Routledge Revivals

The Coming of Rome

The Coming of Rome, first published in 1979, examines some basic features of
Roman Britain: the cities, the towns, and the monuments of an urban culture.
J.S. Wacher considers the evidence, mainly from inscriptions, of the people
who inhabited or visited Britain during approximately the first two centuries
of Roman rule.

The Roman conquest of Britain and the progressive extension of Roman

control marked a dramatic transformation of British society. Although there
was much contact between pre-Roman Britain and the Continent, the advent
of Romanisation meant incorporation into a much larger economic system.
But Britain stood on one of the most distant frontiers of the Roman world,
and the Romano-British society which gradually evolved was thus distinctive.

Profusely illustrated throughout, The Coming of Rome will appeal to historians

and archaeologists, as well as the general reader interested in some of the most
formative centuries of Britain’s development.
This pageintentionally left blank
The Coming of Rome

J.S. Wacher

Routledge
ROUTLEDGE

Taylor & Francis Group

revivilals
First published in 1979
by Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd
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Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 1979 J.S. Wacher

The right of J.S. Wacher to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him
in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in
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correspondence from those they have been unable to contact.

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The Coming
of Rome

Jolzn Waclzer

Routledge& KeganPaul
London and Henley
In memoriamH.S. W.

First publishedill 1979

by Routledge& Kegall Paul Ltd
39 StoreStreet, LOlldon WC1ETDD and
BroadwayHOLlse, NewtownRoad,
Henley-on-Thames,Oxon RG9 1EN
PllOtosetill Palatillo
alld prill ted in Great Britain by
Lozue& Brydolle Printers Ltd
Thetford, Norfolk
~ f. S. Wacher1979
No part of this book maybe reproducedin
any form without permissionfrom the
publisher, exceptfor the quotatioll of brief
passagesill criticism

British Library Cataloguingill Publicatioll Data

Wacher,Johll Stewart
The comillg of Rome.- (Britaill before
the cOllquest).
1. Great Britaill - History - Romall
period, 55 B.C.-449A.D.
J. Title II. Series
936.1'04 DA145
ISBN0710003129
 Contents

Illustrations vi

Acknowledgments xii

one Caesarand Britain 1

two Powerpolitics - 12

three - andthe people 27

four Romansuccesses
- andfailures 51

five 'PaxRomana'- the benefitsfor Britain 72

six The peopleof RomanBritain - the army

andthe administration 106

seven The peopleof RomanBritain - migrant

andnative 141

eight The benefitfor Rome-a conclusion 179

The bestof early RomanBritain 182

Index 190

v
 Illustrations

Photographsand drawings
(In captionsto illustrationswhich showinscriptions,the
following conventionshavebeenusedin transcriptions:( )
encloselettersaddedto completea word abbreviatedin the
text; [ 1encloseletterssupposedto havebeenoriginally in
the text but now totally illegible or lost.)

1 Coins: (a) Gallo-BelgicC; (b) Gallo-BelgicE; (c) British G;

(d) British L; (e) Commius;(f) CunobelinusOohnKent;
photos:Ray Gardiner) 2
2 WalmerBeach:the suggestedlandingplaceof
Julius Caesar 3
3 Thenorth-eastern rampartof Bigbury, nearCanterbury,
Kent 5
4 The northernrampartat Bigbury underexcavationin
1978 (by permissionof F. H. Thompson) 5
5 Aerial photographof the oppidum at Wheathampstead
from the south-east(Copyright: Committeefor Aerial
Photography,University of Cambridge) 7
6 The Devil's Dyke, Wheathampstead (Verulamium
Museum) 10
7 Aerial photographof the earthworksof the oppidum at
PraeWood, St Albans(Copyright:Committeefor Aerial
Photography,University of Cambridge) 14
8 Aerial photographshowingcrop-marksin the Sheepen
Farmareaof the oppidum at Colchester(Copyright:
Committeefor Aerial Photography,University of
Cambridge) 15
9 Aerial photographshowingsomeof the earthworksof
the oppidum at Stanwick(North Yorkshire) (Copyright:
Committeefor Aerial Photography,University of
Cambridge) 17
10 Statueof Vercingetorix,erectedat Alesia in 1865 18
11 Coins: (a) Tincommius;(b) Eppillus; (c) Verica;
(d) Amminus (JohnKent; photos:Ray Gardiner) 20
12 Medallion of Augustusfound in the Lexdentumulus,
Colchester(ColchesterandEssexMuseum) 21
13 Coins: (a) Dubnovellaunus;(b) Atthedomarus
(Addedomaros);(c) Corio ...; (d) Bodvoc (JohnKent;
photos:Ray Gardiner) 24
14 The triumphalarcherectedat Orange(Arausio)in Gallia
Narbonensis 28
15 Aerial photographsshowingunivallatehill-forts at
(a) IvinghoeBeacon(Bucks.); (b) Crickley Hill (Glos.)
(Copyright:Committeefor Aerial Photography,Univer-
VI sity of Cambridge) 30
16 Rampartof the vitrified fort at Abernethy(Perthshire) Illustrations
(Royal Commissionon the Ancient andHistorical
Monumentsof Scotland) 31
17 Aerial photographsshowingmultivallatehill-forts at
(a) BadburyRings (Dorset); (b) Eggardon(Dorset)
(Copyright: Committeefor Aerial Photography,Univer-
sity of Cambridge) 32
18 Gatewayof the hill-fort at Crickley Hill (Glos.) (Phillip
Dixon) 34
19 Aerial photographof rectangularand circular timber
buildings inside the hill-fort at Crickley Hill (Phillip
Dixon) 36
20 ImportedItalian amphoraof DresselType 1 from a La
TeneIII burial (British Museum) 43
21 Importedsilver cupsof Mediterraneanorigin from La
TeneIII burials (British Museum) 43
22 Miniature bronzeshieldfrom Breedon-on-the-Hillhill-
fort (Leics.) (Crown Copyright) 44
23 Sacrificial sceneof the late secondcenturyBC
depictedon the GundestrupCauldron,Denmark
(Photo:L. Larsen;NationalMuseum,Denmark) 45
24 Slave-gangchain from the Llyn Cerrig Bachhoard
(NationalMuseumof Wales) 46
25 BasilicanRomano-Britishtempleat ThistletonDyer
(Rutland) (Photo:E. Greenfield.Crown Copyright) 47
26 Aerial photographof a late Iron Age cemeteryof square
barrowsat Burton Fleming (EastYorkshire) (Copyright:
Committeefor Aerial Photography,University of
Cambridge) 48
27 Detail of a bronzeflagon handleof the fourth centuryBC
from Basse-Yutz,Thionville-Est, Moselle (Photo:
J. V. S. Megaw) 49
28 Detail of the circular bronzeshieldbossfound in the
river Thamesat Wandsworth(Photo:J. V. S.
Megaw) 50
29 Richborough,Kent: the landing placeof the Roman
army in AD 43 53
30 (a) and (b) Fragmentarydedication(ClL VI, 920) from
the triumphalarch of Claudius, erected in Romein
AD 52 (FototecaUnione, Rome; copyrightE. Wasmuth,
Tiibingen) 54
31 Potteryfrom a shopat Colchesterburntin the Boudiccan
rebellion (ColchesterandEssexMuseum) 57
32 Aerial photographof the legionaryfortressat Inchtuthil
(Perthshire), from the south-east(Copyright: Com-
mittee for Aerial Photography,L'niversity of
Cambridge) 59
33 Aerial photographof Hadrian'sWall at Cawfields
(Copyright: Committeefor Aerial Photography,
University of Cambridge) 61
34 Aerial photographof the AntonineWall at RoughCastle
(Copyright: Committeefor Aerial Photography,
University of Cambridge) 64
35 Antonine inscription (RIB 1322) from the river Tyne
at Newcastle(Museumof Antiquities, Newcastle
University) 67 vii
Illustrations 36 Fragmentaryinscription(CIL VI, 967) from the forum of
Trajan in Rome(ProfessorS. Panciera,Istituto di
Epigrafia e Antichita Grechee Romane,Rome) 81
37 Restoredshopof a mosaicworker (Corinium Museum) 83
38 (a) Sectionof the timber quaywhich lined the north
bankof the Thamesat London; (b) Reconstruction
drawingof a length of the quay (Museumof
London) 84
39 View of theearlyfourth-centurybath-houseat Catterick
(Crown copyright) 87
40 MaumburyRings, Dorchester(Copyright: Committee
for Aerial Photography,University of Cambridge) 88
41 Fourth-centurytown-housesat the Beeches,
Cirencester(CirencesterExcavationCommittee,photo
Colin Shuttleworth) 90
42 Aerial photographshowingcropmarksin the minor
town on Watling Streetat Whilton Lodge (Bannaventa)
(Copyright: Committeefor Aerial Photography,
University of Cambridge) 91
43 Aerial photographof the exposedareaof the villa at
Witcombe(Glos.) (Copyright: Committeefor Aerial
Photography,University of Cambridge) 95
44 Lead sealfrom CombeDown, outsideBath (Roman
BathsMuseum,Bath) 96
45 A length of unmetalledtrackwaydiscoveredduring the
constructionof the reservoirRutlandWater 100
46 A cross-sectionof a carvel-builtboatfound at
Blackfriars, London (Museumof London) 100
47 Masonryrelief of a largefour-wheeledwaggonfrom the
Igel monument,Trier (W. Germany)(Landesmuseum,
Trier) 101
48 Trajan'sColumn, Rome 107
49 Dedication(CIL III, 9960) to IavolenusPriscus,from
Nedinum(Dalmatia)(print from an original colour
transparencyby J. J. Wilkes) 111
50 Altar dedicated(RIB 824)by M. MaeniusAgrippa, setup
at Maryport (Cumbria)(ClarendonPress,Oxford, and
R. P. Wright) 113
51 Drawing of an inscription (now lost), from Dorchester-
on-Thames(RIB 235) (ClarendonPress,Oxford and
R. P. Wright) 117
52 Partof a dedicationto the Italian mothergoddesses at
Dover (Photoby courtesyof Brian Philp andthe Kent
ArchaeologicalRescueUnit) 118
53 Altar from Bath(RIB 152)erectedby a regionalcenturion
(RomanBathsMuseum,Bath) 119
54 Dedication(RIB 334) to the emperorsValerian and
Gallienusat Caerleon(NationalMuseumof
Wales) 121
55 Fragmentarytombstone(RIB 509) from Chester
(GrosvenorMuseum,Chester) 122
56 Fragmentarydedication(RIB 1738) to the emperor
SeverusAlexanderat GreatChesters(Museumof
Antiquities, NewcastleUniversity) 123
57 Fragmentaryaltar URS lix, 235) erectedby a Greek
viii doctorat Chester(GrosvenorMuseum,Chester) 125
58 Bronzeansateplate(RIB 305) from the templeat Lydney Illustrations
(Glos.) (NationalMuseumof Walesby kind permission
of Lord Bledisloe) 126
59 Fragmentarytombstone(RIB 544) from Chester
(GrosvenorMuseum,Chester) 128
60 Tombstone(RIB 2142) of a Brigantianfrom Mumrills on
the AntonineWall (NationalMuseumof Antiquities,
Edinburgh) 130
61 The tombstone(CIL XIII, 3540) of a warshipcaptainof
the British fleet erectedat Boulogne(by permissionof
M. Seillier, MuseedesBeaux-Artset D'Archeologie,
Boulogne) 135
62 Fragmentarytombstone(RIB 363) from Caerleon
(NationalMuseumof Wales) 142
63 A dedicationfrom York recordingthe gift of an arch
to a shrine(Photographby the York Archaeological
Trust) 143
64 Fragmentaryaltar from Colijnsplaat,the Netherlands,
dedicatedby a merchanttradingwith Britain
(Rijksmuseumvan Oudheden,Leiden) 144
65 Altar from Colijnsplaat,the Netherlands,dedicatedto
Nehalenniaby a potterymerchanttradingwith Britain
(Rijksmuseumvan Oudheden,Leiden) 145
66 Fragmentaryaltar (CIL XIII, 8793) from Domburg,the
Netherlands(First publishedby L. J. F. Janssenin 1845;
drawingby courtesyof Prof. Dr J. E. Bogaers) 146
67 Fragmentaryaltar (RIB 149), from Bath (RomanBaths
Museum,Bath) 147
68 Potter'smarks ((a, b) Mr ChristopherYoung andthe
OxfordshireMuseumServices,Woodstock;(c) Peter
Woods; (d) ColchesterandEssexMuseum;(e)
G. B. Dannellandthe NeneValley ResearchCom-
mittee; photoof (e) by F. M. B. Cooke) 148
69 Pigs of lead carryingthe namesof individual con-
cessionaires or partnerships:(a) from Carmel(N. Wales)
(NationalMuseumof Wales); (b) from GreenOre
(Somerset)(Mr NormanCook and the Wells Natural
History andArchaeologicalSociety); (c) from Syde(Glos.)
(Corinium Museum);(d) from HexgravePark(Notts.)
(British Museum);(e) from Churchover (Warwicks.)
(MrJ. Lucasand the RugbyArchaeologicalSociety) 150
70 Tombstone(RIB 758) of a youth from Commagene
(Syria) setup at Brough-under-Stainmore (Cumbria)
(Fitzwilliam Museum,Cambridge) 151
71 Tombstone(RIB 2812) of a youngSemiticboy from
Auchendavyon the AntonineWall (Hunterian
Museum,University of Glasgow) 152
72 Fragmentarytombstone(RIB 955) of a Greek,from
Carlisle (CarlisleMuseumandArt Gallery) 153
73 Bone comb from London (Museumof London) 153
74 Bronzestatuetteof a nude,but helmeted,Mars (RIB 274)
from Torksey,nearLincoln (British Museum) 154
75 Bronzesteelyard(JRS xlii, 105), from Wereham
(Norfolk) (Norwich CastleMuseum) 155
76 Bronzeansateplaque(JRS 1, 240) from Catterick(Photo
by F. M. B. Cooke;Crown Copyright) 155 ix
Illustrations 77 Iron knife blade(JRS lix, 240) from Catterick(Photoby
F. M. B. Cooke;Crown Copyright) 156
78 Iron knife bladefrom London (Museumof
London) 157
79 Iron awl from London (Museumof London) 157
80 Two chiselsfrom London (Museumof London) 157
81 Stampedmortaria,both from Leicester(Photosby
F. M. B. Cooke;LeicestershireMuseums) 158
82 Stampedtiles showingmanufacturers'namesor initials
(Photosby courtesyof Alan McWhirr with the
permissionof (a) and (b) CirencesterExcavation
Committeeand Corinium Museum;(c) Gloucester
Museum;(d) CirencesterExcavationCommittee;
(e) and (f) The Museumof London) 159
83 Graffito on a tile from Silchester(ReadingMuseumand
Art Gallery) 160
84 Altar (RIB 105)from Cirencesterdedicatedby a sculptor
(Corinium Museum) 162
85 Altar (RIB 151) from Bath dedicatedby the same
sculptor(RomanBathsMuseum,Bath) 162
86 Mason'sstonefrom the villa at BamsleyPark, near
Cirencester(Dr GrahamWebster) 163
87 Mason's,or carpenter's,squareof bronze(Canterbury
ArchaeologicalTrust)
164
88 Soleof a lady'Sslipperfrom Chesterholm(Vindolanda)
nearHadrian'sWall (VindolandaTrust) 163
89 Fragmentof leatherfrom London (Museumof
London) 164
90 Drawing of the four sidesof an oculist'sointment
stampfrom Chester(Britannia viii, 435) (Grosvenor
Museum,Chester) 165
91 A similar stamp(JRS !iv, 181) to PI. 90 above,from
Kenchester(Hereford) (HerefordCity Museums) 165
92 Amphorasherdfrom Carpowwith an incisedgraffito
(NationalMuseumof Antiquities, Edinburgh) 167
93 Graffito on a ceramicvesselfound in the river Thames
nearTaplow (Britanniaviii, 279) (British Museum) 167
94 Tombstone(RIB 560) of threeyoungslavesfrom
Chester(GrosvenorMuseum,Chester) 168
95 Fragmentof a woodenwriting tablet from the Walbrook,
London (British Museum) 169
96 Fragmentarydedicationfrom London(Britannia vii, 378)
recordingthe restorationof a temple(Museumot
London) 170
97 Tombstone(RIB 684) of a younggirl from York
(YorkshireMuseum,York) 171
98 Dedicationin verseto the SyrianGoddess,from
Carvoran(RIB 1791) (Museumof Antiquities,
NewcastleUniversity) 174
99 Altar (RIB 1271)dedicatedat High Rochester
(Photographby permissionof the DeanandChapterof
DurhamCathedral) 176
100 Curseinscribedon a lead sheetfound at Bath (Roman
BathsMuseum,Bath) 177
x
 Maps Illustrations
1 Tribal Britain andnorth Gaul at the time of Julius Caesar xiv
2 Iron Age sitesin south-eastern Britain namedin the text 4
3 'Belgic' movementsin Britain afterJuliusCaesar 13
4 Distribution of importedamphoraein Trinovantianand
Catuvellaunianareas(after D. P. S. Peacock) 19
5 Catuvellaunianexpansion 23
6 Verica'skingdomandthe Chichesterdykes(after
B. Cunliffe) 25
7 The Celtic world 27
8 The Romaninvasionand early conquestof Britain 52
9 Fortsandfortressesin Britain 65
10 Colol1iaeandcivitates,andtheir capitals 73
11 Townsandvillas 93
Figures
1 Comparativeplansof oppidain Britain 16
2 Plansof the oppidaat Oldbury (Kent) andManching
(Bavaria) 18
3 Comparativeplansof hill-forts 29

