commen-
taries on Aristotle’s On Interpretation (17a2–3), Al-Farabi has: “At this point, sen-
tences must be divided into their primary species, namely, imperative, request,
38 King (2013a: 110 n. 47). According to a later tradition: if God was the addressee of the
request 焏ܢqܠ犏 ܡwas used, but if it was a created being 焏ܣܢq ܡܦwas used, see the
quotation in Hoffmann (1873: 16) and cf. Revell (1974: 25f.). This information is repeated
also by Bar Bahlul in his lexicon, who even presents the five ‘species’ (焏r ̈ )ܐܕof speech
(col. 1098: ܐr )ܡܠas these: ܕܐ熏 ܦܩ/ 焏ܠܢ焏r ܡ/ 焏ܣܢq\ܡܦ焏ܢqܠ犏 ܡ/ 焏qܘr ܩand
焏ܩ熏ܦܣ.
39 In the Commentary (L.7va3/P.23r17), Sergius has the same order but calls the last species
just 犟̇ܗܘ ܕܦܣ, which could be taken as an indication that the Introduction was written
later.
40 In his treatise Elucidation of Peri Hermeneias (ܣ焏qܢ煿ܐܪܡ煿qܪ煿 ܕܦ焏ܒrqܗܪܐ ܕ熏ܢ,
ed. Hugonnard-Roche 2013), Paul gives a list of ten species of statement (52.11f.): ܐrܥܣ
.焏ܢrܕܡr ܡ.焏ܩ熏 ܦܣ.焏ܣܢq ܡܦ.ܕܐ熏 ܦܩ.焏ܠܢ焏r ܡ.焏qܘr ܩ:ܐrܡ焏 ܕܡ焏r ̈ ܢ ܐܕ熏ܐܢ
焏ܢqrܦr ܡ.焏ܡ熏q ܣ.焏ܡܢqܬܣr ܡ.[؟焏ܡܢq] 焏qܡq “Les espèces du discours sont dix:
vocatif, interrogatif, impératif, déprécatif, déclaratif, exclamatif, juratif [ yīmānā?], institu-
tif, hypothétique, dubitatif.” Yet, also he says that they can be reduced to five species, since
dubitative can be assigned to interrogative, and exclamative, jurative/promissive, insti-
tutive, and hypothetic can be assigned to declarative. For a discussion, see Hugonnard-
Roche (2011: 213ff.).
41 Phillips (1869, Appendix i, p. 68).
188 chapter 8
entreaty, vocative, and statement,”42 and then continues “Regarding the voca-
tive, it is a matter of dispute whether it is a sentence or a single word.”43
In this connection, Zimmermann gives the following quotation from the
scholium to the manuscript of an Arabic version of On Interpretation in Paris,
Bibliothèque nationale, ar. 2346,44 which he names School Note (pp. cli and clii):
School Note: «According to Allīnūs, there are ⟨only⟩ four kinds of sen-
tences: entreaty, request (or: question [as-sāʾil]), imperative, and state-
ment. He says that the vocative is not a kind, but a part, of sentences
because it can be employed in connexion with all other kinds. That it is
not a sentence he shows as follows. Every sentence is composed of a noun
and a verb [kalima]. A vocative however is not composed of a noun and a
verb. It is therefore not a sentence.»45
A definite identification of “Allinus” has yet not been made,46 but according
to some information he composed, among others, a commentary on Aristo-
tle’s Categories. Sergius does not make any comment about his own list of four
species/kinds of sentences and his exclusion of the vocative from it. Neverthe-
less, he might have held similar ideas about the function of the vocative, namely
that it does not constitute a sentence, in contrast with the other four species,
but rather that it is just a single word and thereby part of a sentence.
§6 Only declaratory sentences signify truth or falsity. The background for this
comment on declaratory sentence (λόγος ἀποφαντικός) can be found in the
discussion at On Interpretation (16a33–17a7), as Aristotle expresses it (7a2–3):
ἀποφαντικὸς δὲ οὐ πᾶς, ἀλλ’ ἐν ᾧ τὸ ἀληθεύειν ἢ ψεύδεσθαι ὑπάρχει “not every sen-
tence is a statement-making sentence, but only those in which there is truth
or falsity”, which Sergius and Ammonius verify (In Isag. 43.10–12): μόνος δὲ ὁ
42 Zimmermann (1981: 43). The Arabic words are: amr, ṭalab, taḍarruʿ, nidāʾ, jāzim (ibid.,
p. 43 n. 4). Also in his short treatise to On Interpretation, Al-Farabi has these five kinds, but
with another order, which would indicate that the order does not necessarily mean much.
There he has: “The genera of complete phrases are, according to many of the ancients, five
in number, namely, statement, imperative, entreaty, request, and vocative” (ibid., p. 226).
43 Zimmermann (1981: 44), cf. also Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 158f.).
44 On this manuscript and the comments written on its margin, Hugonnard-Roche (1993:
19–28).
45 Zimmermann (1981: 254 n. 5 to p. 10).
46 For references to Allinus, see Rosenthal (1972: 337–349), and Zimmermann (1981: xcvi–
xcviii).
commentary 189
ἀποφαντικὸς λόγος περιέχει τὴν ἀλήθειαν καὶ τὸ ψεῦδος· οἱ γὰρ ἄλλοι οὔτε ἀληθεύ-
ουσιν οὔτε ψεύδονται ‘only the declaratory sentence contains truth and falsity,
for other kinds express neither truth nor falsity’. And it is this kind of sen-
tence that Aristotle and his commentators consider meaningful to be studied
within the scope of logic. Also Paul the Persian upholds that (Elucidation of Peri
Hermeneias 52.26): rqܕ ܐ熏q ܒܠ焏ܩ熏ܬܐ ܒܦܣ熏ܪܐ ܘܕܓܠrr ‘truth and falsity
exist only in a declaratory (sentence)’; and the same idea is expressed also in
his Treatise on the Logic of Aristotle at 11.16–18, (see also Hugonnard-Roche 2004:
159; and cf. Porph. 57.4).
§7 The account of universals. In the same way as Aristotle himself uses the
Greek word εἶδος for both ‘species’ and ‘form’, so also do the Neoplatonist com-
mentators. Plato uses εἶδος ‘form’ and ἰδέα ‘idea/form’ in a technical sense for
the real essence of the entities, which have an independent existence and must
be perceived by reason, whereas for Aristotle εἶδος ‘form’ is always attached to
matter (ὕλη), without any independent existence. Likewise, Sergius employs
the borrowed Syriac counterpart of εἶδος, namely 焏r‘ ܐܕspecies’, in the tech-
nical meaning it has in Plato and Aristotle, and in such contexts usually trans-
lated into ‘form’ in English. By his presentation of the Neo-Platonic notion
of the genera and forms, and whether they have an independent existence
or exist solely in our notion, Sergius touches upon the question of univer-
sals (τὰ καθόλου47) and the huge dispute that emerged concerning them.48
Porphyry had mentioned the problem in Eisagoge (1.9–16), but regarded it
best to not deal with it in an introductory or logical work. However, while
reading the Eisagoge the ensuing Neoplatonist philosophers (among them
Ammonius, In Isag. 43.23–45.15,49 see also Ammon. 41.5–11) paid attention
to Porphyry’s statement on them and brought up the problem for discus-
sion. As Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 159) notes, the three states of universals
are not explicitly mentioned in the works of Plato, but they seem to have
appeared at the time of Middle Platonism. Later in his commentary on the
Eisagoge, Ammonius (In Isag. 41.10–42.26, and 68.25–69.5) gave the following
threefold distinction to the universals, corresponding to Sergius’ tripartite divi-
sion:
1) The first stage is when the εἴδη (焏r ̈ ‘ )ܐܕforms’ are ἐν τῷ δημιουργῷ50 ‘with
the demiurge’ (Sergius: 焏qܘrܬ ܒ熏‘ ܠwith the creator’) and these are the
Platonic ἰδέαι ‘forms’ yet being πρὸ τῶν πολλῶν51 ‘prior to the many’ (Latin:
universalia ante res), and they are said to have an independent exis-
tence.52
2) Next stage is when the εἴδη (焏r ̈ ‘ )ܐܕforms’ occur ἐν τῇ ὕλῃ53 (焏ܘܠ煿‘ )ܒin
the matter’, that is to say, they are now τὰ φυσικὰ καὶ ἔνυλα εἴδη54 ‘the physical
̈
and material forms’ (焏qܢqq ܘ焏q)̈ܗܘܠܢ, since they have been actualized in
a physical form, have been perceptible, and become ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς55 ‘in the
many’ (Latin: universalia in rebus), and are inseparable from the corporeal
bodies in which they are (ἀχώριστα τῆς ὕλης56).
3) The last stage is when the εἴδη (焏r ̈ ‘ )ܐܕforms’ are ἐν τῇ διανοίᾳ57
(ܐrqܪܥr‘ )ܒin the thought’, and have become notional (ἐννοηματικά58
焏qܢqܥr) after having been observed and perceived by a sentient being and
therefore are ὑστερογενής59 ‘later in origin’ (Sergius: 焏qrq‘ ܐlast’) as being
ἐπὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς60 ‘posterior to the many’ (Latin: universalia post res), and are
grasped in our mind/memory.61
Worth noting is that the creator (焏qܘr )ܒand maker (ܕܐ熏 )ܥܒof Sergius
should perhaps be understood in a Christian sense (Hugonnard-Roche 2004:
160), though it is possible to think that it is just the Platonic demiurge, since
Sergius does not present his own views, but reports the standpoint of the
Platonists. But because Sergius after all chooses here to present the view of the
Platonists about general concepts and a Christian parallel to them can be found
in Pseudo-Dionysius, he was perhaps attracted by this doctrine, even if he says
in his Commentary that the Peripatetics do not believe in this teaching.62 In
this context, Ammonius’ (In Isag. 41.13–42.1263) metaphor of a portrait being
engraved on the bezel of a ring, then imprinted on many different pieces of
wax, and finally being conceived in the mind of man, has its parallel in Sergius’
Commentary (P.21r14–21v23, Watt 2014a: 37ff.).64
§9 The ten categories. From now on, Sergius leaves behind the view of the
Platonists and approaches one of the chief aims of his exposition, that is to
present the ten categories of Aristotle and to discuss them. By first discussing
the self-subsistent Platonic forms, Sergius probably intended to contrast them
against the Aristotelian categories of the perceptible world, which encompass
̈
all physically existing things. Sergius describes the categories (焏 = ܓܢܣγενεά)
as underlying every existent being and containing or comprising them. At
this first instance, he presents each of the ten categories as a supreme or
̈
highest genus (爯q ܓܢܣ爿 ܓܢγένος γενικώτατον ‘most generic genus’, summa
genera), but later on he acknowledges, like most other Neoplatonists, four main
categories, as more clearly stated in his Commentary (L.47rb31–36/P.89r8–10):
̈
.焏q ܐܘܣqqܘܗܝ܉ ܐrq ܐ爯q ܓܢܣ爿[ ܓܢ焏 ܕܙܢ焏 ܕܐܦ ̣ܗܘ ]ܓܢܣ爏qܡ
ܡ煟ܬ ܡ熏 ܕܠ焏ܢrq ܐ焏 ̇ܗܘ ܓܢܣqq ܘܐ.ܬܐ熏qܡq qq‘ ܘܐbecause also the
[category of quality] is a supreme genus, like substance, like quantity, and like
the further category of relatives’, (cf. also P.97r7–v3, and L.42ra14f./P.78v21).
That Sergius thinks substance, quantity, quality, and relatives are the four main
categories is also indicated by the fact that they are given first here in Sergius’
list of the ten categories. However, only substance is self-subsistent,65 whereas
the other three main categories (i.e. quantity, quality, and relatives) do not
have their own existence, but come about by participation or in relation to
substance. And the remaining six are brought forth through the combina-
tion of substance with these three, (P.97v3–98r10; Ammon. 92.6–12 and Philop.
63.15–24). For that reason, the four main or extensive categories are treated
more exhaustively than the other six. Throughout his text, Sergius keeps to
the terms he has chosen for the ten categories, except for ‘quality’ concern-
ing which he cannot make up his mind, but the use of it fluctuates and he
tries out different alternatives, (see below §12). For a discussion on the gen-
era that lie between a specific species and a general genus, that is “the sub-
ordinate genera” (ὑπάλληλα γένη), see the exposition of Porphyry at 83.18–
34.
§10 The aim of the Categories. In his account of substance, Sergius articulates
the adopted formula saying that the goal of the Categories itself is about simple
words that signify simple objects through mediating simple concepts, (see
above §4 and pp. 70ff., and Hugonnard-Roche 2004: 160). That this account
does not appear elsewhere in his text depends on the envisaged character of
his treatise, which is not, as we have said, a commentary on the Categories, but
a primary introduction to the philosophy of Aristotle. As such an introduction it
covers naturally the contents of the Categories, where Aristotle’s ten categories
are presented in first place.
§12 Different words for quality. Although Sergius is supposed to have been
the first writer in Syriac dealing with philosophical topics, he mentions here
and at another instance (§80) the different terms that were in use for the
Greek 爿qqqܐ熏 = ܦποιότης ‘quality’.66 This indetermination of Sergius and
his use of varying terms for this category is also present in the parallel pas-
sages of his Commentary, where in a related phrase he writes (P.26v9–11): ̇ܗܘ
ܗrq ܠ爟qܡ ܕܡܩ煟܉ ܡ焏q ܕܐܘܣ焏ܡ熏q‘ ܬthe definition of substance: something self-
subsistent’. Jacob of Edessa has both forms in his Encheiridion (ܗrq ܕ焏ܡq熏 ܩat 227.24,
228.17,19, 233.2 and ܗrq ܠ爟q ܡܩat 229.13, 231.23, 232.1, 233.8,11,17 passim).
66 Interestingly, also Cicero gives the example of Latin qualitas, which he coined for Greek
ποιότης, when he writes (Academicorum i, 7, 25): “Qualitates igitur appellavi, quas ποιότη-
τας Graeci vocant, quod ipsum apud Graecos non est vulgi verbum, sed philosophorum,
atque id in multis.” / “So I used the term ‘qualities’ for what the Greeks call poiotêtes—
itself not an ordinary word in Greek, but a philosophical term, like many others.” (Trans.
Brittain 2006: 97). I thank Professor Christian Høgel, (University of Southern Denmark),
for this reference.
commentary 193
煿 ܠ爯ܢqr ̇ܩ焏ܙܓ熏 ܡ爯ܒ熟 ܘܒ焏ܠqq 爯ܒ熟 ܒ爯q ܕ爯ܢq .ܣ熏qܐ熏ܗ ܦ煿ܡr‘ ܕthe (cat-
egory) which he named poiótês, but we call it sometimes ḥaylā and some-
times muzzāḡā.’ At the beginning of book six of his Commentary, dealing
with quality itself, he indicates that some works had already been translated
from Greek into Syriac, as he writes (L.46vb8/P.86v9): 爯 ܡ熏ܩr ܕܦ爯q ܕ爯qܠqܐ
rq焏qܢrq ܐ焏qqr熏 ܕܣ焏ܬ ܩܠr ܠܒ焏qܢ熏q 焏ܢr ܠ爯ܡ ܡ煟 ܡ焏ܒrq̈ 爯qܡ煟ܩ
爯qr ̇ܩ焏ܠqq 爯ܒ熟 ܒ煟q .焏 ܗܢ焏 ܕܓܢܣ67煿qܢ熏q ܒ煿 ܒ熏qrq ܐܬrq焏ܠܦqrܘܡ
.煿 ܠ爯q煿ܡr ܡ焏 ܙܢ爯ܒ熟 ܘܒ煿‘ ܠthose who before us have translated some books
from the Greek language to the expression of the Syrians have differently and
variously made use of the designation of this genus/category, as they call it
sometimes ḥaylā and they sometimes name it zənā.’ And in a literal passage
with some addition to B.98v3–5 (§80) we have (L.47vb12–22/P.88v26–89r3):
爯ܬ ܡr ܕܐܡqq ܐ爯q ܕ爯ܢq 68.爿qqqq熏ܐ ܦ煟q ܒܥ焏qܢ熏̈q 爯ܢ ̣ܡ煿̈ܡrr ܡ爯q̇ܗܢ
爯q煿ܡr ܡ焏ܙ̈ܓ熏 ܘܡ焏ܠq̈q ܉焏qqr熏 ܣ爯 ܡ爯q ܕ焏ܢrq ܐ.爯q煿 ܠ爯ܢqr ̇ܩ焏q̈܉ ܙܢ爏ܠܥ
.焏 ܙܢ焏 ܐܢ煿ܡr܉ ܡ爯q煿ܠq 爯qܠ煿 ܠ爯q煿 ܠrܒq̇ ̇ܗܘ ܕ爏qq ܗ焏 ܠܓܢܣ.爯q煿‘ ܠthese
(qualities) are in ordinary usage named by the Greeks poiótêtes, but we, as I
have said above, call them zənayyā, and others among the Syrians name them
ḥaylē and muzzāḡē. However, the genus which contains all these things I name
zənā.’ Also in his On Genus, Species, and Individuality, Sergius says that ‘we call
(this) zənā’ (128vb17: 焏 ܙܢ爯ܢqr)̇ܩ. These passages of Sergius about different Syr-
iac words used for quality are paraphrased by Dionysios bar Ṣalibi (d. 1171) in
his commentary on the Categories (see Wright 1901, vol. ii, p. 1011, the quota-
tion from Cambridge ms Gg. 2.14, fol. 123b). For a discussion on this passage
and the subsequent use of these different words for ‘quality’, see King (2011c:
234f.).
From our text and these quotations from the Commentary, we obtain five
different words used by Sergius for the Greek ποιός (Arist. Cat. 1b26) and ποιότης
(Arist. Cat. 8b25), all standing for ‘quality’. They are as follows:
ܬܐ熏qܢqܐ, an abstract formation from the interrogative 焏ܢq‘ ܐwhich?’, ‘of
what sort?’, and it appears only here in the list of the ten categories. Aristotle
has ποιός ‘of what sort?’ in his list of all ten categories (Cat. 1b26), but for Sergius
this form of the word most likely corresponds to ποιότης ‘quality’ as the general
category.69
67 For the rest of the quotation we have lacuna in the London ms (L.46vbf.).
68 B.98v4 seems to have 爿qܢqq熏ܦ, while the spelling of L.47vb14 is ܣ熏qqܐ熏̥ ܦand that of
P.88v27 ܣ焏q焏q熏ܦ.
69 For an explanation of the difference between ποιός and ποιότης, see Philop. (133.23–30,
139.31–140.6).
194 chapter 8
§20 Gradation of existing things. After having introduced and briefly described
the ten categories, Sergius makes a gradation of the entities that are significant
for determining the subjects and predicates in the propositions that will be uti-
lized and how they relate to one another (Hugonnard-Roche 2004: 160 f.). This
classification and gradation is based on Porphyry’s Eisagoge 4.21–25 and is usu-
70 The form ܬܐ熏ܢq ܐoccurs also in the translation of Cyril of Alexandria’s commentary on
Luke (406.1: ܬܗ熏ܢq ܐ爯 ܡ焏q)ܡ̣ܠ, to which a gloss is written in the margin of the ms(s):
焏qrܩr ܡ爿qqܐ熏 ܦ爯q ܕrq焏ܢ熏q .焏ܕܥ熏rܐ ܡrܥܡq 焏qܬܐ ܗܪ熏ܢq‘ ܐʾaynūṯā here
signifies a taste, and in Greek it is called poiótês’, (cf. King 2011c: 234 n. 35 and TS.159).
71 See also King (2010b: 321): “Greek-Syriac Glossary”.
72 See also King’s discussion to this gloss at pp. 220f. and the similar passage at Ammon.
80.20–26 which he has located, and also his comment on p. 226 to Cat. 9a28 for the
inconsistent usage of the anonymous translator.
commentary 195
§21 Homonyms, polyonyms, synonyms, and heteronyms. The fact that Aristo-
tle commences the Categories (1a1–15) with a specification of homonyms, syn-
onyms, and paronyms—seemingly pure linguistic observations—made some
commentators argue that the goal of the entire treatise is about terms and not
realities (cf. Simpl. 18.27–19.8). To Aristotle’s threefold division of things some
commentators, like Ammonius, Philoponus, and Simplicius, added a presen-
tation of the two additional classes of polyonyms and heteronyms. The reason
why Aristotle himself had omitted these two kinds is explained by Porphyry
(61.2–3) as being irrelevant to the aim of the Categories.73 Other commentators
omitted paronyms, and described the remaining four (Hugonnard-Roche 2004:
161), probably since the paronyms did not fit into the classification of four ways
by which things could be connected to one another and also that paronyms
were conceived to be apparently more linguistic than the other four classes.74
Sergius’ omission of paronyms75 is the more understandable considering the
far more derivative and productive function of endings in Greek than in Syr-
iac. However, it is significant to establish that Sergius’ word-formation generally
has a focus on meaning, rather than being a literal rendering of the underlying
Greek word, while the latter method was applied by many subsequent Syriac
translators and commentators. The four classes that Sergius presents are:
ܐ煿̈ܡr rq ܕ̈ܡὁμώνυμα ‘homonyms’: objects that share, or have in com-
mon (ܬܦ ܒ熏r κοινωνεῖν), only the name (焏ܡr ὄνομα), but differ in defini-
tion (焏ܡ熏q ܬὁρισμός) or account (ܐr ܡܠλόγος). Sergius gives examples of
different things that have the name “dog” in common, viz. the land-dog, the
73 According to the report of Simplicius (23.12–19) the Neoplatonist Syrianus (d. 437) con-
sidered them to be linguistic terms and therefore being more appropriate to a treatise on
rhetoric than to one on realities.
74 For the description of these classes, see also Porph. (60.21–33), Ammon. (15.16–16.6),
Philop. (14.11–16), Olymp. (26.13–22, 27.10–20), Simpl. (22.22–23.12), and Anon. (1.8–17).
75 The Anonymous translator of the Categories (96.16), Jacob of Edessa (253.17), as well
as Severus Sebokht (50.3,13) in his translation of Paul the Persian’s Elucidation of Peri
Hermeneias, have 焏ܡr 爯 ܡfor ‘paronym’ (lit. ‘from name’), while George, Bishop of the
Arabs, has (9.11) 焏ܡr ܝrq犏ܒ, (cf. King 2010b: 170).
196 chapter 8
water-dog, the star-dog, and the philosopher-dog, which were used also by the
Greek commentators, as Chase says: “the dog had been a frequent example in
school-discussions of homonymy since the time of the early Empire” (Chase
2002: 116 n. 291).76 In the Syriac translation of Porphyry’s Eisagoge, we find (13.13)
焏ܡr ܬ熏qܡ煟ܒ, an adverbialized substantive form of the same root, for ὁμω-
νύμως ‘homonymously’ (Eis. 6.8), while the revision of Athanasius of Balad has
rqܐ煿ܡr ܬ熏q熏r ܒand all three Syriac translators of the Categories (cf. King
2010b: 320) and Bar ʿEbroyo (47.13) have: 焏ܡr qq̈熏r (A.96.6, J.253.3, and G.9.2)
for ὁμώνυμα of Cat. 1a1. Paul the Persian (50.2,4) has 焏ܡr ܬ熏q熏r ‘homonymy’
(substantive) and 焏ܡr qq̈熏r ‘homonyms/homonymous’ (substantive/adjec-
tive). At any rate, in the Concerning the Division of Substance (bl Add 14658, at
170ra34), we find 焏ܡr ܬ熏q熏r for ‘homonymy’.
焏r̈ ܐܕrq ܕ̈ܡis brought forward to correspond to Greek πολυώνυμα ‘poly-
onyms’: objects that share the account, but have a variety of names. How-
ever, this compound term should be considered as a closer equivalent to ὁμο-
ειδῆ ‘belong to/be of the same species’ than πολυώνυμα.77 It is the idea which
he expresses in his Commentary (L.10rb7f./P.30r14 f.): 煿 ܡܢ煟q 煿 ܕܡܢ爏qܡ
爯q ܗܠ爯q煿qrq ܐ焏r‘ ܕܐܕbecause these belong to the same species’. Things
belonging to the same species, but having various names are exemplified by
Sergius with three words for stones, while most Greek commentators adduce
several words for sword, Ammon. (16.6): ἄορ ξίφος μάχαιρα “sword, scimitar,
and sabre”; Philop. (15.2): ἄορ ξίφος σπάθη; Simpl. (38.26): ἄορ ξίφος μάχαιρα
φάσγανον, and Anon. (4.4–5): ἄορ, ξίφος, σπάθη, φάσγανον· σίδηρος γὰρ ἀμφί-
στομος ταῦτα πάντα each one meaning ‘a two-edged iron’, that is ‘a sword’ (cf.
Chase 2002: 123 n. 402). All these five Greek terms for sword are present in the
Tekhnē Grammatikē of Dionysius Thrax, but there they exemplify synonymous
words (ιβʹ/12.72f. no. 7). Bar ʿEbroyo has a similar passage with the very same
examples as Sergius (47.15–48.2): ܕܥ熏r ܡ焏ܢrܥ熏 ܣ煟q 焏ܡr ܗܘ煟q 熏 ܠ煟q
̈
.爯qrܩr ܡ焏ܡr ܝ焏q ܘܣܓ爯qܕܥ熏rܡ ܡ煟 ܡ煟q ܕ焏ܢrq ܘ焏ܦ焏q ܘ焏ܥ熏r qqܐ
‘when the name [that] signifies a single object is not one, as for rock, stone, and
flint, which [all] signify a single thing, they call [those words] polyonyms’.78
̈
Thus, he employs the closer rendering 焏ܡr ܝ焏q ܣܓfor πολυώνυμα, which is
similar to Severus Sebokht’s rendering of Paul’s terminology (50.3,9): ܘܬ焏qܣܓ
76 For an overview of the ancient discussion on homonyms, see esp. Anton (1969), but also
Anton (1968), Narcy (1981: 42 ff.), and Bäck (2008: 49–53).
77 Against Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 161) and King (2011c: 232).
78 Janssens’ French translation (1937: 145): “Lorsque le terme n’est pas un, il représente—soit
un seul objet, comme rocher, pierre et roc qui représentent une seule chose et sont appelés
polyonymes.”
commentary 197
79 In his Concerning the Division of Substance at 171va34f., Sergius has 焏 ܓܢܣ煟q r‘ ̈ܒܢof one
genus’, but this might be an error.
80 We should accept the reading of the ms here, and not read “Alexandre de Perse”, as
Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 156, 161, and 162 n. 1) does. Even though L.10va1 has indeed
焏qܣr‘ ܦPersian’ here, yet on the chart at L.11r it has 爿qܪ焏‘ ܦParis’ as well as in the text
at L.14va22 (= B.86r2) 爿qܪ焏ܦ, while P.30v3 has instead here in the text 爿qܪ焏ܦ, but on
the chart at P.31v has 焏qܣr‘ ܦPersian’, and again at P.35r12 ܪܣ焏ܦ. Also in his Concerning
the Division of Substance at 171vb1 f., Sergius gives ܪܘܣ煟ܣܢq ܘܐܠ焏qܘܢ煟ܪܣ ܡܩ煟ܣܢqܐܠ
爿qܪ焏‘ ܦAlexander the Macedonian and Alexander Paris’. Sergius seems to be aware of
Alexander Paris as being a main figure from the Trojan War, see §24 here. See also King
(2011c: 231 and 234 n. 33).
81 Paris, son of Priam, is the individual who by carrying off Helen from Sparta brought on
war with Troy (Iliad 24.28 ff.).
82 All quotations from Porphyry’s commentary on the Categories are taken from Steven
K. Strange’s English translations (1992), unless otherwise stated.
83 For these two characters, see Homer’s Iliad 13.694–711 passim.
198 chapter 8
mortal, rational, and animal, namely that of being ‘man’.84 Also in Tekhnē Gram-
matikē, the name Ajax is used for homonymous words.
Simplicius mentions that (35.10f.) τετραχῶς τὸ αὐτὸ ὁμώνυμόν τε καὶ συνώνυ-
μον λέγεται “the same thing can be called ‘homonymous’ and ‘synonymous’ in
four different senses”,85 of which one is (Simpl. 35.15–18): ποτὲ δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ πρὸς
τὸ αὐτὸ πρᾶγμα διαφόροις ἑαυτοῦ ὀνόμασιν ὁμώνυμόν τε εὑρίσκεται καὶ συνώνυμον,
ὡς Σωκράτης ὁ φιλόσοφος πρὸς Σωκράτην τὸν Θεαιτήτου συγγυμναστὴν ὁμώνυμος
μὲν καθὸ Σωκράτης, συνώνυμος δὲ καθὸ ἄνθρωπος “Sometimes, the same thing
is found to be both homonymous and synonymous with regard to the same
reality, by virtue of its different names. For instance, the philosopher Socrates,
qua Socrates, is homonymous to Socrates the school-mate of Theaetetus, but
the two are synonymous qua men”, (see also Simpl. 30.16–31.21, 33.27–34.7 and
35.10–36.7).
