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The Evolution and Legacy of Cavalry in Ancient Greece

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DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.1.3948.5927

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Lindsey Kathryn Carrier Southern Methodist University
HIST 3354: War & Diplomacy in Antiquity 10.05.07

The Evolution and Legacy of Cavalry in Ancient Greece

Traditional views of classical Greek warfare indicate that cavalry was of little importance
to the Greeks. But this simply is not true. By looking deeper into the historical record it can be
seen that cavalry operations played a significant role in various aspects of the Greek's military
endeavors.1 In fact, the art of modern horsemanship owes its origins to the fundamentals
developed by the Greeks above all others. The positive sentiment held for horsemanship in later
western history was the reverse for Greek military commanders: For a number centuries Greek
commanders favored infantry troops above all other possible battle methods, and formally
considered cavalry units an unnecessary component in warfare.2 Therefore, use of cavalry was
slow too develop in Greece, but like most things that mature through evolution, so to did the use
of mounted horses. Over time, the Greek’s became drawn into conflicts outside of their own
territories, and through interactions with the cavalry of foreigners, a sense of value developed
toward cavalry’s various strategic possibilities. By the late 5th century BC, the art of
horsemanship began to develop into a true war craft and cavalry units rapidly became a decisive
factor in the victory of one polis over another.3
There are many reasons why mounted horses had been overlooked as a viable option of
warfare in Greece. Some reasons where due to geography and economics, and others to social
and cultural biases.4 It is important to note, the horse was a latecomer to the Peloponnesus, likely
introduced to the region during the Middle Bronze Age, around 2000 BC.5 Therefore, the
clearest reasoning for the early lack of cavalry development is that which is the most obvious;
the Greeks simply did not have as much contact time with horses as other civilizations in the
Near East. But, this in its simplicity cannot be the only reason for the slow establishment of
cavalry. As mentioned above, four other factors played significant roles in the slow development
of cavalry use in Greece.

1
Philip Sidnell, Warhorse: Cavalry in Ancient Warfare (New York: Continuum US, 2006), pg 24.
2
Robert E. Gaebel, Cavalry Operations in the Ancient Greek World (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2002), pg 80.
3
Ibid., pg 281, 282
4
Philip Sidnell, Warhorse: Cavalry in Ancient Warfare (New York: Continuum US, 2006), pg 23, 24.
5
John McK. Camp II, Horses and Horsemanship in the Athenian Agora (Athens: The American School of Classical Studies at
Athens, 1998), pg 3.

1
 First, there was the issue of terrain. The rocky and mountainous geography of Greece
was not well suited for horse breeding. But, for the most part, this was only an issue for southern
Greece, in Attica and the Peloponnesus. Several regions in northern Greece were perfectly
acceptable places for horses to be bred and easily kept, and so, the provinces of Boeotia,
Macedon, and Thessaly differed militarily from the rest of Greece.6 They made horsemanship
their focus, rather then infantry and were known by their fellow Greeks as proficient horsemen
worth fearing in battle.7 Also, they had a closer geographic location to the Near East, where the
first horses had originated, been domesticated, and refined by breeding.8 And so, these provincial
peoples became very connected with horses early on, and began to develop early forms of
cavalry long before the southern regions, where the prominent city-states developed. Because of
their specialization in horsemanship, the best helline horse breeds can be easily traced back to
these three provinces. The horse-trade was highly prosperous for northern Greece and regional
brands quickly developed to indicate particular horses of value.9 In Thessaly, for example, a
breed developed called the Thessalian, which bore a boukephalai brand of an ox-head.10 This
breed in particular was known for its’ high performance, endurance, and large size. The breed’s
exceptional qualities were so famous throughout the whole of Greece, even in Archaic times, that
the Thessalian was mentioned in The Iliad as a superior horse.11
The second main factor that contributed to the slow development of Greek cavalry had to
do with cost. The cost of raising and keeping a horse was an economic feat, especially if it was a
highly trained warhorse. Horses in ancient Greece, depending on the historical period, breeding,
and the level of training put into the animal, could cost anywhere from 200 to 1200 drachmae.
As an example: in relation to the 4th century specifically, a fine warhorse could have cost
upwards of 800 drachmae, whereas a typical Greek home would cost around 600 Drachmae.12
Beyond the original purchase price, the daily keep of the horse (feed and care) along with the
supplying of tack (bridle, bit, back-pad, armor) could cost upwards of 30 Drachmae a month.13

6
Philip Sidnell, Warhorse: Cavalry in Ancient Warfare (New York: Continuum US, 2006), pg 24.
7
I. G. Spence, The Cavalry of Classical Greece: A Social and Military History with Particular Reference to Athens (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1993), pg 19 - 27.
8
Philip Sidnell, Warhorse: Cavalry in Ancient Warfare (New York: Continuum US, 2006), pg 24.
9
Ann Hyland, The Horse in the Ancient World (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2003), pg 142.
10
Ibid., pg 142.
11
Ibid., pg 148, 149. Note: Large size was not the same indication of scale used by horsemen today, ancient horses probably
never exceeded 15.2 Hands, see The Encyclopedia of Horses and Ponies for further reading, pg 212, 213.
12
Ibid., pg 141, 144. Note: Hyland's "Horse Value" differ from those of other scholars, but this is likely due to historical period
being examined, rather then incorrect calculations.
13
Ibid., pg 139.