Xl
 Acknowledgments

The author and publishers are grateful to the following

persons and institutions for permission to reproduce
illustrations:Bath City Council, RomanBathsMuseum,nos
44, 53, 67, 85, 100; ProfessorDr J. E. Bogaers, no. 66;
CanterburyArchaeologicalTrust, no. 87; Carlisle Museum
andArt Gallery, no. 72; CirencesterExcavationCommittee,
nos41,82(a), (b) and(d); The ClarendonPress,Oxford, and
R. P. Wright, nos50,51;ColchesterandEssexMuseum,nos
12, 31, 68(d); The Committee for Aerial Photography,
University of Cambridge,nos5,7,8,9,15,17(a) and (b), 26,
32, 33, 34, 40, 42, 43; Norman Cook and the Wells Natural
History and Archaeological Society, no. 69 (b); Corinium
Museum, Cirencester, nos 37, 69(c), 82(a) and (b),
84; Crown Copyright, reproducedby permission of the
Comptrollerof Her Majesty'sStationeryOffice, nos 22,25,
39, 76, 77; G. B. Dannell and the Nene Valley Research
Committee, no. 68(e); The Dean and Chapter, Durham
Cathedral,no. 99; Phillip Dixon, nos 18, 19; The Fitzwilliam
Museum, Cambridge, no. 70; Fototeca Unione, Rome,
copyright E. Wasmuth, Tiibingen, no. 30 (a) and (b);
GloucesterMuseum,no. 82(c); GrosvenorMuseum,Ches-
ter, nos 55, 57, 63, 90(a), (b), (c) and (d), 94; Hereford City
Museums,nos 91 (a), (b) and (c); The HunterianMuseum,
University of Glasgow, no. 71; John Kent (photos Ray
Gardiner), nos 1, 11, 13; Landesmuseum,Trier, no. 47;
LeicestershireMuseums,nos81 (a) and (b); J. Lucasandthe
Rugby ArchaeologicalSociety, no. 69(e); Alan McWhirr,
nos 82 (a) and (b); J. V. S. Megaw, nos 27, 28; The Museum
of Antiquities, NewcastleUniversity, nos 35, 56, 98; The
Museumof London, nos 38 (a) and (b), 46, 73, 78, 79, 80 (a)
and (b), 82 (e) and (f), 89, 96; The National Museum of
Antiquities of Scotland, Edinburgh, nos 60, 92; The
National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen,no. 23; The
National Museumof Wales, nos 24, 54, 62, 69(a) and 58 for
which kind permission was granted by Lord Bledisloe;
Norfolk MuseumsService, Norwich Castle Museum, no.
75; ProfessorS. Panciera,Istituto di Epigrafia e Antichita
Grechee Romane,Rome, no. 36; Brian Philp and the Kent
xii ArchaeologicalRescueUnit, no. 52; ReadingMuseumand
Art Gallery, no. 83; Rijksmuseumvan Oudheden,Leiden, Acknowledgments
nos64,65(a), (b), (c) and (d); The Royal Commissionon the
Ancient and Historical Monumentsof Scotland,no. 16; M.
Seillier, MuseedesBeaux-Artset d'Archeologie,Boulogne,
no. 61; F. H. Thompson,no. 4; The Trusteesof the British
Museum, nos 20, 21, 69(d), 74, 93, 95; Verulamium
Museum, no. 6; The Vindolanda Trust, no. 88; Graham
Webster,no. 86; J. J. Wilkes, no. 49; PeterWoods,no. 68(c);
York ArchaeologicalTrust, no. 63; The YorkshireMuseum,
York, no. 97; Christopher Young and the Oxfordshire
Museums Service, Woodstock, no. 68(a) and (b). The
remaining, uncredited, photographsare taken from the
author'scollection.
The authoris also grateful to the following for help in the
preparationof the book: Cheryl McCormick for typing the
manuscript,Pat O'Halloran for the line drawings, Marius
Cooke for photographicservices, and especially Richard
Wright for very generouslyallowing the reproductionof the
texts of manyRomano-Britishinscriptions.

xiii
 Map 1 Tribal Britain and
north <rltul at the ti me
of Julius Caesar

VA TAEZALI
XC
O NE OM
D AG
A LE I ES
C N
O CO
N
VE
DAMNONIIVOVoTA
1'-10
DIN
SELGOVAE :-''''1 I

NOVNTAE

BRIGA
NTES

PARISI

Q
D ECEANGLI~
't-
nnO'\T\Cp$
Ol'Y
%
...
('Ok!."
1-1t\1/ ICENI
CA E S
TAE
TU
ANT
E VE V
DEM LL NO
SILURES AU RI
NI NI T
DO BUN
ATER CANTII
DUROTRIGES B A T ES
NII
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DU
BELGAE
o
BELLOVACI
RE
DO 0 50 100 miles
NE I I
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OSISMJ PARISI
 Caesarand Britain Chapterone

Britain in the middle of the first century BC was still in its

political infancy, by comparisonwith centralMediterranean
countries, and even with Gaul. It is true that some
semblanceof a tribal system, of a type by then already
well-establishedin Gaul, existed in the south-east,but it
was as yet in a state of flux and largely undeveloped.
Indeed,it had mainly comeaboutby a successionof migra-
tions of north Gaulishtribesmento Britain, so that, at first, a
degree of kinship, and even a limited political control,
existedbetweencommunitieson both sidesof the Channel.
It is not within the province of this book to examine the
causesof these early migrations, but, by the time Julius
Caesarwas consideringhis British expeditions,it is possible
to recognise,mainly by a study of the relevantcoinageand
other archaeologicalmaterial, broadareasof tribal interest,
suchas the Catuvellauniof Hertfordshire,and their neigh-
boursthe Trinovantesof EssexandSuffolk.
During his campaignsin Gaul between57 and 56 Be,
Caesarwas quick to learn of the affinities betweenBritons
and Gauls, which yielded both military aid and a place of
refugefor the latter in their resistanceto Caesar'sadvances,
as when the Armoricans of modern Brittany and
Normandy, who had surrenderedto Caesar in 57 Be,
revolted in the following year. The close commercialcon-
tacts which they had with south-westBritain were then
invoked to provide military assistance.After the revolt had
beensuppressed,this alliance causedCaesarto look across
the Channel,possiblyevenreconnoitringthe areafrom the
sea, in which he could have made use of the extensive
maritime knowledgeof the Veneti, one of the tribes in the
Armorican confederation.
If Caesarconsideredan invasionof Britain in 56, the idea
had quickly to be put aside, for he was experiencingcon-
tinuedhostility in Gaul evenas far north as the mouthof the
Rhine, while invasion was being threatenedby German
tribes from acrossthe river. In addition, one of his principal
generalswas still engagedin Aquitania. The German in-
vasionwasneverthelesscontainedandcounteredby a short
Romancampaignover the Rhine. But it had taken time and 1

a
1 Coins: (a) Gallo-BelgicC
(Mack no.30) dnd (b) E (Mack
no.27). Thesegold staterswere
closely successiveissuesof the
Ambi:mi of northernGaul,
coveringthe vearsbetween
about60 and'51BC; it is
possiblethat the whole coin-
agewas called into beingby
Caesar'sattackon the Belgaein
57 BeThegreatbulk ot this
coinage,>vas probablystruck
between57 and 5513C, much
of it tor export to south-cast
Britain in return for reinforce-
mentsof men and matenals.
During this period there was
an appreciablefall in weight
and fineness.Later coins,
probablydating from 52 Be,
are very poor things, and
rarely found in Britain (see(e)
ow They may be relatedto
belo~).
Belgic suppbrtfo~ the revolt of
Vercingetorixin that year.
(c) British G (Mack no.46).
The flood of gold providedby
the Belgic imports stimulateda
little native coinage.Typesare
basedon Gallo-Belgic e, but
weightsand finenesswere
significantly lower; thecoinage
is scantyand short-lived. This
type m~y be Trinovantian,
while other variantsare
attributableto the Iceni and
Coritani.
(d) British L (Mack no.135).
This importantgold coinage
comesfrom an inland centre
north of the Thames.It is
typologically ancestralto the
issuesof Tasciovanusfrom the
mint of Verulamium, and has
beencalled Catuvellaunian.
The obversedesignis reduced
to a mere patternbllt the horse
of the reverseshowsstrongly
naturalisingtendencies.It
probablydatesfrom a time
when Romantradewith
Britain had introducedclassi-
cal influencesand perhaps
2 unlikely to havebeenso hostile, as the landing, after a slight
b c
the autumnof 55 wasapproachingbeforeCaesarwasable to
take practicalstepspersonallyto examineBritain.
It is clear from his own narrativethat a reconnaissance in
force was intended,as a prelude to a full-scale assaultthe
following year, for the advancingseasonwould allow no
more. First came the need to acquire accurateinformation
about the oppositecoast, which, surprisingly, he was un-
able to obtain from native Gauls; so a single warship was
despatchedto survey the coast-lineand to identify suitable
landing places. Although the task was entrusted to a
favourite tribune, it seemsto havebeencarriedout in haste
andwith less than normal efficiency, for it not only failed to
locate the southern arm of the river Wantsum, but also,
apparently,misreportedon the harbour at Dover. Conse-
quently, when later Caesararrived off Dover early in the
morning with a tleet of eighty transports, carrying two
legions,he deemedit unsuitablefor an opposedlandingand
ignored the river estuary, which later becameone of the
foremost harbours of Roman Britain. Instead, he sailed
northwardsup the Kentish coastand probably beachedhis
ships in the neighbourhoodof what is today the town of
Walmer, which also marksthe northwardterminationof the
high chalk cliffs. The modern coast-line there is chietly
distinguished by its exposed, rapidly-shelving, shingle
beaches,offering little protectionto strandedshipping,and
Caesar is sometimes criticised in retrospect for having
chosensuch an inhospitableplace for his landing. But we
must rememberthat much has changedsince his day, and
we cannotbe certainof the physicalconditionsof the shore-
line at the time of his landing. Sea-levelwas that much
lower, relative to the land, than now, and it may be that the
Goodwin Sands,some6 km off-shore and known to have
been there in Roman times, perhapsstood higher out of
the sea, and so provided a more shelteredanchoragethan
do the Downs today in certain weather conditions. The
beach itself was probably quite different, for nearby
SandwichBay has seenthe changefrom pure, level sandto
shelvesof shingle in the last forty years. But while no sen-
sible moderncommander,given Caesar'sequipment,might
care to land on Walmer beach today, conditions then are
d e f

hesitation, was entirely successful. Unfortunately the furnisheda fresh supply of

preciousmetal.
cavalry, carried in a separate, smaller fleet, had been (e) Commius(Mack no.92).
preventedby the weatherfrom uniting with the main force. The coinageof this Commius
Consequently,Caesarwas at once deprived of a decisive derivesfrom an extensiveun-
inscribedissueof gold staters
victory, as the fleeing Britons could not be pursued. andquarter-staters found
The cavalry were twice unfortunate. On their second southof theThames.Theseare
attemptto reachBritain they were preventedfrom doing so broadly contemporarywith
British L (d) and are unlikely to
by the combination of a violent storm and a spring tide, be really early, in spite of the
which, additionally, damagedmany of the beachedwar- directimitation of a continental
ships and transportsof the main fleet. It is curious that modelof the Gallic War
period. The Commiuswho
Caesarwas not informed of the phenomenonof spring and fled to Britain in 52 BC can be
neap tides, having maintaineda fleet in the Channel for associatedwith a groupof base
sometime, and his omissionto take this factor into account gold statersand quarter-
staters(Gallo-BelgicXc1 and2)
nearly causedthe completefailure of his first expeditionto of theGallic War sequence;the
Britain. The anchoragein the Downs provides protection inscribedcoins could be
from winds from most quartersexceptthosefrom north or twenty-five yearslater, and
mayormay not belongto the
south, so we may concludethat the gale camefrom one of sameman.
thesedirections,thus forcing someof the cavalry transports (f) Cunobelinus(Mack
to return to the continent. no.206).The 'King of the
Britons' reignedat
Caesar was thus placed in a difficult position, which Camulodunum,whereall his
encouragedthe native Britons to resumehostilities, even gold coins were struck. His
though they had alreadysuedfor peace.They surrounded coin designswerestrongly
classicisingand rationalising,
and attackeda legion sent out to gathersuppliesof grain, the remnantsof Apollo's
but were beaten back by reinforcementsarriving just in wreath,for example,being
time. There followed a pitched battle outside the Roman interpretedasanearof cornon
this gold stater.By the endof
camp, in which Caesarwas victorious, althoughonce more his long reign, aboutAD 40, he
unable to pursue his enemy through lack of cavalry. But seemsto havesubduedmostof
south-eastEngland. -
by then repairs had been effected to most of his damaged
(Captionsby courtesyof Dr
ships, and he decided at this juncture to withdraw from JohnKent.)
Britain beforethe onsetof the equinoctialgales.
2 Walmer Beach:the sug-
gestedlanding placeof Julius
Caesar.The chalk cliffs canbe
seenrising towardsthe South
Forelandin the background

3
Cdes,uand Britain The first formal Romancontactwith Britain could hardly
be ratedan outstandingsuccess.Indeed,so certainwere the
British tribes that Caesarwould not return, that only two
sentthe correct,stipulatedquotaof hostagesto Gaul, while
the remainderaltogetherignored the demand.The expedi-
tion was probably only rescuedfrom completedisasterby
the quality of Caesar'sgeneralship;a lessermanmight have
beencloserto total failure. Yet it hadoneimportantresult. It

L e x d en
C r i c k l ey Hil l Welwyn 'Colchester
Gosbeck's F a rm
^ Ivinghoe Beacon Wheat ha m p stead
Bagendon Verni a mì urn

\Tillburv j

Sil ehester A y l e s f o rd
Bigbury.
' C a n i e r b u rv
Old bury Xoose r
Swarling
Danebury
Dover
r Winchester

»Hod Hil l

Maiden. Castle

0 10 20 30 40 m i l es

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 km
Map 2 Iro n Age sites in south-easter
n
Britai n named in the text

focusedRomanintereston Britain and, though Caesarhad

been acting strictly beyond his authority as a provincial
governorin mounting the invasion, it brought him official
thanks from the Senate,and gained approval for further
action.
Almost immediatelyon return to Gaul, preparationswere
startedfor the next year'scampaign.Specialtransports,of
dimensions more suitable for amphibious warfare, were
ordered,and some600 had beenconstructedby the follow-
ing spring, in addition to an increasednumberof warships.
4 But, as before, renewedhostilities in northernGaul caused
delays,and it was not until early July that the invasion fleet Caesarand Britain
could sail. The combined force included five legions and
some 2,000 cavalry, and it took with it many baggage
animals,andlargequantitiesof supplies.It was, altogether,
a better-equippedand organised expedition, and more
attentionwas paid to logistics.
It seemsthat, after an uneventfulcrossing,an unopposed
landing was madeon the samepart of the Kentish coastas

had previously servedas a beach-head.By making use of 3 (left) The north-eastern

rampartof Eigbmy, near
speedandsurprisetactics, Caesarwas able to marchinland, Canterbury,Kent,
cross a river, supposedlythe river Stour, and capture the supposedlythe sceneof one
first major fortified place that he cameto, usually identified of Caesar'smajor battles
as the hill-fort at Bigbury. Once more, though, his rapid 4 (right) The northern
progressinland was interrupted by a storm which drove rampartat Bigbmy under
ashoremany of the shipsanchoredin the Channel.Despite excavationin 1978
his customaryvigour, ten days were lost in setting matters
right, during which time the whole fleet was beachedabove
the reachof the tides and within a fortified area. In view of
his previous experience,it is surprising that this had not
beendoneat once.
The pause in the campaign had, however, allowed a
regroupingof the British forces undera paramountleader,
Cassivellaunus,who, ruling north of the Thames,was prob-
ably king of the tribe who later emergeas the Catuvellauni.
An army, collectedfrom many parts of Britain was, conse-
quently, readyand waiting for Caesaron his next approach
to the river crossing. There followed a series of running
engagements,in which the Britons mademaximum use of
their war chariots to causeconfusion among the Romans,
who were unusedto such methodsof fighting. Ultimately,
however, Caesarsuccessfullydefeatedthe Britons, after a
largedetachmentof his army hadbeenattackedwhile forag-
ing. The Britons were then pursuedby the whole cavalry
force and fled in disorder. The march to the Thamesfol-
lowed; Caesarcrossedby a ford, which hadbeenfortified by 5
Caesarand Brit,)in the Britons, and which is located, by varying opmIOns,
somewherebetweenBrentford and London, although the
most recently expressedview favours a crossing in the
neighbourhoodof Tilbury. Certainly, Caesar very soon
found himself in Trinovantian territory, which largely
equateswith modernEssex,so that one of the more easterly
crossingpoints is bestaccepted.
Cassivellaunusstill managedto maintainhis pressureon
the Roman army by using guerrilla tactics in the thickly-
wooded areasnorth of the Thames.The sameforests also
helpedto concealhis stronghold,while, in orderto makethe
Romanarmy'sadvancestill more difficult, he withdrew the
inhabitantsof the area, togetherwith all animalsand food
stocks, so making it almost impossiblefor Caesarto obtain
information or provisions.
But the British alliance, alreadyunderpressure,wavered
and collapsed. First to make peacewere the Trinovantes,
who had previously sufferedfrom Cassivellaunianaggres-
sion. In return for supplying hostagesand food, they were
thus savedfrom attackboth by the Romanarmy andby their
western neighbours.Other tribes joined in submitting to
Caesar,and, among other gains, provided him with vital
information concerning the position of Cassivellaunus'
oppidunz, protected, as he described, 'by forests and
marshes'and 'filled with a large numberof cattle'. Caesar
assaultedit on two sides simultaneouslyand, despite its
excellent fortifications and great natural strength, it was
quickly captured.It hasbeenarguedfor a long time that the
site of the oppidum lay at Wheathampsteadin Hertford-
shire.
Caesar'scapture of Cassivellaunus'strongholddid not,
however, end the war. The latter, apparentlya resourceful
foe, organisedan uprisingin Kent, during which the Roman
beach-headbasewas attacked,but without much success,
whereupon he sued for peace, invoking the help of
Commius, a Gaulish king and Caesar'sally and friend. By
now also, the Romanarmy'scampaigningseasonwasnear-
ing its close and Caesardecided to withdraw across the
Channelbefore the onsetof winter, partly fearing another
rebellion in Gaul. Hostageswere accepted,a tribute was
fixed, and Cassivellaunus'tribe was forbidden further to
interfere in Trinovantianaffairs. Finally Caesarreturnedto
Gaul by about mid-September,thus ending his second,
more successfulexpedition to Britain. Whetherhe ever in-
tendedto return is arguable;but, if he had intentionsso to
do, they were upset by a seriesof revolts in Gaul, in late
6 54 BC andagainin 53 BC Thereafterhe neededto direct his
attentionseastwardsacrossthe Rhine. Indeed, settlement Caesarand Britain
of the Gaulishproblemdid not comeaboutuntil 51 BC, after
which matters of greater weight in Rome itself were to
engagehis attentionto the exclusionof all else.
Suchis the basicoutline of the Caesariannarrativeand its
orthodoxinterpretation;on the whole, archaeologycancon-
tribute little more to it. Geographical positions are but
sketchily describedand often difficult to identify with accu-