In Sergius’ Commentary, we find a passage reminiscent of the one just quoted
from Simplicius. Although Sergius does not provide the notation 煟q r̈ܒܢ
焏r‘ ܐܕof one species’ for synonyms there, yet for things that have both name
and definition in common (i.e. synonyms) he offers what follows, before sup-
plying the example of the two Alexanders, (L.10rb33–10va7/P.30r14–30v1–5):
r ܐܢrܡ焏 ܕܢ焏 ܡqq ܐ.爯q煿qrq ܐ焏r ܕܐܕ煿 ܡܢ煟q 煿 ܡܢ爯qܘܐܦ ܗܠ
焏ܡr ܒrq ܓ爯q ܗܠ86.爿qܪ焏ܪܘܣ ܦ煟ܣܢq ܘܐܠ焏qܘܢ煟ܪܘܣ ܡܩ煟ܣܢqܐܠ
煿ܘܕܥ熏r ܘܗܝrq ܬܘܒ܇ ̇ܗܘ ܕܐ焏ܡ熏qrܐ ܘܒ煟qqܕܐ ܐ煟q̈ 爟 ܥ爯qܬܦ熏rܡ
.焏r ܐܢr ܕܒ焏qܢqq ‘also these pertain to the same species,87 as when some-
one says Alexander the Macedonian and Alexander Paris. For these have at
the same time both the name and the definition in common, that which is
the natural mark of man’. Thus, Sergius’ two Alexanders (and Simplicius’ two
Socrateses), through belonging to the species of man with the common defini-
tion ‘mortal, rational, and animal’, are synonymous, and they are homonymous
by having the same name, that of Alexander. Therefore, Sergius’ expression
焏r ܐܕ煟q r‘ ̈ܒܢof one species’ for this kind of commonality must be consid-
ered to be a deliberate choice, as well as his use of the example of two different
Alexanders.
84 See Porph. (64.7–21), Dexip. (18.25–33, 20.24–21.10), Ammon. (15.29–16.4, 19.17–20.12, 22.12–
19), Philop. (19.11–20), Olymp. (35.15–36.7), Elias (51.11–22, 135.22–136.6), Simpl. (29.2–12),
and Anon. (3.3–14).
85 All quotations from Simplicius’s commentary on the Categories are taken from the avail-
abe translation of Michael Chase (for 1.1–75.22), Frans A.J. de Haas (for 75.23–120.24), Barrie
Fleet (for 120.25–294.9), and Richard Gaskin (295.1–438.36), unless otherwise stated.
86 L.10va1 has 焏qܣr‘ ܦPersian’.
87 As also do polyonyms, see above.
commentary 199
88 Chase (2002: 114 n. 261): “The example of the ladder as common substrate of ascent and
descent is found already in Clement of Alexandria’s Stromata (8,8,24,3,1f.), which probably
means it was current school doctrine by the early second century bc [sic!].” Sergius himself
uses this example in another context in his paraphrase of Alexander’s On the Principles of
the Universe 141.17–22; cf. King (2010a: 164 f.).
89 See Ammon. (16.24–17.3), Philop. (14.15–23, 15.4–10), Olymp. (26.22–23.10), Simpl. (22.30–
33), and Anon. (1.11–15).
200 chapter 8
ing this terminology and what these words were thought to designate, but at
the same time he operates in another sphere and does not put on himself the
burden of tradition and that of transfering the whole vocabulary. Therefore,
he can express the essence of the Greek terms, without feeling obliged to coin
exact counterparts in Syriac. Furthermore, by avoiding introducing the terms
synonym and heteronym he also escapes reporting the entire discussion about
them.
§22 The definition of substance and accident. The exact wording of the defi-
nitions here of substance and accident is not present in Aristotle’s text, but
they are rather to be considered as being expressions for his doctrine regard-
ing the two of them, or more correctly, the commentators’ interpretation and
laying out of Aristotle’s teaching (cf. Cat. 1a24 f., 8a13–28, Phys. 185a31 f.). On
the whole, Sergius is very restrictive with exact or literal quotations. A very
similar definition of substance is found in the Preparation (Προπαρασκευή, ed.
Diekamp) of the monk Theodore of Raithu (lived at some time in the 6th–7th
centuries).90 In chapter 11 of this work, entitled ‘On substance and nature’, he
gives (201.12–16): οὐκοῦν οὕτως ὁρισάμενοι τὴν οὐσίαν εἴπωμεν· οὐσία ἐστὶ πρώτως
τε καὶ κυρίως πᾶν, ὅτι αὐθυπόστατον ὑπάρχει, τουτέστιν ὃ καθ’ ἑαυτό ἐστι καὶ οὐ
δι’ ἄλλο οὐδὲ ἐν ἑτέρῳ ἔχει τὸ εἶναι, τουτέστιν ὃ μὴ χρῄζει ἄλλου τινὸς ἔξωθεν αὐτοῦ
εἰς τὸ ὑπάρχειν ‘let us define substance thus: substance is primarily and strictly
everything that is self-subsistent, namely, that which exists by itself and does
not have its being through something else or in something else, namely, that
which does not need anything outside itself to exist’. Theodore later repeats
some of this definition (ibid. 202.1–8) and offers the examples λίθος ‘stone’ and
φυτόν ‘tree (or plant)’ for material things (ὑλικά), which is also found in Sergius.
Any direct connection between Sergius and this Theodore cannot be presup-
posed, but we may assume that the different entities of this definition were
prevalent among the Neoplatonists (see esp. Olymp. 56.4–8).91 Also a passage
in Simplicius’ commentary reflects the same view (44.12–16): τὰ γὰρ ὄντα διαι-
ρεῖται διχῶς, εἴς τε τὰ καθ’ ἑαυτὰ εἶναι δυνάμενα καὶ μηδενὸς ἑτέρου δεόμενα πρὸς
ὑπόστασιν, ἅπερ καὶ οὐσία καλοῦνται διὰ τὸ ἐξαρκεῖν ἑαυτοῖς πρὸς τὸ εἶναι, καὶ εἰς
τὰ ἐν ἑτέροις ὑφεστῶτα, ἅπερ καὶ συμβεβηκότα λέγεται διὰ τὸ ἐν ἑτέροις συμβε-
βηκέναι “for beings are divided into two: 1. Those which are capable of being
90 On Theodore of Raithu and his Praeparatio or Liber De Incarnatione, see Chase (forthcom-
ing), where this definition of substance is quoted as well.
91 For this definition, Chase himself refers to, inter alia, Ammon. (33.12ff.), Philop. (46.1, 49.19,
and 53.10), and Olymp. (43.13 ff.).
commentary 201
per se, and need nothing else in order to subsist. These are also called sub-
stance, since they are sufficient unto themselves with regard to being. 2. Those
which subsist within other things. These are also called accidents, since they
occur within other things.” Furthermore, as an alternative definition, Philo-
ponus states that (29.7–9): [τὸ συμβεβηκὸς] αὐτὸ γὰρ καθ’ αὑτὸ ὑποστῆναι οὐ
δύναται, δέεται δὲ ἄλλου πρὸς ὕπαρξιν, τοῦτ’ ἔστιν οὐσίας [an accident] “is not
capable of existing in virtue of itself, but needs something else for its existence,
namely a substance”. The definition of substance states that a substance is every
independent individual object that is self-subsistent (αὐθυπόστατον ὑπάρχει, cf.
ܗrq ܕ焏ܡq熏 ܩ煿 ܠrq )ܐand self-sufficient, whereas accident is defined by
opposite attributes, that of being dependent on other objects to occur and sub-
sist within.92
92 Cf. also Cat. 2b5 f.; Porph. (88.5 f., 89.16 f., 90.12 f.) and Philop. (163.10f.).
93 See Philop. In Phys. (526.25–527.3 n. 81 ad loc. and also n. 77, and 529.13–18) and Simpl. In
Phys. (553.1–16).
94 See Plotinus Enneads (6.1.14.19–24) and Porph. (77.22–78.5), who enumerate only nine
manners; Ammon. (26.32–27.8, 29.5–17), Philop. (32.7–26), Olymp. (47.3–21), Elias (149.16–
34), Simpl. (46.5–14), J.Damasc. Dialec. (λθ/39.2–13); Anon. (6.12–17), cf. Huby (1981: 402 and
404 n. 10).
95 For the parallel passage in his Commentary, see L.14rb24–15va17/P.35r1–36r16.
202 chapter 8
4) Being as parts in what they are parts of (焏ܘ ܡ煿̇ܬܐ ܒ熏 ܡܢqqܐ
̈
ܬܗ熏̈ ܡܢ爯q煿qrq ܕܐor 96焏ܠ熏qܬܐ ܒ熏̈ ܡܢqq‘ ܐas parts in the whole’
ὡς μέρος ἐν ὅλῳ “as a part in the whole”,97 but also Elias 149.20: ὡς μέρη ἐν
ὅλῳ ‘as parts in the whole’98).
̈
5) Being as a whole thing in its parts (ܬܗ熏ܡ ܒܡܢ煟 ܡ煿ܠq qq ܐor qqܐ
̈
99ܬܐ熏 ܒܡܢ焏ܠ熏q ‘as a whole in the parts’ ὡς ὅλον ἐν τοῖς μέρεσιν “as a
whole in its parts”).
6) Being as (many) species in a genus (焏 ܒܓܢܣ焏r ̈ ܐܕqq ܐὡς εἶδος ἐν γένει
“as a species in a genus”).
7) Being as a genus in (many) species (焏r ̈ ܕ焏 ܒ焏 ܓܢܣqq ܐὡς γένος ἐν εἴδει
“as a genus in a species”, but also Plotinus Enn. 6.1.14.23: γένος ἐν εἴδεσι ‘a
genus in species’, and Olymp. 47.10: ὡς γένος ἐν τοῖς εἴδεσιν ‘as a genus in
species’, pl.).
8) Being as form in matter (焏ܘܠ煿 ܒ焏r ܐܕqq ܐὡς εἶδος ἐν ὕλῃ).
9) Being as the rule of those who are ruled by someone is in the one who rules
them (ܘ煿̇܉ ܒrܐ ܕܐܢ煟q ܐrqq ܬ爯ܡ ̣ 爯qrܕܒr ܕܡ爯qܠqܐ ܕܐr ܕܘܒqqܐ
̇
ܘܢ煿 ܠrܒ煟 ܕܡ爯 ܡor in Division of Substance 171rb26 he has ܐr ܕܘܒqqܐ
焏ܢrܒ煟‘ ܒܡas ruling in the ruler’ ὡς τὰ τῶν ἀρχομένων ἐν τῷ ἄρχοντι “as the
⟨affairs⟩ of the ruled in ⟨the power or control of⟩ the ruler”).
10) Being as in a purpose/goal (焏qܡܠ熏r ܕܒqq ܐὡς ἐν τέλει).
11) Being as accidents in a substance (焏qܘܣ焏 ܒ焏r ̈ 煟 ܓqq ܐὡς ἐν ὑποκει-
μένῳ οἷον τὸ συμβεβηκὸς ἐν οὐσίᾳ “as in a subject, for example, an accident
in a substance”).
The Greek commentators have ‘species’ at nos. (6) and (7) in the singular,100 and
indeed, the plural of Sergius appears to provide a better description of them,
but both Philoponus (32.14–17) and Elias (149.19–28) provide an argument why
they do not have no. 7 in the plural, which would indicate that there was at least
a discussion concerning in which number species should be given.
96 This is found in Sergius’ Concerning the Division of Substance at 171rb21, where he again
enumerates all the eleven ways of being in something (at 171rb17–28).
97 All quotations from Ammonius’ commentary on the Categories are taken from the trans-
lation of S. Marc Cohen & Gareth B. Matthews, unless otherwise stated.
98 And the explanation of Elias (149.21–22): καὶ ὅλως τὸ μὲν ὅλον ἑνικῶς λέγεται, τὰ δὲ μέρη
πληθυντικῶς, ἐπειδὴ μία μὲν ἡ ὁλότης, πολλὰ δὲ τὰ μέρη.
99 In Sergius’ Concerning the Division of Substance at 171rb22.
100 Except Olympiodorus, who at loc. cit. at no. 7 has species in the plural.
commentary 203
101 All quotations from John of Damascus’s Dialectica or Philosophical Chapters are taken
from the translation of Frederic H. Chase, unless otherwise stated.
204 chapter 8
genus, for example man in animal”, while Olympiodorus gives (47.10–13) ‘man’
alongside ‘horse’ (ἵππος) and ‘ox’ (βοῦς).
The tendency to adjust non-Christian thinking present in the pagan philoso-
pher’s text is also found in the Syriac translation of Porphyry’s Eisagoge. For
example, it has (23.12, 26.17) 焏q焏‘ ܡܠangel’ for θεός ‘god’ at Eis. 10.13 and
11.24,102 and in several troublesome contexts it has avoided the term ‘ani-
mal’ or any specific animal in connection to ‘man’ (26.4 f.,13/Eis. 11.14,26 f., and
34.4,7/Eis. 15.4f.,6). Nonetheless, the statement that ‘animal is said about man,
horse …’ is kept at 32.16/Eis. 14.15f. Likewise, in his text Sergius evades the stan-
dard account of man being ‘mortal rational animal’ (see textual note 124.13/
B.90v15) and other examples which connect man to animal, as at 146.22f. where
the Greek commentaries have ‘animal and man’, but he has ‘animal and horse’.
However, he has at least once retained a formulation that indicates that ‘ani-
mal (is divided) into man’ (122.9). Yet, it seems that Sergius considers it to be
slightly controversial, in the setting in which he operates, to express what the
Christian Greek commentators record naturally. His anticipation of censure in
his prefaces indicates the same caution and fear.
The examples of form being in matter current in Sergius’ commentary are
also present in the Greek commentaries. Again, to present the comparable
passages of Porphyry (29.34f.): ὡς ἐν τῇ ὕλῃ τὸ εἶδος καθάπερ ἐν τῷ χαλκῷ ἡ μορφὴ
τοῦ ἀνδριάντος κἀν τῷ σιδήρῳ τὸ σχῆμα τῆς μαχαίρας “in the way that form is in the
matter, as the shape [μορφή] of the statue is in the bronze, the shape [σχῆμα]
of the knife is in the iron”, (cf. also Porph. Eis. 11.13f.), of Philoponus (32.22): ὡς
τὸ τοῦ ἀνδριάντος εἶδος ἐν τῷ χαλκῷ “as the form of the statue in the bronze”; and
same at Elias (149.28f.): ὡς τὸ εἶδος τοῦ ἀνδριάντος ἐν τῷ χαλκῷ.
The way of describing the power over or control of some people as being ‘in’
the ruler appears in all the above-mentioned commentaries, probably without
any further implication or any specific allusion, (see Chase 2002: 128 f., n. 477–
478).
The meaning of 焏qܡܠ熏r for τέλος ‘end’, ‘goal’, ‘purpose’, and ‘completion’ is
not specified in the lexicons. Although, a more literal translation like ‘comple-
tion’ would better illustrate the Syriac calque on the Greek τέλος, yet with regard
to Sergius’ and some Greek commentators’ examples its rendering as ‘purpose’
seems most justified here. See also Olympiodorus (47.18) and Elias (149.31), who
have ὡς ἐν τελικῷ ‘in the final cause’, and John of Damascus (Dialec. λθ/39.10–
12): ἐν τῷ τελικῷ αἰτίῳ ὡς ἡ κλίνη ἐν τῇ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀναπαύσει· διὰ τὴν ἀνάπαυσιν
102 Also some Greek scribes changed ‘gods’ to ‘angels’ at these instances in their mss, see
Barnes (2003: 198 n. 117).
commentary 205
γὰρ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γίνεται κλίνη “as in the final cause, as the bed is in man’s rest,
because it is for the purpose of man’s resting that the bed is made.” Porphyry
(29.31f.) includes ‘to be happy’ (εὐδαιμονεῖν) as being ‘in’ the goal of man, while
Ammonius (29.16f.) illustrates the goal of medicine to be ‘in health’ (τὴν ἰατρι-
κὴν ἐν τῇ ὑγείᾳ), and cf. also Philop. 32.24f.
There seems to have been some disagreement concerning which of the
eleven ways of being in something represents Aristotle’s ἐν ὑποκειμένῳ ‘in a
subject/substrate’ at Cat. 1a23–25. Is it τὸ εἶδος ἐν τῇ ὕλῃ ‘the form in the matter’
of Physics 210a21, or any other way of being in something? Porphyry (77.33–36,
78.6–9) seems to think it is the former, whereas Ammonius, Philoponus, and
Elias present them separately. Sergius does not mention the substrate here, but
makes use of, among others, Ammonius’ example of “in a substance”, namely
(29.17): ὡς ἐν ὑποκειμένῳ ὡς τὸ συμβεβηκὸς ἐν οὐσίᾳ “as in a subject, for example
an accident in substance.” The same phase is present also in Elias (149.32 f., and
see 150.7–11 for a discussion on this class). However, Olympiodorus seems to
have the closest parallel to Sergius’ text here (47.20 f.): λέγεται πάλιν ἔν τινι ὡς
συμβεβηκὸς ἐν οὐσίᾳ, ὡς τὸ λευκὸν ἐν τῷ Σωκράτει ‘again, one says ‘in something’
as an accident in substance, as whitness (is) in Socrates’, as also the example
of John of Damascus (Dialec. λθ/39.12): ὡς λευκὸν ἐν σώματι “as whiteness is in a
body.”
§36 Defining description. ܐrqܡܢqrܐ ܡr ܡܠὁριστικὸς λόγος (or λόγος ὁρι-
στικός) present already in Aristotle (Phys. 186.23f.; On the Soul 413a14; Metaph.
1043b31), which may be translated as ‘defining/definitional /definitory descrip-
tion/account/formula’. The first Syriac translation of Porphyry’s Eisagoge em-
ploys once ܐrqܡܢqrܐ ܡrܡܠ, however, for λόγος alone (Eis. 9.15/Eis.Syr.i
21.12), but in the immediately following occurrence and at some other instances
焏ܡ熏q ܬis given for it (Eis. 9.16,20/Eis.Syr.i 21.14, 22.42, and Eis. 7.11/Eis.Syr.i
14.2). This is a closer equivalent of Greek ὅρος and ὁρισμός ‘definition’ than of
λόγος, usually rendered by ܐr ܡܠin Syriac texts, as also Athanasius of Balad
has it in his translation/revision of the Eisagoge. This might indicate that the
Greek copy of the Eisagoge at hand for the first translator had λόγος ὁριστικός at
9.15. Indeed, in his commentary to the Categories Porphyry uses this expres-
sion several times, (60.19,21, 63.7, 64.3,4,9,24f., 65.9,10). In connection to the
discussion on the various meanings of λόγος (64.28–65.11) he writes, inter alia,
that (65.1–4): λόγος δέ ἐστι καὶ κατ’ ἄλλο σημαινόμενον ὁ ὅρος, οὗτος δὲ ὁ λόγος ὁ
ὁριστικός· τὸ ὅλον τοῦτο λέγεται λόγος τῆς οὐσίας, ἡ γὰρ προσθήκη τῆς οὐσίας δια-
στέλλει αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων σημαινομένων τοῦ λόγου “Yet another signification
of logos is the definition, that is, the definitional account. The general term for
this is ‘the account of the essence’: the supplement of the ‘of the essence’ serves
206 chapter 8
103 See Porphyry (68.15–18); cf. also Arist. Metaph. (1031a12, 1043b24–32) and Barnes (2003:
339f.).
104 See for instance Dexip. (22.26–28), Ammon. (27.15–30), Philop. (33.6–33), and Simpl.
commentary 207
(49.31–50.15). According to Moraux (1973: 152 f.) this puzzle (aporia) might have been
raised by Lucius [Annaeus Cornutus] (first century ad), cf. Chase (2002: 132 n. 525), while
Simplicius (50.2–9) tells us that Boethos of Sidon (first century bc) already tried to solve
this difficulty.
105 Both Ammonius and Philoponus have οὐσία ‘substance’ here, while Sergius has 焏ܢqq
‘nature’.
106 All quotations from Porphyry’s Eisagoge are taken from the latest English translation by
Jonathan Barnes (2003), unless otherwise stated.
107 But such a definition is neither found in Andrew Smith’s (1993: 34–59) collection of
testimonies and extant fragments of this commentary on the Categories.
208 chapter 8
108 See especially Ammon. In Isag. (110.7–114.7), but also Philop. Syr. In Isag. (31.23–32.2/
焏 ܠ.٢٣ـ焯ܠ.٢, tr. 208.26–43), Elias In Isag. (91.2–93.8), David In Isag. (204.26–207.36), Anon.
Syr. In Isag. (56.21–57.16/熏 ܢ.٢١ـ熟 ܢ.١٦, tr. 248.44–250.3), and J.Damasc. Dialec. (ιγ/13.2–11).
109 The first Syriac translation of the Eisagoge has (29.4): 焏 ܠ煿܉ ܘܡܢ焏ܢr ܡrq ܓ煿ܡܢ
焏ܢrܡ, which is also found in Sergius’ A Natural Demonstration (178v12f.).
110 See Ammon. In Isag. (111.7–9), David In Isag. (205.14–16), and Anon.Syr. In Isag. (57.3–
12/熟 ܢ.٣ـ١٢, tr. 249.26–42).
111 Eis. 13.1–3: δύναται δὲ ἐπινοηθῆναι καὶ κόραξ λευκὸς καὶ Αἰθίοψ ἀποβαλὼν τὴν χροιὰν χωρὶς
φθορᾶς τοῦ ὑποκειμένου “it is possible to think of a white raven and an Ethiopian losing his
skin-color without the destruction of the subjects.”
commentary 209
§40 The next objection has also a very close parallel in Ammonius (In Isag.
111.18–21): ἀπορεῖται δὲ καὶ τοῦτο, πῶς λέγεται γίνεσθαι καὶ ἀπογίνεσθαι χωρὶς τῆς
τοῦ ὑποκειμένου φθορᾶς· ὁ γὰρ πυρετὸς γινόμενος φθείρει τὸν ἄνθρωπον ‘also this
problem is raised: how can he say ‘comes into being and falls away without
the destruction of its subjects’? [Eis. 12.24f.]. For when fever occurs, it destroys
man’. Sergius says that according to this objection fever would destroy the
‘body’ (焏ܡr熏)ܓ, while Ammonius gives ‘man’ (ἄνθρωπος), but then speci-
fies it as ‘body’ (σῶμα). Their subsequent solution to this problem is presented
slightly differently, but with common examples and conclusions. Both have
the example which runs as follows: when the strings (χορδαὶ 焏ܡܢ ̈ ) of a musi-
cal instrument are tightly stretched (ἐπιτείνεσθαι ܚr )ܐܬܡor are loosened
(ἀνίεσθαι q)ܐܬܪܦ, the harmony (ἁρμονία = 焏qܢ熏 )ܐܪܡand symmetry (συμμε-
τρία) of the musical tune is destroyed, but not the instrument (i.e. substrate)
itself. So also the lack of balance between heat and coldness in a body does
not destroy the essence of the animate body itself, but the temperament (κρᾶ-
σις 焏ܙܓ熏 )ܡor good temperament (εὐκρασία) in it.112 A similar summing-up
saying that none of the accidents (or not any ‘quality’) fights against its own
substrate, in which it has its subsistence, is also present in Ammonius113 and
David (In Isag. 206.16–29). Present in Ammonius also is the example of bald-
ness (φαλάκρα ܬܐ熏qr )ܩin the hair (θρίξ ܐr)ܣܥ, that it does not destroy the
hair as such, but appears in the skull (κεφαλή ܐrܩܦr)ܩ.114 Sergius’ description
of these two examples is more closely presented by Elias (In Isag. 92.20–23): ἡ
φαλάκρωσις οὐ τὴν κεφαλὴν φθείρει τὸ ὑποκείμενον ἀλλὰ τὴν τρίχωσιν, καὶ ἡ ἁρμο-
νία οὐ τὰς χορδὰς φθείρει τὸ ὑποκείμενον ἀλλὰ τὸ ἀντικείμενον, φημὶ τὴν ἀναρμοστίαν
‘the baldness does not destroy the skull, (which is) the substrate, but the growth
of hair, and harmony does not destroy the strings, (which is) the substrate, but
the contrary state (occurs), I mean disharmony/discord’, (see also David In Isag.
206.29–34).
112 Ammon. In Isag. (113.21–22): ὡς τὴν συμμετρίαν τῆς τοῦ ὑποκειμένου κράσεως φθεῖραι ‘as to
destroy the symmetry of the temperament of the substrate’.
113 Ammon. In Isag. (112.6–8): οὐδεμία δὲ ποιότης μάχεται τῷ ἰδίῳ ὑποκειμένῳ ἢ φθείρει τὸ ἐν ᾧ τὴν
ὑπόστασιν ἔχει· φθείρουσα γὰρ τὸ ὑποκείμενον καὶ ἑαυτὴν συμφθείρει ‘no quality fights against
its own substrate or destroys that in which it subsists. For if the substrate is destroyed it,
too, will be destroyed along with it’.
114 Ammon. In Isag. (113.26–28): ἀποροῦσι δὲ καὶ περὶ τῆς φαλάκρας· φασὶ γὰρ φθείρειν τὸ
ὑποκείμενον, τὰς τρίχας. ἰστέον τοίνυν, ὅτι οὐχ ὑπόκεινται τῇ φαλάκρᾳ αἱ τρίχες ἀλλ’ ἡ κεφαλή,
καὶ αὕτη οὐ φθείρεται ‘they raise an objection also about baldness. For they say that the
substrate destroys the hair. Now, one must know that the hair is not the underlying subject
of baldness, but the skull, and it is not destroyed’.
210 chapter 8
§41 Simple and compound substances. For a description of simple and com-
pound substances in Aristotle’s own writings, see Metaph. 1029a1–7 and
1042a26–31, (cf. Dexip. 41.8–12). In Sergius’ presentation we have the sole matter
and form as simple substances, while the composition (συναμφότερος 焏ܒq)ܪܘ
of both of them constitutes compound substance (σύνθετος οὐσία 焏qܐܘܣ
ܐrܒqr)ܡ. That the parts of substance, that is matter and form, are by them-
selves substances was stated by Aristotle (Cat. 3a29–32). This passage has a very
close parallel in Ammonius (35.18–36.2) and Philoponus (49.23–50.1), with the
exception of Ammonius’ pagan example of “substance of gods” as being simple
substance superior to the composite one, (Ammon. 35.18–22): τῆς δὲ οὐσίας ἡ
μέν ἐστιν ἁπλῆ ἡ δὲ σύνθετος, καὶ τῆς ἁπλῆς ἡ μὲν κρείττων τῆς συνθέτου ἡ δὲ χεί-
ρων. ἔστι δὲ σύνθετος μὲν οὐσία ἄνθρωπος καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα, ἁπλῆ δὲ καὶ κρείττων τῆς
συνθέτου ἡ τῶν θείων οὐσία, ἁπλῆ δὲ καὶ χείρων τῆς συνθέτου ἡ ὕλη ἡ πρώτη καὶ
τὸ εἶδος “Some substance is simple, some composite. Some simple substance is
better than composite, some is inferior. Man and things of that sort are compos-
ite substances. The substance of the gods is simple substance that is better than
the composite. Simple substance that is inferior to the composite is prime mat-
ter and form.” For the related passages at some other commentators, see Porph.
(88.13–22), Simpl. (74.18–19, followed by lacuna), and Anon. (11.33–37).
In Sergius’ description of the categories of existence a vertical perspective
can be discerned. Generally, he uses the prepositions 爯 ܡrqr‘ ܠbelow’ and
爯 ܡ爏‘ ܠܥabove’ in order to describe their mutual relation. In the translation
of the Eisagoge the same tendency can be observed. Where Porphyry has terms
like πρὸ ‘before’ and μετά ‘after’ occasionally indicating a more horizontal point
of view regarding their distribution, the Syriac translation has sometimes ren-
dered them by these prepositions, as can be seen from the following instances:
The πρό at Eis. 5.6,5.58,7.17 is faithfully rendered by ܡ煟( ܩEis.Syr.i 11.6,12.16,
16.18), but at Eis. 5.11,5.13,5.16 it is given by 爏( ܠܥEis.Syr.i 11.14,11.17, 12.3).115 In the
same way, even if μετά in this section usually is rendered by ܪrܒ, we find also
that at least once (Eis. 5.14 = Eis.Syr.i 11.18) rqr ܠis offered.
