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English in Pakistan: Language Policy, Features and Present-day use

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17 English in Pakistan
Language policy, features and
present-day use
Sham Haidar and Syed Abdul Manan

17.1 Introduction
English has undoubtedly become the dominant language in the world and,
unsurprisingly, in Pakistan too (Haidar & Fang, 2019b), where English is
the official language, the language of education and is associated with help-
ing one attain social mobility. However, it is also a divisive source in society
as English tends to be within the grasp of the elite but out of the reach of
many (Haidar & Fang, 2019a). This chapter presents the overall status of
the use of the English language in Pakistan. It first reviews relevant litera-
ture that discusses the background of the English language in Pakistan. The
chapter then goes on to discuss the language policies of the country, where
English has remained one of the important components in language plan-
ning and policy. An elaboration on the acceptance of Pakistani English as a
distinct variety and various features of Pakistani English are then presented.
Present-day use and users of English in Pakistan are then presented with
data from doctoral research (Haidar, 2016). Finally, the chapter concludes
with a prognosis that English will remain a powerful language in Pakistan,
although several unresolved issues remain.

17.1.1 Background of English in Pakistan

The dominance of the English language was established in colonial times
with the introduction of English education (Evans, 2002). Before partition
in 1947, Pakistan was part of British India. Under the British, there were
debates over the introduction of the English language in education between
the Orientalists, who were supporting the indigenous languages, and the
Anglicists, who were supporting the English language (Rahman, 2010). Some
Englishmen were against English education in India, as they thought it would
isolate the elite from the other natives (Rahman, 2010). Macaulay, who served
on the Supreme Council of India between 1834 and 1838, supported the
introduction of the English language into Indian education in 1835 to dilute

DOI: 10.4324/9780429433467-17
 English in Pakistan  243
resistance to British rule and to produce a generation of English-educated
Indians who could serve as a bridge between the British governors and the
Indians whom they governed (see Mahboob, this volume; Durrani, 2012;
Evans, 2002). English became the dominant language replacing Arabic (the
Muslims’ religious language), Sanskrit (the Hindus’ religious language), and
Persian, the official language of the Moguls, who were Muslim rulers of the
subcontinent before the arrival of the British (Durrani, 2012; Evans, 2002).
Most of the Muslims in the subcontinent were resistant to the imposi-
tion of the English language during colonial times due to political defeat by
the British and the fear that it would dilute the blunt opposition to British
dominance (Rahman, 2005). This led to the division of the Muslims in India
and later in Pakistan into several groups – those who “resisted and rejected”
(Rahman, 2005, p. 122), those who “accepted and assimilated” (p. 123),
and those who supported the “pragmatic utilization” (p. 123) of the English
language. Muslims in India generally considered Urdu their language as it
was introduced into India with the arrival of Muslims. Therefore, with
the independence of Pakistan, Urdu became the national language and the
language of education. Moreover, it was decided that Urdu would replace
English as the official language with the passage of time (Durrani, 2012).
However, there was also resistance against the dominance of Urdu since
people of different provinces speak different languages (Rahman, 2010).
Due to internal linguistic confusion, English continued as an integral com-
ponent of language policy along with Urdu and local languages.

17.2 Language policy and English in Pakistan

One of the most important decisions in language policy is to select the lan-
guage used for education (Tollefson & Tsui, 2004). The language of educa-
tion usually depends on social, economic and political factors and is rarely
a purely academic decision (Baldauf et al., 2008). In fact, language used in
education may be considered a key source of “power (re)distribution and
(re)construction” (Tsui & Tollefson, 2004, p. 2) since it determines which
linguistic group will wield power and be considered privileged. In countries
that were former colonies such as Pakistan, the English language dominates
due to its ascendancy in colonial times and later on being the language of a
dominant minority (Rahman, 2002).
Pakistan houses speakers of about 60 languages with Urdu as the national
language and English as the official language (Rahman, 2002). In Pakistan,
there is no separate document which can be considered the language policy
of the country, but the constitution of the country, statements by differ-
ent authorities in legislation and various education policies have referred to
the language policy (Shamim, 2011). According to the 1973 constitution of
Pakistan:
244  Sham Haidar and Syed Abdul Manan
(1) The National language of Pakistan is Urdu, and arrangements shall be
made for its being used for official and other purposes within fifteen
years from the commencing day.
(2) Subject to clause (1), the English language may be used for official
purposes until arrangements are made for its replacement by Urdu.
(Article 251)