racy, and the short spanof time during which Caesarwas in 5 Aerial photographof the
Britain must mean that only the most ephemeraltracesof oppidllll1 at Wheathampstead
from the south-east.The
the Romanarmy's presencewill havebeenleft behind.Yet, principal dykesare markedby
it is perhapssurprisingthat no evidencefor the campaign the two main belts of trees
campsor other fortifications have come to light, until it is
rememberedthat little more is known of the early stagesof
the later Roman invasion in AD 43. But, in places, there
must exist, perhapssomewherein the region of Walmer,
againnearCanterbury,andagainat a point along the banks
of the Thames, as well as in Hertfordshire or Essex and
elsewhere,traces of the fortifications describedby Caesar
as having been erected by his army. The army suffered
casualties,so cemeteriesmust equally exist, with the likely 7
Caesarand Britain possibility that they containedmilitary equipment.It is not
entirely due to want of looking that they have not been
found, and it is unfortunate that many of the areas in
questionare, today, built over. It is strange,nevertheless,
that no object or structurehasyet beendiscoveredthat can,
with confidence,be attributedto the campaignsof Caesar.
Sucha lack might suggestthat it is time for a reappraisalof
acceptedtheories.
To begin with, it is not easy to place the position of his
original landing-placefar from Walmer, owing to the way in
which he describesthe coastaltopographyof the neighbour-
hood. Admittedly there are other placesalong the Kentish
coastwhere similar configurationsoccur, but to adoptone
or more of them would place excessiveand unacceptable
strainson the remainingevidence,such as the duration of
his crossing and the direction of the currents. Neither is
it easy to postulate any place other than Bigbury, near
Canterbury,for the fortified site some twelve miles inland
which he attacked,after a night march on his secondex-
pedition. Indeed,in a direct line, the distancefrom Walmer
to the hills overlooking the valley of the river Stour at
Canterburyis almost exactly thirteen English miles, and it
may have been from these hills that he obtained his first
view of the enemy's army. Caesar himself records that
Bigbury was takenby the well-tried Romanarmy methodof
making rampsto the top of the fortifications. Tracesof such
operationsshould be detectableby excavation,evenif, fol-
lowing the Roman army's departure,they were removed.
Unfortunately Bigbury has never been fully explored but,
lying today in freshly-clearedwoodland, and not far from
the proposedline of the Canterbury by-pass the oppor-
tunity still existsand is now beingundertaken.
There is, however, one alternative to Bigbury, which is
worth considering. Twelve Roman miles (approximately
111/4 Englishmiles) is the precise,straight-linedistancefrom
Walmer to the river Little Stour at Littlebourne. The topo-
graphyof the groundbeyondLittlebourneis similar to that
acrossthe Stour at Canterbury,and is, today, still heavily
wooded.A fortified settlementof late Iron Age datehasalso
beenobservedduring gravel-quarryingin the area. Unfor-
tunately little is known about it, and it would be unwise to
speculatefurther, but it should be rememberedwhen such
theoriesare discussed.
Caesar'scrossing of the Thameshas already been con-
sidered,but little has yet been said of the Cassivellaunian
kingdom and stronghold, apart from mentioning that it is
8 usually placedat Wheathampstead.
 Caesar'snarrativedoesnot, in fact, mentionthe Catuvel- Cal'sar ,md Britain
launi by name, but simply placesCassivellaunus'kingdom
adjacentto the Trinovantes,and it would be unreasonable,
andit would also introducean unnecessary complication,to
supposethat Cassivellaunusruled anyothertribe. For many
years the Catuvellaunihave usually been describedas of
Belgic origin, associatedwith the possibleparenttribe of the
Catalauniof northernGaul, but more recently doubtshave
beencast on this attribution, and it may be that they were
one of the 'indigenous', non-Belgic tribes mentioned by
Caesar;their origin is discussedmore fully below. Be that as
it may, their ruler Cassivellaunus,a warlike and aggressive
leader,mustbe seenas one of the strongestpersonalitiesin
Britain at the time of the Romanexpeditions,since he was
given paramountcyover the other tribes.
Wherethenwas Cassivellaunus'stronghold,protectedby
'forests and marshes'?Ever since Mortimer Wheeler'sex-
cavationsin the 1930s,Wheathampstead has beenthe first
claimant, but more recent views have doubted the confi-
denceof this assertion.Indeed,one modernauthority even
questionsthe existenceof an oppidum at Wheathampstead
at all. Another favours Wallbury Camp, near Great
Hallingbury (Essex), which must have lain near the
Catuvellaunian- Trinovantian border. It can be readily
appreciated,there'fore,that much still remainsto be learned
of Caesar'scampaigns, and that primary archaeological
evidenceis lacking everywhere.
What, however,of the country to which Caesarcameand
of which he gives some description of the nature and the
people? He records that the island was approximately
triangular in shapewith the corner forming Kent pointing
towardsGaul. He observedthat the nights, during his stay,
were shorterthan on the Europeanmainland;moreover,he
was told of moredistantislands,which, in mid-winter, were
in perpetualdarkness.He also refers to Ireland and the Isle
of Man. Iron was apparentlyfound near the coast, almost
certainly implying native knowledgeof the ore depositsin
the Weald of Kent and Sussex.A referenceto tin 'from
inland' can only be applied to that from Cornish sources,
alreadyknown in the ancientworld of the Mediterranean.
Moreover, if, as he says,tin was known, it is surprisingthat
copper had, seemingly, to be imported into southern
Britain, for the two metalsoften occur togetherin Cornwall.
Neither does he mention gold, silver or lead, although
Mendip sourcesfor the latter were being utilised in the Iron
Age in the lake villages of Somerset.It would seem,there-
fore, that his information was, to some extent, restricted, 9
Caesarand Britailll and he does not appear to have becomeinformed of all
mattersrelating to the British economy.
On the agricultural side, he refers to the abundanceof
cattle and the numerousfarms, remarking that the latter
closely resemblethoseof Gaul. By implication, the farmers
in the south-eastclearly grew cereals,in comparisonwith
the inland tribes. The countrywhich he sawwasalsoheavily
populated, but its natural appearancemust have been
6 The DeviI's Dyke,
Wheathampstead

affected by the absence,so he says, of two types of trees:

beech and fir. Rememberinghow common the beech is
todayon the chalk downlandsof the south-east,it would be
interesting to know the composition of the woods which
Caesar frequently mentions in Kent and Hertfordshire;
presumablyoak predominated.
The mostcivilised peoplewererecordedasliving in Kent,
and, since they must have been among the most recent
immigrants from Gaul, it is not surprising that he saw a
strong resemblancein their way of life. What is more sur-
prising is that the sameaccoladeis not accordedthe people
of Essex,whoseorigins wereapparentlyremarkablysimilar.
It may be that Caesarobtainedno first-hand knowledgeof
that area, as he had done for Kent. All are quotedas using
woad, wearing their hair long, but shavingall their bodies
10 bar their headsandlips. The popularpictureof the early Celt
as moustachioed,long-haired and blue-paintedis, there- Caesarand Britain
fore, derived from Caesar'sdescriptionof them, and may
not be too inaccurate. Polygamy was, seemingly, also
practisedby family groups.
It would appearthat, when comparedwith the modern
archaeologicalevidence, Caesar'saccount, although bald
and lacking in much circumstantialdetail, is basicallyaccu-
rate. Admittedly for some time past the Catuvellauniwere
normally thought to have been of Belgic origin, but more
recentviews have,as indicatedabove,relegatedthemto the
indigenousstock describedby Caesar.So we can see that
the Britain, to which Caesarcame in 55 Be, had already
been subjected to settlement by Belgic peoples from
northern Gaul, and the clue to the areasso settledis pro-
vided by a study of the typical artefactswhich they brought
with them.

11
 Chaptertwo Power politics-

The movementsof Belgic peopleto Britain, referredto at the

end of the precedingchapter,beganin the secondcentury
BC, andat first affectedthe coastalareasof easternEngland,
such as north and eastKent, Essexand the lower Thames
valley. Two coin typescan be distinguishedat this time and
their distributionsare to someextentcomplementaryto one
another, suggestingthe existenceof at least two political
orientations. Further Belgic migrations are indicated by
later, successivecoin sequences,and at one stage, some
time before Caesar'sarrival, they lend support to the un-
deniable link, which, as he mentioned, existed between
partsof Britain and the ruler Diviciacus of the Gallic tribe of
Suessiones.Consequently, by the time Caesar reached
Britain, the main areasof Belgic settlementappearto have
reachedin an arc from the Essexcoastnorthwardsround to
the middle Thames,acrosseastand north Kent into Surrey,
and with more minor settlementsalong the coastalplain of
Sussex.For the remainingareasof Britain much, including
parts of the south-west,the East Midlands and Yorkshire,
continued under the domination of Iron B, or Marnian,
groups, while the rest, chiefly in the highland zones,was
still in a stateowing much to Iron A, or even to earlier Late
BronzeAge cultures.
What then of the Catuvellauni?It is important that we
should obtain the right answerto this question, as it was
their existenceandattitudeswhich largely governedRome's
actionstowardsBritain. But for them, Britain might not have
becomea Romanprovince.
As alreadyindicatedin the previouschapter,the Catuvel-
launi had for long beenassumedby archaeologiststo be of
Belgic origin, with tribal centres,first at Wheathampstead,
second at Verulamium and last at Camulodunum
(Colchester),in the tribal territory of the Trinovantes.But
these conclusionshave been closely questionedin recent
years, leading to a completereassessment of the interpre-
tations. Indeed, one aspectof the earlier assumptionsim-
mediatelystandsout from all the rest, and, althoughnoted,
has not until the last few years received the emphasisit
12 deserved. Caesarwas extremely surprisedwhen he was
 FDG
~:~~~:;;n;: I
o1
20
!
40
,
60 km
I

:::::::::::::::: PRIMARY BELGIC SETTLEMENT

ICENI
;ll'))l! POSSIBLESECONDARY SETTLEMENT
• OPP/DUM - CERTAIN / PROBABLE

catuvellauni
afrebates

cantii

opposedby a large body of war-chariots in the army of

Cassivellaunus,becausesuchmethodsof fighting had long
since ceasedto be used on the continental mainland. It
would be unlikely, therefore, if this form of warfare had
been introduced by any of the Belgic tribes who arrived
before Caesar'sexpeditions.That being so, its retention in
Britain probably descendedthrough one or more groups,
whoseancestrylay in the Marnianmigrationsof a centuryor
so before.Whenotherevidenceis consideredin conjunction
with this suggestion,it is difficult to avoid the conclusion
that it was Cassivellaunus'tribe who were responsible,
especially since he, as the supreme commanderof the 13
Power politics -
7 Aerial photographof the
earthworksof the oppidwll at
PraeWood, St Albans
14
British forces, appearsto have placed great store by his
chariotsandwasclearly accustomedto their management in
war.
Whenwe cometo considerthe tribal areawhich wasruled
by Cassivellaunus,we must turn primarily to the numis-
matic and archaeologicalevidence.Most coinagefound in
Britain dating to the early years of Belgic penetrationwas
minted in Gaul and carriedacrossby the migrants. Conse-
quently a numberof different coin styles can be identified
and related to successivemovementsof tribes. Two, in
particular, are importantfor our presentarguments:Gallo-
Belgic C and Gallo-BelgicE. The former appearto be related
to the GaulishSuessiones, whoseruler, Diviciacus,appears
to have controlled tracts of land in both Britain and Gaul.
Although their distribution in Britain is somewhatlimited,
the coins enjoyed a considerableinfluence, giving rise to
several series of British-produced coins including,
ultimately, a type known as British L (seePlate1).
Gallo-Belgic E coins have, by comparison,a much wider
distribution over south-eastBritain, and, despite the fact
that it is difficult to ascribethem to a particulartribal move-
ment or ruler they are normally dated to the period just
precedingCaesar'sfirst expeditionin 55.Yet, in their distri-
bution, there exists a noticeablegap betweenthe Thames Power politics -
and the Chilterns, coveringsouthernEssex,Middlesexand
Hertfordshireandit seemslikely that we canfit the kingdom
of Cassivellaunusinto this hiatus,while at the sametime we
can possiblyattribute to him the locally-producedBritish L
seriesof coins.
Having placedCassivellaunus'kingdom in the Hertford-
shire region, it is againdifficult to avoid the conclusionthat
8 Aerial photographshowing
crop-marksin the Sheepen
Farm areaof the oppidlllll at
Colchester

it was the Catuvellauniover whom he ruled, for they appear

therein later periodsand thereis hardly room for two tribes.
Moreover,if Cassivellaunusandhis peopleweredescended
from Marnian immigrants, it would explain the antipathy
which they appearto havefelt for the more recently-arrived
people of Belgic stock, settling first in north Essex,which
may then have belongedto the Catuvellauni,and later ex-
tending their influence in a wide arc westwards,until the
Catuvellaunianlands were almost completely encircled.
That they were only encircledand not submergedis a good
indicator of their tribal strength.Antipathy or no, it did not
prevent an alliance being made by the two antagonists
against the seemingly far greater threat of the Caesarian
expeditions. But, as we have seen, the alliance soon fell
apart, with the Trinovantesmaking a separatepeacewith
the Romansand, by so doing, hoping perhapsto turn the
tableson the Catuvellauni.Certainly, also, the Trinovantes
would possiblyhavehad more in commonwith Rome than
with their westernneighbour.
One further factor appearsto supportthe suggestionthat
the Catuvellauniwere not of Belgic stock. The large fortified
settlements which were constructed under their aegis
at Wheathampstead,Verulamium, and Camulodunum
(Colchester)and later, possibly under their influence, at 15
Power politics - Bagendon, Minchinhampton and Stanwick, consistedof
large linear dykes, constructedso as to link togethernatural
obstaclessuch as marshor forest. They enclosedconsider-
able areas,and it seemsthat they were primarily built to
preventinfiltration by chariots.Indeed,this form of protec-
tion would be ideal againsta mobile enemy,and was used
extensivelyin Britain in 1940. For many years,theseoppida,
as they were called by Caesar and other contemporary

Dbyil'siDyka

Beech Bottom
Settlement/ = = ^ D y ke
»ÌMint (
I Cemetery
VERULAMIUM ,
HERTS.

BAGENDON, GLOS.
BIGBURY,
KENT
WHEATHAMPSTEAD, 0 500 m
HERTS.

Settlement

» Lexden Tumulus

»Gosbecks Farm

COLCHESTER, ESSEX

Figur e 1 Comparative plans of oppida

STANWICK, YORKS. in Britai n
authors,were attributed to Belgic tribes, but it can now be Power politics -
seen that, like the form of attack they were intended to
prevent,they werearchaicwhencomparedwith continental
fortifications of the Caesarianperiod. They must, therefore,
take their place with other Marnian-derived methods of
defence, such as the multivallate hill-fort, being but a
developmentof the latter which had beenadaptedto less
undulatingterrain andto a changein the methodsof attack.
9 Aerial photographshow-
ing someof the earthworksof
theoppidul1l at Stanwick(N orth
Yorkshire)

The fact that they continuedto be built or perfecteduntil

well into the Romanperiod in Britain (i.e. Stanwick)despite
the apparenteasewith which the Romanarmy could over-
run them, showsin this respect,if not in others,the essen-
tially conservativenatureof the tribe.
If this type of fortified enclosureis no longerconsideredto
be Belgic, it remainsto be seenwhat works were character-
istic of thesepeople.It seemslikely that the reconstruction
of somehill-fort rampartsand ditches,asat Oldbyxy (Kent),
to give a profile in which the front slope of the bank is
continuouswith that of the inner face of a large, wide-
bottomed ditch, belonged to the Belgic phaseof the Iron
Age. The type is usually namedafter the hill-fort at Fecamp
in SeineInferieure,andthe form of constructionwould have
been more capable of resisting attack by Roman siege
engines.
Having placed the Catuvellauniin their correct context
with respectto the Belgic immigrants,it remainsto consider
the political developmentswhich took place in Britain
following Caesar'sexpeditions. 17
Pmn'r politics-
OLDBURY, MAN CHING,
KENT GERMANY

.._SCARP
0 500m
......_BANK

0 500m Figure 2 Plans of the oppida at Oldbury (Kent)

and Manching (Bavaria)

10 ~tatuc uf \'crcingduri>-, As already indicated in the previous chapter, Caesar im-

crecll'd at Alc,i,1 itl !/loS
posed terms on the British tribes on his departure. Cassivel-
launus was forbidden to molest his eastern neighbour,
while payment of tribute was fixed and hostages taken to
ensure that the terms of the treaties were observed. The
alliance which Rome forged with the Trinovantes seems,
moreover, to have led to increased trade with Gaul, espec-
ially in wine, for imported amphorae, or wine jars, are now
found in their territory in increasing numbers, and the dis-
tribution of these vessels helps to delimit the tribal area.
A further major upheaval occurred some five years after
Caesar's expeditions. Commius, his one-time ally and
friend, threw in his lot with another Gaulish leader,
Vercingetorix, during the great rebellion of 52 BC, and was
ultimately forced to flee to Britain, whither he came with a
considerable following, having declared his intention of
never setting eyes on a Roman again. The distribution of
Commian coins suggests that he established a kingdom in
west Sussex and east Hampshire, an area where he may
already have had links with earlier settlers, and which
eventually seems to have been expanded northwards to
occupy the middle Thames region.
During the next twenty years or so, it is difficult to trace
 Power politics -

.0 Welwyo type graves

o ~~~
I " I' - CompleteDressel1
Dr~sel
J

o m~ o Other 1
... Other types

- -
- BRA UGHING
camulodunum

VERULA MIUM •
Map 4 Distribution of
imported amphorae in
Trinovantian and
Catuvellaunian areas

the course of political events. Both Cassivellaunusand

Commius duly died to be succeededby Tasciovanusand
Tincommiusrespectively.Tasciovanus,possiblythe son, or
more likely the grandson,of Cassivellaunus,was the first
Catuvellaunianruler to issuecoinsinscribedwith his name,
and with a mint-mark, which clearly showedthe removalof
the tribal capital to Verulamium. Possiblyalso, andcontrary
to the termsof the earlierCaesariantreaty, he seemsto have
renewed the pressureagainst the Trinovantes, even for
a brief time, perhaps, occupying their capital at
Camulodunum.Augustuswas, by now, emperorin Rome,
and a timely visit to Gaul, where among other things a
defeatof the Romanarmy on the Rhine had to be attended
to, may haveled to the Catuvellaunianwithdrawalfrom the
territory of a tribe still ostensibly in treaty relations with
Rome.
In Hampshire and Sussex, Tincommius overcame the
aversionshownby his father, Commius, to Rome, not en-
tirely with the wholeheartedapprovalof his supporters.It
may, indeed,havebeenthis decisionwhich causeda break-
away movement of part of the tribe towards the upper
Thamesvalley and into Gloucestershireto form the tribe of
the Dobunni. Nevertheless,diplomatic initiatives ensued 19
Power politics -
11 Coins:(a) Tillcolllllzius (Mack
/no.96). His coins namehim
'sonof Commius'.An
imitative silver type showsthat
he was reigning after about
12 BC, but beforethe end of
Augustus'reign in AD 14, the
MonumentumAncyranum
declaresthat he had fled
suppliantto the emperor.His
coins spanthe transition from
typesbasedon Celtic proto-
typesto designsalmostwholly
of classicalinspiration.
(b) Eppillus (Mack no.302).
The rare coinsof this'son of
Commius'are of two styles;
some,with bold Roman
letters, proclaimhim' King of
Calleva',the others(as illu-
strated),of a blanderstyle,
comeat leastin part from Kent.
(c) Verica (Mack no.12S).
This third 'sonof Commius'
also usedmore thanonemint,
including that of Calleva.His
latercoins, with the vine-leaf
motif, mustbe relatedto
the corn-eardesignof
Cunobelinus(seePlate1 (f))
andhe is readily identifiable
with the Berichos,refugeeat
the court of Caligula. The
distribution of the coins of
his contemporaryandrival
Cunobelinusextendsfar into
the areaformerly dominated
by issuesof the family of
Commius.
(d) Amminus(Mack no.313).
He hasbeenplausiblyidenti-
fied with Adminius, a sonof
Cunobelinusexpelledfrom
Britain by his father. Perhaps
he wasan under-king,
perhapsjust a rebel. DVN on
this silver coin presumably
denotesthe placeof mintage,
but might be a patronymic,if
he were not in fact the sonof
Cunobelinus.His coinage
might be Kentish, but this is
not certain.
(Captionsby courtesyof Dr
JohnKent.)
betweenTincommiusandAugustuswith a formal treatythe
probable outcome. So we might infer from the sudden
emergenceof a coin seriescloselyresemblingRomanstyles,
and probably introducedwith the technicalhelp of Roman
craftsmen.It is at this point that we can begin to detectthe
statecraftof Augustus, who had, on at least two previous
occasions, apparently considered further expeditions to
Britain, only for each to prove abortive becauseof other
a b
c d
more urgentdistractions.The treaty with Tincommiusnow
gave him a foothold in Britain which could be maintained
without the necessityfor direct military intervention. He
probably recognisedthe danger of uncontrolled Catuvel-
launian expansion to the east and south coasts and the
inability of the Trinovantesto resistit on their own. Conse-
quently a friendly state situatedbetweenthe Thamesand
the southcoastwould have helpedto neutralisethe threat,
andwould haveactedas a suitablebuffer. It was, therefore,
in Augustus' interest to maintain a balance of power in
Britain with the tacitly anti-Roman Catuvellauni being
counteredby his new ally.
Tincommius,however,fared badly andwas the victim of
a plot by his own brothers, Eppillus and Verica. He fled
to Rome where he no doubt hoped to gain the help of
Augustusfor his reinstatement.His requestwas refused;in
a pragmatic decision, made in order to perpetuatethe
British arrangements,Augustus recognisedfirst one and
then the other of his two brothersand in addition probably
accordedthem the title Rex, implying the status of client
kings. Unfortunatelyfraternal strife did not ceasewith the
ousting of Tincommius. Eppillus was soon to follow and,
after his expulsion,seemsto havemovedto Kent, wherehe,
in turn, ejected the king Dubnovellaunos.Not to be out-
done,the latter may havemovedto Essex,wherethe throne
was possibly vacantfollowing the deathof Addedomaros,
andso assumedthe kingshipof the Trinovantes.As so often
happenedin Belgic politics, a single action was often fol-
lowed by numerousrepercussions,and Verica's successful Power politics -
attemptto gain the solerule of Tincommius'Atrebatic realm
is just sucha case,which fortunately can be followed by an
examinationof the relevantcoins and their distributions.
Meanwhile, Tasciovanuswas quietly pursuinga policy of
expansion. Denied by the threat of Roman intervention
from annexingthe Trinovantiankingdom, he pushednorth-
wards into the southernmidlands and possibly also into
12 Medallion of Augustus
found in the Lexdentumulus,
Colchester