Sergius’ explanation of substance as a supreme genus containing many
things with their connected differences is a more complete survey of the so
115 At Eis. 5.7 for πρό even rqr ܠis given (Eis.Syr.i 11.8).
commentary 211
called Porphyry’s tree already touched upon, (see § 20). For a drawing of such
a tree, see Barnes (2003: 110) and also Mansfeld (1992: 98 and 78–109). The
following depiction can be drawn based on Sergius’ description:
§42 Higher than each other. The reciprocal expression ܕܐ煟q̈ 爯ܡ ̣ 爯qq“ ܕܥܠthat
are higher one than another” is problematic. We would expect that this view
was expressing that something is higher than something else, instead of the
mutual relation (ἄλληλα ܕܐ煟q̈ 爯‘ ܡeach other’). However, Porphyry also uses
a prefixed form of the same pronoun, only to convey the opposite perspective:
ὑπάλληλα ‘under each other’ (81.30, 83.35, 93.19 passim; cf. Arist. Cat. 1b21).
116 For the “tree”, see also Porph. (83.25–84.9), Philop. Syr. (In Isag. 28.10–29.8/qq .١٠ ـqq .٧,
tr. 205.9–206.2), J.Damasc. Dialec. (ιʹ/10.140–159 and μζʹ/47.1–23).
212 chapter 8
§42 Gives its name and its nature to each item beneath it. The higher genera
contain all those beneath them and are predicated of them, whereas the lower
are not predicated of the higher, since the more general genera do not include
the differences of the more specific genera and species (cf. Cat. 1b22–24, Porph.
72.7f., 80.16–23, and Philop. 62.15). A similar passage to that of Sergius is found
in John of Damascus (Dialec. ιʹ/10.160–161): τὸ εἶδος τεμνόμενον μεταδίδωσι τοῖς
ὑποκάτω αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος καὶ τοῦ ὅρου “when the species is divided, it
communicates both its name and its definition to those inferior to itself.”117 See
also Porph. (84.10–86.4).
§44–45 The question about the division of substance, and the three manners
of division. The problem of how substance is divided into primary and sec-
ondary substances is more explicitly formulated in Sergius’ text than we find it
in Ammonius commentary, though the latter’s discussion implies such a ques-
tion and its solution. The account of the various ways in which division can be
carried out is present in Ammonius’ text (37.22–38.22) in connection with Aris-
totle’s mention of secondary substances (Cat. 2a14), but also in his commentary
on the Eisagoge (6.3f.). Ammonius, Philoponus (53.18–55.2), and Simplicius
(61.19–27) give three main modes of division, which according to Ammonius
(38.1f.) are: (1) γένος εἰς εἴδη ‘a genus into species’, (2) ὅλον εἰς μέρη ‘a whole into
parts’, and (3) φωνὴ ὁμώνυμος εἰς διάφορα σημαινόμενα ‘a homonymous word118
into different senses’. These were the three essential divisions in Antiquity,119
while some commentators provide a list of six or even eight modes of divi-
sion, including those referring to both substance and accident.120 Nevertheless,
117 Richter (1982: 105): “Schließlich teilt die Art, wenn sie gegliedert wird, den Individuen
unter ihr die Bezeichnung und die Bestimmung mit.”
118 Sergius has ܬܐ熏‘ ܨܒobject’ here in order to emphasize a more ontological view.
119 As Chase (2002: 142 n. 663) writes: “Sextus Empiricus (Outlines of Pyrrhonism 2,214ff.) and
Alcinous (Didaskalikos 5, 156,34–157,10 Hermann), agree that there are three principal
types of diairesis: that of names into their meanings; that of a whole into its parts; and
that of a genus into its species. Cf. Clement of Alexandria Stromata viii.19,1–8. As a fourth
type, Sextus mentions the division of a species into particulars; while Alcinous adds two
more: that of subjects into accidents and of accidents into subjects. The classification of
types of division appears to be of Stoic origin.” See also Stephanus, In De Int. (4.11–36). For
the history of the division tradition, see Mansfeld (1992: 326–331, Appendix ii: Diaeresis),
with the literature cited there; and the introduction of Magee to his edition and translation
of Boethius, De divisione liber, (1998: xxiv–lvii).
120 As John of Damascus writes (Dialec. ϛʹ/6.46–49): πᾶν γὰρ διαιρούμενον ἢ καθ’ αὑτὸ διαιρεῖται
ἤγουν κατ’ οὐσίαν ἢ κατὰ συμβεβηκός “Thus, everything that is divided is divided either
according to itself, namely, according to substance, or according to accident.” Such a
commentary 213
these commentators state that only three of them are essential.121 Elias (In Isag.
67.23–69.18) gives six manners of division, while David (In Isag. 65.14–68.2) and
John of Damascus (Dialec. ϛʹ/6.45–143) give eight.122
Characteristically, this section of Sergius’ treatise is concise and compact,
while the parallel passage in his Commentary on the Categories (L.34v20 ff./
P.43r17ff.) is more detailed. To illustrate the connection between Sergius and
Ammonius it will help here to give the parallel passage from Ammonius’ com-
mentary on Eisagoge (In Isag. 81.17–82.1): πάντα τὰ διαιρούμενα ἢ ὡς γένη εἰς εἴδη
διαιρεῖται, (…) ἢ ὡς ὅλον εἰς μέρη, καὶ τοῦτο διττόν, ἢ γὰρ εἰς ὁμοιομερῆ διαιρεῖται ἢ
εἰς ἀνομοιομερῆ (…), ἢ ὡς ὁμώνυμος φωνὴ εἰς διάφορα σημαινόμενα, ὡς ὅταν εἴπω-
μεν, τοῦ κυνὸς ὁ μέν ἐστι χερσαῖος ὁ δὲ θαλάττιος ὁ δὲ ἀστρῷος ‘everything divided
is divided either as genera into species, (…) or as a whole into parts, and this is
done twofold: for either into similar parts or into dissimilar parts,123 (…) or as
homonymous words into different senses, as we already have said, terrestrial,
aquatic, and starry may refer to dog’. Thus, Sergius uses just ‘word’124 for Ammo-
nius’ ὁμώνυμος φωνή ‘homonymous words’, although his examples of different
things signified by the word ‘dog’ above at §20 were those given for homonyms.
But the division into parts like each other (ὁμοιομερῆ 爯qܡ ̈ ܬܐ ܕܕ熏̈ )ܡܢand not
̈ ̈
like each other (ἀνομοιομερῆ 爯q ܕܡ焏ܬܐ ܕܠ熏 )ܡܢis the same, and it is present
in several commentators.
Ammonius, Philoponus, and Sergius rule out the possibility that substance
is divided according to any of these three modes of division, by using slightly
different arguments in dismissing each of the three alternatives. Then, they
conclude that Aristotle gives an ordering and not a division of substance, as
distinction and a more elaborate division is also found in the dialogue of Jacob/Severus
bar Shakko, in the part claiming to reproduce the teaching of Stephanus of Alexandria
(Steph. Syr. In Isag. 18.18–20.9/qq .١٨ ـqq .٩). For the three primary divisions and three
secondary ones, see also Boethius, De divisione liber 6.17–26 and the commentary of Magge
pp. 67ff.
121 As David In Isag. (66.24 f.) writes: οὐκ εἰσὶ κυρίως τρόποι διαιρετικοὶ ὀκτὼ ἀλλὰ τρεῖς ‘strictly
speaking the divisive modes are not eight but three’.
122 In addition to these six divisions, David presents two more: an accident into accidents
and the ‘deriving from one thing ⟨and⟩ relating to one thing’ (ἀφ’ ἑνὸς πρὸς ἕν or ἀφ’ ἑνὸς
καὶ πρὸς ἕν, for his clarification of these two, see In Isag. 66.11–23); see Hein (1985: 131–142).
123 For these terms, see Aristotle’s History of Animals (486a5–9), and the explanation of them
by Chase (2002: 142 f. nn. 666 and 667).
124 Also in his Commentary, Sergius has (L.34va24–26/P.43r19): ܐrܡqqr 焏ܬ ܩܠr ܒqqܐ
ܐrܠܦq̈rܬܐ ܡ熏̈ܒ犏‘ ܠas a simple word into different entities’, while in his Concerning the
Division of Substance, where he as well gives the modes of division, has (171rb30f.) qqܐ
爯q ܕ̈ܡ焏ܬܐ ܕܠ熏̈ܒ犏 ܠ焏 ̈ܩܠr‘ ̈ܒܢas words into dissimilar objects’.
214 chapter 8
Ammonius expresses it (38.21f.): φαμὲν οὖν ὅτι τάξιν παραδίδωσιν αὐτῆς, οὐκέτι
δὲ καὶ διαίρεσιν “Thus we say that he gives an ordering [τάξις = 焏ܣqq] of
substance, but not a division.” For different solution(s) to this problem, see also
Dexippus (46.30–47.13) and Simplicius (88.6–29).
Lastly, Sergius’ argument that ‘amongst the species that pertain to the same
genus there is no prior and posterior’ has its parallel at least in Elias, who has (In
Isag. 68.19f.): ἐπὶ γὰρ τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ γένους διαιρεθέντων εἰδῶν οὐκ ἔστι τὸ πρότερον
καὶ ὕστερον ‘for amongst the species branched off from a genus there is no prior
and posterior’. This would indicate that the statement has a previous history in
the commentary tradition.
§49 Species are closer to primary substance than genera, and are superior to
them (cf. Porph. 92.36–93.24). The notion that Sergius sets out here reflects
the most severe difference in the ontological views of Plato and Aristotle. As
is known, the original and most general forms/ideas were considered by Plato
to be principal and superior, whereas Aristotle held the opposite standpoint,
saying that the most specific and concrete substances are primary and thereby
superior, since these are nearest to us and we can perceive them and predi-
cate the more general genera of them. Steven K. Strange makes an attempt to
clarify how the Categories could become so popular among the Platonists con-
sidering this fundamental disagreement.125 He states: “What is fundamentally
anti-Platonist about Categories §5 is its argument that less universal substance
is ontologically prior to more universal substance, and that particular sub-
stance is primary”, (Strange 1992: 4). This obvious difference of opinion was
the most significant challenge for the Neoplatonist philosopher to deal with
and to somehow find a way to explain in order to harmonize the thought of
Plato and that of Aristotle with each other. Therefore, to define the goal of the
Categories became an important approach to finding an explanation of this
question. A solution that tries to show that the Categories is “not inconsistent
with orthodox Platonism” (op. cit., p. 5) was offered by Porphyry (90.12–91.27),
who declared that the Categories is not a metaphysical work, but rather a logi-
cal work. He adopted “an earlier Peripatetic line of interpretation that sees the
Categories as principally about terms or linguistic items, which Porphyry calls
‘predicates’” (op. cit., p. 7). And though Aristotle in the Categories (2b7 f., 14a29–
35, 14b11–13) and Metaphysics (1019a1–4) asserts that the particular substances
125 Strange does so in his important study from 1987, of which a different version was attached
as introduction to his translation of Porphyry’s commentary on Aristotle’s Categories
(1992), from which I cite here. See also the study of Striker (2011).
commentary 215
are prior, in the Posterior Analytics (71b33–72a5) he “states that universals are
prior in the order of nature” (Strange 1992: 11 and n. 30 ad loc.). The explana-
tory model of Porphyry was adopted by most subsequent commentators, and
it says that the particular substances are primary with respect to perception,
but they are secondary by nature (see Philop. 50.2 ff., 53.7–13). Porphyry writes
(91.23–25): ὥστε ὡς πρὸς τὰς σημαντικὰς λέξεις πρῶται οὐσίαι αἱ ἄτομοι αἰσθηταί, ὡς
δὲ πρὸς τὴν φύσιν πρῶται αἱ νοηταί “Thus with respect to significant expressions
sensible individuals are primary substances, but as regards nature, intelligible
substances are primary.” There are descriptions of the notion that species are
nearer to primary substance and are superior to genus also by other commen-
tators.126
For Sergius’ part, this is not a big issue, since he should be viewed more
as a Peripatetic than a Platonist (see pp. 34f. and 48 f. above). As a conse-
quence, there are not many traces of any discussion about this question in his
Introduction, although the debate is reproduced in his Commentary proper on
the Categories (L.35va19–36vb30/P.44r14–45v16), where he, inter alia, declares
(L.35va19–26/P.44r18–21): ܬܐ熏܉ ܕܨ̈ܒrܡ焏 ܕܢr ܐܢqqr ܡ爯q ܗܕܐ ܕ爏ܘܐܦ ܥ
爯qܠq ܘܐ.爯q煿qrqܐ ܐrqrq ܐ爯 ܠ焏ܢqqܐ ܠrq̈ܡ煟 ܩ爯q煿qrq ܕܐ爯qܠqܐ
.爯q煿qrqܐ ܐrqܡ ̈ 煟 ܩ爯ܐ ܠrqrq ܐ焏ܢqq ܠ爯q煿qrq‘ ܕܐand also concerning this
someone might say: those things which are primary to nature are secondary
to us, and those which are secondary to nature are primary to us’, (see how-
ever also Sergius’ discussion at §77). As expected, the contents of this section
in Sergius’ Commentary concur with the accounts of Ammonius (36.2–21) and
Philoponus (50.1–51.21), while the shorter exposition relates more closely to
Porphyry (92.6–16). For the presentation of this problem and a discussion on
it, see also Dexippus (44.32–45.11) and Simplicius (82.1–35).
The adverb rq焏ܢqq( ܡmǝḥayyǝnāʾīṯ) ‘appropriately’ at § 49 (B.90v13) is
indistinctly written in our manuscript, but it is also present in the correspond-
ing passage at L.36vb6/P.45v5. It is otherwise not attested in Syriac dictio-
naries, but again it seems to appear three times in Sergius’ On the Influence
of the Moon (at 煟ܩܒ/124.6,11,14), where its editor Sachau has twice wrongly
emended it to rq焏qq‘ ܡܢpleasingly’ (√nwḥ). Sachau bases his emendation on
the second occurrence of the adverb at 124.11, where the manuscript, accord-
ing to him, reads the emended rq焏qqܡܢ, although our reading fits better
in that context. Also its more common adjectival form 焏ܢqq̣̇‘ ܡrelated/con-
126 See Ammon. (41.19–24), Philop. (59.5–17, 76.2–77.24), Olymp. (64.13–35); Elias (168.5–
169.2), and Simpl. (88.32–90.6). On the subject of Porphyry’s reinterpretation of the ontol-
ogy of the Categories, see also Evangeliou (1988, esp. pp. 22, 60–66, and 164–169).
216 chapter 8
nected’ (passive participle form paʿʿel of the secondary root 爯qq/ḥyn) occurs at
P.50r18 (lacuna in L) and in Sergius’ A Natural Demonstration (bl Add 12155,
fol. 178ra47). The related passages for the adverb rq焏ܢqq ܡin Porphyry (92.9)
and Ammonius (41.26) has the Greek οἰκείως ‘appropriately/properly’, while
Philoponus (59.22) uses at first the adverb ὑγιῶς ‘soundly’, which is immediately
(59.23) followed by the comparative form οἰκειότερον, the form that Aristotle
also has in the lines expounded here (Cat. 2b8–10). As usual, Sergius has cho-
sen to construe a semantic equivalence for οἰκείως (from οἶκος ‘house’), instead
of the etymological one adopted by later translators. Sergius’ term was proba-
bly more easily understood by an uninitiated reader than the calque rqܐrqܒ
would have been. In the first Syriac translation of Porphyry’s Eisagoge (11.12),
οἰκείως is rendered by an adjective plus infinitive (25.15): ܥrܐ ܠܡܦ犏qܬܪ
‘it is accurate to reply’, while in the revision of Athanasius of Balad we find
the etymologically equivalent adverb rqܐrq( ܒfrom ܐrq‘ ܒhouse’). The first
Syriac translation of the Categories, on the other hand, has rq焏ܠܢq‘ ܕparticu-
larly’ (Cat. 2b33/A.104.16) or even its substantive form ܐrqܠq‘ ܕparticularity’
(Cat. 6b37,39/A.124.15,18), and rq焏ܢr‘ ܡproperly’ (Cat. 7a4,31/A.124.21,126.18)
for οἰκείως, whereas the translations of Jacob of Edessa (259.4 passim) and
George, Bishop of the Arabs (13.11 passim) give rqܐrq ܒthroughout. The
adverb rq焏ܢr( ܡfrom ܐr‘ ܡlord’) in the anonymous translation of the Cat-
egories corresponds rather to Greek κυρίως ‘properly/strictly (speaking)’ (from
κύριος ‘lord’), which in Sergius’ text is rendered by rqܐrqrq (see also the last
section of comm. §53–60 and Brock 1989: 49). The term rq焏ܢr ܡoccurs also
in Paul the Persian’s Treatise on the Logic of Aristotle at 9.7 and 10.26.127
§50–51 Why are accidents not in turn named tertiary substances? The dispute
concerning why accidents are not also called tertiary substances is expressed
with reference to Cat. 2b29f., where Aristotle says: Εἰκότως δὲ μετὰ τὰς πρώτας
οὐσίας μόνα τῶν ἄλλων τὰ εἴδη καὶ τὰ γένη δεύτεραι οὐσίαι λέγονται “It is reasonable
that, after the primary substances, their species and genera should be the only
other things called secondary substances.” Relating to this question, Ammo-
nius declares that (43.16f.): Νῦν τὴν αἰτίαν λέγει δι’ ἣν τὰ γένη καὶ τὰ εἴδη δευτέρας
οὐσίας ἐκάλεσε, τὰ δὲ συμβεβηκότα οὐκέτι τρίτας οὐσίας εἶπε “Now he states the
reason why he has called genera and species secondary substances, but not said
that accidents are tertiary substances”, and then he presents the two main argu-
127 See also its occurrences in Paul’s Elucidation of Peri Hermeneias 48.26 and 64.33, and
the comment of Hugonnard-Roche (2013: 102f.). For the adjective 焏qܢr‘ ܡdominical’, see
Brock (2010: 114 f.).
commentary 217
ments why accidents are not named tertiary substances (43.17–44.4), which has
its parallel in Philoponus (61.20–30) too. Ammonius specifies the first argument
as deriving ἀπὸ τῆς ἀποδόσεως τοῦ ὁρισμοῦ ‘from giving a definition’ (cf. Arist.
Top. 108b9,19f.), while Philoponus has ἐκ τῆς σχέσεως ‘by relation’, and both call
the second manner ἐκ τῆς ἀναλογίας ‘by analogy’. Sergius does not describe the
two manners by name, but he offers the same examples. His conclusion dif-
fers from that of Ammonius and is closer to that of Philoponus, by the fact that
they focus on the argument that species and genera signify primary substance,
while accidents do not do so, which is actually Porphyry’s argument (92.6–16).
Ammonius, on the other hand, emphasizes the setting out of a definition and
its inference. The second argument is found also in Porphyry (92.7–35), saying
that species and genera are substrates for all other things, whereas accidents
do not underlie anything else. For a mention of this aporia, see also Simplicius
(90.7–12).
§52 Sergius’ terminology for ὑποκείμενον ‘subject’. The expression here (at
126.21–128.1) that Sergius employs to convey the meaning of ὑποκεῖσθαι ‘under-
lie’, ‘to be subject/substrate for’ (Arist. Cat. 2b15f., 33) is ܠ爯qܡqܣ, the plural of
爟qܣ. This Syriac word is a passive participle of the verb 爟( ܣroot 爟qܣ/sym),
which in the passive is an etymological equivalent of the Greek verb κεῖσθαι
‘to lie’, and its active form corresponds to the transitive τιθέναι ‘to put/place’.
In his two commentaries, Sergius does not utilize any form of this verbal root
to designate the substantive ὑποκείμενον ‘subject’, but in his A Natural Demon-
stration (bl Add 12155) we find twice 爟q‘ ̇ܗܘ ܕܣwhat is placed’. Once, when
he refers to Porphyry’s definition of accident at Eis. 12.24 f. Sergius has there
(178ra31–33): ܕ̇ܗܘ煿ܒܠ熏q 爯 ܡrq܇ ܣ爏qܡ ܕ̇ܗܘܐ ܘ̇ܒ煟܉ ܡ焏r煟 ܕܓ焏ܡ熏qܬ
爟q‘ ܕܣthe definition of accident: something that occurs and disappears with-
out the destruction of the substrate’.128 And a second time at 178rb28. The
expression 爟q( ̇ܗܘ ܕܣequivalent to Greek τὸ κείμενον), and the related ܡ煟ܡ
爟q‘ ܕܣsomething placed’ (equivalent to κείμενον τι), come to function as the
technical term for ‘subject’ by later commentators and translators, (see King
2010b: 176f.). Despite the fact that Sergius most likely coined 爟q ̇ܗܘ ܕܣfor ὑπο-
κείμενον, he prefers to use inflected forms of 煿ܘܗܝ ܒrq ܕܐ焏‘ ̇ܗܘ ܡthat in
which it is’ and 煿 ܕ̇ܗܘܐ ܒ焏‘ ̇ܗܘ ܡthat in which it occurs’, to serve for the
meaning of ‘subject’. The fact that these phrases appear also in the first Syr-
iac version of Porphyry’s Eisagoge, further strengthens the connection between
128 Also in the first Syriac translation of Porphyry’s Eisagoge, there is once (46.14f./Eis. 21.13)
爟q ܕܣ焏‘ ̇ܗܘ ܡthat which is placed’ for τὸ ὑποκείμενον ‘subject’.
218 chapter 8
this translation and Sergius. In this translation, it has the following forms:
煿 ܕ̇ܗܘܐ ܒ焏( ܕ̇ܗܘ ܡEis. 12.24f./Eis.Syr.i 29.3), 煿ܘܗܝ ܒrq ܕܐ焏( ܕ̇ܗܘ ܡEis.
13.3/Eis.Syr.i 29.9; Athanasius of Balad has at both these instances 爟q)ܕ̇ܗܘ ܕܣ,
煿ܘܗܝ ܒrq ܕܐ焏ܘ ܡ煿̇( ܒEis. 20:20f./Eis.Syr.i 45.8 f.; Athanasius of Balad:
爟q ܕܣ焏ܘ ܡ煿̇)ܠ, and once also just 焏ܢrqܡ ܐ煟‘ ܒܡin something else’ (Eis.
13.5/Eis.Syr.i 29.14f.; Athanasius of Balad: 爟qܘ ܕܣ煿̇)ܒ, and ܬܐ熏‘ ܨ̈ܒobjects’
̈ q ܕܣ爯q)ܗܠ.
(Eis. 20.3/Eis.Syr.i 43.17; Athanasius of Balad: 爯ܡ
Sergius’ usages answers well to Aristotle’s specification of being ‘in a subject’
at Cat. 1a24f., where he writes: ἐν ὑποκειμένῳ δὲ λέγω ὃ ἔν τινι μὴ ὡς μέρος
ὑπάρχον ἀδύνατον χωρὶς εἶναι τοῦ ἐν ᾧ ἐστίν “By ‘in a subject’ I mean what is in
something, not as a part, and cannot exist separately from what it is in”, and to
the explanation of Porphyry at 77.18: ἐν ὑποκειμένῳ ἔφη ἐκεῖνο εἶναι τὸ ἔν τινι ὄν “by
‘in a subject’ he means what exists in something.”
§53–60 The four modes of a (distinctive) property. This description of the four
specific features that constitute a property (Greek τὸ ἴδιον, for which some-
times the Latin proprium is used in translation), that is to say, what is peculiar
and distinctive of a certain substance, is given by Porphyry at Eisagoge (12.12–
22) and also discussed in his question-answer commentary on the Categories
(93.26–94.28), where he gives only three types of property. As the translators
Cohen and Matthews explain, Aristotle himself in the Topics (102a18–30) uses
the term ἴδιον “in a semi-technical way to indicate a non-accidental charac-
teristic that is distinctive, but not part of the essence, of the subject” (1991: 55
n. 71). In other words, that is what is defined as οὐσιώδης ‘essential’ and ἐπουσι-
ώδης ‘non-essential’ to something by the Neoplatonists in their interpretation
of especially the above given relevant passage of Porphyry’s Eisagoge.129 The
four peculiarities or peculiar characteristics according to Porphyry, Ammonius,
Stephanus, and Sergius are:
129 Cf. Ammon. In Isag. (109.1–3), David In Isag. (200.17–23), Elias In Isag. (89.5–11). These
four properties are also specified by Stephanus of Alexandria (Steph. Syr. In Isag. 30.32–
31.23/ ܠ.٣٢ ܠـܐ ـ.٢٣, tr. 207.35–208.25 apud Jacob/Severus bar Shakko), and will be given
below.
commentary 219
all (as doctoring or doing geometry of man)”, and Ammon. In Isag. (109.13–
15): πρῶτον ὃ μόνῳ τινὶ συμβέβηκεν, οὐ παντὶ δέ, ὡς τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τὸ ἰατρεύειν τὸ
φιλοσοφεῖν τὸ ἀστρονομεῖν τὸ γεωμετρεῖν ἤ τι τῶν τοιούτων ‘first as what only
happens to belong to a subject but not in every subject of a species, as prac-
tising medicine or philosophy or astronomy or geometry, etc. may belong
to man’. Steph. Syr. In Isag. (31.1f.): .煿ܠq ܠ熏 ܠ焏܇ ܐܠ焏r ܐܕ煟q ܕܠ焏̇ܗܘ ܡ
rq ܐܘ ܕܢܡ焏ܣ焏 ̇ܗܝ ܕܢ焏rܢr ܕܠܒ焏ܢ熟q‘ ܐwhat (belongs) to one species,
but not to all of it, as it (belongs) to man to practise medicine and geometry’.
2) What is accidentally or potentially found in all the individuals of a species,
but not only in that species, as all individuals of man and some other animals
are two-footed; (Eis. 12.14f.): ὃ παντὶ συμβέβηκεν τῷ εἴδει, εἰ καὶ μὴ μόνῳ, ὡς τῷ
ἀνθρώπῳ τὸ εἶναι δίποδι “what is an accident of all the species, even if not of it
alone (as being biped of man)”, and Ammon. In Isag. (109.15–17): δεύτερον δὲ
ὃ παντὶ μέν, οὐ μόνῳ δέ, ὡς ἀνθρώπῳ τὸ εἶναι δίποδι· παντὶ γὰρ ἀνθρώπῳ ὑπάρχει,
οὐ μόνῳ δέ· καὶ γὰρ καὶ πετεινοῖς ὑπάρχει τὸ δίποσιν εἶναι ‘second, what belongs
to every instance, though not only to it, such as being two-footed belongs to
man. It belongs to every man, but not only to man, for it also belongs to birds
to be two-footed’. Steph. Syr. In Isag. (31.2f.): 熏܇ ܘܠ焏r ܐܕ煿ܠq ܕܠ焏̇ܗܘ ܡ
焏rܢr ܠܒ焏ܓܠr ܬ熏ܢq ܬܪqq ܐ.ܕܘܗܝ熏q ܒܠ煿‘ ܠwhat (belongs) to a whole
species, but not to it alone, as bipedality/two-footedness to man’.
3) What is accidentally or potentially found in one species alone and in all
the individuals of it, however not always but sometimes, as a human being
turning grey at some point of life; Eis. (12.16f.): ὃ μόνῳ καὶ παντὶ καὶ ποτέ, ὡς
ἀνθρώπῳ παντὶ τὸ ἐν γήρᾳ πολιοῦσθαι “what holds of it alone and of all of it
and at some time (as going grey in old age of man)”, and Ammon. In Isag.
(109.17f.): τρίτον δὲ ὃ καὶ μόνῳ καὶ παντί, οὐκ ἀεὶ δὲ ἀλλὰ ποτέ, ὡς ἀνθρώπῳ τὸ ἐν
γήρᾳ πολιοῦσθαι ‘third, what belongs to a subject both exclusively and wholly,
although not always but only sometimes, as having grey hair in old age
belongs to man’. Steph. Syr. In Isag. (31.3f.): 熏 ܠ焏܇ ܐܠ焏r ܐܕ煿ܠq ܕܠ焏̇ܗܘ ܡ
ܬܐ熏ܒq ܣ爯ܒ熟ܪܘܬܐ ܒ熏q qq ܐ.爯ܒ熟ܠq‘ ܒwhat (belongs) to a whole species,
but not always, as grey in the time of old age’.
4) What essentially as a potentiality is found in one species alone (no. 1), in all
of its individuals (no. 2), and always (no. 3), as all the individuals of human
species alone can laugh whenever they like; Eis. (12.17f.): ἐφ’ οὗ συνδεδράμηκεν
τὸ μόνῳ καὶ παντὶ καὶ ἀεί, ὡς τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τὸ γελαστικόν “where ‘alone and all
and always’ coincide (as laughing of man)”, and Ammon. In Isag. (109.19–21):
τέταρτον δὲ ἐφ’ οὗ συνδεδράμηκε καὶ τὸ μόνῳ καὶ παντὶ καὶ ἀεί, οἷον τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ
τὸ γελαστικὸν καὶ τῷ ἵππῳ τὸ χρεμετιστικὸν καὶ κυνὶ τὸ ὑλακτικόν ‘fourth, in
which ‘alone’, ‘all’ and ‘always’ coincide, as for example laughing of man,
neighing of horse, and barking of dog’, (cf. Elias In Isag. 36.17f.). Steph. Syr.
