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medieval armies in bombards, large gunpowder-fired siege guns. By the late 17th and 18th
centuries gunpowder weapons were the dominant weapons used on European battlefields. The
prevalence and importance of gunpowder weapons rose during the Renaissance period, between
roughly 1350 and 1550. When Charles VIII of France invaded Italy in 1494, Italians were
shocked at the power of his siege canons, and during the later phases of the Italians Wars, both
artillery and handguns became increasingly common in battles. Gunpowder weaponry was not as
important to warfare during the Renaissance as they would become in later periods, however
technological developments of and tactical usage of gunpowder weapons did impact the Italian
Wars. Siege guns proved to be very effective and led to the creation of new types of fortresses.
Field artillery and firearms had a more limited impact on warfare but were still important
weapons.
Several technological advances enabled the invention of new types of artillery, which
were superior to medieval bombards. One development was corning, which is first recorded in
1411.1 Corning was a method of producing gunpowder by compounding it when wet, and
forming it into small, dense grains of black powder. These small dense grains allowed the
decomposition process to spread faster. Because of this, corned powder produced a much
stronger explosion than older methods of production. 2 Stronger explosions increased the power
of the projectiles being fired. At about the same time, cast-iron or cast-bronze guns were being
produced which were strong enough to fire cast-iron or lead projectiles, as opposed to rounded
stones fired by medieval bombards.3 There were two advantages to these types of guns. One was
that the iron guns were produced with the aim of achieving a higher velocity, whereas bombards
1
John F. Guilmartin Jr., "The Earliest Shipboard Gunpowder Ordnance: An Analysis of Its Technical Parameters
and Tactical Capabilities," The Journal of Military History, 71, no. 3 (2007): 649-669: 660
2
Guilmartin: 660
3
Guilmartin 659-660
1
had been built to fire the largest stones possible. New cast-iron guns could do more damage with
stronger velocities. As well, iron and lead projectiles did more damage than large stones, making
these new guns overall more powerful.4 Secondly, it was more cost effective to mass produce
cast-iron balls than rounded boulders.5 Armies which used newer guns could do more damage for
less expenditure. These developments were utilized by gun foundries in France, and later in
Germany, Spain, and the Ottoman Empire, to produce new, smaller guns which were more
effective than previous types of bombards, both in terms of power and cost.6
When Charles VIII invaded Italy in 1494, Italians were surprised and impressed by the
strength of his artillery. Francesco Guicciardini, a Florentine Historian, recorded this invasion in
The History of Italy, and discusses the superiority of Charles VIII’s new guns over the medieval
bombards which were common in Italy. He describes that bombards had been well known in
Italy since the 1350s, and while they had rendered all older forms of siege engines obsolete, they
were ineffective due to their poor mobility and rate of fire.7 He describes the new French guns as
“more maneuverable, constructed only of bronze. These were called cannons and they used iron
cannon-balls instead of stones as before, and this new shot was incomparably larger and heavier
than that which had previously been employed.” 8 These smaller guns were hauled on carriages
drawn by horses instead of oxen, which gave the French gunners agility that Italy had never seen
before.9 The advantage of greater mobility, faster loading times, and greater damage of these new
cannons allowed the French to “in a few hours accomplish what previously in Italy used to
4
Guilmartin 659-660
5
ibid
6
ibid 659-660
7
Francesco Guicciardini, "The Formidable French Artillery and Troops Compared with the Italian Forces," The
Civilization of the Italian Renaissance: A Sourcebook, ed. Kenneth R. Barlett (Toronto: University of Toronto Press,
2011): 259
8
Guicciardini: 259
9
F.L. Taylor, The Art of War in Italy, 1494-1529, (Westport: Greenwood Press Publishers, 1973): 5; J.R. Hale, War
and Society in Renaissance Europe, 1450-1620, (London: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1985): 83-86;
Guicciardini: 259
2
require many days.”10 This led to the defeat of Ferdinand of Naples, who kept his army
garrisoned in strongholds, rather than engage Charles VIII’s superior army. 11 This new type of
artillery was a shock to Italian leaders, and would lead to a profound redesign of various
The Italian response to the power of modern siege artillery was to develop a new type of
fortification to defend their cities and strongholds. Guicciardini describes new types of
fortifications, including ditches, bastions, and angled ramparts, which were built in response to
the effectiveness of new artillery against medieval castles. 12 According to Guicciardini, elements
of these designs came from Turkish forts. 13 Medieval fortresses were tall and relatively thin;
before the introduction of effective siege guns, the height of these forts was their greatest
advantage. The height provided a strong barrier to attack and gave defenders good vantage
points.14 Bombards had a very slow rate of fire, larger ones could only fire about 7 shots in a day.