west Kent, before dying, seemingly, in the first decadeof

the first century AD, leaving, so it has beensuggested,his
kingdomin a stateof disorder.
The next main move to be observedis the appearanceat
Camulodunum, the capital of the Trinovantes, of the
monarchCunobelin,who on certainof his coins styleshim-
self as the sonof Tasciovanus.Opinion is sharplydivided on
this attribution. The moreorthodoxexplanationsacceptit at
its face value, and conclude,therefore,that Cunobelin,son
of Tasciovanus,had, just before his father's death, at last
risked Romanwrath to overcomethe Trinovantesand had,
moreover, planted his capital on theirs. Such an action
would probably imply that Tasciovanuswas still ruling
from the Catuvellauniancentre at Verulamium, so that
Cunobelinhad to dependon his own resourcefulness until
after his father'sdeath,when his new capital could become
the principal tribal centre at the same time as he became
supreme monarch. Recently, however, an alternative
suggestion has been put forward. Cunobelin has
been seen as a Trinovantian nobleman, who wrested the 21
Power politics ~ kingship from Dubnovellaunosandconqueredthe Catuvel-
launi. In order to confusethe defeatedtribe, he subscribed
to a piece of pure propagandaand claimed to be the son of
their deceasedruler, Tasciovanus.Yet to acceptthis alterna-
tive placesa considerablestrain on other evidence.In the
first place it would be difficult to accountfor the complete
turnaboutin Trinovantianpolitics and feelings towardsthe
Romanswhich such action would represent,not so much
during Cunobelin'sreign, but after his death. It is hard to
acceptalsothe suddenreversalwhich musthaveoccurredin
the relative strengthsof the two tribes, even if Caesarde-
scribes the Trinovantesas one of the strongestin Britain.
Even greaterdifficulty arisesat the time of the Roman in-
vasion of AD 43, when, by implication, the chief enemyin
Britain is clearly the Catuvellauni.It would be strange,in-
deed,if Cunobelin,a Trinovantianby birth, hadabandoned
the use of the nameof his own tribe in favour of one which
he had conquered.
It is probablybest, therefore,to retain the orthodoxinter-
pretationand concludethat Cunobelin'sclaim to be the son
of Tasciovanuswas correct, that he had at last managedto
do what the Catuvellaunihadbeenattemptingfor yearsand
that he had recoveredthe territory lost to the Trinovantesin
the pre-Caesarian period by their completesubjugation.He
was clearly a powerful man, who remainedthe dominant
personality in Britain for nearly forty years, even being
styled King of the Britons by a classicalauthor. Conquestof
the Trinovanteswould have beenwell within his scope.It
was a bold act and would, almost certainly, have led to a
flurry of diplomatic protestsby both the Trinovantesand
Augustus. Nevertheless,it is likely that Cunobelin had
picked the right moment,for in AD 9 Romanarmssuffered
a seriousdisasterin Germany,when an expeditionaryforce
consisting of three legions was annihilated in the Teuto-
bergerforest: Augustuswas in no position to take military
action in Britain, a decisive factor probably well known to
Cunobelin.
Yet if Cunobelin'sreign startedso inauspiciouslyfor the
Romans, efforts were later made at recovery. Soon after
Augustus' death, it is recordedthat certain British rulers,
amongwhom Cunobelinmay be included, sentembassies
to Rome and even made offerings in the Capitol. At one
stage,Cunobelinis evenstyling himself as Rex on his coins,
which implies a degreeof Roman acceptance,while trade
connectionsbetweenhis kingdom and the Romanempire
appearto have beenassiduouslyfostered, if the wealth of
22 imported material at Camulodunumis considered.More-
 Map 5 Catllvell aunian expansion

Main lines of Catuvellaunianexpansion

Secondarylines of expansion
oI 20
I
40
I
60km
I

CORlTANI TRINOVAN TES

DOBUNNI
CATUVELLAUNI

ATREBATES
CANTIl

over, further expansionof the CatuvellaunianempIre mro

eastKent and into the northernpart of the Atrebatic client
kingdom, where Epaticcus, Cunobelin'sbrother, had in-
stalled himself at 5ilchester, appearsto have taken place
without seriousprotestfrom Romealthoughthe latter move
musthavecalled for someremonstrance.
Admittedly the policy of Tiberius, who had become
emperoron the deathof Augustus,was somewhatdiffer-
ent. We are told that he avoidedforeign entanglementsas
far as possibleand attemptedto follow the injunction laid
down by Augustus not to expand the empire further. 50
long as Verica remained ruler of the Atrebatesand pro- 22
Power politics - Romanin outlook, andso long asCunobelinremainedwell-
disposed to Rome, the theoretical balance of power in
Britain seemedto be maintainedand there was no good
reasonfor military action.
Cunobelinseemsto have limited his territorial expansion
to the areasmentionedabove,althoughit is quite clear that
his influenceextendedwell beyondhis boundaries,and, in
so far as his kingdomand that of Verica wereconcernedand

13 Coins: (a) Dubnovellaunus a b

(Mack no.275)and (b)
Attlzedo1llarus(= Addedo1llaros)
(Mack no. 266). Theserulers
are generallyheld to be Trino-
vantian, but the distributionof
their coinsdoesnot differ
fundamentallyfrom that of c d
TasciovanusandCunobelinus.
The relationshipof these
groupsof coinageremainsto be
elucidated.We cannotbe sure ~ .
that this Dubnovellaunuswas
identicalwith the onewho
ruled in Kent, or with the
their relations with Rome, Britain seemsto have remained
Dumnovellaunuswho fled to moderatelystable for the next two or three decades.The
Augustus.The inscriptionsof volume of trade between Britain and the Roman empire
Atthedomarus('Big Spear') grew, and the goodsso introducedwere also tradedintern-
are remarkablefor the useof
DO andthe Greeke to denote ally. Consequentlyimported pottery is to be found on a
the aspirate,long lost in Latin. wide rangeof sites in the south in the yearsprecedingthe
(c) Corio . .. (Mack no.393)
and (d) Bodvoc(Mack no.395).
conquest.
Thesewererulers of the Therecanbe few doubtsthat Cunobelinwasalwaysmore
Dobunni. The coins of the powerful than Verica, but so long as a degreeof restraint
latter are typologically the
later, andpresumablydate
was maintainedlittle harm was done, and Cunobelin, so
to the time of the Claudian long as he retained full control, did so. Nevertheless,
invasion.The statersof towards the end of his reign, we can begin to detect a
Corio ... are moreconserva-
tive, andmaybe a little earlier,
hardeningin attitudes,causedprobablyby a depreciationof
thoughthe obverseis clearly his powersduring his declining years,which was matched
modelledon Cunobelinus' by the ascendencybeing gainedby his sons, Togodumnus
corn-ear.The two serieshave
quite distinct distributions
and Caratacus.In addition, pressureseemsto have been
within Dobunnicterritory, and resumed against Verica and the Atrebates, either by
it hasbeensupposedthat they Epaticcusor his apparentsuccessorat Silchester,Caratacus,
ruledoverdifferentpartsof the
one people.
so that by about AD 40 the kingdom was apparentlyre-
(Captionsby courtesyof Dr ducedto a small areacentredon Chichesterand SelseyBill
JohnKent.) and markedby a seriesof dykes. At about the sametime a
thrust was madeup the ThamesValley, far into Dobunnian
territory. In the wedge so createda puppet, or Quisling,
king namedBoduoccuswasplaced,with a possiblecapitalat
Minchinhampton, near Stroud. To north and south, the
Dobunnian monarch Corio ..., continued to rule his
sunderedkingdom.
24 On the northern frontier of the Catuvellauni, attempts
 fishaourne
noviomagus

o 12 12 3 miles
o 1212 3 4km

Map 6 Verica's Kingdom and the Chichesterdykes

were also being made to expand into Icenian territory in

Norfolk. It is evident,however,that thougha little progress
was made, the Iceni seemto have beenmore successfulin
resisting and only marginal changestook place. The same
may be true of their otherneighboursto the north-west,the
Coritani, who, although apparently ruled by a Belgic
dynasty,appearto havekept their independence.
The increasing power of Cunobelin's two more im-
petuoussons was demonstratedyet again within his life-
time, for in AD 40 they expelled, presumablywith their
father's approval, their brotherAdminius. Since he fled to
Rome, it is likely that he incurred their displeasureby too 25
Power politics - opena displayof pro-Romanfeelingsandattitudes.Fromthe
distributionof his few coinswe may concludethat his areaof
influence lay in Kent, althoughafter the conquesthe may
have returned to Verulamium, occupying the sometime
Catuvellauniancapital. On arrival in Rome he petitioned
Gaius Caligula, Tiberius' successor,for help in recovering
his position, representingto him the easewith which he
could invadeand captureBritain. Gaiuswas at that time in
Germany where he had been engagedin suppressinga
revolt. Swayedby the argumentsof Adminius, he collected
an army at Boulogneready for the crossing,when mutiny
brokeout. His feeblemind was just as easilyswitchedto the
other extremeby this event, and the whole expeditionwas
promptly called off, the magnificent lighthouse which he
built at Boulognebeingthe only lastingreminderof it.
Shortly after, Cunobelin died and all restraining influ-
enceswerenow removedfrom the intemperatebehaviourof
his two sons.The surviving fragmentof the Atrebatic king-
dom was quickly annexedand the ageing Verica fled to
Rome, to seek the aid of the emperorClaudius, who had
succeededGaius upon the latter's murder. His expulsion
wasa more seriousmatterthanhadbeenthe flight of earlier
princes, such as Dubnovellaunosand Adminius. It repre-
senteda major insult to an ally andclient of the Romanstate,
which, if it went unavenged, would have called into
questiona whole areaof imperial policy. Moreover, for the
first time in nearly sixty years, the balancein Britain had
been totally upset and Rome now found herself facing a
coastlineacrossthe Channelwhich was entirely in hostile
hands,andwhich wascontrolledby a comparativelyunified
powerwhoseboundariesstretchedalmostfrom the Washin
the north to the southcoastand from Kent and Essexin the
eastto Hampshireand Gloucestershirein the west. More-
over, the enormityof the situationwascompoundedwhena
demandwas madefor Verica'sextradition. With its refusal,
disturbanceswere caused,either on the Gaulishcoast,or in
Britain, where the lives and property of numerousRoman
merchantsmay havebeenthreatened.Britain wasby now a
considerablemarketfor the productsof the westernempire,
and almost certainly an exporterof valuableraw materials;
an interruption in the trade might have had seriousreper-
cussions,not least in the loss in revenueof customsduties
on goodspassingthe frontiers. Action becameimperativeif
Romanprestigeandinfluencewerenot to suffer. Moreover,
the political excuse now existed for an action which had
been contemplatedon several occasionsever since Julius
26 Caesarhad departedfrom Britain.
 - and the People Chapterthree

In the previouschapterthe rulers of a largely tribal Britain

were discussedwithin the context of their political affili-
ations and leanings. What then of the people they ruled
over: of their warfare, customsand beliefs: of their settle-
ments,dwellings and farms, industriesandarts?
Britain was, from about1000 Be, part of the Celtic world
which embracedGaul and most of Central Europe. So,
every new bandof migrantsreachingBritain from the conti-
nent re-emphasisedthis link, while often bringing with it
the latest developmentsin warfare, metal-working, art or
religion. Hence we seethe consecutiveintroduction of the

CIMBRI

BE T E U T O N ES
LG
Osismi AESUEVI
Bellovaci
Veneti P A R I SI
Namnetes
I Sequani
AN
ITArverni Helvetii
LiguriansCENOMANI
U
AQ ALLOBROGES . S C Y T H I A NS
IBERIAN S
ET

/ C y n e t es
RU
SA
NS

GALATA E

0 500 1000 km

Map 7 The Celtic world

- and the people cultural life-styles which can be broadly summarisedas
Hallstatt and La Tene 1, 2 and 3, each of which tendedto
give rise to its own specifically British developments.
By the time Caesararrived in Britain, much of the earlier
Hallstatt culture in the south had beenoverlaid by, in turn,
the early andmiddle La Tenestyles,with which they in part
fused to throw up a hybrid culture. Only in highlandareas,
especiallyin partsof Scotland,is it by then possibleto find a
14 The triumphalarch erected
at Orange(Arausio) in Callia
Narbonensis,at aboutthe time
of the Caesariancampaigns,
showingCeltic trophiesbelow
a sceneillustrating nautical
equipment

28
reasonablypurestrainof Hallstattculturesurviving, but in a ~- clnd till:' people
form adaptedto different physical conditions.
It is, therefore,with the later La Tenethat we are primarily
concernedhere, although it is important to rememberthe
links that still existedwith earlierperiodsandpeople.More-
over, since much of our accounthas so far dealt with both
inter-tribal and externalconflicts, it is probablyappropriate
to considerfirst the methodsof Celtic warfare. In this it is

MAIDEN CASTLE, DORSET

crigfd

DANEBURY, HANTS.

o 100 m ~ Bank
L-....J
~ Ditch
HOD HILL, DORSET Figure 3 Comparativeplansof hill-forts

unfortunatethat mostaccountsof battlesfought are derived

from classical authors describing Celtic conflicts with the
Roman army, and there is little information on inter-tribal
disputes.
From the very beginning, the Celts placedgreat reliance
on the constructionof fortified enclosuresfor defence,with
prominent hills being the most favoured sites. Often, at
first, such placeswere defendedonly by a timber palisade,
sometimesallied with an externalditch. But such fortifica-
tions weredefective,in that they could easilybe burnt to the 29
~ and the people ground, and so were soon replaced by more substantial
works employing a variety of structural methods. In past
decades,the construction of hill-forts in Britain was, with-
out question,attributedby archaeologiststo the Iron Age,
but now with more excavationtaking placeand with better
means available for establishingdates, it appears that a
numberpredatethe normal chronologygiven to the earliest
Hallstatt immigrants by a considerablemargin. In this re-
15 Aerial photographs show-
ing univallate hill -forts at (a)
Ivinghoe Beacon(Bucks.); (b)
Crickley Hill (Glos.)

30
spectthe developmentpatternof fortifications in Britain can - and the people
be seento matchmore closely that known for sometime on
the continent.IvinghoeBeacon,Crickley Hill, andMam Tor
arebut threeexampleswherea Late BronzeAge dateis most
appropriate.
Hill-forts, if classifiedby the characterof their defences,
fall broadly into two main classes:univallate and multi-
vallate, but there are many variationsof type within these

categories,accordingto the natureof their entrancesandthe 16 Rampartof the vitrified fort

at Abernethy(Perthshire)
methods of construction used in their ramparts. If con-
sideredin the mostbasicform, a hill-fort could be manufac-
turedby simply digging a ditch aroundthe top of a suitable
hill and piling the materialfrom the excavationinto a linear
moundinside the ditch, andthis is, somewhatsurprisingly,
the method employed in the very latest developments
during the Belgic, or late La Tene, period, after seemingly
more sophisticated and ingenious methods had been
abandoned.Admittedly as then constructed,the ditch was
both broaderand often deeperthan the earlier run of hill-
fort vallations, but neverthelessit was the most effective
form of defenceagainstthe war-enginesof theRomanarmy.
In earlier periods, however, various methodswere used
to support and contain the rampart material, while a dif-
ferent approachwas again employedif the ditcheswere to 31
- and the people be dug on a steep hillside. Combinationsof vertical and
horizontal timbering, sometimes,in suitablecountry, allied
with dry-stonewalling, were usedto make a box-like ram-
part with vertical or near-verticalfaces. The normalpractice
was to set vertical posts, either in individual pits, or in