220 chapter 8
In Isag. (31.4f.): ܕܘܗܝ熏q ܒܠ煿 ̇ܗܝ ܕܠ.爯q煿ܠq 130爯qܗr ܐ煟qq ܐ煿 ܕܠ焏̇ܗܘ ܡ
焏qܣ熏ܬܐ ܠܣ熏 ܘܨܗܘܠ焏rܢrܬܐ ܠܒ熏q熏q ܓqq ܐ.爯ܒ熟ܠq ܘܒ煿ܠq‘ ܘܠthat
in which they all coincide, that of ‘it alone’, ‘all of it’, and ‘always’, as laughing
of man and neighing of horse’.
Only the last one is said to be a property ‘in the strict sense’ (Eis. 12.20/Eis.Syr.i
28.16: κυρίως rqܐrqrq), in completing the insufficiency of the other three and
actualizing and realizing the potentiality of them, and also in being reciproca-
ble, that is ‘man’ can be deduced from ‘laughter’, and ‘laughter’ can be deduced
from ‘man’ (cf. among others Elias In Isag. 36.25–30 and Steph. Syr. In Isag.
31.12–15). For the discussion on the modes of property, see especially Ammon.
In Isag. (108.20–110.6, to which Sergius’ rendering is closely related), and also
Ammon. (44.5–25), where he only defines the last mode, which is said to be a
property in the strictest sense.131
Sergius uses the abstract noun ܬܐ熏qܠq ܕto represent the Greek τὸ ἴδιον,
which is also the usual form used in the first translation of the Eisagoge (see
̈
Eis. 1.5,12.13/Eis.Syr.i 1.6,28.2 passim), even in plural ܬܐ熏qܠq ܕfor τὰ ἴδια (Eis.
2.19/Eis.Syr.i 4.14). But in this translation, we find also the form ܐrqܠq( ܕEis.
12.5/Eis.Syr.i 27.6, and Eis. 12.17/Eis.Syr.i 28.9f.: τέταρτον δέ ⟨ἴδιον⟩ 爯qܐ ܕrqܠqܕ
ܐrqܥq )ܪܒand its plural ܐrq̈ܠq( ܕEis. 16.10/Eis.Syr.i 36.11). Unexpectedly, this
latter form is elsewhere used for the abstract Greek form ἰδιότης (Eis. 20.7/
Eis.Syr.i 44.5: αἱ κοινότητες καὶ αἱ ἰδιότητες τῆς διαφορᾶς ܐrq̈ܠqܐ ܘܕrq̈ܢ熏ܓ
焏ܢrr熏‘ ܕܦthe general and proper features of differences’, and Eis. 7.23,25,
22.11/Eis.Syr.i 17.10,11, 48.9) in this translation. The non-abstract form ܐrqܠqܕ
(pl. ܐrq̈ܠq )ܕbecame the prevalent form for τὸ ἴδιον in later times (see King
2010b: 318). Athanasius of Balad uses it for ἰδιότης as well (at Eis. 7.23).
In accordance with his customary method, Sergius employs a semantic
equivalent for κύριος/κυρίως (see also the end of comm. § 49). He uses an
adjective (ܬܐrqrq ܬܐ熏qܠq‘ ܕa real property’), and the (anonymous) Syriac
translation of Eisagoge (Eis. 12.20/Eis.Syr.i 28.16) has the above given adverbial
form of this word. Also Steph. Syr. In Isag. (31.12) has ܬܐrqrq ܐrqܠq‘ ܕa real
property’. In contrast, Athanasius of Balad in his revision has an etymological
equivalent: rq焏ܢr‘ ܡlike a lord’, which is also found in the translators of
the Categories (5a38, 5b8: A.116.15,25, J.267.22, 268.9, G.19.16,25, cf. King 2010b:
§61 The properties of substance. In his Commentary, Sergius states, like the
Greek commentators, that an adequate definition of substance cannot be pro-
vided, since it is the highest genus, above which there is no other genus to which
it can be referred, (L.38ra33–b1/P.47r17–19): 煟 ܠܡܥܒ焏q犏 ܡ焏 ܗܝ ܕܠ焏ܥq煟q
爿 ܓܢ焏ܕ ܐܠ熏q ܒܠ焏 ܓܢܣ熏 ܠ煿̇qrq܇ ܕܐ焏q ܐܘܣ爏 ܥrqܐ犏q ܬܪ焏ܡ熏qܬ
爯q‘ ܓܢ̈ܣit is known that it is impossible to accurately give a definition of sub-
stance, which is not only a genus, but a most generic genus’. Later on, he says
that (L.38vb12–18/P.47v28–48r3): 焏ܡ熏q ܬ煟 ܠܡܥܒ爯ܢq犏ܐܠrܝ ܕܡr ܐܡ爏q
ܐ܉rqܡܢqrܐ ܡr ܡܠ爯ܢqܒܩr 爯ܢq܉ ܗܘr ܗܕܐ ܠܡܣܥ爯ܢqqqr ܡ焏ܡ ܘܠ煟ܕܡ
ܬܐ熏ܬܐ ܕܨܒ熏qܠqܬ ܕ熏 ܠ爯ܢq‘ ܘܐܬwhenever we are obliged to give a defini-
tion of something, but are unable to do that, we should leave aside the defining
description and approach the property of (that) object’.134 Therefore, Sergius
started this passage by enumerating and describing what a distinctive prop-
erty is. Having done that, he applies those criteria to specify substance through
its properties, since, as noted, any proper definition of it cannot be given.
The presented properties of substance are: (1) that which is not in anything,
but rather everything is in it, (2) that which gives its name and definition to
everything predicated of it, (3) that which signifies a definite something, (4)
that which has no opposite, (5) that which cannot be more or less, and (6) that
which is unique of being receptive of opposites.
For a related definition of substance, see also Jacob of Edessa’s Encheiridion
(231.22–232.6, ed. Furlani).
132 Or much less probably the καταχρηστικῶς ‘by a misuse (of language)’ of David In Isag.
(202.19).
133 See also L.18rb10–21/P.69v16–22: rqܐrqrq ܘrqܡ煟ܬܐ ܩ熏 ܕܨ̈ܒ爯q煿 ܕܡܢ爏qq ܗ爯ܢqrܐܡ
̇ܗܘ爯q煿ܘܗܝ ܠrq ܐrq焏ܢr煟 ܘܓrq焏ܢq ܬܪ爯q煿ܢ܇ ܘܡܢrܐܡr ܕܡ焏 ̇ܗܘ ܡ爯q煿qrqܐ
rq焏ܠq焏r ܘrqܐrqrr ܉焏q̈ ܙܢ爯qr ܬ爯qܠ煿 ܠ焏qqܪ熏 ܣ爯q ܕ焏ܢr ܒܠ.爯q煿q ܥܠrܐܡr ܕܡ焏ܡ
ܢ熏 ܐܢ煿ܡrܗܝ[ ܕܢ熏qr ]ܕܢܩ爯ܢq煟‘ ܡܥthus, we say that some objects are primarily and
strictly what they are said to be, and others have secondarily and accidently what is said
of them. In the Syriac language we are wont to name these two kinds truly and falsely’.
However, the translation of it by ‘metaphorically’ fits better in this context.
134 See also L.38rb14-va13/P.47r25–v14, P.54v18–21, and L.51ra10–16/P.93v8–11.
222 chapter 8
§62–64 Whether accidents and parts of substance are in substance, so that also
the parts of substance are accidents? As noted above, Aristotle had insisted that
the parts of substance are themselves substances (Cat. 3a29–32). A problem
like the one formulated by Sergius is already found in Porph. (94.17–19). Here,
Porphyry and the ensuing commentators try to clarify the difference between
being in something (or ‘in a subject’ ἐν ὑποκειμένῳ εἶναι) as accidents from being
in something (or ‘in a whole’ τὰ μέρη ἔν τινι/ἐν ὅλῳ) as parts, which constitute
a difference (διαφορά) in their subject. The way Sergius puts it is closer to
Ammonius (46.22–25): ἠπόρησε γὰρ ἄν τις λέγων ‘ἐπειδὴ τὰ μέρη τῶν οὐσιῶν ἔν
τινι (ἐν γὰρ τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ θεωροῦνται χεῖρες καὶ σκέλη), καὶ τὰ συμβεβηκότα δὲ ἔν τινι
ὁμοίως, ⟨ὡς⟩ εἰ τύχοι ἐν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ θεωρεῖται λευκότης θερμότης· τὰ μέρη ἄρα τῶν
οὐσιῶν συμβεβηκότα, ὅπερ ἄτοπον’. “One might have objected as follows: ‘Since
the parts of substances are in something (for hands and legs are observed in a
man) and similarly accidents are also in something, as whiteness or heat may
perhaps be observed in a man, the parts of substances are therefore accidents
— which is absurd.’” This passage has its parallel in Philop. (68.14–16) too.
Ammonius and Philoponus say that the solution to this problem is antic-
ipated by Aristotle, who had defined accidents as in something not as parts
(Cat. 1a24f.: ὃ ἔν τινι μὴ ὡς μέρος ὑπάρχον ‘what is present in something not as
a part’), whereas parts are themselves substances and are necessary for their
whole, since (Ammon. 46.28): αὗται τὸ ὑποκείμενον συνιστᾶσιν “they constitute
the subject”, or as Porphyry expresses it (94.22–24): τὰ δὲ μέρη τῶν οὐσιῶν ἐν τοῖς
ὅλοις ὄντα οὐκ ἐν ὑποκειμένῳ ἐστίν, ἀλλ’ ὡς οὐσίαι καὶ οὐχ ὡς συμβεβηκότα “but
the parts of substances are not in a subject. They are in substances as wholes,
but as substances and not as accidents.” Thus, as Sergius establishes it, a part
is completive (焏ܢqܡܠr ܡσυμπληρωτικός) of its whole, whereas an accident is
completed (qܡܠrr ܐσυμπληροῦσθαι) by its substrate, (cf. also Simpl. 97.5–11).
§65 Natural philosophers’ view of matter and the four elements. The exposition
on matter presented by Sergius is not found in the Categories, but it is rather
treated by Aristotle especially in Phys. (192a25–34), and Metaph. (1028b33–
1029b10 passim, cf. index loc., Bonitz 1870: 784ff.). This topic is just slightly
touched upon by Porphyry in the Eisagoge (11.12–17) and in his commentary
on the Categories he makes a brief mention of it. Ammonius on his part offers
some notes about it in his commentary on the relevant passages of the Eis-
agoge (Ammon. In Isag. 106.11–107.21). Already in an earlier instance of this
work he had written that (In Isag. 36.23f.): τὰ γὰρ στοιχεῖα ἐξ ὕλης καὶ εἴδους
σύγκειται ‘the elements are compounded of matter and form’. In his survey he
writes, inter alia, that (In Isag. 106.15f.): πᾶσι μὲν οὖν τοῖς φυσικοῖς πράγμασίν
ἐστι τὸ ὑποκείμενον, ὃ καλοῦσι κυρίως ὕλην, τὴν ἀκαλλῆ καὶ ἀνείδεον ‘the sub-
commentary 223
strate for all physical objects, which is properly called matter, is that which is
unshapely and formless’, and which is the standard definition of matter that
is shared by Stoics, Platonists, and Peripatetics. Then, he mentions the mat-
ter of those objects that change into one another (εἰς ἄλληλα μεταβάλλουσι, cf.
Arist. On the Heavens 306b19–23). And later on, he gives examples similar to
those of Sergius regarding what the supply of different combinations of ele-
ments brings forth. He lays down that (In Isag. 107.6–8): δῆλον ὅτι δεξαμένη αὐτὴ
[i.e. ὕλη] ψυχρότητα καὶ ὑγρότητα γίνεται ὕδωρ, θερμότητα δὲ καὶ ξηρότητα γίνεται
πῦρ, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ὁμοίως ‘it is clear that when it [i.e. matter] has received cold-
ness and wetness it becomes water, but (when it receives) heat and dryness
it becomes fire, and other things similarly’. Otherwise, his and Sergius’ discus-
sions focus on different aspects. However, in his Commentary on the Categories,
while evaluating the order of “quantity” among the ten categories, Ammonius
makes some statements about matter, which in many respects are reminiscent
of Sergius’ description. These lines are worth quoting here (Ammon. 54.4–9):
ἡ γὰρ πρώτη ὕλη ἀνείδεος οὖσα καὶ ἀσώματος πρότερον τὰς τρεῖς διαστάσεις δέχε-
ται καὶ γίνεται τριχῇ διαστατὸν τὸ καλούμενον δεύτερον ὑποκείμενον, εἴθ’ οὕτως τὰς
ποιότητας καὶ γίνεται σύνθετον ποσόν, ⟨οἷον⟩ τὸ τριχῇ διαστατὸν θερμότητα μὲν δεξά-
μενον καὶ ξηρότητα γίνεται πῦρ, ψυχρότητα δὲ καὶ ὑγρότητα γίνεται ὕδωρ, καὶ τἆλλα
ὁμοίως “Prime matter, which is formless and incorporeal, first receives the three
dimensions and becomes a three-dimensional object called the second sub-
ject, and next ⟨receives⟩ its qualities and becomes a quantified compound. For
example, when the three-dimensional ⟨subject⟩ receives heat and dryness, it
becomes fire; when it receives coldness and wetness, it becomes water, and the
rest similarly.” And this section is even more closely matched in Philoponus,
who writes (83.14–18): ἡ γὰρ πρώτη ὕλη, ὡς πολλάκις εἴρηται, ἀσώματος οὖσα καὶ
ἀνείδεος καὶ ἀσχημάτιστος πρότερον ἐξογκωθεῖσα τὰς τρεῖς διαστάσεις δέχεται καὶ
γίνεται τριχῇ διαστατόν, ὅ φησιν ὁ Ἀριστοτέλης δεύτερον ὑποκείμενον, εἶθ’ οὕτως
δέχεται τὰς ποιότητας καὶ ποιεῖ τὰ στοιχεῖα, ‘for the prime matter, as we have said
many times,135 being first incorporeal, formless, and figureless, expands and
receives the three dimensions and becomes the three-dimensional subject that
Aristotle calls the second substrate. Then it receives the qualities and produces
the elements’. At somewhat greater length the question of matter is discussed
135 Philop. (65.10–13): τὴν πρώτην ὕλην φασὶν οἱ φιλόσοφοι ἀσώματον εἶναι τῷ οἰκείῳ λόγῳ ἀσχημά-
τιστόν τε καὶ ἀμεγέθη καὶ πάσης ποιότητος κεχωρισμένην· ὅτι γὰρ ἀνείδεός ἐστι, δείκνυται σαφῶς
τῷ πάντων τῶν φυσικῶν εἰδῶν αὐτὴν εἶναι δεκτικήν “The philosophers say that prime matter
is incorporeal and by its very definition utterly formless, without size, and separated from
all qualities. That it is without form is clearly shown by the fact that it is receptive of all
physical forms.” (Cf. Arist. Metaph. 1029a30 f.).
224 chapter 8
category, which is quantity. Ammonius and most of his pupils agreed on this
order, where substance is introduced first, next quantity, then quality, and
finally relatives (Ammon. 54.3–15 and Philop. 83.7–84.4). But a dispute about in
which order quality and quantity should come had been going on since at least
first century bc.141 The order established by the Neoplatonists had an onto-
logical basis, since they postulated substance as the primary category under-
lying everything else. Then comes the formless and qualityless matter, which
becomes a quantity when it extends to three dimensions. Next, this quantified
matter142 receives forms and qualities. Finally, the qualified composites stand
in various relations to one another, making up relative things of various kinds.
Quantity is divided by Aristotle (Cat. 4b20–6a35) and his commentators
into several parts. Firstly, some of its parts are said to be discrete (διωρισμέ-
̈
νος, Sergius: ܕܐ煟q̈ 爯ܡ ̣ 爯ܡq̈rܬ̇ܗ ܘܡ熏 ܡܢ爯rrܬܐ ܡܦ熏qܡq ܕ煿̇‘ ܕܡܢsome
of the parts of quantity are discrete and delimited from one another’) and
some continuous (συνεχής, Sergius: ܕܐ煟q̈ 爯ܡ ̣ 爯̈ܩq ܦܣ焏ܢ ܘܠ煟qq̈ ܐ煿̇‘ ܘܡܢand
some of (its parts) are continuous and are not cut off from one another’). Dis-
crete parts of quantity being two: number (ἀριθμός 焏ܢq )ܡܢand speech (λόγος
ܐr ;)ܡܠand continuous parts being five: line (γραμμή 焏qܪ熏)ܣ, surface (ἐπι-
φάνεια ܬܐ熏qqqr), body (σῶμα 焏ܡr熏)ܓ, place (τόπος )ܐܬܪܐ, and time
(χρόνος 焏)ܙܒܢ. Of these, some parts (Cat. 4b21, 5a15) θέσιν ἐχόντων πρὸς ἄλληλα
“have position in relation to one another”, as line, surface, body, and place; and
some are composed of parts that do not have any position, as time, speech, and
number. See Porphyry (100.29–105.10), Ammonius (54.16–55.3), and Philoponus
(84.5–9).
§66 The varieties of speech (ܐr ܡܠλόγος). Two of the three kinds of lan-
guage/speech (cf. Cat. 4b32–37), which are mentioned here by Sergius are also
given by Porphyry (101.25–31), who dismisses ὁ ἐν τῇ διανοίᾳ, ὃς καὶ σιωπών-
των ἡμῶν ἐγγίνεται “the speech which occurs in thought, and which goes on
within us even when we are silent”, (see Strange’s n. 237 ad loc.). This kind of
speech is not a quantity, except the intended kind of speech is “that we utter”
(ὃν φθεγγόμεθα) and is “composed of nouns and verbs and the other so-called
parts of speech” (ἐξ ὀνομάτων σύγκειται καὶ ῥημάτων καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν, ἃ λέγεται
εἶναι τοῦ λόγου μέρη). These two varieties of speech are named by Greek com-
mentators προφορικὸς λόγος ‘expressed/external speech’ and ἐνδιάθετος λόγος
143 Cf. Porph. (64.28–30), Ammon. (57.22–24), Philop. (89.31–90.7), Olymp. (80.33–37, 87.7f.),
and Elias (191.14–17). I thank Professor Jaap Mansfeld for the remark on their Stoic origin
and the references to the relevant literature (personal communication).
144 For this text, see Pepe (2013: 235–240) and Brock (2014: 98ff.) for Syriac remnants of it.
145 The text of Codex Marcianus 257 along with the version of Diogenes Laertius were edited
by Mutschmann in 1906.
commentary 227
146 Cf. also Philop. (88.11–16), Olymp. (87.33–34, 90.19–22), and Elias (191.30–192.3).
147 See also Philoponus who in his commentary on Posterior Analytics gives the same descrip-
tion for στιγμή ‘spot/point’, as Sergius and others give for σημεῖον, (Philop. In Anal. Post.
391.7f.): ἡ στιγμὴ πέρας τῆς γραμμῆς καὶ ἔστιν ἀμερὴς καὶ ἀδιαίρετος ‘the point is the limit of
the line and it is partless and indivisible’, (cf. Arist. Top. 108b31f.).
228 chapter 8
body (σῶμα 焏ܡr熏 )ܓor magnitude (μέγεθος ܬܐ熏 )ܪܒby recording (In Isag.
7.18–23): τὸ γὰρ σῶμα τρεῖς ἔχον διαστάσεις περατοῦται ὑπὸ τῆς ἐπιφανείας, ἥτις
ἔχει δύο διαστάσεις, μῆκος καὶ πλάτος (βάθος γὰρ οὐκ ἔχει ᾧ λείπεται τοῦ σώμα-
τος), ἡ δὲ ἐπιφάνεια δύο ἔχουσα διαστάσεις περατοῦται ὑπὸ τῆς γραμμῆς, ἥτις μίαν
ἔχει διάστασιν τὸ μῆκος μόνον, ἡ δὲ γραμμὴ περατοῦται ὑπὸ τοῦ σημείου, ὃ δῆλον
ὅτι οὐχ ἕξει οὐδεμίαν διάστασιν, ἀλλ’ ἔσται ἀμερές ‘the body having three dimen-
sions (διαστάσεις 焏ܡ ̈ q )ܩis limited by surface (ἐπιφάνεια ܬܐ熏qqqr), which
has two dimensions, length (μῆκος ܬܐ熏qq )ܐܪand breadth (πλάτος 焏qr)ܦ,
(for that which is left of the body has no depth {βάθος 焏ܡܩ熏)}ܥ, and the
surface having two dimensions is limited by a line (γραμμή 焏qܪ熏)ܣ, which
has one dimension, that of length, and the line is limited by the mark, which
obviously has no dimension, but rather is without parts’, (cf. also David In Isag.
25.32–26.12). In his commentary on the Categories (33.22–27), Ammonius only
mentions the problem of a mark, when noting that some people say that not
everything can be classified among any of the ten categories, and puts forward
the question (33.23f.): τὸ γοῦν σημεῖον καὶ τὴν στέρησιν ὑπὸ ποίαν κατηγορίαν ἀνά-
ξομεν “Under what category should we subsume a point or a privation?”, and
immediately concludes that (33.24–34.2): ὁ Ἀριστοτέλης διαλέγεται περὶ πραγμά-
των τῇ τε αἰσθήσει γνωρίμων καὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς, τὸ δέ γε σημεῖον αὐτὸ μέν τι πρᾶγμα
ὑφεστηκὸς οὐκ ἔστιν, ἀρχὴ δέ ἐστιν ὅλως πραγμάτων “Aristotle is here discussing
things known by perception, and to ‘the many’.148 But a point is not an indepen-
dently existing thing; it is a principle (ἀρχή 焏rq )ܪof things in general.”149 Also
Philoponus (46.14) and Olympiodorus (22.3–8) inform us that some people
examine the question of to which category a mark (σημεῖον) should be assigned.
In addition to a mark, Simplicius (84.13–66.15) mentions several other things
that some philosophers wonder why they are excluded from the discussion or
why their category is not specified, particularly those who consider Aristotle’s
Categories to be deficient in its treatment of reality. The discussion on mark
(and a parallel one on μονάς ‘monad’) goes back, at least, to the time of Alexan-
der of Aphrodisias, (Simpl. 65.13–66.12). Simplicius also establishes that a mark
is not a quantity, since it is neither continuous nor discrete. Thus, Sergius’ expo-
sition and demonstration that a mark is not a quantity—since it is a certain
incorporeal principle (ἀρχὴ ἀσώματος 焏ܡqr ܓ焏ܡ ܠ煟 ܡ焏rq )ܪwhich is with-
out parts (ἀμερής ܐr ܡܢ焏)ܕܠ, and lacks extension (διάστημα 焏qr)ܡ150 and
magnitude (μέγεθος ܬܐ熏—)ܪܒmay have derived from these speculations.
§68–74 Whether there is space and whether it is a quantity. The notion that
space (τόπος ‘place’, ‘space’) is a quantity was established by Aristotle (Cat.
4b25), where it is classified as a continuous quantity (Cat. 5a9–14): πρὸς γὰρ
ἕνα κοινὸν ὅρον αὐτοῦ τὰ μόρια συνάπτει “since its parts join together at one
common boundary.” Sergius tends to see a difference between the spot of
location (ܐrq‘ ܕܘplace’) and space in itself (‘ ܐܬܪܐland’, ‘space’), while
Greek writers use τόπος for both meanings, although Aristotle, Philoponus, and
Simplicius sometimes employ the additional χώρα ‘space’,151 a word used chiefly
by Plato (Timaeus 52b4, 52d3).
In the first part of this section, Sergius deals with the assumed real being of
space and in the second part he determines whether it pertains to the category
of quantity, as Aristotle had upheld. By treating the question concerning the
being of space at such length Sergius goes, to some extent, against the com-
mon procedure of Aristotle and the Greek commentators. It is in the Physics
(book iv, chapter 1–5: 208a27–213a11)152 that Aristotle analyses the concepts
of τόπος and not in the Categories, except for defining it as a quantity there.
Therefore, the Greek commentators in their commentaries on the Categories
discuss τόπος in connection with this aspect, though also Ammonius (58.15–26)
and Philoponus (87.7–20) in the parallel passage provide a brief definition of it,
after having stated that the question about its being is treated in the Physics,
(see also Porph. 141.15f.). Simplicius too has some shorter passages on space
in his commentary on the Categories, (see 125.17–32, 133.35–134.11, 134.33–135.7,
147.30–150.12).
In his Commentary as well (L.20va25–23vb6/P.60r11–64v10), Sergius has an
almost literal version of the same exposition on space with some further infor-
mation, but also a quite lengthy discussion on time (χρόνος 焏ܙܒܢ, L.23vb6–
25vb10/P.64v10–67v4), which is likewise analyzed by Aristotle in the Physics
150 As Simplicius states (65.28 f.): τὸ σημεῖον διαστημάτων ἀρχὴ ὂν οὐκ ἂν εἴη διάστημα “the point,
which is the principle of extensions, would not be an extension.”
151 Arist. Phys. (209b15), Philop. In Phys. (502.11f., 515.31 f., 516.3), and Simpl. In Phys. (523.7,
531.16, 540.33, 608.4); cf. Syriac ܐܬܪܐ.
152 For a good study on Aristotle’s theory of space in these chapters, see Morison (2002)
and Mendell’s (2005) review article, and for a comparison with Aristotle’s account in
the Categories, see Mendell (1987). See also the research carried out within the project
“Place, Space and Motion” (Research group d-ii-2, Topoi 1: http://www.topoi.org/group/d
-ii-2-topoi-1/projects/).
230 chapter 8
(iv.10–14: 217b29–224a17), after the account on space and void (τὸ κενόν, iv.6–
9: 213a11–217b28). In that text, Sergius notes that demonstrations of what and
how space and time are can be found in Aristotle’s book on ܬܐ熏qܢqq ‘nature’,
‘physics’, as also Ammonius had done (58.6). In a significant passage he writes
that he will present the view of Aristotle on space and time as they are greatly
and sublimely given in that work, but he continues immediately by saying
(L.20vb6–15/P.60r19–24) .爯 ܠ牯qܠq ܕ焏ܠ ܡ熏q rq焏ܘܢ ܣܦܩ煿q ܥܠ爯ܢq 爯qrܐܡ
爯 ܘܡ.焏ܢrq ܐ焏ܦ熏ܠܣq̈ ܦ爯 ܐܦ ܡ焏 ܐܠ.ܕ熏q ܒܠ焏ܐ ܗܢr ܕܓܒ煿 ܗ̣ܘܐ ܡܢ焏ܠ
ܬܐrqrr 爏 ܥrqܐrqrq 熏 ܕܥܩܒ爯qܠq܇ ܐ焏ܢqqܣrq 爯ܠq ܕ爯 ܕܗܘܘ ܠ焏ܒܢrq̈ܡ
‘we will say about them [i.e. space and time] sufficiently whatever we have
learned, not only from this man [i.e. Aristotle], but also from other philoso-
phers and from Christian writers that have appeared for us, who have properly
inquired into the truth’. No Christian philosopher is mentioned by name, but
Sergius might be referring inter alia to John Philoponus, whose literary activ-
ity started from about 510. Only two lengthy commentaries on the Physics are
extant in Greek from the Neo-Platonic Alexandrian School, and both are by two
of Ammonius’ students. One of them was composed by Philoponus in 517153
and though incomplete it covers 908 pages in Vitelli’s edition. The other is by
Simplicius covering 1366 pages in Diels’ edition. Their commentaries to Aristo-
tle’s Physics 5.1–4 on space are to be found at Philop. In Phys. (496.1–557.7 and
585.5–606.24) and Simpl. In Phys. (519.1–600.38).154
In conformity with the Greek commentators on the Categories, in his Com-
mentary Sergius is aware that it is an improper context for a long discussion
on the nature of space ( ܕܐܬܪܐ煿ܢqq), which he says is much disputed, and
therefore, states that he will keep the inquiry about its nature brief and instead
clarify its relation to quantity. He writes (L.20vb32–21ra6):155 rܡ焏 ܠܡ爯ܢqrqܡ
焏r ܗ爯ܒrr ܘܗܝrq ܐ煿ܢqq 爏 ܗܘܐ ܥ焏 ܕܠ爏q ܡ. ܕ̇ܙܕܩ焏 ܡqqܗܝ ܐ熏ܥܠ
ܬܐ熏qܡq 爟ܬܗ ܕܥ熏ܢqq 爏 ܥ焏 ܐܠ.爯ܢr ܕܐܡqq‘ ܐwe keep it brief in speak-
ing about it [i.e. space] as it is appropriate, because our book is not about its
nature, as we just said, but about its relation to quantity’. In the same way as in
153 By year 517 he had already written his supposed In Isagogen, (of which only presupposed
fragments are extant in Syriac, ed. Baumstark 1900: 156–223, syr. 焯q ـ熏)ܠ, and In Catego-
rias.