2
At such high prices, keeping a horse was simply too costly for most Greeks. Due to this, horses
tended to be reserved for the more extravagant aristocracy.14 Amusingly, the scholar Aristotle
made the suggested on the subject of horses in his Politics, “Where the terrain is suitable for
horses, an oligarchy is likely to arise.”15 This was certainly the case in the horse breeding
provinces. Thessaly, for example, was ruled by its aristocracy.16
The third issue affecting the pace of Greek cavalry development had to do with social
class.17 The keeping of horses was typical of the wealthy throughout both northern and southern
Greece; but, in city-states like Athens, horse ownership remained simply a sign of one’s station
in society, serving as a statement of a man’s wealth. It was not unusual for a rich man to ride a
horse or drive a chariot to a place of battle, rather then walk like the poorer classes of the
infantry, but once his destination was reached, the horse(s) where left to a groom and the warrior
would join his city-state’s Hoplite ranks.18 While it may seem odd today that these people did not
think to use the horse for warfare, it was considered by southern Greeks to be almost completely
out of the question before the 4th Century BC.19 In this period, Greek warfare had become over-
simplified. It was believed the only way to conduct honorable warfare was through the hoplite
style, and any other sort of techne requiring a great deal of practice and technical skill beyond
mental and physical strength were considered dishonorable and cowardly.20 Therefore, highly
specialized battle techniques such as archery and cavalry were frowned upon. It was considered
the ideal for a warrior to show his valor and win honor through holding his ground alongside his
comrades in the phalanx formation to the end, whether that lead to victory or death.21 The most
disgraceful action in battle was to intentionally avoid an oncoming enemy to preserve oneself
rather then holding in formation for the preservation of the group, and the retreat of a whole unit
was out of the question, even if it was to re-organize on better ground. And so, the ability to
avoid enemy advances quickly, move swiftly to new positions on a battlefield and essentially
out-maneuver one’s opponent through agility rather then brute strength where demonized and the

14
Philip Sidnell, Warhorse: Cavalry in Ancient Warfare (New York: Continuum US, 2006), pg 25.
15
Robert E. Gaebel, Cavalry Operations in the Ancient Greek World (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2002), pg 56.
16
M. Cary, J. D. Denniston, J. Wight Duff, A. D. Nock, W. D. Ross and H. H. Scullard, The Oxford Classical Dictionary
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1953), pg 900.
17
Philip Sidnell, Warhorse: Cavalry in Ancient Warfare (New York: Continuum US, 2006), pg 25.
18
J. E. Lendon, Soldiers and Ghosts: A History of Battle in Classical Antiquity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), pg
44.
19
Ibid., pg 106.
20
Ibid., pg 105, 106.
21
Ibid., pg 105, 106.

3
Greeks tried to restrict the use of these tactics in the majority of their battles before the late 5th
Century BC. Since high agility and organized maneuverability are fundamental components of
cavalry tactics, they where not supported by the majority of the Greek populace, and where
culturally frowned upon.22
As mentioned earlier, there was a definite early prejudice against the idea of the use of
the horse in warfare. This attitude changed considerably though after the Greeks became
entangled with the Near East and where forced to view outside perspectives on warfare.23 The
Persian Empire was expanding, and the southern city-states of Attica and the Peloponnesus
where forced to overcome their disparities to save their region from the mounting threat of
Persian subjugation. The Athenians themselves were able to fend off Persia by using strategy and
dedication at the Battle of Marathon in 490 BC without any real cavalry, while the Persians had
an extensive collection of mounted horsemen, but chose not to use them.24 Later, in response to
the embarrassing defeat of his predecessor a decade before him, King Xerxes lead a massive land
invasion into Greece, which had an unprecedented number of cavalry regiments. Though greatly
outnumbered, the city-states mobilized all of their forces, both land and sea, and the two worlds,
East vs. West met in a clash that would completely redefine tactics and western warfare
forever.25 As intense fighting set in, it became clear to the Greeks that they had amazingly
sophisticated infantry skills to take pride in and an above par navy, but of cavalry they were
lacking severely. In remedy to this weakness, the Greeks were very practical and used their own
knowledge of Greco-geography to strategize and engage the Persians only where the Greeks
could have the greatest advantage against the strengths the Persians derived from use of their
cavalry. Through this strategy, the Greeks where able to use natural geographical features as
advantages, successfully keeping enemy cavalry units from playing a large role in the War. But
it became more and more clear to the Greeks that cavalry was becoming a major threat to the
flanks of the hoplite formations.26 After the success of the Greeks in expelling their adversary
had been accomplished, the years following the war where spent by many city-states developing