gdfgfdgfdg continuoustrenches,at the front andrearand strapthe two

17 "\l'ridl Llh\)t\l~ ~ rlH~h-..; "';11l)\X-

(bl lines togetherwith horizontal beamsplacedbetweenthem

Egh(l rd\ '11 (Dnr-';l't) in the rampartcore, so that the weight of materialwould not
force the postsapart.Thesehorizontalmembersweresome- - and the people
times further strengthenedby the addition of timbers set
longitudinally across them. When combined with stone
faces, theserampartsclosely resembledthe types observed
by Caesarin Gaul, and hence called by him the mums
Gallicus. The advantagesof such rampartsare chiefly that a
greater height can be achieved with a limited amount of
materialand that they provide vertical faceswhich mustbe
scaledby any attacker.Its disadvantages werethat, with the
exception of the mums Gallicus, fire could weakenit, and
that it was capableof beingboth underminedby tunnelling
andbrokenby a batteringram.
It used to be thought that multivallate hill-forts were
developedfrom the univallatevariety, in order to neutralise
the effect of a newly-introducedweapon,the sling, which
was consideredto have been brought to Britain by the
Marnian immigrantsof the early La Tene culture. No such
certainty now remains,althoughhill-forts in someregions
may have cultural associations.Indeedthe introduction of
multivallation may be seenperhapsas almost accidentalif
we considerfortifications which wereconstructedon a steep
slope. Under suchcircumstances,considerableeffort would
be neededto castthe materialfrom the ditch on to the uphill
slope above, and it is usually found that the inner bank is
constructedof materialobtainedfrom quarry pits or ditches
in the interior, while that derived from the main ditch is
disposedmore easilyon the downhill side asa counterscarp
bank. There is the'1 a strongsimilarity with a bivallate type
of fortification, and it is only a short step on to true multi-
vallation, in which more than one ditch is dug.
In any fortification, the weakestparts of the circuit are
always at the gates. At first, hill-fort entranceswere of
simple constructionand consistedof little more than timber
gatesset betweenthe terminationsof the rampart. But, as
time passed,more and more complexstructuresappeared,
leading to elaborately recessedpassagesinto which an
enemycould be enticedand then either cut off or attacked
from both sides. Even more extreme were the tortuous
entrancesof Maiden Castle, or the projecting hornworks
and central command post of the last reconstructionat
Danebury.
The Celts were a warlike people,who seem,on occasion,
to have decided battles by single combat between
champions;yet no accountof such engagementhas been
recordedby Romansourcesandit mustbe admittedthat this
methodof fighting was probably the exceptionratherthan
the rule. Great display was also made before battle was 33
· - and the people
18 Gateway,in the courseof
excavation,of the hill-fort at
Crickley Hill (G los.)
34
joined, and the superbworkmanshipof the bronzesmithsin
manufacturing elaborately decorated shields, helmets,
sword scabbards and horse-harness,was most likely
intended to impress an enemy on just such an occasion.
Pep-talkswere also given, not only to heartenone's own
side, but also to demoralisethe enemy.The openingmoves
in any battle, therefore, contained much posturing and
braggadocioin an attemptto createan atmosphereof confi-
dent success.Displays of armedmight have always beena
characteristicof aggressivepeoplesor nationsandin this the
La Tene Iron Age people of Britain and Europe were
no different from Nazi Germany or modern Russia; all
delight in trying to intimidate their enemiesby suitable
propaganda.
Oncebattle was joined, one of their methodsof engaging
an enemy was by the use of chariots, which were lightly
constructedof wood and wickerwork and drawn mostly by
a pair of ponies.The charioteersthemselveswerenot armed
and a warrior was not expectedto fight from the vehicle.
Insteadthey were usedon the battlefield to impart a very
high degreeof mobility to the infantry. Caesarmentionsthe
greatskill of the charioteers,andalthoughthe vehicleswere
not intendedfor direct engagements,they would havehad
an extremepsychologicaleffect on an enemywho was not
preparedfor them. In battle, each chariot with its driver ~ and the people
could carry a warrior speedilyinto the very heartof the fight
and, should the necessityarise, withdraw with him again
almost as quickly. The only effective way of dealing with
them, as Caesar found, was to use his cavalry in close
conjunction with the infantry, and undoubtedly a force
composedentirely of the latter was at a gravedisadvantage,
as they would have beenunable to presshome any initial
successes which they may havewon.
The Celtic forces in Britain which opposedCaesar,there-
fore, had a formidable weaponof highly mobile infantry,
and it is recordedthat Cassivellaunusdisposedmore than
4,000 chariots. This forms an interestingcontrastwith the
means employed by Celtic people for static defence: the
hill-fort and dyked enclosure.It has often beenarguedthat
the only part hill-forts could play in suchwarfarewas to act
as strongholds,from which mobile forces could emergeas
necessaryand fight or patrol in the surroundingareas. A
defender, who by comparison,barricadedhimself within
the fortifications could do little to influencethe outcomeof a
battle unlessthe enemymounteda direct attack; otherwise
the latter was free to roam at will doing as much damageas
he could to crops, farms and settlements.Fortified en-
closures,therefore, only made strategicsensewhen allied
with an offensive, mobile army, who could fight outside
them. Indeedthe corollary is also true. The more mobile an
army, the greater its need for secure places from which
adequateback-upfacilities can be provided to keepit in the
field, and to supply it with fresh horses,fodder and new
weaponsto replacethoselost or broken. Can we, therefore,
see in places,such as Wessex,or the Welsh borders,with
their multiplicity of hill-forts, not so mucha political system
suggestiveof nearanarchywith many petty chieftainseach
in his own stronghold, but a much more centralisedand
sophisticated system whereby the hill-forts provided
numerousbasesfor a large chariot army? If so, it might
well be the reasonwhy not all hill-forts were permanently
occupied,only needingto be commissionedin time of war.
The questionwhetheror not hill-forts were permanently
occupiedhas causeda good deal of discussion.It hasbeen
argued that the provision of guard-chambersat the gates,
suchas thoseat RainsboroughCamp, implies the presence
of a regulargarrisonandso of an inhabitedsite. While many
hill-forts, such as Hod Hill, Crickley Hill, Danebury and
Ivinghoe Beacon, have produced evidence for internal
structuressome, equally, have not. Although this absence
could be due to inadequateexcavation,it seemsunlikely to 35
 be the answerin everycase.That beingso, it is reasonableto
supposethat those hill-forts which were not permanently
inhabited were constructedto act solely as refuges for an
outlying populationin time of trouble. Naturally, though,
most hill-forts, whetherpermanentlyoccupiedor not, will
to someextenthaveso served.
The changeswhich took place, as recordedabove,in the
construction of fortifications during the later pre-Roman

19 Aerial photographof
Iron Age in Britain, were partly causedby the needto adapt
rectangularandcircular timber to different political and settlementpatternsand partly to
buildings inside the hill-fort at take cognizanceof new forms of warfare. The preferenceof
Crickley Hill
Belgic tribes and peoplefor lower-lying settlementsmeant
that most hill-forts in the areasof their primary settlements
were abandoned,or at any rate not reconstructed,in favour
of fortified sites elsewhere.Occasionally,however, a hill-
fort was refortified in the new style, as at Oldbury in Kent,
with its massivedump rampartand wide ditch, which was
attributedby its excavatorto the eveof the Romanconquest.
Moreover, the concentrationof political power in fewer
36 handsultimately led to a reductionin the numberof fortified
centres, while the choice of valley-side or riverside sites - and the people
denoteda strongdesireon the part of the buildersto control
both river crossings and trade routes, many of which
followed the coursesof rivers. Such sites as Loose, near
Maidstone,or Winchestermustbe includedas typical of the
valley-sidesitesso chosen,and their positionsshowthemto
be of almostpure Belgic origin.
Among these new-style fortifications must be included
the great oppida, such as Camulodunum(Colchester). In
these, considerableareas of ground were enclosedby a
systemof discontinuousmultiple dykes. At Colchester,if
we excludethe seriesaroundGosbecksFarmwhich seemto
form an earlier nucleus,no less than, in someplaces,three
successivelines of formidableearthworksprotectedthe core
of the settlementat Sheepen,usually believed to be the
capital of Cunobelin. The lines appear to run from river
valley to river valley, andsincethey are largely absenteastof
the main centre, it is probably right to assumethat on that
side, the marshy and, perhaps,tidal estuariesof the river
CoIn and its tributaries provided the necessaryprotection.
The whole position is, therefore, one of considerable
strength, and we may be forgiven for wondering what
might have happenedif the armies of Togodumnusand
Caratacushad beenlessimpetuousand insteadof attacking
the Roman army in Kent, had lured them back to their
fortress at Camulodunum. The combination of natural
obstaclesand massivedykes might well have provided a
different outcometo the engagement.
If we are right in our assumptionthat Cunobelin was a
direct lineal descendant of Marnianstock, who haddefeated
and taken control of the Belgic Trinovantes,then it is prob-
ably right also to assumethat the defencesof Camulodunum
representan amalgamationof the older style anti-chariot
fortifications of his predecessors,as at Wheathampstead
and Verulamium, with the more recently adaptedstyles of
the Belgae, which were intended to resist assaultsby the
siege-enginesof the Roman army. In this respect they
would certainly have been initially successfulsince their
dimensionswould havebeentoo greatto allow the immedi-
ate accessof such weaponsand the banks, of dump con-
struction, would have been proof against the normal
enginesof attackmountedby the Romans.
Comment has sometimesbeen made of the extremely
insular quality of the late La rene oppida of Britain. None
exactly resemblethe great sites of Gaul or central Europe,
such as that at Manching in southernGermany,while one
largely looks in vain on the continentfor fortified enclosures 37
- and the people suchas Camulodunum.Our conclusionthat this andsimilar
sites may, therefore, representa combination of early La
Te'ne methods, specially adapted, in Britain, for chariot
warfare, with those of the later La Tene anti-siegefortifi-
cations,may well be right. They should, perhapsin conse-
quence,be consideredas peculiarlyBritish phenomena,and
their wider distributionoutsideCatuvellaunianhomelands,
with similar sites occurring possiblyat Minchinhamptonin
Gloucestershire,at Silchester and even as far north as
Stanwickin north Yorkshire, may be seenas the extension
of Catuvellaunianinfluenceand power.
Besidesthe fortified enclosuresof different typesdetailed
above there were many other settlementsof variable size,
rangingfrom large villages to single farms andhomesteads.
Most would have dependedon an agricultural economy,
althoughtherewere a numbersituatedin coastalareassuch
as round the Wash, the Thames and Severn estuaries,
where the extraction of salt from sea water, coupled with
fishing and the collection of shellfish, provided the main-
stay; manyoystershellswerefound in a houseof Belgic date
at Canterbury,and indicatean exploitationof the local beds
which were, within a few decades,to becomeof commercial
importance.In many casesthe settlementswere contained
in enclosuresconsistingof a low bank and small ditch; it is
likely that the banks were sometimes surmounted by
hedgesalthough, in many cases,fences were erectednot
only to keep out wild animals and sneak-thievesbut also
more importantly, we might suspect, to keep stock and
youngchildren from straying. In the highlandareassuchas
Cornwall, Wales and the north, stonewalls often replaced
fences.
Variations in settlement types and patterns can be
detectedin some placeswhich probably indicate different
cultural origins, and it would be foolish to expecta common
pattern,evenover lowland England,at anyonetime in the
decadespreceding the Roman invasion. The most com-
monly occurringtype of settlementenclosurein the late Iron
Age is undoubtedlythatof sub-rectangular form; thereis also
a tendencyfor a greaterdegreeof nucleationto take place
following the Belgic migrations. Indeed it has beennoted
that, in those areas primarily affected by Belgic peoples,
relatively few sites of earlier date show continuity into this
period, and it is to be assumedthat individual farms were
beingabandonedin favour of a morecommunallife often on
new sites.
Most farms and settlementswere associatedwith field
38 systems. On hill slopes, especially in the chalk regions,
individual fields were delineatedby lynchets, which were - and the people
causedby soil-creep after ploughing had taken place, so
giving rise to the characteristicenhancedslopebetweenone
field and the next below it. Unfortunately, it is known that
thesefields, usually termed 'Celtic' fields, continuedto be
usedduring the Romanperiod, andit is not alwayspossible
to attribute a definite pre-Romandate to their lay-out. On
morelevel ground,suchas valley bottoms,field systemscan
also be detected,often by aerial photography.They were
frequently more irregular in shapeand size, a factor not
alwaysunrelatedto the closeproximity of rivers or streams.
In someinstances,the patchworkeffect of numeroussmall
fields, eachof which seldomexceededhalf a hectarein area,
is replacedby much larger dyked enclosures,sometimes
associatedwith smallersub-rectangular or circular examples
approachedthrough funnel-like entrances.The larger are
normally interpretedas ranchesfor sheepor cattle, which
could havebeenroundedup when necessary,and corralled
in the smaller. Few field systemsof indisputablepre-Roman
date are known in the highland areasof Britain, and it is
usually assumedthat little cultivation was carried on, agri-
cultural activities being restricted to the raising of cattle,
sheep and horses, which would graze on the open
moorland.
A moderatelyheavy plough, with an iron share,was in
usein Britain in the decadesbeforethe Romaninvasion,but
it is now thoughtunlikely that the plough with coulter and
mould-board had by then been introduced. Nevertheless
the heavier loams and clays of valley bottoms could be
cultivated, leading to improved productionof cereals.It is
unlikely thoughthat the indigenouslight plough,which did
little more than scratchthe surfaceof the ground, had been
entirely replaced,and it would have still remainedsuitable
for the thinner and lighter soils overlying chalk, gravel or
sand. Also, it is probable that more primitive methodsof
cultivation continuedin use, even though the good, iron-
bounddigging spadewas, like the mostadvancedplough, a
Roman introduction. The principal crops grown were
barley, a wheat called emmer, and a small bean. Another
variety of wheat- spelt - was being introducedduring the
Iron Age and had the advantagethat it maturedbetterin a
damp climate, and was also suitable for autumn sowing.
Since both forms of wheat were beardedlike barley, it is
difficult to identify both the earof grain featuredso often on
Cunobelin's coins, and the imitation ears made of silver
which were includedin a rich burial at Lexden just outside·
Colchester;it is often claimed from this evidencethat the 39
- and the people wealth of Cunobelin'skingdom was concentratedin the
production of barley, although the representationscould
equally be wheat. To what extentfruit and vegetableswere
grown under cultivation is not known. There would have
been such an abundanceof wild varieties that it would
probably have been unnecessary,especially since most
vegetables,before the arrival of the Romans,were usedfor
medicinalratherthan culinary purposes.
The cereals,which were usually cut just below the ear,
had to be dried in order to improve their keepingproperties
and to preventthe grain from germinating.Primitive drying
kilns were constructedover circular hearths,above which
the grain was placed. Quite frequently it becamemildly
roasted,while somedroppedinto the edgesof the fire, so
becomingcharred.It is the presenceof charredgrains that
enablesarchaeologiststo sayto what usea particularhearth
was put. Somewhatnaturally, grain which had beenover-
heatedwas not fit for seedcorn, andit is likely that the latter
was dried by more natural meansand then storedin large
pottery jars or even in small squaregranariesin which it
could be kept insulatedfrom dampand rodents.The grain
for consumptionwas, in many placesduring the Iron Age,
storedin large pits dug in the ground.Providingthe pit was
kept well sealed,little spoilageoccurred,but oncea pit was
opened,all the contentshad to be removed together, for
modernexperimentshave shownthat damagewould occur
if it was resealed.Moreover, storagein pits could only be
usedwhere the underlying strataconsistedof porousrock
or othermaterial; in consequence mostare found associated
with settlementsor farms in the chalk or limestoneregions
of southernand easternEngland.Elsewhereothermethods
musthavebeenemployed,but it is often difficult to identify
them.
When required for use the grain was groundinto coarse
flour or meal on small hand-operated millstones. Although
rotary quernswereintroducedby the La Teneimmigrantsto
Britain, it is likely that the older type of saddlequem con-
tinued in use in many places. These were flat, roughly
rectangularpieces of suitable rock, sometimescut so that
while the long axis was horizontal to the ground, the short
axis dippedto oneside,causingthe flour to be rubbedout on
that side only, thus making its collection easier. Rotary
querns, with flattish bottom, and beehive-shapedupper,
stones,were fed with the grain througha hopper-likeopen-
ing in the top. The upper stone, moving round an iron or
woodenpivot fixed in the lower, was turned by a wooden
40 handleinsertedin a speciallycut socketin its side.
 The Iron Age agricultural economyprobably relied to a - clnd the people
great extent on an annual, autumn slaughter of surplus
beasts, among which cattle, sheepand pigs would have
been the most numerous.Although some hay may have
been gatheredand dried, it was probably insufficient to
maintain anything but the smallest herd throughout the
winter. As a result only the basicbreedingstockwould have
beenkept, while the remainderwould have beenkilled to
provide a good supply of smokedor saltedmeat as well as
leather and skins from the hides. Smoking of meat must
havebeenan extremelysimple operation,for it had only to
be hungin joints or strips from the roof of the averagehouse
to be adequatelycured by the smoke which endlesslyrose
from the fire towardsa centralvent. It is also easyto under-
stand,in this context,the importanceof saltin the economy,
for not only could it havebeenusedasanalternativemethod
for preservingthe tlesh, but alsofor treatingthe skinsto turn
them to leather.
In Britain, the housesof all classesof society in the Iron
Age were, almost without exception for many years, con-
sideredby archaeologiststo be circular in shape,in contrast
to continentaltypes which were often round, but also fre-
quently square or rectangular. This apparent difference
seemedto emphasiseonce more the essentialinsularity of
Britain. However, now that far more excavationhas taken
placein recentyears,it canbe seenthat the assumptionwas
not entirely correct, and good examplesof both squareand
rectangularhouseshavebeenlocatedin a numberof places
suchas in the hill-forts at Crickley Hill andDanebury,andin
some of the numeroushill-forts on the Welsh border in
Herefordshire. They varied much in size, ranging from
small squarestructures,with eachcorner set by a post, to
rectangular buildings up to 20 m long and 6 m wide.
Admittedly, the difference betweenthem and the circular
structureshasnot yet beenrelatedto function, andit may be
that not all were usedfor domesticpurposes,but represent
granariesor stores,or evenshrines.
Circular structuresof considerablesize still, however,are
the norm in Britain, and future researches may indeedshow
that they were also commonerin Gaul than has previously
been suspected,for the geographerStrabo, writing about
the turn of the first centuriesBC and AD, recordsthat the
peoplethere lived in large, circular housesbuilt of timber.
Most suchbuildingswereconstructedrounda frameworkof
posts set in the ground and usually surroundedby a ditch
and low bank. Some were equipped with projecting
porches.The infill of the walls was normally madeof wattle -lJ
-- and the people or wickerwork, liberally coatedon both sides with mud to
renderit more fireproof and also to improve its insulating
capacity.The roofs may havebeenof cut turf laid like tiles or
slateson a modern house,or of thatch. A turf roof would
havebeenweighty so that a strongframeworkwasessential
and it is clear from the ground plans of suchbuildings that
quite sophisticatedcarpentry must have been employed.
Sometimes,in placeswherestoneabounded,low dry-stone
walls were constructedfor the outer shell, and on steeply
sloping hillsides the houseswere constructedon levelled
platforms,madeby cuttingbackinto the slopeandpiling the
excavatedmaterial on the downhill side. This method of
constructioncanbe seenon manynorthernsitessuchas the
hill-fort at Mam Tor in Derbyshire.
In Cornwall, a typical feature of the Iron Age in both the
pre-RomanandRomanperiodswasthe farm, or settlement,
usually called a round. In them, threeor four circular struc-
tures are built againstthe inner face of the enclosurewall,
composedof earth or rubble set betweendry-stonefacing
walls. Theseappearto be the forerunnersof the so-called
courtyardhouses,in which the enclosurewall is thickened
on the inner face to absorbthe circular structures,leaving a
small opencourtyardin the middle. Underthe latter circum-
stances,each structure is normally called a 'room' of one
house. By arguing backwards,we may then wonderif the
original roundswere for single, ratherthanmultiple, family
occupancywith each 'house' in fact representingbut one
'room' usedfor a different purposethan the others,instead
of being the dwelling of a completefamily group. If this was
so, it would be possibleto arguethat enclosuresappearing
to contain more than one 'house'neednot always contain
more than one family, with important implications for
calculationsconcerningthe size of the populationof Britain
at the time.
The foregoingremarksapply largely to the pre-BelgicIron
Age in Britain. Consequently,they remain appropriatefor
thoseparts of the country untouchedby the Belgaewhere
they may, in many places, even be extendedto cover the
period of the Roman occupation.In the Belgic areas,how-
ever, it is surprisingthat the new immigrants,despitetheir
acknowledgedtechnical superiority in other spheres,had
little to add to the methodsof constructinghouses.Indeed
in manyinstancesthereevenseemsto havebeena lowering
of standards.Admittedly, no building has yet beenexca-
vated which could be equated,for instance,with the royal
palacesof Verica or Cunobelin. They may, indeed, have
42 occupied better-quality residences,but they remain to be
located.For the remainder,houseplans seemto follow the ,- ,md thl' peuple
traditional British pattern, although one completely
excavatedexample at Canterburywas different. The floor
had beensunk some0.6 m below groundlevel, very much
in the manner of the later, Saxon buildings known as
grubenhauser;it was sub-rectangularin shapeand the walls,
which hadbeenreconstructedmore thanonce,wereerected
round postsset in the ground. Hearthswere constructedof
roughly-madeslabs of bakedclay. Yet it is not impossible 20 Illif'(lrlL'd Ilelliell) elll1f,i1(lrel
(,I DrL-",,-J 1\1''' 1 Iwn: ,; Ll
that any new building techniquesintroduced by Belgic I L'IlL' III burial ell IVl'J\\\'n
migrantscould have left little or no trace of their existence ("lI'lkl1 Cit\, (flc-rh,)
for archaeologiststo uncover. Somebuildings, occasionally
attestedin the Romanand later periods, were constructed
on a framework of beamsplaced on, or even supported
above, the surface, so increasingthe life of the timber by
reducingits tendencyto rot whenembeddedin the ground,
but unfortunatelyleaving little or no characteristictrace in
the soil.
Referenceshave already been made, in passing, to the
greatly increasingvolume of tradewhich occurredbetween
Britain and the continentin the period betweenCaesarand
Claudius. One of the most popular imports, judging from
the numberof amphorae,or containers,was wine. These
are found on many sites in Hertfordshire and Essex and
even further afield, as at the oppidulIl at Bagendon,near
Cirencester. Such vessels were, however, also used for
transportingother liquids like olive oil andfish sauce,andit
is not usually possibleto distinguish the original contents:
unless,as was sometimesthe case,they were indicatedby a
graffito or a paintedlegendon the outersurface.Othertypes
of pottery also reachedBritain and top-quality tableware
manufacturedat Arretium in northern Italy travelled via
Gaul, which also contributeda wide range of finer wares,
like platters and cups. In addition, on the tables of the
rich there would have been silver and bronze vesselsof
Mediterraneanmanufacture.The geographerStrabo lists

fhfgh
21 11l1P(lrtcd ..,ihl'r lU~'' ' u!
\1l'ditL-rrellll-dn Irom L,l
TL-IW III buriaJs ,ll ) W"J\\\11
Celrcil'n ('ill ,mel
WL'J\\\11 (lll'rts,)