154 Both have special excursus too (usually called ‘Corollary’, Corollarium de loco), which
constitute digressions (παρέκβασις) from the main text (Philop. In Phys. 557.8–585.4 and
Simpl. In Phys. 601.1–645.19), where they offer certain views of their own concerning space
and raise some criticism about Aristotle’s concept of it, especially Philoponus argues here
for space being a three-dimensional extension.
155 At this passage the Paris ms is defective and omits some words (cf. P.60v9–12).
commentary 231
his prefaces, Sergius anticipates potential criticism that his discussion on space
may attract (or has attracted in oral teaching?) and therefore he defends him-
self against such criticism by writing (L.21rb30–21va11/P.61r15–23): 焏ܥ ܐܢ煟q̇
熏 ܘܠ焏qܢ熏̣ ܓ爏qܢ ܕܡ熏 ̇ܗܢ爯܇ ܡ爯ܒ熟 ܒr ܐܢ爯ܠ ܠ煟ܥ ̇ 爯q ܗܠ爏q ܕܐܦ ܡrqܓ
̇ ̈
ܗܘqq܉ ܐrܒq 爯 ܠ爯qr ܘܪ.焏ܢrqܬܐ ܕܐ熏ܒܢrq ܒܡ爯q ܦܓܥ焏ܬܪܢ熏q 爏qܡ
焏ܦܩ熏 ܕܢ爯ܢqܠqqܬ煟 ܒ爯ܢq 焏 ܐܠ.爯qܢ ܗܠrܐܡrܐ ܡrܬܐ ܕܡܠ熏ܦq ܢܩ爯 ܡrܕܠܒ
܉爯q ܗܠqq ܕܕܐ焏 ̈ܡܠ爯 ܡ爯qr ܕܩ爯qܠqܐ ܕܐrqܥrrܪ ̇ܗܘܐ ܠ熏ܥ熟 ܒ焏 ܕܠ焏rܘܕܘܪ
̈ qܡqr ܢ熏 ̇ܗܢ爏 ܥ焏q ܕܘ焏qܘ煟 ܒ爯ܢqrܡܒܣ
爯 ܡr ܠܒ爏q ܩܠ爯ܢq ܘܢܦܩ.焏qܠ煟ܥ
爯ܢqrܐ ܗܕܐ ܣܥrqܠ熏 ܒ焏 ܕܠ熏 ܠ煟q ܉爯rq‘ ܢfor I know that also for these things
some people reproach us sometimes, some of those who for the sake of retort
and not for the sake benefit come across the writings of others. And they pick
on us doubtless, as though these things are said unrelated to the discussion.
But as we are confident that not a little instruction and exercise comes about
in the minds of those who read words like these, we here and there thrust at
those who love to criticise and we go slightly beyond our aim, although we do
this not without right’ (cf. pp. 33–36). For all that, Sergius presents a relatively
long exposition of space and time, than the Greek commentators do in their
texts on the Categories.
At first, we shall highlight the arguments that Sergius puts forward for the
being of space, and then its relation to quantity. Four main questions are
examined by Sergius concerning space: (1) whether it exists at all, (2) how it
is (e.g. corporeal or incorporeal), (3) what it is (i.e. its definition),156 and (4)
whether it is a quantity (cf. also Simpl. In Phys. 535.4–5). That four kinds of
inquiries should be carried out concerning certain matters was introduced by
Aristotle (Posterior Analytics 89b24f.) and was evidently current among his
Alexandrian commentators already in Sergius’ time, (see esp. Altmann & Stern
1958: 13–23 and Hein 1985: 57–62). In the Commentary (L.21va29–22ra14/P.61v8–
62r13), Sergius refutes, in an unexpectedly ironic way, Plato’s alleged notion
that place is matter and form.157 He concludes his disproof of Plato’s deduction
by stating that (L.22ra2–10/P.62r7–11): ܘܐܦ焏ܢrܘܢ ܡ煿 ܥܡ焏 ܠ爯qܐܬܪܐ ܕ
焏 ܗܘܠ焏ܘܗܝ ܘܠrq ܐ焏r ܐܕ焏ܢ ܠ熏ܓ煟 ܘܒ.ܘܗܝrqܘܢ ܐ煿ܐ ܡܢr ܡܢ焏ܠ
焏ܡr̈熏 ܓ爯 ܡr ܠܒ焏ܢrq ܗܘ ܐ焏ܡq熏 ܩ焏 ܐܠ.ܡ煟 ܡ焏ܡr熏 ܬܘܒ ܓ焏ܘܠ
‘space does not move along with them [i.e. bodies], and it is not part of them,
156 Arist. Phys. (208a28 f.): εἰ ἔστιν ἢ μή, καὶ πῶς ἔστι, καὶ τί ἐστιν ‘whether it is or not, also how
it is, and what it is’.
157 See Plato’s Timaeus (52a–d) and cf. Sorabji (2004a: 259–262). In contrast to some Greek
commentators, Sergius adopts Aristotle’s arguments against Plato and does not try to
neutralize them, see Philop. In Phys. (516.1–26, and the nn. 58–60 ad locum of its translators
Algra and van Ophuijsen, whose translation I quote in this section).
232 chapter 8
and therefore it is neither form nor matter, nor is it a certain body, but it is
rather a different subsistence separate from bodies’.158 The last argument is also
ascribed to Aristotle by Philoponus in dismissing Plato’s claim, writing (In Phys.
517.1–3): ἡ ὕλη, φησί, καὶ τὸ εἶδος ἀχώριστά ἐστι τοῦ πράγματος οὗπερ ἐστὶν ὕλη
καὶ εἶδος, ὁ τόπος χωρίζεται τῶν πραγμάτων ὧν λέγεται εἶναι τόπος, ὁ τόπος ἄρα
οὔτε εἶδός ἐστιν οὔτε ὕλη “Both matter and form, he says [i.e. Aristotle], cannot
be separated from the thing of which they are the matter and form. Place is
separate from the things of which it is said to be the place”, (cf. also ibid. 541.2–
4, 547.1f.).
Sergius’ first argument for the existence of space is derived from common
sense (ܐ熏ܐ ܕܓrq ܬܪܥἀπὸ τῆς κοινῆς ὑπολήψεως or κατὰ κοινὴν ἔννοιαν159),
which asserts that everything perceptible is somewhere; Arist. Phys. (208a29):
τά τε γὰρ ὄντα πάντες ὑπολαμβάνουσιν εἶναί που “because all suppose that things
which exist are somewhere”, (and cf. Philop. In Phys. 496.11: ἐν τόπῳ εἶναι ‘are in
a place’). At the same time, Sergius says that everything incorporeal is ‘every-
where’ ( ܕܘܟ爏q ܒπανταχοῦ), whereas Aristotle talks about non-existents, and
not the incorporeal things, when he writes that (Phys. 208a30): τὸ γὰρ μὴ ὂν
οὐδαμοῦ εἶναι ‘for what does not exist is nowhere’, (cf. also Philop. In Phys.
496.9–18). The second argument is based on the observation of perceptible
objects and the change of place that they undergo. On the one hand, we have
motion in respect of place (ܬܪܐ焏 ܕܒ焏qܢ熏r κίνησις κατὰ τόπον), which is
called locomotion (焏qܘ煟 ܠ焏q ܕܘ爯 ܡ焏 ܙܘܥφορά),160 on the other hand, the
motion in respect of quantity (κίνησις κατὰ τὸ ποσὸν, Phys. 226a29–32), which
is manifested through increase and decrease (ܐrq ܬܪܒαὔξησις and ܪܐ犏 ܒor
ܘܬܐrq犏 ܒμείωσις), that is the change of size by the growing and shrinking
of the objects within space. And these two forms of change are perceived to
occur in some space, which indicate its existence.161 The motion in respect of
place is successive replacement (Sergius 138.13f.: ܗܘܢrqq ܕܘ爯ܡ
̈
̣ … 爯qܩqrܡ
ܕܐ煟q̈ ܐܬܪܐ ܠ爯qܒ煿q)ܘ, which Aristotle terms ἀντιμετάστασις (Phys. 208b2),
158 For the ascription of such a notion to Plato, see Arist. Phys. (209b11–17), and discussions in
Philop. In Phys. (515.24–518.25) and Simpl. In Phys. (523.6–22, 539.6–14, and 544.17–546.21).
159 Simplicius has here (In Phys. 521.7,8): ἀπὸ τῆς κοινῆς ὑπολήψεως “derived from/based on
common sense”, and Philoponus κατὰ κοινὴν ἔννοιαν “according to the common concep-
tion”, In Phys. (539.18, n. 109 ad loc., 540.1,3, 541.9).
160 Phys. (208a31–32, 226a32–b1), Philop. In Phys. (541.25f.), and Simpl. In Phys. (524.7–9).
See also Ammon. In Isag. (113.12): ἡ κατὰ τόπον μεταβολή, ἣν καλοῦσι φοράν ‘the change in
respect of place, which they call locomotion’.
161 See Arist. Phys. (212b7), cf. Philop. In Phys. (501.24, 541.14–29, n. 120 ad loc. of Algra & van
Ophuijsen, and 544.2–7) and Simpl. In Phys. (522.11–12, 567.13–15, 580.8f.).
commentary 233
162 And also in Philop. In Phys. (498.20–25) and Simpl. In Phys. (524.3–7).
163 Cf. Philop. In Phys. (497.31–498.1, 498.26–29, 547.8 f.), and Simpl. In Phys. (577.12f., 581.26–
582.4, 583.20–27).
164 Cf. Philop. In Phys. (518.19 f.) and Simpl. In Phys. (550.27–30).
165 See Arist. Phys. (208b11,34 f.) and cf. Simpl. In Phys. (524.16). The power/faculty mentioned
here by Aristotle is discussed by Philoponus in connection with a certain principle or
cause (508.29–509.14, cf. 499.10 and n. 14 ad loc.), namely whether place is an active force
or not. For Sergius any such power is not an active efficient power, but he relates it to
place’s ability to remain unaffected and resist the destruction of the perceptible objects
that it contains, which is understood to be the power and superiority of place.
166 Simpl. In Phys. (587.16): ὑποδεκτικός. Simplicius In Phys. (565.8–566.18) ascribes six as-
sumptions regarding place from common conceptions that Aristotle had set out (Phys.
210b32–211a6), while Philoponus specifies first four (In Phys. 539.22–541.9) and then five
(586.27–32) of them. The first one is that place contains what is in it.
234 chapter 8
Sorabji explains that this statement is not endorsed by Aristotle, “but is used to
show that the conventional view raises a puzzle.”167 Both Philoponus (In Phys.
504.27–505.22) and Simplicius are aware of this approach. In his Corollary on
Place, Simplicius states (In Phys. 601.19–20): τῶν δὲ διαστατὸν λεγόντων οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ
δύο διεστὼς ὡς ὁ Ἀριστοτέλης τε καὶ ὁ Περίπατος ἅπας, οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ τρία “Of those
who said that it is extended, some said that it is two-dimensional, like Aristotle
and all the Peripatetics, some that it is three-dimensional.” Among those who
think that space is three-dimensional we find Porphyry168 and Philoponus,169
while Sergius should be placed among the Peripatetics who espouse the view
of a two-dimensional space (Sergius §26 and § 73),170 which is not a body.
However, he does not want to view space as totally incorporeal either, since it
encompasses bodies by expanding or contracting in compliance with their size.
Therefore, it is said to be of a different nature171 compared to bodies, (焏ܡq熏ܩ
焏ܡr̈熏 ܓ爯 ܡr ܠܒ焏ܢrq‘ ̇ܗܘ ܐa different subsistence separate from bodies’, as
already quoted). That space contains objects of different sizes does not mean
that it grows or shrinks in itself, but rather that it adapts to or fits onto the
objects it contains.172 One of the common conceptions regarding space is that
it is neither greater nor smaller than the thing it contains.173 Philoponus writes
(In Phys. 587.25f.): οὔτε μείζων ἂν εἴη οὔτε ἐλάττων ὁ τόπος, ἀλλ’ ἴσος “place is
neither larger nor smaller, but equal in size” to what it contains, (see also op.
cit. 565.14).
167 Sorabji n. 1 on p. 1 to J.O. Urmson’s translation (1992), which we quote here. See also the
notes by Urmson himself: nos. 22, 94, 106, 111, and 134. See also Simplicius In Phys. (531.10,
600.21f.) and cf. Sorabji (2004b: 226 ff.).
168 Porph. (103.22f.): τὸ δὲ σῶμα ᾗ σῶμα τριχῇ διαστατόν· καὶ ὁ τόπος ἄρα, ᾗ σώματός ἐστι τόπος,
τριχῇ ἂν εἴη διαστατός “Body qua body is three-dimensional, and space, qua being the place
of body, will also be three-dimensional.”
169 Philop. In Phys. (567.30–32): διάστημά τί ἐστι τριχῇ διαστατὸν ἕτερον τῶν σωμάτων τῶν ἐμπι-
πτόντων εἰς αὐτὸν ἀσώματον ὂν τῷ οἰκείῳ λόγῳ “it is a certain extension in three dimensions,
different from the bodies that come to be in it, bodiless in its own definition.” Philoponus
concept of space as a three-dimensional extension is upheld to be one of his innovative
ideas. Cf. also Golitsis (2008: 180–187) and Sedley (1987).
170 If Sergius is not only presenting Aristotle’s teaching on space.
171 Also Philoponus (In Phys. 498.27f.) says that space “is different from what it receives”
(ἕτερόν ἐστι παρ’ ἃ δέχεται), and also ibid. (506.25 f., 547.9–11). For space not being body or
incorporeal, see ibid. (505.11–15, 506.12–15) and Simpl. In Phys. (529.3f., 596.22–27, 600.19–
22).
172 See Philop. In Phys. (597.20–598.3 and n. 215 ad loc. of Algra & van Ophuijsen).
173 Arist. Phys. (211a2), Philop. In Phys. (540.16–22), and Simpl. In Phys. (565.14–16).
commentary 235
Zeno of Eleas (not of Citium174) aporia which argued for the nonexistence of
space is put forward by Aristotle himself (Phys. 209a23–26) and the passage is
presented also by Philoponus (In Phys. 513.4–19) and Simplicius (In Phys. 534.5–
14). Zeno’s argument that if there were space it would be in another space ad
infinitum (q ܣ焏 ܕܠεἰς/ἐπ’ ἄπειρον) required some solution. Sergius raises two
counterarguments against Zeno’s aporia. The first being that not everything has
place,175 particularly not incorporeal things, though he has already indicated
that space is not entirely incorporeal. A second argument is that the modes
of being in something are many,176 which means that not everything must be
in space. Nevertheless, he does not clarify further the resolution of the puzzle.
Aristotle’s own solution (Phys. 210a25–b31) as it is repeated also by the com-
mentators amounts to the conclusion that “a thing cannot be in itself primarily”
(Phys. 210b22: ἀδύνατον ἐν αὑτῷ τι εἶναι πρώτως), but only in something else (ἐν
ἄλλῳ εἶναι). So, place cannot be in itself. Therefore, as Simplicius states (In Phys.
555.22f.): δείξας ὅτι πρώτως μὲν καὶ καθ’ αὑτὸ ἀδύνατόν τι αὐτὸ ἐν ἑαυτῷ εἶναι, κατ’
ἄλλο δὲ καὶ κατὰ μέρος δυνατόν “He [i.e. Aristotle] has shown that primarily and
as such it is impossible for a thing to be in itself, but in respect of something
else and as a part possible.”177
Before demonstrating that space should be put under the category of quan-
tity, Sergius clarifies the difference between the imperceptible immovable
space and a movable bodily container. An aspect that Aristotle had also paid
attention to (Phys. 212a7–30), which was discussed by Philoponus (In Phys.
586.8–24, 589.28–590.20) and Simplicius (In Phys. 582.27–584.28). The defini-
tion that he finally gives of spaces concurs well with Aristotle’s definition (Phys.
212a20–21): ὥστε τὸ τοῦ περιέχοντος πέρας ἀκίνητον πρῶτον, τοῦτ’ ἔστιν ὁ τόπος
“so place is that which is the immediate immovable limit of the container”,
and Sergius having (142.8f.): ܡ煟 ܡ焏ܡr熏 ܕܓ焏q熏 ܓ焏q ܣ爏qqܐܬܪܐ ܗ
.煿 ܒrqܒq ܕ焏 ܕ̇ܗܘ ܡ焏qr ܒ煿q ܠܣ牯qܘܗܝ܇ ܕܢܩrq‘ ܐspace is an inner limit of
a certain body that is adjoined to the outer limit of what is contained in it’. Thus,
174 Sergius is mistaking here by speaking of the Stoic Zeno of Citium (Ζήνων ὁ Κιτιεύς c. 334–
c. 262) instead of Zeno of Elea (Ζήνων ὁ Ἐλεάτης c. 490–c. 430). Tarán (1981: 731–732)
observes some deficient scholarly habits by Ammonius and his school and says that such
“mistakes are due to careless scholarship” conducted by them. I am indebted to Professor
Jaap Mansfeld (personal communication) for drawing my attention to this mistake and
for the reference to Tarán.
175 Cf. also Arist. Phys. (212b28 f.), Philop. In Phys. (526.23 f.), and Simpl. In Phys. (551.15f.).
176 Philop. In Phys. (513.4–19, 538.19–539.2) and Simpl. In Phys. (551.4–553.16).
177 See also Simpl. In Phys. (553.31–33, 562.5–19) and Philop. In Phys. (527.14f., 531.1–5, 535.30–
357.3, 538.19–539.2).
236 chapter 8
§74 On relatives (ܡ煟ܬ ܡ熏 ܕܠτὰ πρός τι Cat. 6a36–8b24). The next main cat-
egory in order to be dealt with is the one commonly translated ‘relatives’ in
English. The Greek expression πρός τι means literally ‘to/toward something’,
which by Sergius and the subsequent Syriac writers received the close ren-
dering ܡ煟ܬ ܡ熏ܠ, with the same meaning. The commentators discussed why
Aristotle treated this category in the plural (see Cat. 60a36 f.) and the reason for
its title181 (Ammon. 66.6 and Philop. 102.14f.: τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἐπιγραφῆς ‘the reason
for the title’). Ammonius puts the following question about why this technical
expression is translated in the plural and not in the singular, and gives also his
explanation (66.14–16): διὰ τί δὲ Περὶ τῶν πρός τι ἐπιγέγραπται, καὶ οὐχὶ περὶ τοῦ
πρός τι ἑνικῶς; λέγομεν ὅτι ἐπειδὴ οὐχ οἷόν τε ἓν πρᾶγμα αὐτὸ καθ’ αὑτὸ εἶναι τῶν
πρός τι, ἀλλὰ πάντως ἐν δυσὶ θεωρεῖται τὰ πρός τι “Why did he use the title ‘On
relatives’, and not ‘On relative’, in the singular? We answer that it is because a
single thing cannot be a relative just by itself; rather, relatives are always con-
sidered in pairs.”182 We need to bear in mind also this point, that “Relatives, for
Aristotle, are not relations, but things related” (Sorabji 2004b: 79).
Sergius sets about his exposition by presenting the division of the relatives,
which has parallel sections in the Greek commentaries too. Some kind of divi-
sion of relatives was made by Aristotle at Metaph. (1020b26–1021b11), and an
elaborated version of this division was presented by Iamblichus, whom Sim-
plicius quotes (161.16–29). Sergius himself states that some relatives are con-
ceived ‘by similar names’ and some ‘by dissimilar appellations’, which corre-
sponds with Ammonius’ (67.16f.) and Philoponus’ (105.1 f.) division of relatives
into those said homonymously (καθ’ ὁμωνυμίαν 183爯qܐ ܕܕܡ煿 ̈ ܡr )ܒand those
said heteronymously (καθ’ ἑτερωνυμίαν 184爯q ܕܡ焏 ܕܠ焏q̈ܢ熏q)ܒ.185 Relatives are
expressed homonymously when we say ‘what is similar is similar to that which
is similar to it’ (τὸ ὅμοιον ὁμοίῳ ὅμοιον 煿 ܠ焏 ܕܕܡ焏ܘ ܡ煿̇ ܠ焏 ܕܕܡ焏̇ܗܘ ܡ
焏)ܕܡ. The texts of Ammonius and Philoponus lack Sergius’ other examples
for this group of relatives. However, in a related discussion Olympiodorus gives
(99.24): τὸ ἴσον ἴσῳ ἐστὶν ἴσον186 ‘equal is equal to equal’ for the kind called ταὐ-
τότης ‘identical condition’, while Elias (202.33f.) for the same class provides
Sergius’ last example, that of οἷον φίλος φίλου φίλος ‘such as friend is friend of
who have Περὶ τῶν πρός τι ‘On the relatives’, see Porph. (111.6), Ammon. (66.4), and Philop.
(102.10).
182 Cf. Philop. (102.29–30) who gives the same reason. See also Porph. (111.22–27) and Elias
(200.35–201.1–3, 205.32–206.23).
183 Earlier he uses ܐ煿 ̈ ܡr rq‘ ܕ̈ܡof similar names’ for ὁμώνυμα ‘homonyms’ (§21).
184 Whereas he earlier refrains from coining a word for ἑτερώνυμα ‘heteronyms’, and instead
uses ܐrqܢrq ܐfor ἕτερα ‘(are) different’ (§ 21).
185 Also John of Damascus seems to have a division of relatives into same/similar names and
different names, which is reminiscent of Sergius, when he writes that (Dialec. ναʹ/51.12f.):
τῶν δὲ πρός τι τὰ μὲν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ὀνόματι ὀνομάζονται, ὡς φίλος φίλου φίλος, ἐχθρὸς ἐχθροῦ
ἐχθρός, τὰ δὲ ἑτέρῳ ὀνόματι, ὡς πατὴρ υἱοῦ πατήρ, διδάσκαλος μαθητοῦ διδάσκαλος “Some
relatives are called by the same name, as a friend is a friend of a friend and as an enemy is
an enemy of an enemy [cf. Elias 202.34]. Others are called by different names, as a father
is a father of a son and as a teacher is a teacher of a pupil.”
186 This appears as a quotation in Olympiodorus’ text.
238 chapter 8
a friend’.187 That this example is found both in Sergius and Elias indicates that
it goes back to Ammonius, though not recorded in his ἀπὸ φωνῆς commentary.
These sorts of examples in Sergius may well be used to reconstruct Ammonius’
lost or elsewhere undocumented teaching by a judicious comparison with the
texts of later Greek commentators.
Heteronymously expressed relatives can be said in many ways. We give here
their division as it appears in Sergius, with the corresponding passages from
Ammonius (67.17–26) and Philoponus (105.3–11).
1) One mode of division is that ‘of containing and being contained …’ (̇ܗܘ
… rܒqr ܘܡṙܒq ܕτὰ μὲν κατὰ τὸ περιέχον καὶ περιεχόμενον ὡς τὸ διπλάσιον
ἡμίσεος διπλάσιον ‘some relate container and contained, as double is double
of half’, my tr.).
2) Another mode is ‘that of ruler and subject …’ (焏 ܘܕ̇ܗܘ ܡqqܠr⟨ ܕ焏ܕ̇ܗܘ ⟩ܡ
… 煟ܥܒr ܕܡτὰ δὲ κατὰ τὸ ἄρχον καὶ ἀρχόμενον ὡς ὁ δεσπότης δούλου δεσπότης
“some relate ruler and ruled, as a master is master of a slave”).
3) The third mode is ‘that of discerning and being discerned …’ (焏̇ܗܘ ܡ
̇
… ܫrܦrܫ ܘܡr ܕܦτὰ δὲ κατὰ τὸ κρῖνον καὶ κρινόμενον ὡς τὸ αἰσθητὸν αἰσθήσει
αἰσθητόν “some relate judger and judged, as what is perceived is perceived by
perception”).
4) The fourth mode is ‘that which they ascribe to a certain learning …’ (̇ܗܘ
… ܡ煟 ܡ焏ܠܦܢ熏q ܠ爯qqr⟨ ܕܡ焏)ܬܘܒ ⟩ܡ, which is not clearly stated by
Sergius,188 while Ammonius and Philoponus have τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὸ μετέχον καὶ
μετεχόμενον ὡς ὁ ἐπιστήμων τῷ μετέχειν ἐπιστήμης λέγεται ἐπιστήμων “some
relate participant and what is participated in, as a knower is said to be
knower by participation in knowledge.” Nonetheless, it is more likely that
the verb ܚ ܠr ܡis intended to convey the sense of Greek ἀναφέρειν ‘refer’,
‘ascribe’, since this division is designated by some commentators as ἀναφορά
‘reference’, (Elias 203.12f. and Olymp. 99.34: πρὸς τὸ γένος ἀναφοράν).
5) The fifth mode is ‘as what is a cause and that which is (caused) by it …’, i.e.
the efficient cause, (… 煿 ܕܡܢ焏ܐ ܘ̇ܗܘ ܡrܘܗܝ ܥܠrq ܕܐ焏̇ܗܘ ܬܘܒ ܡ
τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὸ αἴτιον καὶ αἰτιατὸν ὡς ὁ πατὴρ υἱοῦ πατήρ “some relate cause and
effect, as a father is a father of a child”).
6) The sixth mode is ‘as the one who is doing something and the one who is
̇
affected by it …’ (… 煿ܫ ܡܢ焏q̇ܡ ܘ煟 ܡ煟 ܕܥܒ焏 ̇ܗܘ ܬܘܒ ܡτὰ δὲ κατὰ
187 In Simplicius’ quotation of Iamblichus we find (161.19): [ἡ διαίρεσις τοῦ πρός τι εἰς] τὰ κατ’
ἰσότητα, ὧν ἐστιν τὸ ἴσον, τὸ ὅμοιον τὸ ταὐτόν [the division of relatives is made into] “those
based on equality, which includes the equal, the like and the same.”
188 The Commentary has the same brief account here.
commentary 239
τὸ ποιοῦν καὶ πάσχον ὡς ὁ τύπτων τυπτόμενον τύπτει “some relate agent and
patient, as a striker strikes what is struck”).
7) And the seventh and last mode is ‘as a position in a certain place …’ (焏ܡqܣ
ܡ煟ܬܪܐ ܡ焏 ܬܘܒ ܕܒτὰ δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἐν τόπῳ διαφορὰν ὡς ἀριστερὸς δεξιοῦ
ἀριστερὸς καὶ δεξιὸς ἀριστεροῦ δεξιός “some are related by difference in place,
as left is left of right, and right is right of left”). So, for this last one Sergius
has ‘position (焏ܡq ܣθέσις) in place’ against the διαφορά ‘difference’ of
Ammonius and Philoponus. However, Olympiodorus (99.23,32f.) and Elias
(203.8) have θέσις for one of these divisions of relatives, cf. Porph. (112.31 f.).
Some of the modes that Sergius mentions are also present in Porphyry, but his
exposition is very different in being linguistic rather than logical/metaphysical
and taking into consideration whether various relations are expressed with
grammatical case or not.189 Obviously, Sergius’ account rests on Ammonius’
division and not that of Porphyry, even if such a different arrangement by
Sergius would be understandable, considering that Syriac lacks the inflection
of noun with grammatical case. Besides, Sergius and Ammonius refer to objects
(ܬܐ熏 ܨ̈ܒπράγματα) and not solely words (cf. comm. to § 49).190
189 Porph. (112.2–4): τινὰ μὲν ἑτέρων λέγεται κατὰ πτῶσιν τὴν αὐτὴν ἄμφω, τινὰ δὲ καθ’ ἑτέραν καὶ
ἑτέραν, τινὰ δὲ οὐ κατὰ πτῶσιν “other relatives are construed with different grammatical
cases, while others are not construed with a grammatical case at all”, see esp. op. cit. 111.32–
112.21.
190 For the division of relatives, see also Olymp. (99.21–38, who has a different setup and
designations), Elias (202.11–215.17, close to that of Olymp.), Simpl. (161.12–163.5), J.Damasc.
Dialec. (ναʹ/51.15–23), and Anon. (30.17–27).
240 chapter 8
relatives are simultaneous, though some people get the impression that Aris-
totle does not maintain this standpoint judging from his subsequent account.
Also Sergius contends that as relatives all relative things are simultaneous,
both in time (焏ܒܢ熟 ܒχρόνῳ) and by nature (焏ܢqq ܒφύσει), although indepen-
dently they can be prior or posterior to each other either in time or/and by
nature.