22
Robert E. Gaebel, Cavalry Operations in the Ancient Greek World (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2002), pg 278
23
Ann Hyland, The Horse in the Ancient World (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2003), pg 128.
24
I. G. Spence, The Cavalry of Classical Greece: A Social and Military History with Particular Reference to Athens (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1993), pg 166.
25
Robert E. Gaebel, Cavalry Operations in the Ancient Greek World (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2002), pg 80
26
Ibid., pg 80. Note: Boatia, Thrassaly, and Macedon had joined the Persian ranks and fought the southern Greek city-states
alongside the Persian Cavalries.

4
and building up their own cavalries. They had learned from their handicaps, and where finally
ready to embrace a new period of military evolution.27
As it is nearly impossible to discuss this topic any further by analyzing all of the city-
states in Greece at once, since each developed their cavalry regiments under different
circumstances and some none at all, it is easier to discuss the leading city-states who played key
roles in the evolution and maintenance of cavalry practices. The more rural provinces of Boaotia,
Thessaly, and Macedonia remained the “power houses” of the horse breeding industry, but the
city-states of Athens, Corinth, and Thebes began to take notice of the usefulness of cavalries, as
well as other war crafts beyond that of hoplite warfare. 28
A great deal of information pertaining to the Athenian cavalry has remained to this day,
serving as a good indicator of the radical changes in Greek warfare made in the Post-Persian War
period. In this period, Athens followed a path of imperial ambition and organized her own
resources and the revenues of the Delian League into a steady supply of money to further fund
her expansion projects.29 In this era, the city-state went through a “Golden Age.” Archaeological
evidence from the powerful city-state uncovered in the Agora has exposed a wealth of artwork
depicting cavalry horses and their riders dressed in full battlefield regalia. These findings offer
scholars a peak into the look of the armor worn by both the cavalryman and his horse, and
possibly a general idea of the ancient Greek horses' conformation. 30 Evidence also suggests the
location of the Hipparcheion, positioned on the Northwest corner of the Agora, where the
cavalry headquarters and the riding school may have been located.31 The location of this
structure in an area that was prime real-estate only provides further support that Athens had
begun to give high regard to the promotion and further development of practiced horsemanship
and the keeping of a permanent, skilled and unified cavalry regiment.
Another discovery of great importance was a collection of lead tablets, which could be
equated to our modern day receipt, as well as other documents from the 4th and 3rd centuries BC.
These tablets and documents recorded the annual amounts paid to individuals enlisted in a
permanent cavalry force. The amount appears to have been on average 700 Drachmas for two

27
Ibid., pg 85.
28
Ibid., pg 86.
29
Ann Hyland, The Horse in the Ancient World (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2003), pg 128, 129.
30
John McK. Camp II, Horses and Horsemanship in the Athenian Agora (Athens: The American School of Classical Studies at
Athens, Picture Book No. 24,1998), pg 14 - 30.
31
Ann Hyland, The Horse in the Ancient World (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2003), pg140.

5
years wages. Though, it should be noted that these payments where for the feeding, care and
replacement of a horse lost in battle.32 A cavalryman was initially expected to provide his own
bit, bridle, saddlecloth, armor and weapons, essentially all of his tack, in addition to his horse.33
As Athenian dominance grew in Attica and warfare practices shifted, cavalry naturally
became more popular. And, in the democratic spirit of the city-state, horses became available
not only to the wealthy, but to any male citizen willing to “buy in,” on a government supported
loan to join the Athenian cavalry.34 This new system was done in an attempt to enlist a larger
number of men into the cavalry system and was successful, giving Athens the right to boast of a
well-trained permanent cavalry, which supported fixed number cavalry regiment of between ten-
hundred and twelve-hundred men from the 420's on.35 Unfortunately, this brilliant enterprise did
not last long and was abandoned in the course of Athenian decline during the later Peloponnesian
War. This was not so much the fault of the Athenian cavalry itself, but rather the overall poor
tactical decisions of the city-state on the part of various military commanders. By Xenophon’s
day (440’s), the number retained was cut in half and steadily continued to fall throughout
antiquity.36
As far as formations and ranks, most city-states with trained cavalry regiments where for
the most part analogous. Southern city-states tended to implement a square formation,37 which
mimicked the hoplite formation and was simple and easy to keep intact.38 Athens incorporated a
strict, but democratic system of appointing officers, which offered a highly organized
configuration of cavalry units. At the height of her equestrian power, the city-state had ten
regiments of 100 men each, organized by files of 10, each regiment lead by one of ten phylarchs,
who where chosen individually by the ten tribes of Athens. These phylarchs where under the
shared command of two senior officers, elected by the senate, known as hipparchs,39 derived
from the Greek term for horse, hippios.40 The Northern provinces, which always remained the