This gave defenders time to repair some of the damage caused by these guns. 15 However, the
new artillery which was brought to Italy by the French, Germans, and Spanish in the Italian Wars
was much more effective against medieval fortresses. New fortresses were developed which
were based not on height, but on their ability to resist cannon fire. These forts used angled walls
and bastions, in addition to ditches and earthen ramparts. The angled bastions were designed to
deflect cannon balls, and the width of the walls and the incorporation of earth would help absorb
impacts.16 This style was known as known as trace italienne, or star forts. The first true trace
italienne fort was built in 1519 at Civitavecchia, the harbour for the Papal Fleet, and was
10
Guicciardini: 259
11
Guicciardini: 259-260; Taylor: 13
12
Guicciardini: 263
13
ibid
14
Walter Cronkite, "Gunpowder." War and Civilization, August 03 1998. TLC Episode 3
15
Cronkite; Michael Spilling, ed, Battles that Changed History: Key Battles that Decided the Fate of Nations,
(London: Amber Books Ltd, 2010): 186-191
16
Ciro Paoletti, A Military History of Italy, (London: Praeger Security International, 2008): 12
3
designed by Giuliano da Sangolla, who may have used elements from an earlier design by
Michelangelo.17 These forts were designed to use artillery defensively, as well. In his
autobiography, Benvenuteo Cellini describes his role in manning the guns defending a Papal fort
during the Fall of Rome in 1527.18 When Charles VIII invaded Italy in 1494, Italians fortresses
were in general inferior to others in Europe, but by the mid-1500s Italian military architects were
designing some of the best fortifications in Europe. Other states hired Italian architects to build
trace italienne forts at great expense.19 This was not a universal change, however. Bologna
retained its medieval style defense walls throughout the Renaissance, despite attempts by the
Pope to rebuild the defenses, due to political resistance. 20 Regardless of such exceptions, most
European states built expensive fortresses due to the offensive power of cannons in sieges.
Artillery did not have such a profound impact upon field battles as it did on sieges, but
cannons did influence many battles during the Italian Wars. Unlike bombards, cannons were
maneuverable enough to be used as field artillery. 21 Niccolò Machiavelli wrote in The Art of War
that some ancient tactics, such as ones used by Scipio, would have been impossible if the enemy
possessed cannons.22 Machiavelli did not advise relying on artillery, however, though his opinion
of artillery did improve later in his life. 23 This was because of two reasons. The first was that
relying on cannons in battle, as with firearms, required one to adopt primarily defensive tactics,
which Machiavelli was not in favour of. Whenever possible, Machiavelli advised offensive
17
Paoletti: 12-13
18
Benvenuto Cellini, "Selections from the Autobiography of Benvenuto Cellini," The Civilization of the Italian
Renaissance: A Sourcebook, ed. Kenneth R. Barlett (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011): 292-303
19
Guicciardini: 259-263; Taylor: 129
20
Richard J. Tuttle, "Against Fortifications: The Defense of Renaissance Bologna," Journal of the Society of
Architectural Historians, 41, no. 3 (1982): 189-197
21
Guicciardini: 259
22
Ben Cassidy, "Machiavelli and the Ideology of the Offensive: Gunpowder Weapons in "The Art of War"," The
Journal of Military History, 67, no. 2 (2003): 388-389; Niccolo Machiavelli, Constitution Society, "The Seven
Books of the Art of War." Last modified November 04, 2013. Accessed February 24, 2014.
23
Cassidy: 388-391; Machiavelli
4
tactics, and considered the freedom to attack and the speed of assaults essential to success. 24
Cannons were more maneuverable than bombards, but they were not nearly as mobile as infantry
or cavalry units in pitched battles. At the Battle of Fornovo in 1495, Alessandro Beneditti
observed that “on every side the sky repeatedly flashed with fire and thundered with artillery and
was filled with wails and cries. Iron, bronze, and lead balls sped hissing aloft, and these threw
the ranks of cavalry and infantry into turmoil even without slaughter.” 25 Beneditti was evidently
impressed with the French field artillery, and attributes it to the destruction of Italian formations
in the field, but does say that the cannons killed relatively few soldiers. 26 One reason for this is
that as infantry and cavalry forces advanced they blocked the line of fire of their artillery and
reduced its effectiveness.27 One example used by Machiavelli to defend his ideas that offense is
better than modern firepower is the Battle of Novara, 1513, where Swiss infantrymen are able to
In many battles of the period, field artillery had little impact on the course of the battle,
but artillery was used effectively in some field engagements during the Italian Wars. One was the
battle of Marignano, in 1515, between a Franco-Venetian force and the Milanese with their
Swiss allies. The Swiss infantry were attacked by French cavalry while being bombarded by
French field artillery.29 Swiss pikemen could fight either the cavalry or artillery alone effectively.