In this connection most commentators, among them Sergius, discuss the
question about the ways things can be said to be prior (爟q煟 ܩand 焏qܡ煟 ܩπρό-
τερος) and posterior (焏qrq ܐὕστερος) to each other, although this matter is
treated by Aristotle in greater detail later on in the Categories (14a26–b23), a
fact noted by Porphyry (118.18–119.3). In this section, Porphyry analyses only
priority by nature and states that (119.1f.): τὸ μὲν γὰρ συναναιροῦν καὶ μὴ συναναι-
ρούμενον πρότερον “what eliminates something along with itself but is not itself
eliminated by it is prior.” However, Ammonius (74.11–25), Philoponus (117.15–
118.29), and Sergius discuss priority both in time and by nature (τὸ μὲν χρόνῳ
τὸ δὲ φύσει), in proving that all relatives are simultaneous. As an example of
priority in time all three give the war of the Medes as being prior the war
of the Peloponnesians.191 The definition Sergius gives for natural priority is
also to be found in Ammonius and Philoponus. Both these have an almost
verbatim definition, and we choose here to quote Philoponus (118.2–4): τῇ δὲ
φύσει πρότερον τὸ συναναιροῦν μὲν μὴ συναναιρούμενον δὲ καὶ τὸ συνεισφερόμε-
νον μὲν μὴ συνεισφέρον δέ, ὡς ἐπὶ ζῴου καὶ ἀνθρώπου ἔχει ‘that which eliminates
something but is not eliminated is prior in nature, and that which is implied
but does not imply, as in the case of animal and man’, (cf. Ammon. 74.19–
21). This means that if animal is taken away also man will be removed, but
not the opposite, that is to say, the genus of animal can exist even without
the species of man, since there are many other species in the genus of ani-
mal. And if man is posited, also animal will by necessity be deduced from it,
but animal does not necessarily introduce man. It is noteworthy that Sergius
gives the example of animal and horse and not that of animal and man, and
also that he presents angels and demons for beings endowed with rationality.
These cases are clearly motivated by his Christian approach (see comm. § 24–
34).
Ammonius (76.10–17) and Philoponus (122.25–30) declare that the proof for
showing that relatives are simultaneous is determined by the way we look at
them. If we think of them as independent entities they may be simultaneous or
not, but if we look at them as bound to each other in a certain kind of relation, as
191 The Persian War 499–449 bc and the Peloponnesian War 431–404 bc.
commentary 241
that of a father and a son, then they are inevitably simultaneous. Thus, Sergius’
solution is the same as the one found in their texts.192
192 For the problem of simultaneity of relatives and its solution, see also Olymp. (108.6–109.19),
Elias (213.16–215.17), Simpl. (189.18–196.33), J.Damasc. Dialec. (ναʹ/51.26–37), and Anon.
(35.14–36.34).
193 In n. 296 ad loc. on p. 174, Fleet writes that “Stoic bodiless entities are void, place, time and
sayables (lekta).” For some other aspects of Stoic theory of qualities, see Simpl. (212.12–
213.7, 214.24–215.18, 222.30–23.11).
194 For a translation of and discussion on chapter 11, its relation to the Pseudo-Galenic work
on incorporeal qualities, and Ephrem’s attribution of it, see Dillon (1993: 19f. and 111–114).
242 chapter 8
195 The information given in Sergius’ Commentary (L.47.6–16/P.88v6–10) that Bardaisan (154–
222) also sides with the Stoics on the corporeal nature of qualities (cf. Furlani 1937), might
have been taken from Ephrem, provided that the works of Bardaisan were not available
to Sergius. For a discussion on the possible links between Bardaisan and Sergius based on
the collection of texts in the Syriac British Library Additional 14658 manuscript, see King
(2011a, esp. pp. 204–212).
196 For the division of quality into four kinds, see also Porph. (128.34–133.19), Ammon. (81.4–
commentary 243
ܬܐ熏 ܕܡfor μορφή, and 焏r ܐܕfor εἶδος ‘species/form’, which is considered to
be a loan word too.
We have already described the difference between state and condition, as it
is defined by Sergius and other commentators. The second sort of quality is just
briefly explained by Sergius. What the commentators seem to mean is whether
a person has the physical propensity or aptitude for becoming something or
not. Ammonius writes (81.12f.): τὴν μὲν δύναμιν ἐπιτηδειότητα τὴν δὲ ἀδυναμίαν
ἀνεπιτηδειότητα καλοῦμεν “We call capacity fitness and incapacity unfitness.”
Earlier, Sergius gave just a brief division of ‘affected and affective qualities’
and now returns to it in its proper order for a more detailed exposition. The
idea expressed in this section is not easy to grasp, because of the double impli-
cation in the Greek word παθητικός ‘affective’: one active sense as being produc-
tive of affection and one passive sense as the result or effect of being affected.
Likewise, also the account of Ammonius is more complex and includes some
further divisions of this kind of quality.199 ‘Affected qualities’ are the changes of
sensation that come about in our senses in contact with the objects that pos-
sess their faculty (ܘܢ煿ܠqq). ‘Affective qualities’ are understood in two ways, as
already noted, either as the effects of the ‘affections’ or as producer of an affec-
tion (焏rq) in our sense, which is called an ‘alteration’ (焏ܠܦq熏r ἀλλοίωσις).
Ammonius formulates it like this (86.13–16): ἤτοι γὰρ ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτὰ πεπονθέναι
καὶ διὰ πάθους πεποιῶσθαι παθητικὴν ἔχειν ποιότητα λέγεται ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ τὴν αἴσθη-
σιν ἡμῶν πάσχειν κατὰ τὴν τούτων ἀντίληψιν “Things are said to have an affective
quality either from having been affected themselves, i.e. because produced by
an affection, or from the fact that our senses are affected in the perception of
them.” While Simplicius lays it down as follows (228.27 f.): ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ πάθος ἐμποι-
εῖν τοῖς αἰσθανομένοις ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτὰς ἀπὸ πάθους ἐγγίνεσθαι “either the result of
causing an affection in the percipient, or the result of qualities coming to be
present as a result of an affection”, and continues that (228.30f.): παθητικαὶ δέ,
ὅτι πάθος ἐμποιοῦσιν ταῖς αἰσθήσεσιν ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ πάθους ἐγγίνονται “they are affec-
tive because they produce an affection in the senses or come to be as a result of
an affection.” The examples of heat (ܬܐ熏ܡqܡq θερμότης) of fire (ܪܐ熏 ܢπῦρ)
and sweetness (ܬܐ熏qܠq γλυκύτης) of honey (焏r ܕܒμέλι) are present in some
Greek commentaries too.
This division of affective qualities and affections into four attributes belongs
to Ammonius (86.2–12). Some of this quality:
199 See the translators Cohen and Matthews’ outline of Ammonius’ division of quality, (1991:
108 n. 136; cf. also p. 105 n. 133).
commentary 245
1) ‘occurs in the entirety of one species of objects’, (ܬܐ熏 ܕܨ̈ܒ焏r ܐܕ煟q 煿ܠqܠ
ܫ煟 ̇ܓπαντὶ τῷ εἴδει πάρεστι (…) ὡς ἡ ἐν τῇ χιόνι λευκότης “is present in the
entire species (…), like whiteness in snow”). Sergius’ examples for whiteness
in lead (焏q煟q ܐܣܦψιμύθιον) and in swan (ܣ熏ܩܢ熏 < ܩκύκνος) appear in
other contexts in the Greek commentaries.
2) or ‘is not found in the entirety of one species, but in parts of it’ (熏 ܠ煿ܡܢ
ܬܗ熏 ܒ̈ܡܢ焏 ܐܠqqqr 焏r ܐܕ煟q 煿ܠq ܒοὐ παντὶ [πάρεστι] μὲν ἀλλὰ τισί,
φυσικῶς μέντοι καὶ ἐκ γενετῆς, (…) ὡς τοῖς Αἰθίοψιν ἡ μελανία “⟨it is present⟩
not in all but some ⟨members of the species⟩, although naturally and from
birth (…), like blackness in Ethiopians”). The same examples that Sergius
utilizes are not for this group, but for the next.
3) either it ‘appears in objects by nature from birth’ (爯ܡ ̣ rq焏ܢqq ܬܘܒ煿ܡܢ
ܬܐ熏̈ܒ犏 ܒ爯q煿ܫ ܒ煟ܘܬܐ ܓ煟qܠq οὐ φύσει [πάρεστι] μὲν ἀλλ’ ἐπίκτητον καὶ
δυσαπόβλητον (…) ὡς ἡ ὑπὸ μακρᾶς νόσου ἢ ἰκτερικοῦ νοσήματος ὠχρίασις “⟨it
is present⟩ not by nature but is acquired and hard to lose (…), like pallor
⟨that results⟩ from a long illness or from jaundice”). Here, the classifications
of Ammonius and Sergius differs. The former says “not by nature”, whereas
the latter says “by nature”, and this is also the reason for the overlapping of
their examples.200 His example of 焏qr熏ܠqܬܐ ܕܐ熏ܡܩ熏‘ ܣthe redness of
Illyrians’ (< Ἰλλυριοί),201 probably referring to Celts, is not found in any Greek
commentary.
̇
4) or ‘appears after the birth and is easy to lose’ (犟qrܫ ܘܦ煟ܬܐ ܓrq ܠ煿ܡܢ
ܪܐrr ܕܢἐπίκτητον καὶ εὐαπόβλητον ὡς ἡ ἐρυθρότης, ὡς ἄν τις ἢ δι’ αἰδῶ ἐρυθρι-
άσῃ ἢ διὰ δέος ὠχριάσῃ “it is acquired and easy to lose, like redness ⟨or pallor⟩,
as when someone turns red with shame and pale with fear”). Both have the
same examples.202
200 The reading of Berlin manuscript here is supported by that of London and Paris. Also
the fact that Sergius gives the example of ‘the blackness of Cushites and the redness of
Illyrians’ indicates that we may not assume the loss of a negation in the Syriac text.
201 This ethnonym is attested only one other time in Syriac literature, that is at 45.12 in Incerti
auctoris Chronicon Pseudo-Dionysianum vulgo dictum i, (Textus, csco 91, Scriptores syri,
43), ed. J.-B. Chabot (1927); cf. TS.152.
202 Cf. also Philop. (147.9–148.7), who has a different classification of the affective quality. If
something (1) is present in the entire species, it is either (a) completive of it (like heat
of fire) or (b) it is not completive of it (like blackness of raven). If something (2) is not
present in the entire species, it is either (a) long lasting (like paleness from birth) or (b)
short lasting, and this is either hard to lose (like paleness from long sickness) or easy to
lose (like redness from shame).
246 chapter 8
Sergius’ statement that these qualities are present not only in bodies, but
also in the soul (焏r ܢܦψυχή) is found in Ammonius (86.12) too. However,
Ammonius does not provide any further description, while Philoponus (148.8–
149.10) does so and is even more detailed than Sergius by giving some other
examples, in addition to those of persons who might be inclined to anger
(ὀργίλος) or be mad (μανικός).203
The fourth kind of the category of quality concerns figure (焏ܡqq< ܐܣ
σχῆμα) and shape (ܬܐ熏 ܕܡμορφή), to which Sergius’ account has a close par-
allel in Ammonius (87.22–88.4) and Philoponus (151.13–22). Prior to this place,
Ammonius had already announced that (81.24f.): εἰδέναι δεῖ ὅτι τὸ μὲν σχῆμα ἐπὶ
τῶν ἀψύχων λέγεται, ἡ δὲ μορφὴ ἐπὶ τῶν ἐμψύχων “One should note that ‘figure’ is
applied to inanimate objects, and ‘shape’ to animate.”204 And later he clarifies
that (83.26–28): τὸ μὲν σχῆμα ἐν τῇ φαντασίᾳ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ θεωρεῖται, ἡ δὲ μορφὴ
ἐν τοῖς φυσικοῖς πράγμασιν “figure is manifested in our own mental represen-
tation, whereas shape is in physical things”, which are living.205 Furthermore,
Ammonius and Philoponus, along with Sergius, state that figure is more gen-
eral (καθολικώτερος), because everything that has shape has also figure, but not
everything that has figure also has shape, since shape is applied only to ani-
mate things and far from everything is animate. If we take this description into
account, ‘figure’ should be understood as abstracted “form” in our mind of all
physical things.
203 For the mental affections, see also Cat. (9b33–10a10) and Porph. (131.12–35).
204 Simplicius (261.34–262.11) raises some objections to this distinction.
205 Cf. also Philop. (137.20–32), who says that figure in inanimate objects is φανταστός ‘imag-
ined’. Also Elias states that (232.21f.): τὸ μὲν σχῆμα ἐπὶ τῶν κατ’ ἐπίνοιαν λέγεται, ἡ δὲ μορφὴ
ἐπὶ τῶν φυσικῶν ‘figure is said concerning notional things, while shape concerning physical
things’.
206 For these four different modes of opposition, see Porph. (108.10–12), Ammon. (93.8–102.21),
commentary 247
of these two words, if we also take into account the rendering of both concepts
with 焏ܒܠ熏 ܕܠܩby the anonymous translator of the Categories. However, the
distinction of Sergius between forms of 焏ܒܠ熏 ܕܠܩfor ἀντικείμενος ‘opposite’ and
焏qܒܠ熏 ܣܩfor ἐναντίος ‘contrary’ was adopted by later translators, such as Jacob
and George.211 An exception, which may also explain why some of this confu-
sion has arisen, can be obtained from the fact that Syriac already had the fixed
expression ܕܗܕܐ焏ܒܠ熏‘ ܕܠܩon the contrary’ as a functional equivalent to τοὐ-
ναντίον (lsj.555: ii.1c). It is how this Greek adverb is rendered by the anonymous
translator of Eisagoge (6.20/15.2) and in this sense it occurs also in the present
text of Sergius (§63). This use of 焏ܒܠ熏 ܕܠܩfor an expression construed with
ἐναντίος might therefore, to some extent, have had a compulsive effect.
Some explanations of the conceptual difference between ‘opposition’ (ἀντί-
θεσις) and ‘contrariety’ (ἐναντιότης) are provided by Aristotle’s commentators.
Ammonius (93.20–94.29) and Philoponus (168.25–30, 183.18–32) state that con-
traries are more violently opposed and “they destroy one another” (ἀναιρεῖ
ἄλληλα).212 This applies also the opposite relation of privation and possession,
with the significant difference that contraries “change into one another” (εἰς
ἄλληλα μεταβάλλει), whereas opposition as privation and possession “do not
change into one another” (οὐ μεταβάλλει εἰς ἄλληλα). For example contrary
colours can change into one another, as well as it being possible for one and
the same object to become hot and cold at different points,213 whereas a person
that has become blind or bald cannot recover his sight (ἀναβλέπειν) or grow hair
(φύειν) again, according to their distinction. In his adaptation of Alexander’s
On the Principles of the Universe, Sergius writes also (135.11f.): 焏ܒܠ熏 ܕܕܠܩ爯qܠqܐ
214爯ܡq̈ܩrܡ ܢ煟 ܡ煟q ܒ焏ܒܢ熟 ܒ煿 ܒ煟q 煿 ܕܒ焏q犏 ܡ焏ܕܐ܉ ܠ煟q̈ ܕ爯qܐܢ ̈ ‘those
which are opposite to one another cannot subsist at the same time in one thing’.
The usage of another word in Sergius’ text differs from that of the translators
of Categories. It is the term 焏ܠqq for ἕξις, in the pair στέρησις καὶ ἕξις “privation
and possession”. When ἕξις was used together with διάθεσις ‘condition’ in the
sense of ‘state’, Sergius employed ܬܘܬܐr‘ ܡܣstability’ (§ 81) for it, but here
he uses 焏ܠqq, which semantically is equivalent to δύναμις ‘power’. He has
already used 焏ܠqq to mean ‘quality’ in some instances, in addition to its basic
211 For a description of these two words in the three Syriac translations of the Categories, see
King’s comments to Cat. 3b24 (p. 190), 4a11 (pp. 191f.), and 11b16 (pp. 236f.). See also the
discussion in Hugonnard-Roche (2004: 32 f., 46) and the entries in TS.3472f. and TS.3476f.
212 Philop. (75.2): τὰ γὰρ ἐναντία φθείρουσιν ἄλληλα “for contraries destroy each other”.
213 Philop. (190.4f.): ἅμα γὰρ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ μέρει ἀδύνατον συστῆναι τὰ ἐναντία ‘for contraries
cannot exist in the same part at the same time’.
214 In Fiori’s edition 爯qܡq̈ܩrܢ.
commentary 249
sense ‘power’. On the other hand, in order to convey the idea of ‘capacity’ for
Aristotle’s δύναμις ‘power’ (at Cat.9a16 as opposed to ἀδυναμία ‘powerlessness’)
he has ܬܐ熏ܢq犏ܡrܡ. The sense of ‘possession’ for ἕξις here is rendered by the
anonymous translator of Categories by ܘܬܐrq‘ ܐexistence’ i.e. ‘having’, while
Jacob and George have ܬܐ熏q‘ ܩܢpossession’ (see King 2010b: 208 f.). However,
Sergius’ use of 焏ܠqq for ἕξις, comprehended as ‘a faculty of body’, suits well
Aristotle’s intention in this context to judge from the example he offers of
‘sight’, (see also Arist. Topics 106b21–28). Once again, he chooses to convey the
meaning for the Greek word instead of translating literally or transposing it.
A very close parallel to Sergius’ division of the four kinds of opposites and
some features connected with them is also to be found in Ammonius’ (93.17–
94.3) and Philoponus’ (168.18–29) commentaries. They delimit opposite things
to be either ‘in statements’ (焏ܡܠ ̈ ܒἐν λόγοις) or ‘in objects’ (ܬܐ熏̈ܒ犏 ܒἐν
πράγμασι). Opposites in objects are conceived either in relation to something
else (焏ܢrqܡ ܐ煟ܬܐ ܕܡ熏ܬܦ熏r ܒἐν σχέσει τινὶ, Philop. 168.20) or on their own
(煿̇ ܘܠ煿̇ ܡܢκαθ’ αὑτὰ, Philop.: ἄσχετα ‘unrelated’). Those opposites in objects
that are on their own and do not have a relation either change into one another
(ܕܐ煟q̈ ܠ爯ܠܦq̈rr ܡμεταβάλλει εἰς ἄλληλα), as contraries, or they do not change,
as privation and possession.
Next, Sergius describes the six forms of ‘change’ (焏qܓܢ熏r μεταβολή), which
is principally used synonymously with ‘motion’ (ܬܐ熏ܥܢqܬܙr ܡκίνησις, cf.
Cat. 15a13f.). These two words seem virtually interchangeable also in Aristo-
tle and his commentators (cf. Ammon. 105.10). Sergius’ brief specification of
motion here, rather than in connection with chapter 14 of the Categories, is
intended to illuminate the aforementioned change of contrary things. We shall
return to these six motions or changes in their proper context later on.
In the next passage, Sergius repeats some of what he has briefly mentioned
two sections earlier in order to provide a more complete account. Some oppo-
sition was said to be in statements and Sergius’ example for ‘Socrates runs’ /
‘Socrates does not run’ can be compared with Ammonius’ (93.19f.) and Philo-
ponus’ (168.23): Σωκράτης περιπατεῖ / Σωκράτης οὐ περιπατεῖ ‘Socrates walks’ /
‘Socrates does not walk’. Opposite things in objects that have a relation to one
another are specified as relatives, as right to left (δεξιὸν ἀριστερόν), while those
in objects that do not have a relation can either as contrary things change into
one another, as whiteness into blackness and cold into heat, or not change into
one another and make the opposition of “faculty” and privation, as sight and
blindness (ὄψις καὶ τυφλότης).
Then, Sergius presents the distinctive features of each opposition, beginning
with faculty and privation. Faculty is described as actuality of a natural power
that acts within us, whereas privation is the lack and corruption of this power.
250 chapter 8
Also Philoponus writes that (168.31–169.2): στέρησιν λέγει οὐ τὴν παντελῆ τῆς
δυνάμεως φθοράν (…) ἀλλὰ τῆς ἐνεργείας μόνης τὴν ἀπουσίαν ‘he says215 that
privation is not the complete destruction of a power, (…) but rather only the
absence of (an) actuality’. But not every lack can be characterized as privation,
except only when it is absent in a specific part of body in which it is expected to
be actual at the appropriate time, (Cat. 12a26–34). In the Metaphysics (1004b22–
32), Aristotle gives an account of four conditions for what should be called
privation. The same three points that Sergius regards as necessary to investigate
(焯ܥܩr ܙܕܩ ܕܢδεῖ σκοπεῖν/παρατηρεῖν) concerning privation are present also
in Ammonius (96.11–28) and Philoponus (175.3–16). The first point we need to
consider is whether the thing in question is naturally capable of receiving (爯qܡ
爏 ܕܢܩܒπέφυκε δέχεσθαι) the opposite state of possession. The second point is
whether this state of privation is current at its natural time of receiving (焏ܒܢ熟ܒ
爏 ܕܢܩܒ爯q ̇ܗܘ ܕܡἐν τῷ χρόνῳ ἐν ᾧ πέφυκε, Ammon. καιρός). And the third point
is whether privation has come about in the natural part (爯q ̇ܗܘ ܕܡ焏ܕܡ煿ܒ
煿ܘܐ ܒ煿 ܕܢἐν ᾧ μέρει πέφυκε, Ammon. καθ’ ὃ μέρος δεῖ), that is in the part that
can have its opposite state, which is possession.
Next, Sergius gives further explanations and examples for opposition per-
ceived in the composition of speech (焏 ܕܡܡܠܠ焏ܒqܘr )ܒor in the construc-
tion of a statement (ܐr ܕܡܠ焏ܒqܘr)ܒ, and from the category of relatives.
After that he clarifies contrariety. The discussion on the intermediate position
of contrary things is set out by Aristotle at Cat. 12b26–41. Ammonius writes
in relation to this passage that (95.11–13): τῶν ἐναντίων τὰ μὲν ἄμεσά ἐστιν ὡς
ἄρτιον καὶ περιττόν, τὰ δὲ ἔμμεσα ὡς τὸ λευκὸν καὶ τὸ μέλαν καὶ εἴ τι τοιοῦτον “Some
contraries have no intermediate, such as odd and even; others have an inter-
mediate, such as white and black and anything like that”, (also Philop. 172.13 f.).
More remarkable is Sergius’ statement that there is no intermediate of light
(ܗܪܐ熏 ܢφάος) and darkness (焏q熏rq σκότος), for which he has an additional
explanation in his Commentary (L.57ra22–34/P.105r6–12): rq ܓ爯q ܗܠ爏ܐܦ ܥ
ܘܗܝrqܗܪܐ ܐ熏 ܢ焏܇ ܕܠ焏ܢrqܡ ܐ煟ܗܘܢ ܡrܥ犏 ܒܡrq܉ ܕܠ爯qrܐ ܐܡ焏q̈ܣܓ
爯ܐ ܡrܦrܡ ̇ܗܘܐ ܒ煟ܗܪܐ ̇ܗܘ ܕ̇ܩ熏 ܠܢ焏ܢrq ܐ爯qܐ ܕ焏q̈ ܣܓ.焏q熏rq 焏ܘܠ
焏qܥ犏 ܡ焏ܣqq ܒ爯qܡq ̇ܣ焏܉ ܠ焏rܡr ܐ熟qrܡ ܕܢ煟 ܩ焏rܡr ܕ焏ܩq ܕܙܠ煿ܙܠܓ
焏q熏rqܗܪܐ ܠ熏 ܢrq‘ ܕܒalso concerning these things many people say that
there is nothing else in the middle of them, which is not light or darkness. Many
others do not place the light that precedes and occurs at daybreak from the
215 Referring to Aristotle and his Physics, but it is unclear to where in this work, cf. also Elias
(244.27–31). This is perhaps another mistake that can be ascribed to Ammonius’ schools,
in addition to those mentioned by Tarán, see ch. 8 n. 174
commentary 251
shining ray of sun, before the sun appears, in the middle order between light
and darkness’. Though Philoponus (172.22–26) gives a very similar account at
the parallel passage, I have not found the same example in the Greek com-
mentaries, but Elias (242.35–37) notes that light and darkness is between the
opposition of contraries, and between that of possession and privation.
Aristotle (Cat. 12a20–25) and the commentators (Ammon. 95.27–96.4,
Philop. 172.22–27) mention that the intermediary positions of some contraries
have names, as there are other colours between white and black,216 while the
intermediate state of some other things is given (Cat. 12a22 f.) τῇ δὲ ἑκατέρου τῶν
ἄκρων ἀποφάσει τὸ ἀνὰ μέσον ὁρίζεται “by the negation of each of the extremes
that the intermediate is marked off”, as that between good (σπουδαῖος) and bad
(φαῦλος). Sergius gives also a Christian example, when he provides the two
extremities ܬܐ熏rq煟‘ ܩholiness’ and ܬܐ熏qqrr ‘wickedness’ (L.45vb30–34).
216 Philoponus gives the intermediate φαιός ‘grey’, ὠχρός ‘pale’, and ξανθός ‘yellow’.
252 chapter 8
into one another, whereas opposite things do not, (cf. also Philop. 183.18–32).
This argument belongs to Aristotle.217 Most interesting here is Sergius’ closing
words, where he notes that privation, as for example blindness, does not revert
to sight ‘according to the natural opinion’. A further elucidation of this is given
in the Commentary (L.57vb6–13/P.106r6–9): 煿̇ܐ ܕܒrqܢqq ܐrq ܬܪܥqqܐ
rܡ焏 ܠܡ焏 ܪ̣ܡ焏܉ ܠrqܐ煿ܢ ܐܠrܥr ܕܡܣrq ܓ爯q ̇ܗܢ爏 ܥ.爯ܢq ܡܡܠܠ焏rܗ
ܗܘܢr ܕܡܠ焏rq ܢ爟q̣ܬܐ ܣ熏ܠq ܕܡܠ焏r ܕܘܪ爏 ܕܥ爯qܠq焏‘ ܠaccording to the nat-
ural opinion within which we speak now. Concerning those things that are
performed divinely, it is not fallen upon them to say, the aim of whose trea-
tise is situated in the study of logic’. Sergius shares this passage with Philo-
ponus, who is the first attested Christian philosopher in Greek to make a similar
reservation towards Aristotle’s statement that sight can possibly be recovered,
(see King 2010b: 244f.). It is not clear whether it is the result of a direct rela-
tionship between Sergius and Philoponus or due to a prevalent point of view
among the Christian students of philosophy in Alexandria. Both alternatives
are probable at once. It is interesting to note how Sergius points out that his
text is of a philosophical nature (on logic) and that the opinions expressed
in such a text ought to be kept separate from a theological discussion. From
a Christian point of view, the thought expressed by Aristotle is problematic
and does not go along with the testimonies of the Gospels about the mira-
cles of Christ and how he gave blind people their sight again. Philoponus has
(169.18f.): οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐκ τυφλοῦ τις ἀναβλέψει κατά γε τὸν φυσικὸν ἢ τεχνικὸν λόγον,
εἰ μή που θείᾳ δυνάμει ‘and no one recovers his sight from blindness accord-
ing to the natural and technical opinion, unless it be by divine power’, and
also (184.17f.): κατά γε ἰατρικὸν λόγον καὶ φυσικὸν οὐδείς ποτε τυφλὸς ὢν ἀνέ-
βλεψεν, εἰ μὴ ἄρα κατά τινα θείαν ἔλλαμψιν ‘no blind person recovers his sight
according to medical and physical opinion, unless it be by some divine illu-
mination’. Philoponus is here followed also by Elias who writes (242.10 f.): ἕξις
217 Aristotle has (Cat. 13a17–20): ἐπὶ μὲν τῶν ἐναντίων (…) δυνατὸν εἰς ἄλληλα μεταβολὴν γενέσθαι,
εἰ μή τινι φύσει τὸ ἓν ὑπάρχει, οἷον τῷ πυρὶ τὸ θερμῷ εἶναι “with contraries it is possible (…) for
change into one another to occur, unless the one belongs to something by nature as being
hot does to fire.” And (13a31–36): ἐπὶ δέ γε τῆς στερήσεως καὶ τῆς ἕξεως ἀδύνα τον εἰς ἄλληλα
μεταβολὴν γενέσθαι· ἀπὸ μὲν γὰρ τῆς ἕξεως ἐπὶ τὴν στέρησιν γίγνεται μεταβολή, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς
στερήσεως ἐπὶ τὴν ἕξιν ἀδύνατον· οὔτε γὰρ τυφλὸς γενόμενός τις πάλιν ἔβλεψεν, οὔτε φαλακρὸς
ὢν κομήτης ἐγένετο, οὔτε νωδὸς ὢν ὀδόντας ἔφυσεν “With privation and possession, on the
other hand, it is impossible for change into one another to occur. For change occurs from
possession to privation but from privation to possession it is impossible; one who has gone
blind does not recover sight nor does a bald man regain his hair nor does a toothless man
grow teeth.”
commentary 253
γὰρ εἰς στέρησιν μεταβάλλει, στέρησις δὲ εἰς ἕξιν οὐδέποτε ὑπὸ φύσεως ἢ τέχνης· τῇ
γὰρ προνοίᾳ οὐδὲν ἀδύνατον ‘for possession does change into privation, but pri-
vation never changes into possession naturally or by rules of art. However, to
providence nothing is impossible’. An almost identical gloss to that of Philo-
ponus’ εἰ μή που θείᾳ δυνάμει was added to a number of Greek manuscripts of
the Categories, at 13a34f., as reviewed by Bodéüs (1997: 627–631). In addition
to the glosses εἰ μὴ τί γε θείᾳ δυνάμει and εἰ μή τινι θείᾳ δυνάμει ‘unless by some
divine power’, Bodéüs finds also εἰ μὴ θείᾳ προνοίᾳ ‘unless by divine providence’.