The constitution and other official documents apparently support the

national language Urdu to be used as the official language and the lan-
guage of education, but in fact English still remains the official language
and language of education in the country, especially that of higher educa-
tion (Shamim, 2008). In fact, the language policy of the country serves the
class interest of the urban, English-using elite in Pakistan (Rahman, 2005).
As mentioned in Mahboob, this volume, a wide gap exists between the
rhetoric in the macro-level and the political, social and contextual factors
that influence the micro-level policy, where Pakistan is considered as an
unsuccessful case in framing egalitarian language policy (Simpson, 2007).
Although there were several movements to uplift the status of local lan-
guages, these failed to challenge the supremacy of English in the language
policy of the country due to the resistance of the elite (see Mahboob, this
volume; Hallberg, 1992; Shackle, 2007). Consequently, in various edu-
cation policies there are contradictions regarding the use of English in
education (Shamim, 2011). Moreover, contrary to the constitutional obli-
gation, the education policies are inclined towards English as explained
in Table 17.1. The table shows ambiguities regarding language policy in
the country. Apparently, the policies recommend that Urdu should replace
English in education and as an official language. However, when it comes
to implementation, the policies have usually failed to facilitate the change.
One factor behind this failure is the lack of political stability in the coun-
try, while the other is due to protecting the interest of the elite. The elite
outwardly support the replacement of English through Urdu but their
interest in preserving the dominance of English is linked to their percep-
tion that English supremacy helps them to preserve their elite status in
society (Haidar, 2019a).
Despite several half-hearted attempts to replace English with Urdu,
English still remains the most dominant language in Pakistan (Haidar,
2019b). While English was considered to be a threat to local culture and
languages, the elite, however, including those in the civil service and military
establishment, landlords and political appointment holders chose to educate
their children in public and private English-medium schools (Haidar, 2016).
This support by the elite has sustained English as the language of higher
education and English proficiency as a selection criterion for entry into pres-
tigious professions.
Table 17.1 Pakistan’s language-in-education policy (adapted from Coleman, 2010)

S No Year Event Policy Implementation Implications

1 Pre-1947 Colonial rule Vernacular medium (Urdu/Hindi/any Implemented English played a divisive role
other local language) for ordinary separating the elite and the
people, English for elite class rest of the people
2 1947 Independence Urdu declared as the national Urdu used by masses, Support for Urdu but English
language and English the official English medium for elite continued for the elite
language to be replaced by Urdu
3 1959 Sharif Commission Elementary and secondary education No change The dominance of English
in Urdu, higher education in continued
English
4 1972 Nationalisation All private schools to be nationalised, Only low-cost private Public sentiments against
with Urdu as the medium of schools nationalised and English, but was made
instruction Urdu MI implemented, accessible to elites
elite schools were
allowed to use EMI
5 1973 New constitution English to be replaced by Urdu as No change Rhetoric to support Urdu to
official language within 15 years replace English
6 1977 Military coup Islamisation and Urduisation English from Grade 4; Strong public rhetoric to
by General complete Urdu by 1989; support Urdu to replace
Zia-ul-Haq private English- medium English
schools begin to grow
7 1989 Benazir Bhutto English from Grade 1 Little effective change The role of English increased
elected as the
Prime Minister
8 1992 New education MoI at elementary level to be either Little effective change The role of English increased
policy provincial, national language, or
English
(Continued)
English in Pakistan  245
Table 17.1 Continued

S No Year Event Policy Implementation Implications

9 1998 New education No statement regarding language Private English-medium The role of English increased
policy policy schools flourish
10 2009 National Science and maths to be taught Punjab declares science English was imposed on all
Education Policy through English from Grade in English starting in students at school level
4 onward Grade 4
11 2017 National No clear mention of MoI No change The dominance of English
Education Policy continued
246  Sham Haidar and Syed Abdul Manan
 English in Pakistan  247
17.3 Features of Pakistani English
According to the Kachruvian Three Circles model, English in Pakistan has
been nativised (Bhatt, 2005; Mahboob, 2009). Initially, Kachru suggested
the term Indian English to encompass the English spoken in India, Pakistan
and Bangladesh. Speakers in these countries followed British English norms
as the standard (Rahman, 2015), and deviation from this standard was con-
sidered unacceptable. However, Kachru’s World Englishes (WE) paradigm
(1985) asserted that deviation from the standard was considered a feature
of nativisation of local varieties, which occurs as a result of a productive
process. The concept of Pakistani English was hardly discussed until 1984
and its status as a variety in its own right is still a moot point (Baumgardner,
1995; Rahman, 2015). Rahman (2015) divides Pakistani English into four
sub-varieties based on the educational and social status of its speakers.
Variety A is closer to British English and is spoken by the highly educated
elite. Variety B differs from British English in morphology, syntax, phonol-
ogy and semantics and is spoken by those educated in elite schools. Most
people educated in Urdu medium schools in Pakistan speak variety C, which
differs from British English. Variety D is spoken by the lowly educated who
typically hold blue-collar jobs. The following discussion is based on gen-
eral features mostly of varieties B and C, which represent most of Pakistani
English.