32
John McK. Camp II, Horses and Horsemanship in the Athenian Agora (Athens: The American School of Classical Studies at
Athens, Picture Book No. 24,1998), pg 37.
33
Ann Hyland, The Horse in the Ancient World (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2003), pg 142 - 143.
34
Ibid., pg 142
35
Ibid., pg 139.
36
Ibid., pg 139, 143
37
Ibid., pg 147.
38
J. E. Lendon, Soldiers and Ghosts: A History of Battle in Classical Antiquity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005), pg
99.
39
Ann Hyland, The Horse in the Ancient World (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2003), pg 139.
40
John McK. Camp II, Horses and Horsemanship in the Athenian Agora (Athens: The American School of Classical Studies at
Athens, 1998), pg 31.

6
seat of superior horsemanship, chose more advanced and maneuverable formations. The
Thessalians rode in a formation invented by Jason of Pherae, called the rhombus, while the
Macedonian’s preferred a wedge formation,41 which worked superbly when attacking infantry, as
the shape does exactly as its name suggests; when the cavalry was able to flank the opposing
infantry, it would usually pass right through its ranks, separating and dispersing the infantry’s
formation.42
By the mid 4th century BC, cavalry operations had shown themselves useful in a variety
of situations, as they where quite malleable and could be continually adapted to fit the ever-
changing circumstances on any battlefield, proving its usefulness once and for all above the rigid
and over-simplified hoplite tactics. As time passed, cavalries could perform a wider and wider
variety of duties from the battlefield to reconnaissance and just about anything in between. No
polis could avoid the use of cavalry at some point in time. Even the hoplite obsessed Spartans
had to give in at times, as early as 424 BC.43 In fact, more Greek battles then not used some form
of cavalry, and if a city-state was without a cavalry of its own it was the norm for a mercenary
cavalry force to be employed.44
Fortunately, from the primary sources available, some Greek historians have shed light
on cavalry’s role in ancient Greece, these being such notable figures as Herodotus and
Thucydides. However, it would be remiss to talk about Greece and cavalry without mentioning
the most valuable historian of cavalry command, operations, and horsemanship in general;
Xenophon the Athenian born in 431 BC.45 Xenophon was a master horseman himself and made
many literary contributions to both history as well as horsemanship. Xenophon, who was one of
the major promoters of cavalry, was heavily influenced by his experiences with Persia. As a
young man, he served as a mercenary among 10,000 other Greeks. They had come together to go
east to aide the satrap Cyrus the Younger in his attempted to overthrow his brother King
Artaxerxes II through a military coo. While there, Xenophon learned a great deal about the
Persian Cavalry and took many of those ideas to heart. The Anabasis, also known as “The March
of Ten Thousand” is his own historical account of the adventure.46 Some of his other writings

41
Ann Hyland, The Horse in the Ancient World (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2003), pg 147.
42
Robert E. Gaebel, Cavalry Operations in the Ancient Greek World (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2002), pg 118.
43
Ibid., pg 282.
44
Ibid., pg 282 - 285.
45
Ann Hyland, The Horse in the Ancient World (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2003), pg 126.
46
Ibid., pg 132 - 135.

7
give insight into the importance of cavalry in relation to Persia and in that matter also to Greece,
this can be seen in his novel The Cyropaedia, though it was a somewhat fictitious account of
Cyrus the Great, Xenophon describes many Persian institutions and customs, in which he
explains Persia’s basic military organization, including a detailed account of their cavalry.47 In
his older age, he wrote two very important treatises pertaining to horsemanship in ancient
Greece. His Peri Hippikon, outlines the fundamental ideals of horsemanship still used today, and
his Hipparchikos, gives a detailed account of the art of cavalry command and how it should be
implemented.48
The legacy of Greece’s cavalry has been one of great importance and should be held in
high regard for its effect on the historical record, especially in the case of western of military
tactics. The foundations laid on the ideals of Greek horsemanship would serve as a basis for
cavalry training in later Rome, Medieval Europe, and the Renaissance, and continues to be
implemented in modern horsemanship even today. Xenophon’s own teachings are exemplified
and held in high esteem through the Art of Dressage. 49

47
Ibid., pg 117.
48
Ibid., pg 135 - 138.
49
Hilda Nelson, “ Antoine de Pluvinel, Classical Horseman and Humanist,” The French Review 58:4 (March 1985), pg 514 -523.

8
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