Ammonius does not have any such phrase nor does any other pagan commen-
tator.
Due to lack of any good Syriac equivalent for ἀναβλέπειν ‘recover one’s sight’,
Sergius uses what may be considered to correspond to ἀντιμεταβάλλειν, namely
the syntagm 焏ܠܦqrr ܡ焏q̇ܗܦ, which I have chosen to translate ‘counter-
change’. This word occurs in fact several times in the works of Philoponus and at
least once in Hippocrates, and it is possible that Sergius had read the writings of
both.218 That the active participle forms of q ̇ܗܦare used as equivalents for ἀντί
is evident from several instances in the anonymous Syriac translation of Por-
phyry’s Eisagoge. Usually, the Greek technical term κατηγορεῖσθαι ‘predicated
of’ is rendered by Sergius and in this anonymous translation by 爏 ܥrܐܬܐܡ
‘said of’, (see Eis. 7.3,9.19/Eis.Syr.i 15.13,22.1). Accordingly, for ἀντικατηγορεῖσθαι
‘counterpredicated of’ we have 爏ܐ ܥrܐܡr ܡ焏q ܗܦand rܐܡr ܡqܗܦ
爏( ܥ16.12,12f./Syr.i 36.14f.,15f.), which are asyndetically construed.219 To further
illustrate this we give the reading of the two Syriac versions of Eisagoge:
218 See especially Philoponus’ Against Proclus on the Eternity of the World (although written in
529), where it at 296.14–20 is used in the similar context of possession and privation. And
see also Hippocrates’ On Diet in Acute Diseases (8.9 f.).
219 This translator is pragmatic and uses other versions too: for τὸ ἀλλήλων ἀντικατηγορεῖσθαι
he has just ܕܐ煟q̈ 爏ܘܢ ܥrܐܡr( ̇ܗܝ ܕܢ20.12/Syr.i 4411f.; while Athanasius revision has
ܢ熏ܓrqܩrܢ ܢ熏qܦ煿ܕܐ ܢ煟q̈ 爏̇ܗܝ ܕܥ, in the imperfect!), or also he uses ܬ熏 ܠqܦ煿ܡ
for ἀντικατηγορεῖσθαι as at 22.8,9/Syr.i 48.4,6, which otherwise is used for ἀντιστρέφειν
‘reciprocate’.
220 Barnes’ trans.: “a property is counterpredicated of that of which it is a property, a genus is
not counterpredicated of anything.”
254 chapter 8
At the same time, forms of q ܗܦin afʿel conjugation are usually used for
ἀντιστρέφειν ‘reciprocate’ in Sergius and the anonymous translation, more often
together with ܬ熏ܠ, that is ܬ熏 ܠqܐܗܦ. To illustrate both these cases we
provide another example:221
Also Proba uses pəʿal participle forms of q ܗܦas equivalents of the Greek
preposition ἀντί in its compound form ἀντι-, as in ἀντικατηγορεῖσθαι. In this
function the participle is inflected for gender and number in accordance with
the equivalent Syriac verb plus the preposition 爏ܥ. Instead of Sergius’
爏 ܥrܐܡr ܡfor κατηγορεῖσθαι, Proba employs 爏ܓ ܥrqܩrܡ, which is a
borrowed form of the Greek word, as some other commentators and transla-
tors also do (see King 2010b: 319). In this connection, see the following exam-
ples from Proba: ܗܝ熏ܓ ܥܠrqܩr ܡq( ܕ̇ܗܦIn Isag. 7.7/ ܙ.٧, cf. also 11.32/.٣٢
焏q), ܕܐ煟q̈ 爏 ܥ爯qܓrqܩr ܡ爯qqܘܢ ܗܦ煿qr( ܬIn Isag. 10.27/ ܝ.٢٧), and once
together with substantive 焏qܦ煿‘ ܒopposite’ as at ܓrqܩr ܡ焏qܦ煿 ܒ熏ܠ
焏ܢrܪ熏 ܦ爏 ܥ焏r( ܐܕIn Isag. 10.27/ ܝ.٢). Also in the Anon. Syr. In Isag. (47.23/
熟 ܡ.٢٣) we have ܓrqܩr ܡq ܗܦ焏ܬܐ ܠ熏qq 爏 ܥ爯q ܕ焏rܢr‘ ܒman is not
counterpredicated of animal’.
221 See also Eis. (7.4/15.15 f.) for the anonymous translator’s use of ܬ熏 ܠqܦ煿 ܡfor ἀντιστρέ-
φειν, or just qܦ煿 ܡas at 12.21/28.16.
222 Barnes’ trans.: “Differences follow the items of which they are differences but do not con-
vert, whereas properties are counterpredicated of the items of which they are properties
inasmuch as they convert.”
223 Added by me, though uncertain.
commentary 255
224 Philoponus (94.13–16): τῶν γὰρ πρός τι ἴδιον τὸ ἑνὸς τεθέντος τὸ ἕτερον συνεισάγεσθαι καὶ ἀναι-
ρεθέντος συναναιρεῖσθαι· πατρὸς γὰρ τεθέντος συνεισάγεται πάντως καὶ ὁ υἱός, καὶ ἀναιρεθέντος
συναναιρεῖται ‘for it is a property of relatives that if one (of them) is given the other is
introduced along with it, and (if one of them) is destroyed (the other) is destroyed along
with it. For if son is given it by all means introduces with it also father, and when (the
former) is destroyed it destroys (the latter) along with it’, cf. also Philop. (97.5–7, 169.7–
11).
256 chapter 8
225 For the enumeration of priority, see Porph. (118.17–19.3), Ammon. (103.3–104.12), Philop.
(191.15–195.4), Olymp. (143.29–145.11), Elias (251.7–252.23), Simpl. (418.22–423.33), and
J.Damasc. Dialec. (ξʹ/60.1–27).
226 Also Simpl. (419.1–5). However, Elias (251.26 f.) writes that of animate things both πρεσβύ-
τερος and παλαιότερος are said, but of the inanimate only παλαιότερος.
227 See also Simpl. (419.34) and n. 959 ad loc. of its translator Gaskin.
commentary 257
τῆς διηγήσεως “in the way that the introduction is prior to the narrative.” He
seems to imply that this kind of order is just a sequential arrangement, without
any further assessments or implications.
Aristotle does not specify the fourth kind of priority by a single word. Instead
he says that some people consider persons who are specially honoured (ἐντιμό-
τεροι) and beloved (ἀγαπώμενοι) to be prior. On that account, Ammonius and
Olympiodorus designate this priority τῷ ἀξιώματι ‘in worth’, while Philoponus
and some others have the almost synonymous τῇ ἀξίᾳ ‘in dignity’.228 Sergius has
also at his first enumeration ܬܐ熏 ܕܪܒ焏ܣqq‘ ܒin order of greatness’, but then
twice ܬܐ熏ܒr ܘܒ焏ܣqq‘ ܒin order and in greatness’. But in the Metaphysics
(1018b22), Aristotle calls this priority κατὰ δύναμιν ‘in respect of power’, (cf. also
Simpl. 422.21–24).
After these four ways of being prior, Aristotle treats a fifth one, writing
(14b11–13): τῶν γὰρ ἀντιστρεφόντων κατὰ τὴν τοῦ εἶναι ἀκολούθησιν τὸ αἴτιον ὁπωσ-
οῦν θατέρῳ τοῦ εἶναι πρότερον εἰκότως φύσει λέγοιτ’ ἄν “For of things which recip-
rocate as to implication of existence, that which is in some way the cause of
the other’s existence might reasonably be called prior in nature”, and exempli-
fies it by saying that real objects are the cause of true statements about them,
but a true statement about an object cannot have been the cause of that object,
(cf. Philop. 194.16–25). This kind of opposition is said conversely of number two
in his account,229 that of being prior in nature. For things within that kind of
priority do not reciprocate with each other, that is to say, the existence of the
posterior thing is not caused or implied by the prior one, i.e. the existence of
man is not implied by animal. The things within the fifth kind of priority do
reciprocate, since one of them is the cause of the other, in the way a father is the
cause of the existence of a son, and these two reciprocate, i.e. if there is father,
there is son, if there is son, there is father, in the way Ammonius (104.2–5) and
some other commentators exemplify this kind of priority.230
Sergius’ description of this priority is rather cryptic. Yet, what he refers to
by a real and equal ‘property’ (ܬܐ熏qܠq )ܕis its inclination to reciprocate with
its possessor. This understanding is perceived from his additional explanation
in the commentary to Theodore,231 where he gives the example of ‘man’ and
‘laughter’, and how they are posited of each other equally.232 But since laughter
228 Elias (252.10) and John of Damascus Dialec. (ξʹ/60.13) have κατ᾽ ἀξίαν.
229 Philop. (194.10f.): ἔστι δὲ τὸ δεύτερον τῷ πέμπτῳ ἐναντίον ‘the second is contrary to the fifth’.
230 So also Philoponus (194.10–16), Elias (252.6–9), and John of Damascus (Dialec. ξʹ/60.17f.).
231 See L.59va12–29/P.108v19–109a3, with a minor lacuna in P.
232 Also Olympiodorus (145.5) says that an object and a statement are ‘equal’ (ἐξισάζουσιν) in
this way; (and cf. Simpl. 421.3).
258 chapter 8
233 For the expositions of the Greek commentators on this chapter on motion, see Ammon.
(105.9–20), Philop. (197.12–204.21), Olymp. (146.1–30), Elias (253.15–255.23), Simpl. (427.9–
436.12), and J.Damasc. Dialec. (ξβʹ/62.1–52).
commentary 259
in the Physics, characterize the different motions or changes, and here we refer
to Ammonius and Philoponus in parallel to Sergius. Some change is said to
come about substantially (κατ’ οὐσίαν) and some accidentally (κατὰ συμβεβη-
κός). The substantial change is specified as ‘coming into being’ and ‘destruction’,
while the rest are accidental. For the distribution of all the six changes within
the scope of the categories we quote a passage from Ammonius, with which
Sergius’ text concurs closely, (105.16–19): γίνεσθαι τὴν κίνησιν ἐν τέτρασι κατηγο-
ρίαις, ἐν μὲν τῇ οὐσίᾳ γένεσιν καὶ φθοράν, ἐν δὲ τῷ ποσῷ αὔξησιν καὶ μείωσιν, ἐν
δὲ τῷ ποιῷ ἀλλοίωσιν, ἐν δὲ τῇ ποῦ τὴν κατὰ τόπον μεταβολήν “there is change in
four categories—in substance: coming into being and destruction; in quantity:
growth and diminution; in quality: qualitative change; in the where: change
of place.” Sergius also specifies that change in substance is called coming into
being and destruction (焏ܒܠq ܘ焏q ܗܘγένεσις καὶ φθορά), change in quantity is
named increase and decrease (ܘܬܐrq犏ܐ ܘܒrq ܬܪܒαὔξησις καὶ μείωσις), and
change in quality (焏ܢ熟 )ܒis called alteration (焏ܠܦq熏r ἀλλοίωσις), which some-
times is translated with the inferred meaning ‘qualitative change’. But Sergius
does not provide any category for the last kind of change, that is change of place
or movement from one place to another (焏qܘ煟 ܠ焏q ܕܘ爯 ܡ焏)ܙܘܥ, which
in Greek is called φορά ‘locomotion’ or ‘spatial motion’ (lit. ‘being carried’), as
we have already established, (Phys. 208a31f.). Ammonius calls this motion ‘in
where’ (ἐν τῇ ποῦ),234 while Philoponus has (199.6 f.): [κίνησίς] τοῦ δὲ τόπου ἡ
κατὰ τόπον μεταβολή, ἥτις καλεῖται φορά ‘[motion] of place, being change in
respect of place, which is called locomotion’, (Simpl. 421.1: κατὰ τόπον and 435.3:
τὸ ποῦ). For the different kinds of motion and change I have generally used the
following terminology in my translation: for 焏qܓܢ熏r (μεταβολή) ‘change’, for
ܬܐ熏ܥܢqܬܙr( ܡκίνησις) ‘motion’, for 焏( ܙܘܥμεταβολή) ‘movement’, for 焏qܢ熏r
(κίνησις) ‘departure’, and for 焏ܠܦq熏r (ἀλλοίωσις) ‘alteration’.
In contrast to Ammonius, but in accordance with Philoponus, Sergius de-
scribes more closely movement of place, or locomotion. He presents the forms
of locomotion and its directions. Some motion of objects is said to revolve in
a circle (ܕܪܐ熏q ܒκύκλῳ), which Aristotle calls κυκλοφορία ‘circular motion’,
while some is moved straight ahead (牟qܬܙr ܡrqܐ犏q ܬܪκατ’ εὐθεῖαν or
ἐπ’ εὐθείας), which is named by Aristotle εὐθυφορία ‘rectilinear motion’ (Phys.
227b18). The rotational motion of a wheel implies a motion for the entire
wagon. But according to Aristotle’s geocentric model of the universe with the
234 So also Olymp. (146.4 f. and 146.16: ἐν τῇ ποῦ κατηγορίᾳ, ποιεῖ τὴν καλουμένην κατὰ τόπον
μεταβολήν ‘in the category of where, making what is called change in respect of place’),
and J.Damasc. Dialec. (ξβʹ/62.9).
260 chapter 8
unmoving earth at the centre, the circular motion of a celestial body spinning
on its axis (περὶ ἄξονα, Simpl. 428.20), which is said to be its place, is conceived
here to be ‘motion of the parts’ (Philop. In Phys. 594.8: κίνησις τῶν μορίων), since
it is not the whole body which changes place on the transparent rotating sphere
around the earth, but only its parts, and this kind of motion is called περιφορά
‘revolution’.235 Therefore, in his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, Philoponus
has (In Phys. 556.28–557.1): φορὰ γὰρ ἡ κατ’ εὐθεῖαν κίνησις, ἡ δὲ κύκλῳ οὐ φορά,
ἀλλὰ περιφορά “For motion in straight lines is locomotion; circular motion is not
locomotion, but revolution”, (cf. also Philop. 199.7–10 and In Phys. 602.7–11).
The six forms of straight motion are also specified by Sergius, (so also in
Philop. 204.12–15). The first group of opposite motion is either like that of fire
upwards (爏 ܠܥἐπὶ τὸ ἄνω) or like that of water downwards (rqr ܠἐπὶ τὸ κάτω).
The second pair is the movement towards one of the directions: to right or
to left (焏 ܐܘ ܠܣܡܠ焏ܢqܡq ܠτὴν δ’ εἰς τὰ δεξιὰ τῇ εἰς τὰ ἀριστερά). And the
third group is of what is set in motion by a force, either through pushing (ὦσις)
forwards or through pulling (ἕλξις) backwards (ܪܐr ܐܘ ܠܒܣ焏ܕܡ熏 ܠܩτὴν δὲ
εἰς τὸ ἔμπροσθεν τῇ εἰς τὸ ὄπισθεν), (cf. Arist. Phys. 208b12–18, and 243a10–244a6,
and Philop. In Phys. 499.8).
§108 In his epilogue, Sergius once again anticipated any criticism and then
concluded his treatise with a suitable biblical quotation from Paul (1 Corinthi-
ans 4:7).
235 For rotating transparent spheres, see Sorabji (2004a: 337–343, 375–382) and Sorabji (2010:
21–23).
chapter 9
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Wiessner (1972). Gernot Wiessner, “Zur Handschriftenüberlieferung der syrischen Fas-
sung des Corpus Dionysiacum”, Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in
Göttingen, i, Philologisch-historische Klasse 3, (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1972), pp. 165–216.
Wildberg (1990). Christian Wildberg, “Three Neoplatonic Introductions to Philosophy:
Ammonius, David and Elias”, Hermathena 149 (1990), pp. 33–51.
Wildberg (1998). Idem, “Philoponus (c. ad 490–c. 570)”, Routledge Encyclopedia of Phi-
losophy, Volume 7 (London: Routledge 1998), pp. 371–378.
Wilberding (2014). James Wilberding, “Neoplatonism and medicine”, The Routledge
Handbook of Neoplatonism, edited by Pauliina Remes & Svetla Slaveva-Griffin, (Lon-
don: Routledge, 2014), pp. 356–371.
Wilmshurst (2000). David Wilmshurst, The Ecclesiastical Organisation of the Church of
the East, 1318–1913, (Leuven: Peeters, 2000).
Wisnovsky (2013). Robert Wisnovsky, “Yaḥyā b. ʿAdī’s Discussion of the Prolegomena to
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294 chapter 9
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Zimmermann (1981). See Al-Farabi, under Primary Sources.
chapter 10
Syriac-Greek Glossary
1 Reference is given only to the first citation for a certain meaning, for complete references see
the Syriac-English Index.
296 chapter 10
(cont.)
(cont.)
(cont.)
(cont.)
Greek-Syriac Glossary
(cont.)
(cont.)
(cont.)
(cont.)
ὑπάρχειν 爯ܘܗܝ ̣ܡrq ܒ ;ܐqqqr pertain/belong to, exist; occur in, be §36, 86
present in
ὑποκείμενον 煿 ܕ̇ܗܘܐ ܒ焏 ̇ܗܘ ܡ/ substrate, subject §40, 52*
煿ܘܗܝ ܒrq ܕܐ焏̇ܗܘ ܡ
ὑποκεῖσθαι ܠ爟qܣ underlie, be substrate for §52
ὑπόστασις 焏ܡq熏ܩ existence, subsistence §11
ὕστατος, ὕστερος 焏qrqܐ last; posterior §7, 75
ὕστερον, τὸ ܬܐ熏qrqܐ posteriority §105
ὑφίστασθαι 爟qܡ√( ܐܬܩ熏)ܩ constitute, be constituted §12
φαῦλον, τὸ ܬܐ熏rqܒ evil, baseness §94
φθείρειν 爏ܒq destroy §38
φθορά 焏ܒܠq / 焏ܒܠ熏q destruction §39, 65,89
φορά 焏qܘ煟 ܠ焏q ܕܘ爯 ܕ̣ܡ焏ܙܘܥ change of place, locomotion §68, 89
φύσει, φυσικῶς rq焏ܢqq by nature, naturally §3, 51
φυσικός 焏qܢqq physical §7
φυσιολογία 焏ܢqq̈ ܬ熏ܡܠܠ physics §3
φύσις 焏ܢqq nature §37
φυτόν ܐrܒ犏ܢ plant §29
φωνή 焏ܬ ܩܠrܒ word (< sound) §4*
χείρων rq犏ܒ inferior §41
χρεμετιστικὸν, τὸ ܬܐ熏ܨܗܘܠ ability to neigh §57
χρῄζειν 爏 ܥ犟qܣܢ stand in need of §22
χρόνος 焏ܙܒܢ time §23
χρῶμα 焏ܢ熏ܓ colour §12
χωρεῖν ܒ爏√( ܐܬܥܠ爏)ܥܠ permeated, pervade §83
χωρίς 煿 ܡܢrܠܒ separate from §10
ψεῦδος, τὸ ܬܐ熏ܕܓܠ falsity §6, 98
ψιμύθιον 焏q煟qܐܣܦ (white) lead §86
ψυχρότης ܘܬܐrqrܩ coldness, cold §65
ὠχρότης 焏ܢ熏 ܓqܢ熏r departure of colour, paleness §86
chapter 12
Syriac-English Index
ܐr̈ܩq ܒܦܣbriefly/in brief § 43, 72, 87, 91, 爯q ܓܢ̈ܣ爿 ܓܢmost generic genera §9–
98 10, 20 (see ch. 7 n. 4)
焏 ܕܒܦܣܩqq ܐbriefly/in brief § 72 焏ܒr ܓjar §25f.
ܬܐ熏rq ܒevil §94 焏ܡqr( ܓcorporeal): 焏ܡqr ܓ焏 ܠincorpo-
焏r ܐܕ煟q r ̈ܒܢof one species (≈ synonyms) real §66–68, 70, 80
§21 (see comm. ad loc.)
ܐrq ܒܥbeast/animal § 41–43 ܬܐ熏 ܕܓܠfalsity §6, 98
ܐr ܒܥproblem §50, 52; question § 75; ܐrq ܕܘpl. ܐrqq̈ ܕܘplace §14, 66, 68, 70–
dispute §44, 47, 62 71, 89, 106–107, location §68
rq犏 ܒinferior §41 焏q ܕܘܡimage §66
ܪܐ犏 ܒdiminution/decrease § 68 焏q ܕܘܡ爯 ̣ܡon analogy §68
ܘܬܐrq犏 ܒless (lit. ‘lessness’) § 61; diminu- 焏r ܕܘܪstudy §1, 20, 53
tion/decrease § 89, 106 ܐrܠq ܕfear §86
ܐr ܒson §13, 74–75, 78–79, 93, 97 ܬܐ熏qܠq ܕproperty §53–54, 56–57, 61, 104–
焏qܘr ܒcreator §7–8 105 (see comm. to §53–60)
ܬܐ熏qܘr ܒcreatorship § 8 焏ܒܠ熏 ܕܠܩopposite §19, 61, 91–93, 97,
ܐrqr ܒcreation (§109), pl. ܐrqr ܒcreated against §2 (see comm. to §88–94)
things §73 ܕܗܕܐ焏ܒܠ熏 ܕܠܩon the contrary §63
焏ܬ ܩܠr ܒpl. 焏 ̈ܩܠr ̈ܒܢword § 4–5, 10, 12–16, ܬܐ熏qܒܠ熏 ܕܠܩopposition §88, 90–94, 96–
18–19, 22, 45, 47, 98–99 98 (see comm. to §88–94)
焏√( ܕܡq )ܕܡbe similar §45, 47, 74
ܫ煟 ܓappear/occur § 38–39, 41, 80, 82–83, ܬܐ熏 ܕܡshape §31, 65, 80–81, 87
85–86, 89, 95–97, 106 ܬܐ熏ܡ煟 ܒ煿̇ ܒsimilarly §41–42, 107
焏r煟 ܓgeḏšā accident § 22–23, 34–41, ܐ煿̈ܡr rq ܕ̈ܡhomonyms §21 (see comm.
51–52, 62–64; (gǝḏāšā?) appearing, ad loc.)
occurring §83 焏r̈ ܐܕrq ܕ̈ܡof the same species (≈
rq焏ܢr煟 ܓby accident/accidentally § 51 polyonyms) §21 (see comm. ad loc.)
ܐ熏 ܓ/ܐ熏§( ܕܓ2 ܐ熏 )ܠܓgeneral § 2–3, 6, ܕܪܟafʿel comprehend §68
10, 12, 15, 19–20, 42, 48, 102 ܗܝ熏ܓܠr 爯q ܕܬܪܬtwo-footed §55, 59 (see
ܐ熏ܐ ܕܓrq ܬܪܥcommon sense § 68 section 5.4 (m))
焏qܢ熏( ܓadj.) general § 66
焏ܢ熏 ܓcolour § 12, 80, 82, 86, 94 焏 ܗܕܡmember/part of the body §27–28,
焏ܡr熏 ܓbody §10, 20, 25–27, 34, 37–43, 91, 95
65–70, 72–73, 80, 85–85, 107 煿ܘܗܝ ܒrq ܕܐ焏 ̇ܗܘ ܡsubstrate /subject (lit.
焏ܢr ܢܦ焏ܡr熏 ܓanimate body § 10, 20, ‘that in which it is’) §40, 104 (see comm.
41–42 to § 52)
ܡ熏r ܓ焏 ܕܠincorporeal § 67, 68, 70–72 煿 ܕ̇ܗܘܐ ܒ焏 ̇ܗܘ ܡsubstrate/subject (lit.