17.3.1 Phonological and phonetic features

Little research has been conducted on the phonological and phonetic fea-
tures of Pakistani English. The research that has been done on Indian
English is partially applicable on Pakistani English. The dominant pho-
nological differences found in Pakistani English from British English are
shown in Table 17.2.
Stress patterning in Pakistani English is different from British or American
English. Urdu and Punjabi speakers do share most of the phonological fea-
tures of English spoken in North India. There are still questions about the
acceptance of Pakistani pronunciation as there is conscious effort on the
part of teachers to teach British or American pronunciation.

17.3.2 Morphological and syntactic features

Little research on the morphological and syntactic aspects of Pakistani
English has been conducted. Moreover, most of this research is based on
written English. One important difference of Pakistani English from that of
British English is in the use of the definite article. Pakistani authors usually
either omit or add the definite article in their use of English (Rahman, 2015).
Another important feature of Pakistani English is the use of the progressive
aspect with habitual and completed actions and certain stative verbs. This
248  Sham Haidar and Syed Abdul Manan
Table 17.2 Phonological differences between Pakistani English and British English
(adapted from Mahboob & Ahmar, 2004; Rahman, 2015)

S English sounds Pakistani speakers L1 Reasons

No

1 /θ/ and /ð/ /th/ and /d/ All languages Not in local
languages
2 Aspirated /p, Unaspirated word All languages Similar sounds
t, k/ initially in Urdu and
Punjabi are
phonemic
3 Alveolar stops Retroflex stops /ṭ, ḍ/. Sindhi/Urdu Common in
/t, d/ speakers South Asian
English
4 Diphthongs /oʊ/ /o:/ and /e:/ All languages missing in
and /eɪ/ Pakistani
languages
5 /ə/ /ə/ is
deleted in some /ɪə/
combinations
6 Intrusive /r/ No intrusive /r/ All languages Spelling influence
7 /th/ /t/ Pashtu1 speakers In Pashtu no such
sound
8 /ɔ:/ and /ɒ/ Sometimes replaced Such vowels do
by /a:/ not exist in
local languages
9 /v/ and /w/ Not distinguished All languages /v/ not in
languages
10 /r/ Is pronounced Low varieties Low educated
whenever it comes speakers of
orthographically English in
Pakistan
11 Consonant Epenthetic vowels are Urdu/Punjabi Not in Urdu/
structures / introduced Pashtu Punjabi
sk/, /st/ and / speakers can
sp/ pronounce
12 /v/ Not pronounced in Pashtu Not in Pashtu
word final position
13 /f/ Often substitute by /p/ Pashtu Not in Pashtu
Pashtu is the first language of the Pashtuns who originate from Pakistan and Afghanistan.
1

There are 42 million speakers of Pashtu in Pakistan.

usually happens both in written and spoken forms. It may be due to interfer-
ence of first language rules as in Urdu and other Pakistani languages where
the progressive aspect is also used for habitual actions.
Similarly, there is a difference in complementation with certain verbs and
adjectives in Pakistani English (Baumgardner, 1987). The adjective is fre-
quently followed by a “to-infinitive”. For example, “Anti-Islamic forces are
busy to create differences among Muslims”. Similarly, instead of adjective +
a to-infinitive as happens in British English, in Pakistani English preposition
 English in Pakistan  249
+ an -ing participle is used as in, “Students are eligible for entering the
contest”. The grammatical features of Pakistani English usually depend on
the education and socioeconomic status of its users (Rahman, 2015). These
aspects become further visible when one compares the high variety with the
lower one. Some of these variations can be due to interlanguage; however,
some variations are systematic and arise out of transference of substratum
local language rules.