43
- and the people both exportsfrom, and imports to, Britain. It is an interest-
ing catalogueas it showswhat we might expectwhen trade
is carried on betweenan under-developedcountry and a
more progressive one. The exports from Britain consist
almostentirely of basicraw materialsandfoodstuffs,suchas
cereals, cattle, gold, silver, iron and hides, togetherwith
slavesand dogs. Entering the country, on the other hand,
were all mannerof manufacturedarticlesandluxury goods.
22 :Vliniature bronzeshield
(66mm long) from Breedon-
on-the-frill hill-fort (Lcics.).
Such miniature weaponswere
nornl.lllv usedas votive offer-
ings in (~elticgfgshrines

Cunobelin'skingdom, sitting astridethe main traderoutes,

would no doubthaveprospered,while his absorptionof the
Trinovantian lands may be seen, in part, as a desire to
control the trade and gain possessionof the coastalports
throughwhich it passed.
Superstitionplayeda major part in every aspectof life of
the peopleof Celtic descent.They imaginedtheir world to
be peopledby all mannerof spiritual manifestations,mostly
of only local importance, but united in that most repre-
sentedthe venerationof abstractpowersor naturalobjects.
Most of our knowledge of Celtic religious practices and
beliefs comesfrom the Roman period, by which time they
had more frequently taken on a visual or epigraphicform.
Consequently,when considering such evidence, we can
never be entirely certain that we are dealing with an un-
sullied Celtic cult, or with one which has receiveda veneer
of classicism.Nevertheless,there survivesa small body of
evidence,untouchedby outsideinfluences,which indicates
their religious beliefs. Most natural objects were imbued
with some spiritual significance; especially popular were
rivers, springsand wells, and they were frequently associ-
ated with a conceptof fertility. But almost any tree, rock,
place, bird or beast could have its resident spirit whose
propitiation was of the utmost importance. In many
instances,no formal buildingsor ceremonieswererequired.
Nevertheless,some deities grew in importanceand their
~~ presencewas then recognisedby the erectionof a templeor
shrinein the vicinity, with attendantprieststo carry out the - and the people
necessarysacrifices or make the offerings which were
required. Under such circumstancesthe power of the deity
could receivewider acclaim, so takingon a regionalor even
national importance, and it is at this level that we come
acrossthe official priesthoodof the Celts- the Druids.
Unfortunatelythe Druids have beeninvestedwith more
romantic myth than almost any other aspectof antiquity.

But they were the dominant priesthoodof the Celts, and 23 Sacrificial sceneot tilt' lak
also exercisedconsiderablepolitical power. In view of the sec()ndlenturv BC depictedon
the CundestrupCauldron,
bad press which they received at the hands of classical Denm,uk
authors,who recountedtheir savagerites of human sacri-
fice, they have probably been given less than their due.
There is little doubt of the powerful hold that they main-
tained over the tribal peoplesof north-westernEurope, by
which they obtainedsomecohesionbetweenotherwisecon-
tinuously warring bodies. Somethingof their strength is
indicatedby Caesar,who recordsthat any man or tribe that
incurredtheir displeasurewas shunnedby othersfor fear of
dire misfortunesfalling upon them. So the Druids probably
saw in the advancingRoman armies a threat which indi-
catedthe end of their sway and consequentlyorganisedas
much resistanceas possible. Ultimately outlawedin Gaul,
the hard core probably fled to Britain, so perhapsby their
fanaticism increasing in the British tribes the will to
resist. We might wonderat the part they playedin turning
the Catuvellauni against the Romans after the death of
Cunobelin. It seemslikely that their influence, as much as
any, lay behindthe assemblingof a 'British', asopposedto a 45
- and the people purely tribal, army to resist the forces of both Caesarand
Claudius.It hasevenbeensuggestedthat Druidic influence
lay behind the Boudiccanrebellion of AD 60, since a major
revolt in the heartof the provincemight well havediverted
the attentionof the Romanarmy from the captureof their
main religious strongholdon the island of Anglesey.When
an airfield was being constructedon the island during the
last war, a remarkablehoard of metalwork was discovered
24 ~)Id\·l'-g(lng Chi:lin fron) the
dfghfgg
Llvn Cc'rrig Bach hOMd lli Iron
Age' ll1t'tai \\'ork

in a bog. It was shown that the objectswere derived from

many parts of Britain, and that they probably represented
gifts or offerings made by different tribal peoples, so
demonstratingthe wide influence of the main Druidic
sanctuary;the pieceshad probably beencast into a lake or
spring of great sanctity, in order to propitiate some water
deity. Among the more evocativeobjectswas a gangchain
for a group of five slavesor prisoners.It is not difficult to
imaginethe fate of thosewho wereonceshackledby it. That
Druids officiated over the mainstreamof Celtic religion is
further indicated by Tacitus' description of the Roman
assault on the island. Apart from venerating water, as
clearly indicated by the metalwork thrown into the bog,
Tacitus mentions that, after the assault, the Romans cut
46 down the sacredgrovesof trees,which obviouslyhad some
major significance.Moreover a considerableknowledgeof - dnd the people
astronomyand philosophy was attributed to the Druids,
and they were able to computecalendricalcycles involving
both the sun and moon. Their position as national leaders
was thereforeassured.
Clearly then in Celtic religion, the centralfeaturewas the
sanctifiedobject, be it animal, tree, rock or spring. Thereis,
however, some evidence for the existence of subsidiary

templesand shrines, the basic pattern of building usually 25 BasilicanRomano-British

beingindicatedby the plan of the supposedIron Age temple templeat Thistleton Dyer
excavatedat Heathrow; it appearsto be a central, almost (Rutland)built on the site oi an
earlier, Iron Age circular
squarestructure surroundedon all sides by a portico. As temple
such, it closely resemblesthe type of temple well-attested
later in parts of Britain and Gaul which are known collec-
tively as Romano-Celtictemples.Fortunately,the existence
of a temple on a site during the Roman period can some-
times be taken to indicate the sanctity of a precedingIron
Age building. For instance at both Frilford (Berks.) and
Thistleton Dyer (Leics.) masonrybuildings of the Roman
period overlie circular timber structuresbelonging to the
Iron Age. Without the presenceof the later temples over
them, both would probably have been interpreted as
domesticdwellings; so the difficulties of interpretationcan
be demonstrated.Recently, also, suggestionshave been
madethat the square,four-postedhousesmentionedearlier 47
- (mel the people in this chaptermay havebeensmall domesticshrines.
Burial rites may be consideredto be an extensionof reli-
gious beliefs. The Celtsbelievedin a materialexistencein an
after-life, as they were taught to do so by the Druids, and
consequentlycateredfor it in the gravesin which they were
buried. They also believed that the spirits of the departed
could take over the body of the living unlesspropitiated.So
all burials reflectedthe desiresof the deceasedto be as well
26 Aerial photographof a I,lte
Iron Age ccmctcrvof sljuare
barrowsat Burton Fleming
(EastYorkshire)

equippedin the after-life as they had been in the present.

Weapons, food and drink, buckets, cauldrons, games,
ornamentsand trinkets were all included in the richer
graves,while the poor had to make do with lesserobjects.
Some large cemeteriesof the later La Tene period have
been located in Kent, Essexand Hertfordshire, notably at
Aylesford, Swarling, Welwyn and Verulamium. Richly
furnished in many cases, they were sometimesenclosed
48 within a square,markedby a ditch. Otherequallyimportant
burials of a slightly different characterhavebeendiscovered -a nd the people
in parts of Yorkshire, where individual graves sometimes
included complete carts or chariots. Mostly, such inter-
mentswould havebeenof chieftainsor of the warrior class
of society, andin almostevery casethe body was cremated.
The material obtainedby the excavationof theseburials,
althoughincluding many piecesof imported pottery, glass
or metalwork,also providesa large massof home-produced
goods that illustrate the technicalproficiency of the crafts-
men of the period. In the beginningof the Iron Age, most
potterywasprobablymadeby a householdaspart of normal
domesticduties,althoughthereis very early on evidencefor
the existenceof specialistbronzesmithsandblacksmiths.By
the later La Tene period, however, it is normal to assume
that full-time professionalpotters were practising their art
which includeda knowledgeof wheel-turnedvesselsand a
greaterability to fire them more evenly. It is strangethough
that no pottery kiln has yet beenfound which can be attri-
buted to this period, and, in consequence,it has been
suggestedthat the firing was carried out in clamps. Now,
however,we know that during the Romanperiodkilns were
erected above ground level and that, by modern experi-
ment, they worked satisfactorily;so it may be assumedthat
similar kilns were used in the immediatepre-RomanIron 27 Celtic art. Ddail,1t d bronze
Age. Suchkilns can leavelittle traceof their existence,often flagon handleot the fLlurth
no morethana circularburnt patchon the groundwhich can ccntun'BC trom B,lSSC·Yutz.
Ihion;illc-Fst, Moselle
easily be taken, in the absenceof critical evidence, for a
normalhearth.
Most other crafts can be identified in later Iron Age
Britain, ranging from the professionalsmiths, and perhaps
carpenters,to the manufacturers,mostly on a domestic
scale, of cloth and basket-work. Boat-builders certainly
knew their job and were capableof constructingquite large,
sea-worthyvessels.
It is, however, the work of the bronzesmith and black-
smith which demonstrateperhaps more than any other
crafts, the technicalskill available,both in designandexecu-
tion. The iron fire-dogs found in a numberof burials would
not disgracea modernhearth,while the complicated,often
asymmetrical,designswith their curvilinear ornamentand
restrainedenamelling,to be seenon articlesof war, suchas
the Batterseaor Witham shields, must representa peak of
achievement,both artistically and technically, of more than
competent bronzesmiths probably working for rich
patrons.Admittedly that peakhad beenpassedby the time
of the Romaninvasion in AD 43, but the tradition was still
strong enoughto survive in the north and west, and so to
28 Celtic art. Detail of the
circular bronzeshield boss
found in the river Thamesat
Wandsworth
50
someextent maintained, with only minor modification, an
artistic link between pre- and post-RomanBritain that sur-
faced from time to time in the Roman period with objects
like the Aesica brooch from Greatchesterson Hadrian's
wall.
 Roman successes- and Chapterfour

failures

The yearAD 43 broughtboth failure and successfor Roman

policy towardsBritain. The failure camefirst. In the changed
circumstances,it was no longer possible to keep up the
diplomatic contactswith the British tribes which had been
begun by Augustus and maintained by Tiberius. Even
before the principate of Claudius, the abortive attempt at
invasion by the emperorGaius Caligula indicated that es-
tablishedRoman policy towards Britain lay in ruins. With
the uncompromisinglyanti-Roman attitude displayed by
Caratacusand Togodumnus, following the expulsion of
Verica from his southernkingdom, the time had come for
military force to replacediplomacy.Some,in Rome,sawthis
at last as the completionof a job long delayedsinceCaesar's
day.
It is likely that the expulsion of Verica proved to be the
event which tipped the scalesin favour of Roman military
intervention.Before, when Tincommiushadbeenexpelled,
it had been possiblefor Augustusto continue his alliance
with the new Atrebatic ruler, for no break had occurredin
the dynasticsuccession.Now, however,Claudiuswasfaced
with a professedlyanti-Romanusurper in their territory,
who controlled much of the British south coast, and who
would not, apparently,negotiate.In modernterms, diplo-
matic relations were broken off, an action made more
necessaryafter the request had been made for Verica's
extradition.
But other factors also influenced the Roman decision to
invade Britain. There was Claudius' personal desire for
military success; legendary stories of Britain's mineral
wealth had beencirculating for sometime in Rome; Britain
remainedthe last refugeof the Druids, whoseextermination
was deemed desirable for political as well as religious
reasons;therewas Caesar's'unfinished'businessin Britain.
But aboveall, therewas the wrong to a Romanally, a client
king, to be avenged,which, in so doing, would alsoaccom-
plish the permanentdefeat of a long-standingenemy, the
Catuvellauni.At that time, Romerelied heavily on alliances
with native princesnearor beyondthe frontiers to maintain
peace, soensuringa considerableeconomyof Romanman- 51
 1 Gesoriacum
A I) 43-47 2 Richborough
3 Colchester
4 Ratae
5 Verulamium
6 Corinium
7 Calleva
8 Chichester
9 Hamworthy
10 Topsham
1'ronlier / o ne

' L E G IX

12

/li.C ; x K lk ; xx
;<v 12 .i

7,
i,
„ Li Ci II
4. 8
10. »1

0 100
miles

Map 8 The Kuman invasion and

earl> conques
t of Britain

power. To haveallowed Verica'sexpulsionto passwithout

vigorous action to reinstate him would have called in
question,therefore,a whole sphereof imperial policy, and
would have made other client rulers reassessthe value of
their alliances.
In addition, therewas a questionof military strategyto be
considered.It had for sometime beenrealisedin Romethat
too large a provincial garrison, commandedby an un-
scrupulousgovernor, could be a threat to the emperor's
position. Consequentlysince Augustus' principate it had
beenthe practiceto distributethe legionsevenlythroughout
all the frontier provinces, so that theoretically no one
governorhad excessstrength.The situationnow requireda
military force to be deployedagainstBritain, either to pro-
52 tect the coastof north Gaul, or to occupy the country. But
alreadythe army on the Rhine was one legion over strength Roman successes
-
and to have addedyet more troops on the Channelcoast and failures
would have been in direct contradiction to established
policy. Moreover, an additional garrison in Gaul would
have causedfar-reachinglogistical problems.The solution
lay in the occupation of Britain, which would place the
garrison in safety acrossthe sea, while newly-conquered
territory would providethe food andothermaterialsneeded

to maintain it. The invasion was accomplishedby four 29 Richborough,Kent: the

legions, commandedby Aulus Plautius,and detachedfrom landing placeof thc Roman
army in AD 43. The original
the Rhine and Danubefrontiers: Legio II Augusta,Legio IX shoreline is indicatedbv the
Hispana,Legio XIV Geminaand Legio XX Valeria, together tree-coveredscarpto th~ top
with auxiliary cavalry and infantry. Some uncertaintystill left of the photo. The walls of
the later SaxonShorefort are
existsin the mindsof archaeologists as to the placesat which just visible in the treesin front
this army landedin Britain, althoughwe know that it sailed of the power-stationcooling
to\vers
from Boulogne. The only place to provide indisputable
evidencefor its arrival is Richboroughin eastKent, wherea
fortified beach-headwas first constructed,to be rapidly
replacedby a stores depot of considerablesize. Attempts
have beenmade to argue that landings also took place on
the south coast, in particular in the neighbourhoodof
Chichester, in order to reinstate Verica and expel the
Catuvellaunian usurpers. Although there is no specific
evidence for such a landing, it would have made sound
strategic sense, even if, tactically, it might have been
questioned.The invasion was an overwhelming success,
despitesomehardfighting andsomedifficult moments,and
within a matterof months,Claudiushimself led his victori-
ous army into the British capital at Camulodunum,from
wherebattlegroupsfannedoutwardsandrapidly took con-
trol of most of lowland Britain, so achieving the primary
objectivesof defeating,and occupyingthe territory of, the
CatuvellauniandreinstatingVerica in his kingdom. 53
 Opinion is divided as to whether it was, from the very Roman successes
-
beginning, the Roman intention to occupy the whole of ,md failures
Britain, or whetherthe reachingof the primary objectives,as
outlined above, was the only goal, from which imperial
policy had slowly to departas it was realisedthat no perma-
nent solution to the British problem had been achieved.
Whatever their intentions, the earliest frontier defences
were laid out along a line drawn from Devon to north
Lincolnshire, and enshrinedthe roadwhich we know today
as the FosseWay; it rapidly proveduntenable.While it may
have been tactically successful in regulating movement
into and out of the new province, strategicallyit allowed
too great a freedom for the hostile tribes of Wales, now
strengthenedby the presenceof Caratacus,who had es-
capedcapturein the earlier battles; they could unite at will
and attackwhere they wished. At first, this new threatwas
met by moving garrisons up to and slightly beyond the
valley of the river Severn,which for a time counteredthe
enemy'sefforts, although some firm action was on more
thanone occasioncalled for in southWales.
Predominantly,therefore,in the late 40sand50s the main
dangerto the Roman dispositionslay in Wales, since the
northern frontier, embracing the line of the rivers Trent
and Humber, was controlled by a friendly ally, Queen
Cartimanduaand her Brigantian tribe. It might also be
arguedat this point that, had it beenthe Romanintention to
conquerthe whole of Britain, they would haveresumedthe
advanceinto Wales sooner and with much more energy
than they did. Ample time had already been granted to
consolidatethe army'sposition. Compulsoryrequisitionsof
food and suppliesfrom the native peoples- the annona -
could have been fully organisedwithin a few years of its
arrival, so that logistics presentedno difficulty. As it was,
the three governors who succeededAulus Plautius con-
tented themselveswith holding operationsor with com-
parativelyminor campaignsin southWalesas andwhenthe
opportunity arose, or occasiondemanded.It is likely that
someof the marchingcampswhich havebeenidentified in
the areashouldrightly be attributedto their actions.Not all
the actionswere successfuland twice the Romanarmy was
humiliated by defeat; the balancewas, however, corrected
by the captureof Caratacus,who, after losing a major battle
in centralWales, had beenforced to flee to Cartimanduain
the north andwas promptly handedover to Rome.
The appointmentof SuetoniusPaullinus as governor in
the late 50s seems to have marked a change in policy
towards Britain, which perhapsbeganto foreseethe con- 55
Roman successes
- questof Walesasa necessityfor peace.Paullinusattackedin
and failures north Wales, probably after defeating the Silures in the
south, and aimedfor the heartof Druidic power, the island
of Anglesey.All was going well when he receivedinforma-
tion of a seriousrevolt in the south-east.
The Boudiccan rebellion of AD 60 was compoundedof
many contributory factors. Over-zealousness,arrogance
and greedwere displayedby both sides,while the Romans
displayedtheir usualreadyability to tramplethe susceptible
feelings of the natives.
The consolidationof the earliest frontier line from the
Severnto the Trent in the late 40s had brought about the
removal of most of the garrisonsfrom south-eastEngland.
The military government, which their presence repre-
sented, was replacedby civilian, local administrationsof
three different types. In the van was the newly-founded
settlementof retired legionariesnearthe site of Cunobelin's
capital at Colchester.Given the title of a colonia, it requireda
considerabletract of land for the grants made to its new
inhabitants,eachlegionaryreceivinga plot both within and
outsidethe town. The land was probablyacquiredby direct
requisition, leading to much antagonismon the part of the
Trinovantes, who, very likely, also lost the site of their
principal religious centreat Gosbecksnearby.Admittedly it
would seemthat they werecompensated by the provisionof
a brandnew site for a tribal capital at Chelmsford,although
subsequentdevelopmentstend to show that this was not
acceptable,and that the major grudge which they conse-
quentlyborethe Romanscontinuedto rankle. Also included
among the new civilian authorities were two client king-
doms. Verica's original statewas maintainedin the south,
but now under the rule of his successor,Cogidubnus.In
EastAnglia, the tribe of the !ceni was likewise constituted,
although they seem to have been less preparedto settle
down under the new regime; a minor revolt had to be put
down amongstthem in AD 49. In parallel with the client
kingdomswere the native civilian authoritiesconstitutedas
civitates,of which therewereprobablyno more thanthreein
the early period.
In addition to the long standinggrievanceof the Trino-
vantes,further troublearosewhenthe !ceniankingdomwas
reducedto the normal statusof a civitas following the death
of its ruler, Prasutagus,in AD 59 or 60. The attemptsat
reduction were forcibly resistedby his widow, Boudicca,
and her followers. The governorand most of the army was
in north Walesandthereseemedlittle to stopthe !ceni, who
56 were rapidly joined by the Trinovantes,from securingtheir
freedom. The new towns at Colchester, London and Roman successes
-
Verulamium were sackedbefore Paullinus could take any and failures
action, but, ultimately he was able to bring the rebels to
battle in the Midlands and defeatthem.
The rebellion, despite Paullinus' final success,was un-
doubtedlyadisasterfor Romanpolicy towardsBritain. Yet it
may be that it was the executantswho were more at fault
than the policy itself. Equally it was a disasterfor the Iceni,