To counter cavalry they would form into a square and use their pikes as an effective barrier to
cavalry charges, but this made them prime targets for French gunners. Likewise, they could
assault the guns as they did at the Battle of Novara, but this would make them vulnerable to flank
24
Cassidy: 388-398; Machiavelli
25
Alessandro Beneditti, De Re Militari: The Society for Medieval Military History, "Alessandro Beneditti, The
Battle of Fornovo (1495)," Last modified April 22, 2013. Accessed March 3, 2014.
26
Beneditti
27
Cassidy: 390-391
28
Cassidy: 398; Machiavelli
29
Cassidy: 398
5
and rear cavalry attacks.30 The artillery alone would not have been effective, but when used in a
combined arms tactic was an important factor in France’s victory. 31 Another battle was Bicocca,
in 1522. Here, the French fought alongside Swiss mercenaries as they had in 1494, against
Spanish, Imperial, Milanese, and Papal forces. A Swiss attack was halted with heavy casualties
when the pikemen attacked a fortified Spanish position defended by both cannons and infantry,
including many arquebusiers.32 From their defended position the Spanish were able to use both
their cannons and firearms to inflict heavy casualties on the Swiss attackers. 33 Both battles show
that artillery used in conjunction with other forces and fortified positions could be very effective,
become important weapons during the Renaissance, but like field artillery their impact was
mixed. When used in conjunction with other infantry or in defensive positions, firearms could be
very effective. The arquebus, a smoothbore firearm with a firing mechanism, could, unlike older
firearms, be used by one individual due to a firing mechanism. It had similar advantages and
disadvantages to the musket which eventually replaced the arquebus. Arquebuses were very
inaccurate compared to crossbows and longbows.34 They had a very poor rate of fire compared to
longbows, though it was similar to many crossbows, due to the difficulty in loading them. A
good arquebusier could fire one or two shots a minute, or on average one every forty seconds. 35
A good longbowman however could shoot six arrows in forty seconds. 36 Matchlock arquebuses,
30
Ibid
31
Ibid
32
Ibid
33
Ibid
34
Clifford J. Rodgers, “The Military Revolutions of the Hundred Years War,” The Journal of Military History, 1993,
Vol 57, No 2, p. 257
35
Cassidy: 393-394; Gervase Phillips, "Longbow and Hackbutt: Weapons Technology and Technology Transfer in
Early Modern England," Technology and Culture, 40, no. 3 (1999): 581
36
Phillips: 581
6
the most common type, were useless in rainy weather, as the matchcord needed to fire the
weapon would not remain lit in rain.37 The arquebus did have two advantages that made it a
viable weapon during the Renaissance. At short range an arquebus Is very effective against both
flesh and armour, and can cause horrifying wounds. Crossbows and longbows were also
effective against armour, however, but at short ranges they were surpassed. 38 The second
advantage of an arquebus was its short training period. One could train and become a good
arquebusier in a matter of weeks, whereas a good longbowman had to train for years in order to
develop the skills and muscles needed to use the bow effectively. 39 The quick training time made
it easier to raise an army of arquebusiers than bowmen. The advantages of the firearm allowed it
to grow in prevalence during the Renaissance, but its disadvantages limited its effectives in
combat.