焏ܡr熏 ܓ焏 ܠincorporeal § 41, 70, 80 ‘that in which it occurs’) §38, 40 (see
焏q熏q ܓable to laugh § 57 comm. to §52)
ܬܐ熏q熏q ܓlaughing § 57 焏q ܗܘcoming into being §7–8, 100;
焏rܢrܬܗ ܕܒ熏q熏q ܓman’s ability to laugh generation §89, 106
§57 焏( ܗܘܠGr. ὕλη) matter §7–8, 23, 31, 41, 65
焏ܓܠq ܓ: ܐr ܕܥܓܠ焏ܓܠq ܓwheel of a 焏q ܗܘܠܢmaterial §7
wagon §107 焏 ܗܘܢmind §68; pl. meanings §1
ܘܬܐ熟q ܓܠprivation § 88, 90–91, 95–97 q ܗܦ/ ܬ熏 ܠqܦ煿 ܡreciprocate with §57–
焏( ܓܢܣGr. γένος) genus § 7–20, 23, 29– 58, 60
30, 41, 43–45, 47, 49–52, 81; category 牯ܠqrr ܡq ̇ܗܦcounterchange §96
§20, 74–75, 78–79, 81, 85, 87–88, 90, (see comm. to §95–98)
93 ܐrq ܗܦobjection §50
314 chapter 13
焏 ܙܒܢtime §11, 15, 23–24, 38, 66, 76, 78, 91, 爏qq 焏 ܕܠwithout quality/qualityless §65
97, 99–100, 102, 105 ܐrܡqq wisdom §3, 105, 108
爯ܒ熟 ܒsometimes § 3, 12, 56–57, 60, 68, 80, ܬܐ熏qܠq sweetness §12, 34, 85
96 焏ܠqܠq concave §72
爯 ܙܒ爯ܒ熟 ܒfrom time to time § 8 焏ܠܠq hollow/hole §72
爯ܒ熟ܠq ܒalways § 10, 20, 40, 52, 56–57, 66, ܬܐ熏ܡqܡq heat, hotness §65, 85, 90, 96–
69, 78–79, 91, 96, 98, 107 98
爯q ܙ̈ܒܢ焏ܡq occasionally § 32, 98 ܐrܡq wrath §86
ܢ焏q ܣ̈ܓ爯q ܙ̈ܒܢmany times § 97 焏qܢrܡq wrathful §86
rq焏 ܙܕܩduly §108 焏ܣܡq envy §2
ܙܘܥ: 牟q ܐܙ/ 牟q ܐܬܬܙmove/cause to move 焏ܢqrq controversy §38, 67
§41, 68, 87, 107; shake/be terrified § 2 rq (√rrq) be affected §69
焏 ܙܘܥmotion/movement § 41, 68, 89, 106– 焏rq affection §86
107 焏r熏rq affected §81–82, 85–86
焏qܢq ܨܒ焏 ܙܘܥvoluntary motion § 87 焏r熏̈rq 焏q ̈ܙܢaffected qualities §81–82,
焏qܡq̈q( ܙGr. ζητήματα, in pl.) disputes § 35 85
焏 ܙܢway/manner § 7, 13, 23, 26, 28, 44, 焏r熏̈rq 焏ܠq̈q affected qualities §86
46, 50–57, 60, 63, 71, 74, 78, 99, 105; ܐrrq feeling §85
sort/kind/form § 66, 104, 107–108; 焏q熏rq darkness §94
quality §65, 80–83; 84–87, 106 ܐrqrq proper/real §51, 57
ܪܘܬܐ熏 ܙܥsmallness § 45, 73 rqܐrqrq properly/truly §94
ܘܬܐrqrq reality §53
ܫ焏̇q (√rrq) being-affected (i.e. category of
affection) §9, 19, 74 牟ܒq imprint (v.) §7–8, 66
爏ܒq / 爏ܒq ܐܬpaʿʿel/ʾeṯpaʿʿal destroy/be 焏ܒܥq imprint (n.) §8
destroyed §38, 40, 69, 80, 96 ܪܐ熏q measure §70
焏ܒܠq destruction § 39–41, 69, 91, 106 焏ܣqq (Gr. τάξις) order §4, 48, 99, 103, 105,
rܒq contain §9–10, 15–18, 25, 41–42, 49, 108; degree 94; arrangement §1; class
54, 69–70, 72, 74, 87; include § 36–38; §52; classification §80
surround §26 焏ܣqq ܒsuccessively § 21
焏ܒ熏q love §2, 108 焏ܣqq 爯 ܡr ܠܒout of place (extraordi-
焏ܒܠ熏q destruction § 40, 65, 89 nary) §2
ܕܪܐ熏q : ܕܪܐ熏q ܒin rotation § 107 焏ܡqܡq solid §72
ܪܐ熏q model §66 焏ܡ熏ܥq taste §80
ܪܘܬܐ熏q whiteness § 34, 82, 86, 90, 94, 96–
97 ܬܐ熏rqܒq dryness §65
ܬܐr熏q grey hair § 56, 60 焏ܢrܘܥ煟q knower §74
焏ܒr熏q imagination § 39, 67; notion ܥ煟q know §2–3, 49; ܥ煟q ܐܬbe known
§47 §69–70, 74, 98; be perceived §4; be
焏q熟q sight §91, 95–96 recognized §52, 90, 99
ܬܐ熟q sight §90, 98 rq焏ܥ煟q explicitly §61
焏qq living §42–43, 49, 51–52; qq § ܕ41–43; ܐrܥ煟q knowledge §1, 8, 74, 94
alive §6 ܐrq̈煿ܐ ܕܐܠrܥ ̈ 煟q metaphysics/theology
ܬܐ熏qq animal § 10, 20, 29–30, 42–43, 45, 77, §3
87, 101 (see ch. 7 n. 6) ܐrܥ煟q 焏 ܠignorance §94
焏ܠqq power/force § 69, 107; quality § 65, 80, 焏ܠܦܢ熏q learning §1, 74; science §54, 58;
86, 94, faculty § 12, 80, 85, 88, 90–91, 95–
̈
pl. 焏ܠܦܢ熏q mathematics §3 (see ch. 8
97; implication § 36; potentiality § 57 n. 6)
(see comm. to § 88–94) 焏q煟qqq particular §42, 48
syriac-english index 315
ܐ煟 ܥܒslave §13, 74–75, 78, 93 ܬܐ熏 ܨܒobject §4–5, 7–11, 21–22, 25–27, 29,
ܐ煟 ܥ̈ܒcrafts §7 31, 36, 44–48, 73–75, 78–79, 85–90, 95,
ܕܘܬܐ熏 ܥܒmanufacture § 65 97–98, 100; thing/matter/entities §24,
焏qrܐ ܒr ܥܒextreme edge § 72 91–92, 94
焏qܠ煟 ܥcriticism/blame § 35, 108 ܐrqqr̈ܬܐ ܦ熏 ܨ̈ܒsimple objects §4
焏ܗܕܢ熏 ܥmemory § 7–8 ܬܐ熏 ܨܗܘܠneighing §57
焏ܡܩ熏 ܥdepth §26, 65, 67 焏qܣ熏ܬܗ ܕܣ熏 ܨܗܘܠhorse’s ability to
焏ܩܒ熏 ܥinvestigation § 73 neigh §57
ܐ煟q ܥ: ܐ煟q ܒܥ/ ܐ煟q ܠܥin common usage ܐrqq ܨܘinsult §108
§65, 104
爏√( ܥ爏 )ܥܠafʿel introduce § 73, 77, ܪܘܬܐ焏( ܩGr. κηρός) wax §80
97 焏ܒq ܩܒconvex § 72
ܐr ܥܠcause §74, reason § 83 爏 ܩܒpaʿʿel receive §58, 65, 70, 80, 85, 91;
rq焏 ܥܣܩwith difficulty § 83 admit of §46
ܬܐ熏ܩqr ܥancientness § 100 焏 ܩܒܥconstruction §66
爟q煟 ܩprior § 75–79, 100–103
ܐr ܦܓhuman/animate body § 27–28, 40, ܬܐ熏ܡq煟 ܩpriority §99–100, 104–105
85–86 焏qܡ煟 ܩfirst §6, 49, 54, 58, 66, 67 (initial),
爿qqqܐ熏( ܦGr. ποιότης) quality § 12 (see 74, 86, 89, 99; primary §7–10, 20, 41,
comm. to §12) 44, 46–52, 65; prior §47; before 10, 20;
焏ܠܓ熏 ܦdivision §1, 4, 44, 46–48, 67, 74, 90, ancient §53
108 rqܡ煟 ܩfirstly/at first §3, 7, 44, 49, 65,
焏ܢrܪ熏 ܦdistinction § 20, 98; difference/dif- 68, 74, 102
ferentia §41–43 ܬܐ熏qܡ煟 ܩpriority §48
焏ܡq ܦcomparison § 66 焏ܣ煟( ܩGr. κάδος) jar §72
焏ܦ熏ܠܣq( ܦGr. φιλόσοφος) philosopher (title) 焏ܡq熏 ܩsubsistence §7, 11, 36, 63, 68, 78–80,
§6, 21, 65, 73, 75, 91 87, 93–94, 97; constitution §73, 94
ܬܐ熏ܦ熏ܠܣq( ܦGr. φιλοσοφία) philosophy ܗrq ܕ焏ܡq熏 ܩself-subsistence §7, 22,
§8 40, 44 (see ch. 8 n. 65)
ܐrqܢqq ܬܐ熏ܦ熏ܠܣq ܦnatural philosophy ܡ熏 ܩ/ 爟q ܐܬܩʾeṯpaʿʿal subsist §22, 37, 40,
§65, 108 52, 85, 106; constitute(d) §12, 14, 63, 67,
ܐrܠqܬܐ ܡܠ熏ܦ熏ܠܣq ܦlogical philosophy 89–90, 98
§53 爟q ܡܩsubsist §7, 64; constitute §67,
焿 ܦܠ/ 焿 ܐܬܦܠdivide/be divided § 3 f., 7, uphold 97; introduce §79, produce §65
20–22, 29, 41–47, 66, 74, 81 f., 86, 88, 101, ܣ熏ܩܢ熏 ܩpl. 熏̇̈ܩܢ熏( ܩGr. κύκνος) swan §82,
107f. 86
焏 ܦܠܓhalf § 13, 74, 93 焏ܡq ܩdimension §26, 65, 67
焏ܩ熏 ܦܣdeclarative § 6 爯qܡq̈ܐ ܩr ܕܬܠthree-dimensional §67
ܕܐ熏 ܦܩimperative § 6 [should perhaps be emended to
ܢ熏qܐܘܡr( ܦGr. προοίμιον) preface § 102 ܗܝ熏ܡq̈ܐ ܩrܕܬܠ, see textual note
ܫr ܦ/ ܫr ܐܬܦseparate/be separated § 38– to 136.15/B.94r2]
40, 83, 94; differentiate § 48; discern/be ܐrܢq ܩmelody §40
discerned §74; be distinguished § 95, ܪܐrq( ܩGr. κιθάρα) cither §40
97–98 焏ܡ熏 ܩܢindividual §20, 41–43, 50–52, 54–
(爯 )ܡrqr ܦdistinct (from) § 20, 42, 96–
̈
57; 焏ܡ熏 ܩܢpl. realities §8; essence
98 § 36, 77, 98; existence/being §12, 99; as
焏qqr ܦsimple §4, 7, 10, 41 reflexive pronoun §3, 7, 26, 40
焏qr ܦspan §11 焏q煟qq̈q 焏ܡ熏̈ ܩܢparticular individuals
焏qr ܦbreadth §26, 65, 67, 72–73 § 20, 42–43, 50–52, 54
318 chapter 13
English-Syriac Index
Common sense ܐ熏ܐ ܕܓrq § ܬܪܥ68 Depart/go away 犟q ܪ/ 犟q§ ܐܬܪ38–39, 68,
Comparison 焏ܡq § ܦ66 80, 83, 96
Complaint 焏ܢq § ܪܘ108 Departure 焏qܢ熏r §82, 86
Completed, be qܡܠrr § ܐ63, 108 Depth 焏ܡܩ熏§ ܥ26, 65, 67
Completive 焏ܢqܡܠr § ܡ37, 63 Destroy/be destroyed 爏ܒq / 爏ܒq§ ܐܬ38,
Composition 焏ܒq § ܪܘ41 40, 69, 80, 96
Comprehend ܕܪܟafʿel § 68 Destruction 焏ܒܠq §39–41, 69, 91, 106;
Concept 焏ܢq § ܪܥ4–5, 8, 10 焏ܒܠ熏q §40, 65, 89
Concave 焏ܠqܠq § 72 Difference/differentia 焏ܢrܪ熏§ ܦ41–43
Conclusion 焏 § ܡܦܩܢ44 Different 焏ܠܦqr§ ܡ26, 42, 47, 74
Concomitant with each other ܕܐ煟q̈ ܠ爯ܦq̈ܢܩ Differentiate ܫr ܦpaʿʿel §48
§75, 78–79 Dimension 焏ܡq§ ܩ26, 65, 67
Constitute(d) 爟qܡ√( ܐܬܩ熏 § )ܩ12, 14, 63, three-dimensional 爯qܡq̈ܐ ܩr§ ܕܬܠ67
67, 89–90, 98; 爟q § ܡܩ67 Diminution/decrease ܘܬܐrq犏§ ܒ89, 106;
Constitution 焏ܢqq 爟q § ܩ80; 焏ܡq熏 § ܩ73, ܪܐ犏§ ܒ68
94 Direction ܐrq§ ܣ107
Construction 焏ܒq § ܪܘ88, 90, 98; 焏ܩܒܥ Discern/be discerned ܫr ܦ/ ܫr§ ܐܬܦ74
§66 Discourse ܐr§ ܡܠ2, 99, 108, (109)
Contain rܒq §9–10, 15–18, 25, 41–42, 49, 54, Discussion ܐr§ ܡܠ41, 44
69–70, 72, 74, 87 Dispute(s) 焏qܡq̈q( ܙGr. ζητήματα, in pl.)
Contradicted, be 爿ܣq√( ܐܬ爿ܣq) § 80 §35; see also ܐrܒܥ
Contrary 焏qܒܠ熏 § ܣܩ83, 88, 94, 96–97 (see Distinct (from) (爯 )ܡrqr§ ܦ20, 42, 96–98
comm. to §88–94) Distinction 焏ܢrܪ熏§ ܦ20, 98
Contrariety ܬܐ熏qܒܠ熏 § ܣܩ90, 94, 97 (see Distinguished, be ܫr§ ܐܬܦ95, 97–98
comm. to §88–94) Divide/be divided 焿 ܦܠ/ 焿§ ܐܬܦܠ3f., 7,
Controversy 焏ܢqrq § 38, 67 20–22, 29, 41–47, 66, 74, 81f., 86, 88, 101,
Convex 焏ܒq § ܩܒ72 107f.
Counterchange 牯ܠqrr ܡq § ̇ܗܦ96 (see Division 焏ܠܓ熏§ ܦ1, 4, 44, 46–48, 67, 74, 90,
comm. to §95–98) 108
Crafts ܐ煟§ ܥ̈ܒ7 Dog 焏ܠܒq §20, 21, 29–30, 45, 57, 101 (see
Creation ܐrqr §( ܒ109), pl. ܐrqr ܒcreated textual note to 122.11/B.90r7)
things §73
̇
Doing (i.e. category of action) 煟§ ܕܥܒ9, 18,
Creator 焏qܘr § ܒ7–8; ܕܐ熏 § ܥܒ8 74
Creatorship ܬܐ熏qܘr § ܒ8 Dot ܬܐ煟ܩ熏§ ܢ67
Criticism/blame 焏qܠ煟 § ܥ35, 108 Double 焏ܦ焏 ܥ/ 焏§ ܐܥܦ13, 74, 93
Cubit 焏§ ܐܡ11 Dryness ܬܐ熏rqܒq §65
Duly rq焏§ ܙܕܩ108
Darkness 焏q熏rq § 94 Duration ܐrܓ熏§ ܢ76
Declarative 焏ܩ熏 § ܦܣ6
Defence/apology 焏qܘr ܒ犟 § ܡܦ35, Element 焏ܣq熏q( ܐܣGr. στοιχεῖον) §65
39 Elucidation ܗܪܐ熏§ ܢ35
Define 爟q§ ܬ9, 22, 36, 38 Emanate 煿§ ܢܒ8
Definition 焏ܡ熏q § ܬ21, 35, 37–40, 47, 57, 61, Embrace/cover 爟q§ ܠ104
87; ܐr § ܡܠ36, 94 Entailment ܬܐ熏ܦq§ ܢܩ13
defining description ܐrܡܠ Envy 焏ܣܡq §2
ܐrqܡܢqr § ܡ36, 39 Equal, be ܐ熏r (√ܝ熏r) §74, 94, 99, 104
Degree 焏ܣqq 94 Essence 焏qrq§ ܐ8; 焏ܡ熏§ ܩܢ36, 77, 98
Delimited 焏ܡqr § ܡ66 Essentially rq焏qrq§ ܐ8; rq焏ܡ熏§ ܩܢ8
Demon ܕܐ焏r §77 Evidence/demonstration ܐrq熏q§ ܬ23
english-syriac index 321
Philosophy ܬܐ熏ܦ熏ܠܣq( ܦGr. φιλοσοφία) Real/proper ܐrqrq §51, 57; ܐrqrr §60
§1, 3–4, 22, 54 properly/truly rqܐrqrq §94
logical philosophy ܐrܠqܬܐ ܡܠ熏ܦ熏ܠܣqܦ Reality ܘܬܐrqrq §53
§53 Reason ܐrq§ ܬܪܥ66
natural philosophy ܐrqܢqq ܬܐ熏ܦ熏ܠܣqܦ Receive 爏 ܩܒpaʿʿel §46, 58, 65, 70, 80, 85,
§65, 108 91
̈
Physics 焏ܢqq ܬ熏 § ܡܠܠ3 Receptive 焏§ ܡܩܒܠܢ37, 61, 65, 70
physical thing 焏ܢqq § 8, 12, 72–74, 80 Relatives ܡ煟ܬ ܡ熏 ܠ/ ܡ煟ܬ ܡ熏§ ܕܠ9, 13,
physical/natural 焏qܢqq § 7–8, 65, 91 74–75, 78–79, 88, 90, 93, 95, 97
(physiological), 96 Requirement 焏ܢܩܢ熏§ ܣ65
physical things pl. ܐrq̈ܢqq § 74 Rational 焏ܠq§ ܡܠ5, 41, 49, 66, 77, 80
̈
Place ܐrq ܕܘpl. ܐrqq § ܕܘ14, 66, 68, Rationality ܬܐ熏ܠq§ ܡܠ77
70–71, 89, 106–107; § ܐܬܪܐ14, 66,
̈
Realities (pl.) 焏ܡ熏§ ܩܢ8
74 Reciprocate with ܬ熏 ܠqܦ煿§ ܡ57–58, 60
Placed (i.e. category of position) 爟q ܣ/爟qܕܣ Redness ܬܐ熏ܡܩ熏§ ܣ86
§9, 17 Regularly (in a regular manner) rq焏ܢ熏ܩܢ
Plant ܐrܒ犏§ ܢ29–30, 43 § 4, 21
Polyonyms ≈ 焏r ̈ ܐܕrq‘ ܕ̈ܡof the same Relation/affinity ܬܐ熏ܢqq§ ܐ74, 87
species’ §21 (see comm. ad loc.) without relation ܬܐ熏ܢqq ܐ焏§ ܕܠ90
Position 焏ܡq§ ܣ66, 74, posture § 17 Remove 爏q§ ܒ51, 75, 77, 79, 97
Possible 焏qqr§ ܡ1, 13, 44, 70, 73, 77; Right 焏ܢqܡq §74, 90, 93, 95, 98, 107
焏q犏§ ܡ39, 70, 73, 83 Rotation, in ܕܪܐ熏q§ ܒ107
Posterior 焏qrq§ ܐ47 Rule 焏ܢ熏( ܩܢGr. κανών) §1
Posteriority ܬܐ熏qrq § ܐ105; ܬܐ熏ܢq( ܬܪlit.
‘secondness’) §48 Science 焏ܠܦܢ熏q §54, 58
Potentiality 焏ܠqq §57 Science of natural things/physics ܬ熏ܡܠܠ
Practice ܪܘܬܐ熏 § ܣܥ3 焏ܢqq̈ §3
Precative 焏ܢqܠ犏 § ܡ6 Sequence ܪܐ煟§ ܣ99, 102, 105 (see comm. to
Predicated of 爏 ܥrܐܡr § ܡ49, 51–52, 57 § 99–105)
(see comm. to § 95–98) Sensation ܐrr§ ܪܓ41, 85
Preface ܢ熏qܐܘܡr( ܦGr. προοίμιον) § 102 Senses 焏rܓr §85
Primary 焏qܡ煟§ ܩ7–10, 20, 41, 44, 46–52, 65 Separate/be separated ܫr ܦ/ ܫr§ ܐܬܦ38–
Principle 焏rq§ ܪ67 40, 83, 94
Prior 爟q煟§ ܩ75–79, 100–103; 焏qܡ煟 § ܩ47 Separate (adj.) 焏rr§ ܡܦ41; discrete
Priority ܬܐ熏ܡq煟 § ܩ99–100, 104–105; § 66
ܬܐ熏qܡ煟§ ܩ48 separately rq焏rr§ ܡܦ91
Privation ܘܬܐ熟q § ܓܠ88, 90–91, 95–97 Shame ݁ܬܐ犏ܡq§ ܬ86
Problem/question/dispute ܐr § ܒܥ44, 47, Shape ܬܐ熏§ ܕܡ31, 65, 80–81, 87
50, 52, 62, 75 Share/have in common ܬܦ熏r §21
Property ܬܐ熏qܠq § ܕ53–54, 56–57, 61, 104– Sickness 焏ܪܗܢ熏q §82
105 (see comm. to § 53–60) Single 焏ܡqqr §47
Purpose/goal 焏qܡܠ熏r § 23, 33 Signify ܕܥ熏r (√ܥ煟q) §4, 6, 10–12, 14–18,
20, 49, 51, 61, 66, 74, 98–99
Quality ܬܐ熏qܢq § ܐ9; ܬܐ熏ܢq § ܐ12; 焏ܙܢ Sight 焏q熟q §91, 95–96; ܬܐ熟q §90, 98
§65, 80–83; 84–87, 106; 焏ܠqq § 80, 86, Similar, be 焏√( ܕܡq§ )ܕܡ45, 47, 74
84, 94; 焏ܙܓ熏 § ܡ80; 爿qqqܐ熏( ܦGr. Similarly ܬܐ熏ܡ煟 ܒ煿̇§ ܒ41–42, 107
ποιότης) §12 (see comm. to § 12) Simple 焏qqr§ ܦ4, 7, 10, 41
Quantity ܬܐ熏qܡq § 9, 11–12, 66–68, 72–73, Simply ܣ熏( ܐܦܠGr. ἁπλῶς) §91
106 Simultaneous ܐ煟qq§ ܐ57, 75, 78–79
324 chapter 14
Whiteness ܪܘܬܐ熏q § 34, 82, 86, 90, 94, 96– 12–16, 18–19, 22, 45, 47, 98–99; 焏ܡr
97 § 66
Wisdom ܐrܡqq § 3, 105, 108 Wrath ܐrܡq §86
Word 焏ܬ ܩܠr ܒpl. 焏 ̈ܩܠr § ̈ܒܢ4–5, 10, Wrathful 焏qܢrܡq §86
chapter 15
Abdisho bar Berikha 9 Athanasius of Balad 18, 79, 85, 186f., 196, 199,
Abu Uthman al-Dimashqi 15, 77 205, 216, 218, 220, 247, 253 n. 219
Agapetus i of Rome 4–8, 26 Athens 19, 26 n. 37, 47, 52, 54, 60
Agapius of Manbij 8 Academy of Athens 47, 54, 99
Agathias 3 n. 2
Aḥmad ibn Yaḥyā Thaʿlab 186 n. 37 Bar Bahlul 11, 71, 187 n. 38, 226
Ajax 197f. Bardaisan ix, 11, 75, 241f.
al-Maʾmūn 37 Bar ʿEbroyo 3f., 8 n. 21, 17, 36–38, 196, 199
Albinus 241 (see next) Beirut 26, 43
Alcinous 178 n. 4, 212 n. 119 (see previous) Boethos of Sidon 206f. n. 104
Alexander of Aphrodisias 9, 15–17, 20 f., 27
n. 39, 31, 38 n. 73, 52 f., 54 n. 8, 56 n. 13, Chalcedon(ian) 3f., 7, 87
63, 78, 79 n. 16, 88, 199 n. 88, 228, 233, Council of Chalcedon 4
248, 258 Chosroes 60, 180
Alexander Paris 109, 111, 197–199 Cicero 184, 192 n. 66
Alexander the Great/Macedonian 109, 197– Clement of Alexandria 19, 199 n. 88, 212
199 n. 119
Alexandria(n) ix–x, 1, 4, 6 f., 10 f., 18, 21, 25– Constantinople 5, 7f., 60
27, 29, 36f., 39, 41–60, 62 f., 67 f., 70 f., 75, Cronamon 22 n. 29
88, 176f., 180f., 199, 230 f., 251 f. Cyril of Alexandria 194 n. 70
Ali ibn Ridwan 43–44, 46 n. 14, 72 n. 9
Ammonius Hermeiou ix, xii, 11, 27, 29, 41– Dadisho Qatraya 45
48, 51–58, 60, 63 f., 71 n. 7, 88, 176 f., 179 f., Damascius 55, 60
182 n. 15, 184–192, 194–196, 198–203, Damascus 25, 36
205–210, 212–220, 222–230, 232 n. 160, David 55, 58–60, 68, 171, 177, 180, 183 n. 22,
235–240, 242–246, 248–251, 253, 255– 190 n. 53, 208f., 213, 218 n. 129, 220f.
259 nn. 131/132, 228
Alqosh 85 David the Invincible 58 n. 16, 59
Allinus 188 Dawid bar Paulus 87
Anatolius of Laodicea 53 Dexippus xii, 54, 198 n. 84, 206 n. 104, 210,
Anonymous Greek paraphrase on Categories 214f.
(by Sophonias?) xii, 60 f., 195 n. 74, 196, Diogenes Laertius 186 n. 37, 226
198–199, 201 n. 94, 208 nn. 108/110, 210, Dionysius Thrax 80, 185, 196f.
239 n. 190, 241 n. 192, 242 f. nn. 196/198,
246 n. 206 Elias xii, 55, 59f., 63f., 68, 88, 176f., 180–182,
Anthimus i of Constantinople 4–7 190f. nn. 53/63, 197, 198 n. 84, 201 n. 94,
Antioch 3–4, 6–8 202–209, 213f., 215 n. 126, 218–220, 224
Apollonius 58 n. 16 n. 140, 226f. nn. 143/146, 237–239, 241
Archimedes 58 n. 16 n. 192, 242f. n. 196, 246f. nn. 205/206,
Arethas of Caesarea 61 250–252, 256–258
Asclepiades 44 Elias of Nisibis 8
Asclepiodotus of Alexandria 42 n. 5 Elias of Tirhan 85, 87
Asclepius of Tralles 42 n. 5, 46 f., 54 f. Ephraem of Antioch 3–8, 26
Asylus of Reshaina 4, 6 f., 40 Ephrem the Syrian 83, 241f.
name and place index 327
Harran 60 Mama 85
Helen 197 n. 81 Mar Aha (ʾAḥḥā) 40f.
Henanisho 87 Mar Zena Monastery 9
Heraclius 60 Medes (war of) 147, 240
Hermeias 54f., 60 Menas of Constantinople 6
Hippocrates 21, 24f., 27, 29, 32, 36, 41, 46, 89, Michael Badoqa (Bazud/Bazwad & Abzud/
253 Abzwad) 87
Homer 197 n. 83 Michael Psellos 61
Hunayn ibn Ishaq 10 n. 1, 16 f., 21–24, 30, 37– Michael the Great (Rabo = Elder?) 3–5
39, 41 Mubārak ibn Muḥammad ibn Yaʿqūb al-
Naḥwī 86
Iamblichus of Chalcis 53 f., 60, 181–183, 190 Musa ibn Khalid the Interpreter 37, 89
n. 54, 237f.
Iamblichian 57 Najran 79 n. 18
Ibas of Edessa 18 Neoplatonic/st/-ism ix, 1, 27, 29, 35, 42 n. 5,
Ibn Abi Usaibia 21 n. 24, 36–38, 47, 89 47–50, 53f., 56f., 69f., 176, 180, 182f., 185,
Ibn al-Qifti 37f. n. 71 189, 191, 195 n. 73, 200, 214, 218, 225f., 230
Ibn al-Ṭayyib 61, 87, 179
Ibn Jumay 46 n. 14 Olympiodorus xii, 9, 55, 58–60, 63f., 68, 88,
Ibn Zurʿa 55f. n. 12 176, 180–182, 195 n. 74, 198 n. 84, 199
Ibrahim ibn Abdallah al-Nasrani al-Katib 15 n. 89, 210–205, 215 n. 126, 224 n. 140,
Ilian War 203 226–228, 237–239, 241 n. 192, 242f.
Ilium 111, 311 n. 196, 246f. n. 206, 251, 255–259
Illyrians 153, 245 Origen 4, 8, 19, 50, 58, 88
Isaiah of Tahal 87 Orion constellation 109, 123, 172
Ishobokht 87
Ishoyab, see Joseph bar Malkon Palladius of Alexandria 29
Italy 5 Paul of Alexandria 22
Paul the Persian 1, 82, 178–180, 186 f., 189,
Jacob/Severus bar Shakko 17, 178 n. 6, 179, 195 f., 199, 216
190 n. 61, 212f. n. 120, 218 n. 129 Paul the Apostle 260
Jacob/Jacobus Psychrestus 42 n. 5 Peloponnesian(s) 147, 175, 240
328 chapter 15
Peripatetic(s) 34, 49, 52, 70, 73, 191, 214 f., 223, Severus Sebokht 15, 86, 186 n. 31, 195f., 199
226, 234, 241 Sextus Empiricus 212 n. 119
Peter of Reshaina 5, 20 Shemon vii Ishoyab 85
Philip of Macedon 197 Silverius of Rome 6
Philoponus xii, 18 f., 51, 54–57, 59 f., 63 f., Simeon of Beth Arsham 79 n. 18
71 n. 7, 176–178, 180–182, 184, 192 f., Simeon the Stylite 83
195–208, 210, 212 f., 215–217, 220 n. 131, Simplicius of Cicilia xii, 44 n. 8, 48 n. 16, 53–
222–240, 243, 245–253, 255–260 55, 60, 64, 176, 180–184, 195–201, 203,
Phocas of Edessa 19 206f. n. 104, 210, 212, 214f., 217, 220 n. 131,
Photius 61 222, 224 n. 140, 228–235, 237–239, 241,
Plato 41, 47–49, 53, 56–59, 62, 74, 88 f., 97, 242f. n. 196, 244, 246f. nn. 204/206,
99, 105, 119, 127, 147, 157, 171, 184, 189, 214, 256–260
226, 229, 231f. Sirius (the star) 109, 172
Platonic/Platonism/Platonist x, 12, 49 f., 53, Socrates 82, 97, 105, 115, 119, 125, 127, 155, 163,
70, 88, 99, 176, 178 n. 4, 189–191, 214 f., 171, 184, 196, 203, 205f., 249
223, 241f. Stephanus of Alexandria xii, 9, 29, 55, 60,
Porphyry xii, 1, 13, 17 f., 27, 44 f., 47 f., 52–54, 179, 185, 190 n. 61, 212f. nn. 119/120, 218–
56, 58–61, 63 f., 67–69, 71, 73, 77–80, 85 f., 220
88, 115–119, 127 n. 11, 177, 179, 182 f., 186, Stephanus of Byzantium 40
189, 192, 194–199, 201 nn. 92/94, 203– Stephen (an assistant to Sergius) 27, 38, 65
208, 210–212, 214–218, 221 f., 225–229, Stoic(s) 12, 74f., 149, 176, 185f., 212 n. 119, 223,
234, 236f. nn. 181/182, 239 f., 242 n. 196, 226, 235 n. 174, 241f.
246f., 253, 256 Syrianus 54, 195 n. 73
Priam 197
Proba 1, 28f., 34, 86, 182 f., 186 f., 254 Theaetetus 198
Proclus 47, 50, 54, 56, 63, 185, 253 n. 218 Theodora 5 n. 13, 7
Protagoras 186 n. 37 Theodore of Karkh Guddan 10f. (esp. n. 1),
Pseudo-Aristotle, On the Cosmos 16, 27, 30– 16, 21–23, 26f., 29f., 38, 53, 59, 63, 65,
33, 78, 171, 247 n. 208 67–69, 180, 257
Pseudo-Aristotle, On Virtue 87 Theodore of Merv 10 n. 1
Pseudo-Dionysius(/-ian corpus) x, 5, 19 f., 27, Theodore of Mopsuestia 169, 260
30f., 33, 38, 49 f., 65, 88 f., 191 Theodore of Raithu 62, 200
Pseudo-Elias 55, 59 Theodosiopolis, see Reshaina
Pseudo-Zachariah Rhetor 3–8, 11 n. 2, 19 f., Theodosius i (emperor) 40 n. 1
50, 88 Theodosius i of Alexandria 4–7
Pythagoras 48 n. 16, 73, 147 Timothy i 9
Trojan War 197 n. 80, 203
Rabban Hormizd Monastery 85
Reshaina 40f. Yaballaha of Gulmar 84f.
Rome 5–8, 85 Yoḥannan bar Zoʿbi 85, 179
Sabrisho bar Galaldin 84 f. Zachariah of Mytilene 3, 26, 43f., 46, 55, 57,
Salmawaih ibn Bunan 24 64, 224 n. 137
Sergius the Interpreter 3 n. 2 Zeno of Elea (not of Citium) 74, 141, 174, 235
Severus bar Shakko, see Jacob bar Shakko Zoora the Stylite 4 n. 7
Severus of Antioch 4–7, 26, 43 f., 57