who neverseemto haverecoveredfully from its effects,and 31 Potteryfrom a shopat

who remained thereafter a somewhat backward and Colchesterburnt in the
Boudiccanrebellion
penurious tribe. The Trinovantes perhaps fared a little
better; at any rate they appearto have regainedcontrol of
their religious centreoutsideColchester.
In so far as Roman policy was concerned,the province
remainedat a near standstill for almost a whole decade,
while repair of the physical damageseems,in someplaces
suchas Verulamium, to havetakenevenlonger. Indeedthe
worst consequenceof the rebellion may be seenas the in-
ducement of a crisis of confidence in the pro-Roman
membersof the British community, who would normally 57
Roman successes- have beenrelied upon to uphold law and order and imple-
and failures ment, at native level, the whole processwhich we may call
romanisation.The failure of Roman arms to protect their
lives and property, therefore,had far-reachingeffects.
But the turn of the wheel of fortune in a completelydif-
ferent direction less than a decadeafter the rebellion gave
rise to circumstancesfrom which Britain was ultimately to
benefit. The civil war which beganin the empireafter Nero's
suicide in AD 68 finally threw up the emperorVespasian
and saw the end of the supremacyof the Julio-Claudian
dynasty. Vespasian already knew Britain, having com-
mandeda legion in the invasionarmy, andhis accessionsaw
a much firmer policy being adoptedtowards the province.
The period of drift which had followed the first pushof the
40s, and which was not always favourableto the Romans,
was now replacedby a strategy which possibly, at first,
anticipated the conquest of the whole of Britain as
its ultimate aim. First came the defeat of the Brigantes,
who by now had risen against their pro-Roman queen,
Cartimandua,causingher to seekrefugewith her allies. A
masterlycampaignconductedby Petillius Cerealisso routed
them that, when nearly a decadelater their territory was
occupied, little or no opposition seemsto have been en-
countered.Next camethe settlementof the Welsh problem
with a firm grasp being taken by Julius Frontinus, who
instituteda systemof garrisonforts in the hostile territories.
Finally, JuliusAgricola occupiedthe Brigantianterritory and
within six yearshadnot only defeatedthe Caledoniansin an
extendedseriesof campaigns,but had also advancedthe
Romanprovince to the edgeof the Scottishhighlands.The
period of AD 70-86 was one of unqualified success,but
then the impetuswas lost. What factor was responsiblefor
the halt being called, we do not know. We may suspect,
however,that it was the increasingdrain that Britain repre-
sentedin termsof manpowerto the empire,manpowerthat
was becomingincreasinglyneededelsewhere.Occupation
as far as the Highlands was one thing; occupationof the
Highlands, with their difficult terrain, would have been
altogetheranotherproblemandwould haverequireda large
sedentarygarrison. Moreover, it was probably appreciated
by then that little would be gainedby taking over the whole
area.
Soon after Agricola's recall, the needaroseto reducethe
British garrisonin order to provide troopsfor serviceon the
Danubefrontier, and it provedimpossibleto maintaineven
the Agricolan dispositionsin the face of thesedemands.A
58 whole legion, probably accompaniedby some auxiliaries,
was withdrawn from Britain, which made necessarycon- R0111an successes-
siderable retrenchmentof the surviving forces. Strategy and failures
requiredthat the new legionary fortressesat York, Chester
and Caerleonshould be occupied, so the legion basedin
Scotland at Inchtuthil was withdrawn, perhaps first to
Wroxeter and then to Chester.With it camethoseauxiliary
units stationedalongsideit on the Highland fringe. Indeed
no fort beyondthe Forth-Clydeisthmusseemsto havebeen

occupied after this reorganisationand it is likely that this 32 Aerial photographof the
narrow neck of land was intendedto be the new frontier. legionaryfortressat Inchtuthil
(Perthshire), from the south-
Southof the line, however,manyforts wereentirely rebuilt, east
often to a strongerand larger pattern,as if to emphasisethe
needto retain a firm hold on southernScotland.Centralin
this new schemewasthe fort at Newstead,apparentlyoccu-
pied by a battlegroupcomposedof legionariesandauxiliary
cavalry, a rare arrangementmore reminiscentof the con-
questperiod, and indicative of the importanceattachedto
this Lowland site. In many ways this reappraisalof the
northernfrontier of Britain madebetterstrategicsensethan
the schemeimposedby Agricola, but it hadone chief weak-
ness. It was too detachedfrom the northern Caledonians,
who could combineat will in the plains around Perth and 59
Romansuccesses
- attack where they chose. It therefore suffered the same
and failures defectas the first frontier to be placedagainstWales.
The new arrangementslasted until the early second
century, when it would appearthat disasterstruck the out-
lying forts in the Lowlands, and many were burnt to the
ground, but whether by enemy action or by deliberate
evacuation cannot be decided. The withdrawal from
southernScotlandmay have been causedby the need for
more troopsfor Trajan'sDaciancampaigns.Perhaps,asone
authority considers, the local population capitalised on
a moment of confusion caused by the evacuation, and
attackedcertain forts. Be that as it may, a new frontier was
establishedalong the road, the Stanegate,built by Agricola
to run from Corbridge to Carlisle. Here were placed extra
forts in addition to the two alreadyin being at the terminal
points, and it is possiblethat two detachedsignal towerson
the line of the later Hadrianic frontier also belongedto this
system. Moreover, and as if to indicate that the phaseof
unlimited expansionhadfor the time finished in Britain, the
three legionary fortressesat York, Caerleonand Chester
were entirely rebuilt, masonry now taking the place of
timber construction. Similar improvements were also
carriedout in someauxiliary forts in Walesand the north.
The dispositionsmade early in Trajan's principate held
until the end of his reign, when there was anotherserious
uprisingin the north, which may haveinvolved not only the
tribes of Lowland Scotlandbut also the Brigantes.
It had now been demonstratedoften enough in the
empire, not only in Britain but also in other provinces,that
frontier systemswhich incorporateda single chain or zone
of forts, albeit in conjunctionwith a naturalbarriersuchas a
river, were inadequateto copewith a full-scale war or rebel-
lion. Isolated attelilpts had already been made on other
frontiers to couple the forts to a continuous barrier of
a palisade or earthen bank. Accordingly, when Hadrian
reachedBritain on his extendedtour of the provinces,it was
decreedthat the northern frontier should be completely
reorganisedto include a physical barrier of considerable
size, set just north of the Stanegate.So was constructedthe
work which we know todayasHadrian'sWall.
The Wall itself was but part of an elaboratedefensive
system which incorporateda series of forts, milecastles,
turrets, a great externalditch and a serviceroad set within
a controlled area marked by an earthwork, the Vallum.
Several major alterations were made to the original plan
while constructionwas still under way, and the resulting
60 appearance of the frontier variedconsiderablyfrom oneend
to the other, since the whole of the barrier from the river Roman successes
-
Irthing to Carlisle was, for speed,built of stackedturf in- and failures
steadof masonry.Nevertheless,in that section, the turrets
wereof masonry,althoughthe milecastleswereconstructed
of turf and timber. West of Bowness,a seriesof milecastles
and, later, also towers extendeddown the Cumberland
coast and appearto have been associatedwith a palisade
anddouble-ditchedroad.
33 Aerial photographof
Hadrian'sWall at Cawfields.
The wall follows the line of the
scarpand the Cawfieldsmile-
castlecan be seennearthe top
edgeof the modernquarry.
The valium, with the later
crossingscut th rough it, runs
to the rear in a straightline;
small temporarycampscan be
seento its right

Many argumentsand discussionshave taken place as to

the precisepurposewhich the Wall was intendedto serve.
One schoolof thoughtmaintainsthat it was nevermeantto
serve as a military fortification or a defensivebarrier, and
that it wasbut a masonryequivalentof the woodenpalisade
on the German frontier, by which passageof people
throughit could be controlled;assuch,it hasbeenreasoned,
it would havebeenlittle more use than a police post, while
the main garrisonsin the forts wereintendedto fight, not on 61
Roman successes
- the frontier, but in the outfield beyond.Also cited in support
and failures is the occasionalbad positioning of the Wall for defence,
with highergroundoverlookingit to the north. Yet it is hard
to reconcile these views with the massivestrengthof the
work. If the barrier was only intendedto control the native
population,why was a palisadenot built, as on the German
frontier, especiallywhen, as happenedat the westernend,
speedof completionbecamea necessity?While it is possible
to argue, as somehave done, that the original conceptof a
masonry wall was intended as a grandiose and lasting
memorialto Rome'smost northerlyfrontier, it is not so easy
to apply suchreasoningto a turf wall, andevenlessso to the
palisadewhich extendedwestwardsfrom Bownessdown
the Cumberlandcoast.
Even if we admit that the large number of mounted
troops, in garrison on the frontier, were not there for the
purpose of static defence, but were meant to reach out
towardsan advancingenemy,it is still possibleto accepta
greaterrole for the Wall itself beyond that of providing a
convenientregulatingpoint for police purposes.In the first
place, it must be rememberedthat on both sides of the
northernBritish frontier the peoplewere an unruly lot who
had repeatedlycausedtrouble to the Romanarmy, whereas
the tribes facing the Germanfrontier were,at the time, more
peacefully disposed.This one factor could be sufficient to
account for the greatly increasedstrength of the British
frontier. On the otherhand,to describeit asan impregnable
defensive system is perhapsto overstatethe case in the
other direction. The impregnabilityof any physicalbarrier,
no matterhow large, can only be calculatedin terms of the
quality and quantity of its defenders.Remove those de-
fendersand, sooneror later, the attackerswill find a way
round, under or over any barrier. Consequently,as a last
resort,the garrisons,evenif they were normally expectedto
fight beyondit, could have mannedthe Wall and usedit in
its defensivecapacityin a way that would hardly havebeen
feasibleon the Germanfrontier.
The questionof the tacticsemployedby the fighting garri-
sonalsoraisesan importantissuewith regardto the purpose
of Hadrian'sWall. If mobile troopsare to function properlyit
is necessaryfor them to have absolutelysecurebasesfrom
which to operate,otherwisetheir efficiency would rapidly
decline. The Wall providedthosebasesandenabledthemto
be protectedfrom attackwhen the garrisonswere perform-
ing their rightful dutieselsewhere.
We may conclude,therefore,that Hadrian'sWall fulfilled
62 a combination of uses. It acted as a control point for the
peacefulmovementof peoples;it providedsecurebasesfor Roman successes -
its garrisons,from which they could operatewith maximum and failures
effect on either side of the frontier, and, as a last resort, it
possesseda defensivecapacity which could be employed
shouldthe occasionarise.
The constructionwork on the Wall continuedfor over a
decade,and, even then, we still cannotbe entirely certain
when the turf wall was replacedby masonry. It may not
have happeneduntil the retreat from Scotlandtook place
severaldecadeslater, when Hadrian'sWall once more be-
camethe northernfrontier. It is worth noting, however,that
most native hostility appearsto have beendirectedagainst
its westernend. That was the sector that had to be com-
pleted in a hurry with turfwork; there was placed, at
Stanwix, just outsideCarlisle, the seniorofficer of the whole
garrison, who commandedthe only milliary regiment of
cavalry in Britain. Such regiments were normally placed
whereneedfor both strengthandmobility were greatest.At
the west end, also, were built three outpostforts to guard
the approachesto the frontier.
The effectivenessof Hadrian'sWall is usuallysummedup
as being a tactical successbut a strategicfailure. Yet hind-
sight enablesus to view it as the most successfulfrontier
work in Britain, to which return was madewhen all other
possibilitieshad beenexhausted.It had weaknesses,but it
should be recordedthat it was apparentlyonly once com-
pletely over-runwhenthe garrisonwasin residenceand, on
that occasion,treacherywas the causeof its fall.
But despite the effectivenessof the Wall, two further
attempts were to be tried to establish a more northerly
frontier, before return to it was finally made. In AD 140,
following the accessionof Antoninus Pius as emperor, a
major reconsiderationof Britain's northern frontier was
again put in hand. In consequence,an extensivecampaign
waslaunchedinto Scotlandwith the final outcomebeingthe
construction,betweenthe Forth and the Clyde, of a new
frontier work usuallycalled the AntonineWall.
Thereweremany differencesbetweenthis andHadrian's
Wall, chiefly in the materials of construction and in the
disposition of the garrisons. The linear barrier was built
throughout its length of cut and stacked turf laid on a
cobbledfoundation;beyondit was a large ditch. Therewas
apparently no regular system of milecastles or turrets;
neither was there an earthwork to the rear of the instal-
lations as on Hadrian'sWall. Nevertheless,the most recent
views have suggestedthat not all the installations were
contemporary,but that, as with Hadrian'sWall, alterations 63
Roman successes
- wereintroducedinto the planbeforebuilding wascomplete.
and failures Possibly only six forts of the known or implied nineteen
were original and thesemay havebeenat first supportedby
intervening fortlets, which in some caseswere only later
replacedby larger forts. Ultimately the garrisonswere con-
tained in theseforts, normally but not always attachedto
the barrier, of many different sizesand placedmuch closer
togetherthanon the more southerlyfrontier line. Moreover,
34 Aerial photographof the
Antonine Wall at Rough
Castle.To the right of the main
ditch can be seena groupof
liliac in a clearingamongthe
trees

not all internal buildings were built of masonry, as return

was madein many instancesto timber structures.Indeed,
we might be excused for viewing the whole frontier as
somethingof a cautious experiment, which, if it did not
succeed,could be readily abandonedwithout too much lost
effort. If, on the other hand, it proved successful, the
constructioncould be made more permanentby replacing
the turfwork and timber with masonry.Thesechangeswere
almost certainly introduced from lessons learnt on
64 Hadrian's Wall. In one respect, however, there was a
 fyhfg
dgfdg

.6. Legionaryfortress
• Fort (pre AD 86)
o Fort (post AD 86)
- \ Road
0 100 200

65
Roman successes
- similarity. Outpostforts stretchedas far north as Strageath
and failures andpossiblyBertha,presumablyduplicatingthe function of
thosethat had protectedthe approachesto the west end of
Hadrian'sWall.
With the new frontier establishedin Scotland,close to a
line that Agricola had once used some sixty years earlier,
Hadrian'sWall was now freely openedto allow passagein
both directions. Gateswere removedfrom the milecastles
and the ValIum to the rear had many extra crossingsmade.
Only in the forts is there someevidenceof small legionary
detachmentscaring for the fabric, and this to some extent
supports the view that the new frontier was perhapsan
experimentalwork andthat, whenit wasconstructed,it was
not known if return would have to be made to the earlier
line. But for somefourteenyearsthe new fortifications held
successfully.
The construction of permanentphysical barriers as a
northernfrontier hadrepercussions elsewhere.The concen-
tration of troops which they requiredfor effective manning
could only be obtained by the evacuationof other forts
further south. So underHadrianwe find extensiveareasof
south Wales and also east of the Penninesreleasedfrom
military control, while, underAntoninusPius, further relax-
ation occurredin Wales. The latter was necessitatedby the
needto place garrisonsonce more in southernScotlandin
addition to those planted on and beyond the frontier. It
is probably true to say that the army in Britain was now
stretched to its maximum and that hostile action in the
ungarrisonedparts could only be met quickly by the with-
drawalof troopsfrom the frontier.
When hostileactioncameit was from within the province
andnot from beyondthe borders.In AD 154, thereappears
to have beena seriousrebellion in Brigantia, which caused
the immediateevacuationof the AntonineWall andthe forts
on either side of it, coupled with the demolition of the
installations.With by far the largestconcentrationof auxili-
ary troopsplacedin Scotland,the brunt of the early fighting
must havebeenborneby the more southerly-based legions
at York, Chesterand Caerleon.Therewereprobablycasual-
ties, for, whena new governorarrived to settlethe rebellion,
he brought with him reinforcementsfor all three legions
from the Germanprovinces, although it is not impossible
that the legionshadbeenunderstrength,with detachments
serving elsewherein the empire. Someforts seemto have
been successfullyattackedby the rebels and at least two
wereburnt to the ground.
66 After the rebellion hadbeensuppressed,therefollowed a
reassessment of the position, broughtaboutby the shortage I\.oman successes~
of troops. Scotlandremainedunoccupiedfor the time being, and failures
while Hadrian'sWall was hurriedly restoredto active com-
mission. Moreover, work was startedon rebuilding forts in
Brigantia, as far as its southernborder, with a view to in-
creasingagainthe numberof military garrisonsin the terri-
tory, and presumably,by so doing, returninglarge areasto
military government. The rebellion, therefore, marks a