Firearms were used in many battles during the Italian Wars, though their impact on
individual battles is mixed, and successful utilization of firearms usually involved being used in
conjunction with pikemen or fortified defenses. Cellini describes the Papal defenders during the
Sack of Rome using arquebuses to defend against assaults by Imperial troops. He also states that
Charles III, Duke of Bourbon, was killed by an arquebusier. 40 Similar to his thoughts on the use
of cannon, Machiavelli does not advise relying on firearms heavily in battle. 41 This is because
arquebuses were better suited to defensive tactics as opposed to offensive ones. 42 Machiavelli
recommended using firearms alongside of archers as skirmishers.43 During this period the
English used firearms alongside of longbows in mixed formations, and the Venetians also used
37
Cassidy 393-394
38
Cassidy: 394; Phillips: 580
39
Cronkite; Phillips: 585; Rodgers: 257
40
Cellini: 292-303; He claims that it was his bullet which killed the Duke
41
Machiavelli
42
Cassidy: 388-394
43
Cassidy: 388-389
7
mixed firearm and archer unts to great tactic effect. 44 Battles such as Fornovo were hardly
impacted by the use of firearms. However, as the number of firearms increased during the period,
more generals had to adjust tactics to incorporate the short range, poor accuracy, and long reload
times of firearms.45 The Battle of Cerignola is a famous example. In 1503 a Spanish force was
attacked by a French one in Italy. The Spanish general had received a large number of
reinforcements armed with arquebusiers before the battle, and to make use of these troops he
adopted a defensive position behind a small wall and trench. Despite having an advantage in
artillery, the French and Swiss quickly went on the offensive, which effectively blocked their
own artillery. Assaults by French cavalry and Swiss pikemen were repulsed with heavy
casualties as they tried to assault the centre and flanks of the defenders. The defenses slowed the
enemy troops within the effective range of the Spanish firearms, and many were killed or
wounded by close range fire. The tired Swiss that made it past the wall were then attacked by
fresh Spanish and German pikemen. 46 The majority of infantry and almost all cavalry during the
Renaissance were armed with melee weapons, and arquebusiers were at a disadvantage due to
the flaws of their firearms.47 An effective counter to the vulnerability was to position them with
other units such as pikemen or to fortify their position, which allowed generals to utilize the
short range destructive powder of firearms and keep them protected from melee units. 48 During
the century after the Renaissance firearms would become common weapons for infantry and
cavalry, but were still used in conjunction with pikemen until the widespread adoption of the
bayonet.
44
Phillips: 582-587
45
Cassidy 393; Taylor: 3-33
46
Cassidy 393-394
47
Cassidy: 393
48
Taylor: 30-33
8
The various Italian Wars between 1494 and 1559 drew forces from many European
powers into Italy, notably Spain, France, and the Holy Roman Empire. One effect of these wars
was the introduction of modern siege and field artillery into Italy. Gunpowder weaponry had a
mixed amount of impact on warfare during this period due in part to recent technological
developments. The new siege artillery introduced in Italy was very successful and resulted in a
transformation of military architecture, while field guns had a much lesser impact on field
battles. Both field artillery and firearms were used to great effect in the wars when used in
conjunction with other forces or from fortified positions. In many battles however, these new
weapons were not that important to the outcome. Gunpowder had been used in European wars
since the 13th century, though its usage and importance increased during the Renaissance, and
9
Bibliography
Primary Sources
Beneditti, Alessandro. De Re Militari: The Society for Medieval Military History, "Alessandro
Beneditti, The Battle of Fornovo (1495)." Last modified April 22, 2013. Accessed March
3, 2014. http://deremilitari.org/2013/04/alessandro-beneditti-the-battle-of-fornovo-1495/.
Cellini, Benvenuto. “Selections from the Autobiography of Benvenuto Cellini.” The Civilization
of the Italian Renaissance: A Sourcebook. Edited by Kenneth R. Barlett. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press, 2011.
Guicciardini, Francesco. “The Formidable French Artillery and Troops Compared with the
Italian Forces.” The Civilization of the Italian Renaissance: A Sourcebook. Edited by
Kenneth R. Barlett. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011.
Machiavelli, Niccolò. Constitution Society, "The Seven Books of the Art of War." Last modified
November 04, 2013. Accessed February 24, 2014.
http://www.constitution.org/mac/artofwar_.htm.
Secondary Sources
Cassidy, Ben. "Machiavelli and the Ideology of the Offensive: Gunpowder Weapons in "The Art
of War"." The Journal of Military History. no. 2 (2003): 381-404.
Cronkite, Walter. "Gunpowder." War and Civilization. August 03 1998. TLC Episode 3.
Guilmartin Jr., John F. "The Earliest Shipboard Gunpowder Ordnance: An Analysis of Its
Technical Parameters and Tactical Capabilities." The Journal of Military History. no. 3
(2007): 649-669.
Hale, J.R. War and Society in Renaissance Europe, 1450-1620. London: McGill-Queen, 1985.
Paoletti, Ciro. A Military History of Italy. London: Praeger Security International, 2008.
Phillips, Gervase. "Longbow and Hackbutt: Weapons Technology and Technology Transfer in
Early Modern England." Technology and Culture. no. 3 (1999): 576-593.
Taylor, F.L. The Art of War in Italy, 1494-1529. Westport: Greenwood Press Publishers, 1973.
Tuttle, Richard J. "Against Fortifications: The Defense of Renaissance Bologna." Journal of the
Society of Architectural Historians. no. 3 (1982): 189-201.
Cover Image
Patriartis. DiviantArt, "Arquebusiers." Last modified October 2013. Accessed March 3, 2014.
http://patriartis.deviantart.com/art/Arquebusiers-406152031.
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