17.3.3 Lexical and semantic features

Culture and language are inextricably linked (Johnstone, 2002). When a
language is used in another culture and country, the language is often nativ-
ised (Rahman, 2015). English in Pakistan has changed due to cultural, reli-
gious and social reasons (Mahboob, 2009). Like other linguistic aspects,
most lexical borrowings in Pakistani English are similar to that of Indian
English (Kachru, 1985, 1998). Pakistani English includes borrowing from
Arabic and Persian languages. Words like Mujahideen (fighters in the way of
God), Taliban (religious seminary students), Madrassah (religious schools),
Pir (spiritual guide), and Khutba (sermon on Friday) are frequently used in
textbooks as well as media (Mahboob, 2009). Similarly, word patterns from
Persian language have also been borrowed, such as Zaban-e-Khalq (voice
of the people) in which morpheme -e- has been used to create a compound
word as in the Persian language.
Some lexical items pertain to the culture practised in Pakistan. For exam-
ple, Teddy, which refers to boys or girls who wear tight clothes, Biradari
(clan) and Mohajir (emigrant) are commonly used words in Pakistani
English. Jirga (Pushto word for a council of tribal elders), Neevin (Punjabi
word meaning low), Sain (Sindhi word meaning sir) are some of the bor-
rowed words used in Pakistani English (Baumgardner, 1993). Similarly,
some English words are used with different meanings in Pakistani English.
For example, family is used to refer to extended family, which includes the
siblings’ children as family members too. Healthy is used for fat or over-
weight people; hotel is used for a restaurant and not only for a place of
lodging; shopper is used to refer to a plastic bag to hold items that one has
purchased. Ticket is used for stamps as well as bus and train tickets along
with many other such words (Rahman, 2015).
Although there is interest in exploring the features of Pakistani English,
overall, it is still not considered a prestigious variety.

17.4 Present-day English use in Pakistan

17.4.1 English and education
English in Pakistan is most prominently used in higher education. By Grade
11, all science subjects are taught in English, whereas at the undergraduate
level, all other subjects except local languages, Islamic Studies and Pakistan
250  Sham Haidar and Syed Abdul Manan
Studies are in English. For Islamic Studies and Pakistan Studies, students
usually have the option to offer them in Urdu or in English. Even the social
sciences and arts, which are taught in Urdu in some schools until Grade 12,
are offered in English at the undergraduate level. A survey participant, who
was a school administrator, states, “At the higher-level even political science
and history subjects are not possible without English” (Interview AD2G,
08/08/15, Trans).
English is used as a medium of instruction not only in higher education,
but also in most private and public schools (Haidar, 2016). English domi-
nance has continued to steadily increase and an administrator stated, “a
stage will come if somebody cannot speak English, he will be considered
an uneducated person” (Interview AD3, 05/12/15). Research studies (e.g.
Coleman, 2010; Shamim, 2008) and educational experts believe that early
English instruction in Pakistan does not help students with low socioeco-
nomic status (SES) (Manan et al., 2015).
English is considered a symbol of being educated and intelligent, since
most books are written in English and can offer a wealth of resources to
those literates in English (Majhanovich, 2013). According to the Institute
for Scientific Information (ISI), “more than 95% of indexed natural sci-
ence journals and 90% of social science journals use all or some English”
(Thomson Reuters, 2008, as cited in Lillis & Curry, 2010, p. 9). In a devel-
oping country with limited resources, such as Pakistan, it is difficult to trans-
late all books and research into Urdu and English still serves as a source of
access to the latest research and information.

17.4.2 English as the language of writing and social prestige

English is highly valued, being the official and written language in Pakistan
(Halliday, 2003, 2006). A study participant stated, “if (one) looks to the
administration everything in offices is in English. So without English we can-
not carry the official work” (Interview S3S1, 05/13/15). Most administra-
tive paperwork is in English, such as forms in banks, colleges, schools, post
offices, hospitals and other governmental and non-governmental organisa-
tions. A survey participant, who was a student, stated, “all forms are in
English; they do not give Urdu forms to anyone” (Interview S2S1, 06/10/15,
Trans). Thus, people who are not competent in English find it hard to
understand the forms or apply for a job or other public services. English is
used for formal domains (Blommaert, 2010; Haidar, 2019b; Haidar et al.,
2019) and students feel the need to develop the linguistic habitus to be able
to communicate in formal situations (Bourdieu, 1991).
English is also the dominant written language in the corporate sector in
Pakistan. Most privately owned companies believe that the use of English
enhances business and trade (Pinon & Haydon, 2010). A participant, while
describing the abundant use of English in social life, stated, “the writing on
 English in Pakistan  251
a medicine bottle is also not in national language; it is in English” (Interview
AD1G, 08/10/15, Trans). The use of English permeates all sectors of use in
society. “Whether there is furniture or cosmetics or edibles, the instructions
are always in English … Medicine prescriptions or the dose administration,
everything is in English” (Interview S3T1, 06/26/15).
English is also a symbol of power and social prestige. For example, a
participant, who has done a Master’s in mathematics and has a good job,
stated, “if I get the second opportunity, I become a student again, so I would
prefer to go with English” (Interview AD3, 05/12/15). Another participant
states, “I say that English is the symbol of greatness. People feel proud of
English” (Interview AD1G, 08/10/15, Trans).
English is associated with being successful. “This is very much impor-
tant and one should learn, there is no (other) way out to become successful
in life” (Interview AD3, 05/12/15). Thus, those people who do not learn
English are considered unsuccessful, and the survey participants believed
that the demand and value of English have increased over time. “Those
people who do not learn English, in my opinion, in the coming 50 years,
(that person) will be considered an unsuccessful person” (Interview AD2G,
08/08/15, Trans). Participants shared that they had no hope of replacing
the importance of English with local languages (see also Rahman, 2007).
Therefore, in order to succeed in the workplace and society, it is imperative
for students to learn English.
Globalisation is also one of the reasons behind the dominance of the
English language in Pakistan because the world has become interconnected
and the English-speaking countries dominate most of the resources includ-
ing language. Therefore, it has become necessary for people in developing
countries, such as Pakistan, to learn English in order to compete in the
global community. Several studies (e.g. Bruthiaux, 2002; Coleman, 2010;
Tollefson, 2000) have challenged the concept of English as the language of
development and argued that literacy in local languages is more important
for individuals’ economic and social development. However, in the present
scenario for a Pakistani individual’s development and social mobility, com-
petence in the English language is considered to be mandatory.

17.4.4 English and professional jobs

In Pakistan, English is a prerequisite for most professional jobs. In fact, most
of the competitive examinations and interviews for selecting individuals for
public positions are conducted in English. Entry into the civil service entails
an individual having to pass the competitive entrance examinations, such as
the central superior service examination (CSS) and the provincial manage-
ment service (PMS). CSS and PMS are conducted in English. Apart from con-
ducting these examinations in English, the language is a compulsory subject,
having substantial weightage in these examinations. Although civil servants
hardly use English during day-to-day activities, especially in rural areas,
252  Sham Haidar and Syed Abdul Manan
English has a gate-keeping role (Coleman, 2010). In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
province, Sindh province and even at the federal level, there were efforts
to replace English with Urdu but with no success. However, many studies
claim that speaking good English is not the only criterion to landing a pres-
tigious position (e.g. Bruthiaux, 2002; Coleman, 2010; Kirkpatrick, 2011).
Indeed, other competencies besides English language skills are required in
professional fields in Pakistan (see also Pinon & Haydon, 2010).

17.4.5 Limited use of English in everyday life

Although the use of English is common in offices and written forms, it is
not the most prominent language used in everyday communication. People
mostly use Urdu or other local languages when communicating with each
other (Coleman, 2010). Most TV and radio channels use Urdu or local lan-
guages and few programmes are broadcast in English. Similarly, in print
media, most newspapers published in Pakistan are in Urdu. There are some
English newspapers which are usually considered to be of a high stand-
ing compared to newspapers in Urdu and other local languages. Similarly,
English is normally used in the Supreme Court and High Courts while the
lower-level courts usually use Urdu or local languages as few people under-
stand English. The decisions of lower courts are also often written in Urdu.
The constitution of the country and other policies are also usually writ-
ten in the English language. During the colonial era, the use of the English
language in the constitution and other policy documents was practised to
restrict access to information. The legacy continued after independence and,
therefore, the English language is still associated with prestige and the domi-
nance of English continues in present-day Pakistan.

17.5 Conclusion
English has become an integral part of Pakistan due to its colonial history
and, recently, due to the rapid force of globalisation. English is consid-
ered necessary for upward social mobility. It is considered a prerequisite
for education in general and higher education in particular. The English
language also appears saliently in the linguistic landscape in the country
as most billboards and signboards feature English. It is also used for label-
ling commodities. However, its access is limited to the elite who can afford
English-medium education through formal schooling. The stratified educa-
tion system in the country is likely to perpetuate unequal access to English.
The upper class outwardly support Urdu as the national language and a
symbol of national unity but are not empowering Urdu to flourish in reality.
English is a divisive force in the country. It controls social mobility and
is not equitably distributed across different strata of society. There is an
urgent need to provide equitable access for all in English. Additionally, the
norms of British and American English still persist as English teachers tend
 English in Pakistan  253
to use British canonical texts. There is a need to embrace the new paradigm
of WE and ELF in society where pluricentric norms can be tolerated. The
aspirations of young Pakistanis entering a globalised workforce and society
are also changing and equitable access to English for all is therefore an
urgent national priority. The delicate balancing act of preserving Urdu and
the other local languages is also important as ethnic and cultural heritage
cannot be compromised in exchange for competence in English.

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