35 Antonine inscription (RIB

1322) from the river Tyne at
Newcastle,It reads: .
Imp(cratorc) Alltonino Aug(u.-;to)
Pio p(nlri) pnl(rinc) 1'cxil(l)alio
it'gfio!!i) II ilUg(llst{lC) ct It'gfioll!) VI
Vic(triCl) cl Icg(iol1i) xx V(alcrillc)
V(lelriei) CllI1(t)r(I)17lIIi n
Ger{l11anii.-;) dllo[Ju...; sub Julio Vcro
Icg(lIlo) AlIg(lIsli)),/'O I'(mclorc)
'(Set up) for the Emperor
Antonius AugustusPius, father
ot hIS Country, (by) the detach-
ment contrib~ltthe
ed t\vo -from the t\vo
Gl'nnanies
the t\votor the SecondLegion
Augustadnd the Sixth Legion
Victrix dnd the Twentieth l.egion
Valeri,-l Victrix, underJulius
Verus, l'mpeH)r'S pn)pral'tori<ll1
legate,'

The inscription refers to

reinforcementsbeing brought
to Britain from Germanvc.
failure of a more enlightenedpiece of Roman policy. The AD 155, probablyas the result
of a Brigantian rebellion
calculatedgamble taken first by Hadrian and followed by
Antoninus Pius, to give a large sectionof the Brigantesthe
opportunity to run their own local administration,had not
worked. The people were clearly not yet ready to accept
peacefulromanisation,with all that it meant,and preferred
to retain their continuinghostile attitude to Rome. Accord-
ingly the Romancoat had to be cut to suit the British cloth,
with its inevitable consequences for the northern frontier.
But the policy was not abandonedby the government
without further effort at its implementation.Once more,
perhapsin AD 159, the army advancedto Scotlandand re-
establishedits presenceon the Antonine Wall and once
more Hadrian'sWall appearsto have beendeprivedof its
garrisons.But not for long, and an increasinglythreatening
situation required a new governorto withdraw again after
probablyno more thana yearor so.
The reoccupationof Hadrian'sWall as the northernfron-
tier was accompaniedon this occasionby the provision of
more outpostforts, on the main road, Dere Street, leading
northwards from Corbridge; they appear to represent, 67
Roman successes~ when taken in conjunctionwith the three alreadyin exist-
and failures ence,a morerigid containmentof the hostiletribes of south-
west Scotland, the Selgovaeand Novantae. Indeed, the
extra fortifications along the road seem deliberately
designedto protectthe Votadini, a friendly tribe to the east,
from attackby their neighbours.Although the frontier now
remained stable, the remainder of the second century
passedin a stateof near-continuousturbulence.On at least
one occasionconsiderablereinforcementshadto be brought
to Britain, presumablyjust to maintainthe existing disposi-
tions. On another,slightly later, it seemsthat the Wall was
itself penetratedby an enemy attack, but probably on a
limited front. It is not impossible that the late second-
centurydestructionof the fort at Corbridgetook placethen,
althoughit is far more likely to havebeenin a later war. But
these serious, albeit comparatively minor, episodespale
before the disasterwhich overtooknot only Britain but also
the empirein the last decadeof the century.
At the very end of AD 192 the emperorCommodus,who
was not one of the most commendablemembersof the
imperial household,was assassinated. There followed one
of the costly civil wars for the successionwhich were to
become increasingly common in the third century and
which had alreadybeen anticipatedon the death of Nero,
over a hundred years before. On this occasionfour con-
testants made their claims, one of whom was Clodius
Albinus, governorof Britain. Two were quickly eliminated
from the struggleleavingAlbinus to face SeptimiusSeverus
alone. Albinus gatheredtogetheran army from the British
garrisons,crossedthe Channeland,beingjoinedby a legion
from Spain, marchedsouth-eastwards acrossGaul. He met
SeverusnearLyons andwas defeated.
In the meantime, Britain, deprived of all but the most
meagreof defences,lay wide opento attack. A confederacy
of tribes from Scotland, together with the Brigantes and
possibly also someof the tribes in north Wales, seizedthe
opportunityto wreck such empty forts as lay in their path,
including perhaps the legionary fortress at York. Fortu-
nately, however,Albinus had probablyhad the foresight to
order fortifications to be erectedaround many towns and
villages in the lowland area,which kept themimmunefrom
assault.The manyvillagesassociatedwith the northernforts
were not so lucky. Undefended,and with their inhabitants
long forbidden by Romanlaw to carry arms, they had lost
the ability to protectthemselvesandso sufferedin the same
way as their parentforts. Such were the immediateconse-
68 quencesto Britain of a fatal flaw in the Romanconstitution,
which did not automaticallyrecognisean heir to a reigning Roman successes-
emperor.Otherswere to follow. and failures
Severusdispatcheda successionof governorsto Britain
who were given the task of ejectingthe invaders,suppress-
ing the internal rebelsand rebuilding the destroyedinstal-
lations. It was no easy task since the Scottish confederacy
kept up the war and therewas somehint that they might be
joined by the Caledoniantribes from further north; more-
over the Brigantescontinued active. Gradually, however,
fort by fort, the destructionwas rectified. Hadrian'sWall,
whereit had beendamaged,was rebuilt, but not beforethe
hostile forces had been bought off by paymentof a large
sum. This in itself is indicative of the Roman failure to
control the situation by force of arms, most likely brought
aboutby inadequatemanpower,and possiblyalso by vacil-
lation over the decisionwhetheror not to reoccupysouthern
Scotland. Ultimately Severushimself, acting on the advice
of his governor,seizedthe opportunityof mountinga puni-
tive expedition in Britain and, in AD 208 arrived together
with his two sonsand considerablereinforcements.But the
campaignsthat followed then and in the two succeeding
years were unable to bring about a decisive conclusion,
despite isolated victories; a stalematecould have ensued.
The situationchangedthoughwhenSeverusdied in York in
AD 211, leaving his elder son, Caracalla, to continue the
war. This he did not do, but seemsinsteadto have madea
satisfactorysettlementwith the enemy.We know nothingof
the terms of the agreement,but they were obviously the
most successfulthat had ever been tried on the northern
frontier, for they brought the longestperiod of apparently
uninterruptedpeacein that troubledareaandmoreover,for
the first time also, quelled the Brigantes. We can only
assume,therefore,that the terms were satisfactoryto both
sides. Although the northern frontier, now irrevocably
placedon Hadrian'sWall, had to be maintained,the cess-
ation of almostconstantfighting shouldhavebroughtwith
it considerableeconomiesfor Rome.For manyof the natives
in northernEnglandand beyondthe frontier, the period of
peacebroughtwith it a new prosperitywhich was reflected
in the manyvillages now rebuilt outsideforts, andin the in-
creasingnumberof farmsteadsin the areas.Although still
basically of Iron Age characterthey benefitedfrom having
regular markets and access to new technologies and
materials. Diplomacy had, on this occasionproved more
successfulthanforce. Nevertheless,the diplomaticinitiative
which had been gained was wisely supportedby a strong
protectiveforce on the frontier, which, now that the threat 69
Rll 111a n successes- of attackfrom the rear hadlargely beenneutralised,became
and failures a military basefor a zone of operationsstretchingfar out
beyondit. In this zone were the five outpostforts, mostly
mannedby milliary cohorts containing both infantry and
cavalry and supportedby more irregular units of scouts,
who could rangeevenfurther afield.
The immediateconsequenceof the war was, as we have
seen,the destructionof forts andvillagesin the north andin
partsof Wales.But for the restof the provincethe sequelwas
probablymoredeeplyfelt. It is known that in Spain,wherea
solitary legion, and presumablymany civilians, had sup-
ported the cause of Albinus, large-scale confiscation of
estatesby Severustook placeafter the struggle.Thereis no
reasonto believethat he treatedthoselandownersin Britain
who had supportedAlbinus any more leniently; theremust
have beenmany who did so in the hope of reward or pre-
ferment in the event of the latter's success.Consequently
this civil war could have had far-reaching effects on the
British economy,which are, as yet, perhapsnot fully recog-
nisedor appreciated.It might well be this factor, ratherthan
any other,which causedmarkedfluctuationsin the fortunes
of villas in Britain during the third century.If farmshadbeen
sequestratedthey would presumablyeither have been re-
tained as imperial estates,or they may have beengiven or
sold to the supportersof Severus.In suchcircumstancesthe
house,at the centreof a property,may havebecomesuper-
fluous for an owner who already possesseda residence
elsewhere,andso be allowedtoJall into disrepair.Housesin
towns could have suffered similarly, and at Leicester a
luxurious dwelling of someimportantperson,immediately
north of the forum, was at this time first convertedinto a
factory, before being demolishedand its place taken by a
large public building. This could representthe donationor
saleof confiscatedland to the municipal authority.
But althoughcomparativepeacehad now descendedon
the northernfrontier and on Wales after over a century of
almostcontinuousstrife, Britain wasnot to remainlong free
from externalattack. It would seemthat early in the third
century,if not before,piratical raidersfrom northernEurope
were becomingbolder in their operations.The North Sea
canneverhavebeenentirely free of their presence,but now
they appearto have turned their attentionsto coastalraid-
ing. The fleet which guardedBritain alreadyhad baseson
the east coast as well as acrossthe Channel. Thesewere
refurbishedseeminglyin the early third centuryand, soon
after, supplemented by a new type of coastalfort.
70 Strategically the east coast of Britain contained three
pointsof weaknesswhenunderattack:the Thamesestuary, Rom,lIl successes-
the Wash and the Humber. Consequentlythe new forts d nd t,)ilures
were placed to cover the approachesof the two most
southerlypoints, at Reculveron the north coastof Kent and
at Brancasteron the north coastof Norfolk. The forts, which
were the forerunners of a much more extensive coastal
defencesystemlater known as the SaxonShore,werelarger
thannormalauxiliary forts andprobablycontained,in addi-
tion to a cavalry or infantry unit, a detachmentof the fleet.
Thatbeingso they wereequippedto combatraiderseitherat
sea, or on land, if the attackerssucceededin avoiding the
navalpatrols.For a shorttime theseextraforts, coupledwith
the fleet basesalreadyin existence,wereseeminglysuccess-
ful in meetingthe new threat.However,the increasingscale
of their operationssoondemandedadditionalmeasuresand
by the end of the third century the fully-fledged Saxon
Shore system was in operation. But that lies beyond the
scopeof this book.
In sum, therefore, it can be seen that, although the
Romanswere in many ways remarkablysuccessfulin their
military campaigns in Britain, they had their share of
failures. Somewould claim that the successes were strictly
circumscribedand that all their failures canbe compounded
into one: solely their apparentinability or disinclination to
conquerthe whole island. In addition we have to conclude
this chapteron a note of failure, but failure not so much in
the British provinces as in the central institutions of the
empire. The middle part of the third centurysawincreasing
disordercausedby civil wars, invasionsandrampantmone-
tary inflation. Yet from all these, Britain remainedlargely
immune, protectedon the one hand by the Channel,from
barbarianinvasionsof the type which did so much damage
to the provincesof Germanyand Gaul, and on the otherby
the securenorthernfrontier. The natureof the internal dis-
turbancescan perhapsbe bestillustratedby the position of
Britain at the time when this narrative must cease. In
AD 259, Postumusrebelled againstthe emperorGallienus
and amalgamated the British, Spanish and Gaulish
provinces into an independentGallic empire which sur-
vived for fifteen years. But we might suspectthat it made
little political differenceto the populationof Britain, whose
main concern,alike with the rest of the Romanworld, was
probablywith a rapidly mountinginflation andrising costof
living.

71
 Chapterfive JPax Romana' - tile
benefits for Britain.

The firm establishmentof a romanisedBritish provincetook

place gradually over the best part of a century. Even after
that period further, but relatively more minor, changes
occurred and it should not be forgotten that the whole
empire was continually subjectto a processclosely akin to
organic growth; periodsof completestability tendedto last
for comparativelyshortterms.In Britain, the resemblanceto
a Roman province began to appearwhen areaswere re-
leased from military control and handed over to local
authoritiesorganisedfrom among the indigenouspopula-
tion. At first these were few and largely confined to the
south-east,but, as the army advancednorthwards and
westwards, so others followed, until in the early second
century almost all the lowland areashad beenconstituted
into sixteencivitates, mostly formed from the original Iron
Age tribal units. These groups, together with the three
superimposed colonies of Roman army veterans at
Colchester,GloucesterandLincoln, formed the backboneof
a civilian local government.The processwhich we today
describe as romanisation partly preceded, but mostly
followed in its wake.
Nevertheless,the processhad, in fact, begunin a small
way in the century betweenCaesar'sexpeditionsand the
Claudianinvasion.In that time many peopleliving in south-
easternBritain would have become familiar with pottery
and metalworkimportedfrom Gaul and other provinces.It
might be claimed that they consequentlybecamefitter and
more ready to absorb the much greater technical knowl-
edge, which they had so far lacked, and with which they
came into abrupt contact after AD 43. The advancesin
technicalskills which thenappearedweremainly connected
with building construction, and should be added to the
newly-acquiredability to make the better-qualityand more
varied tools that such skills required. But among the less
solid benefitsmustbe ratedthosethat flowed from the more
peaceful conditions enjoyed after AD 43, such as greater
levels of productivity, increasedopportunitiesfor making
profits from trading, better communicationsand a better
72 monetarysystemin which small changewas available for
 'Pax Romana'

Map 10 OJioniaeand Civitates

and their capitals

• Coloniae
6. Municipia
• Civitas capitals
11111111 1111 Territorium
.:::..... Civitates
;;;-- Roads
oI 100
I
200 km
I

73
'Pax Romana' transactionsof low value, so giving rise to a more flexible
systemof exchange.In turn, theseencouragedthe develop-
mentof a morecivilised way of life, with improvedhousing,
at any rate for the upperclasses,their slavesand servants,
and the provision of many amenities which were to be
sharedby a far wider rangeof people.
Let it be said at once, however, that the acquirementof a
romanisedlife-style by the peopleof Britain was an almost
entirely voluntary process,enteredinto freely by thosewho
so wishedand equally freely rejectedby others.Little or no
compulsion was employed, or, indeed, was neededand,
while encouragement was sometimesgiven by the Roman
provincial administration,financial help was seldomforth-
coming.
Centralto this process,to beginwith, werethe embryonic
towns, althoughit mustbe rememberedthat the first real, if
restricted, view of romanisedlife that many Britons ob-
tained was from the army. In the early days after the con-
questit was in their midst and would have provided their
introduction to many of the new processes.Moreover, de-
liberateexamplesof urbanisationwere often manufactured
in new provincesby the dischargeof large bodiesof legion-
aries,perhapsup to 2,000or morein strength,andusuallyat
the end of a major period of campaigning,who would be
given plots of land for both dev~lopmentflexible andagriculturein a
newly-designatedtown and its surroundingarea. These
towns were called coloniae and were given the rights of
self-governingcommunities,accordingto laws set out in a
charter. Caesarfoundeda numberin southernGaul in the
provinceof Narbonensis,while in otherwesternprovinces,
Augustus founded more in north Italy and Spain. Their
establishmentcan, therefore,be seenas part of a deliberate
imperial policy towards the provinces. In Britain the first
colony was foundedat Colchesterin AD 49, by a discharge
of soldiers probably from Legio XX, and use was made of
the recently abandonedlegionary fortress. This formed the
nucleusof the new town, aroundwhich land wasaddedfor
agriculturalpurposes;eachsoldierreceiveda plot inside the
town and anotherin the territory attached,the areasbeing
relatedto his rank. It is also likely that room was madefor
some membersof the native population. The town was
governed by a council, usually consisting of about one
hundredmembers,who, in orderto qualify for election,had
to possessa certainlevel of wealth or property. Therewere
also four, and sometimessix, executiveofficers who carried
out the day-to-dayadministration.The seniorpair actedas
74 justicesin the courtsand had variousother civic duties; the
junior pair were in chargeof public works, while, if there 'Pax Romana'
were six, the remainingpair were expectedto look after the
financial affairs of the town.
Tacitustells us a certainamountaboutthe earliesttown at
Colchesterin his account of the Boudiccan rebellion. He
refersto a theatre,to a council chamber,to statuesof Victory
and to the absenceof defences.The latter referenceis odd
for it would seemfrom moderninvestigationsthat the forti-
fications of the original legionary fortress still stood round
the colonia. It may be that Tacitusdid not deemthem worthy
of mention and was thinking more in terms of masonry.
Some of the first houseshave also been excavatedand
would appearto be quite simple buildings, with the walls
often constructedof unbakedmud brick, a sensiblecom-
promisein an areawheregoodbuilding stonedid not occur,
and one which was commonly employedin southernand
easternMediterraneancountries.
The pride of the new administrationwas also placed at
Colchester:the temple of the Imperial Cult, dedicatedto
Claudius,founderof the British province.Built on an heroic
scale,it evenexcitedcommentin Rome. It appearsto have
lain outsidethe town to the eastandwas situatedin its own
splendid, colonnadedcourt. The manufactureof a state
religion by the emperorAugustuswasdoneto give a degree
of cohesionto non-Romanprovincialsin an otherwisereli-
giously heterogeneous empire. The central theme was the
oath of loyalty to the emperor and his ancestorswhich
assumedaspectsof both civil and religious importance.
Sucha conceptwas most easily introducedinto the eastern
provinces,wherethe equationof a living personwith a deity
hadfor long beenthe custom.In the west,however,it seems
to have had a mixed reception. It was successfulin Gaul
where the combined centre for the three north-western
provinceswas situatedat Lyons, but was less successful,
apparently,in Germany. In Britain, despiteits remarkable
introduction, it doesnot seemto havebeenpopularat first;
later, however,native resistancewas reducedand thereare
indicationsof a fairly wide acceptance.But at Colchester,the
first efforts of the colonistswere to no avail; all went up in
flames in the Boudiccan rebellion, and evidence for the
conflagration is, from time to time, uncoveredin excava-
tions.
Colchesterwas not, however, the only veteran colonia
foundedin Britain. In the yearsfollowing the military cam-
paigns of Agricola, when Britain appearsto have been
peaceful,further dischargesfrom the army were madeand
towns establishedat Lincoln and Gloucester.Once again, 75
'Pax Romana' vacantlegionaryfortresseswerere-usedandit is interesting
to observeat Gloucesterthe rows of terracehousesfor the
colonistswhich replacedthe lines of very similarly-planned
barrack blocks. By the end of the first century, therefore,
Britain possessed three'model'towns to actasa stimulusfor
the building activities of the native population.
Urbanisation at native level started only slowly.
Verulamiumand Canterburyseemto havebeenthe first to
show somedegreeof ordereddevelopmentand planning,
and at the former, which was perhapsone of the original
strongholdsof a Roman ally, it would seemthat military
architectsand surveyorshadbeenlent to instructthe people
in the new building methods.The planningand construc-
tion of one block of shops had a distinctly barrack-like
appearance.At Verulamium, also, the Boudiccanrebellion
was a seriousset-backto the growing town, from which it
did not fully recoverfor well over a decade.Neverthelesswe
must be cautious in such an assessment.Plots remained
vacantfor a long time in many towns of Englandafter the
bombing of the last war, but that did not mean that the
towns themselveswere not prosperousand viable com-
munities.
But althoughthe startof urbanisationwas perhapsa little
uncertain,the seedsof a muchwider blossomingwerebeing
sown in the villages which were beginning to grow and
prosperround the many forts of the Midlands and south-
west in the first few decadesafter the invasion. It was in
these that the native Iron Age peoples, till now largely
unaccustomedto sophisticatedurban life, began to learn
somethingof the processesby which they could achieveit.
They becameschooledin a small way in the methodsof local
governmentand started to appreciatethe much greater
marketeconomywhich towns and villages provided. Forts
representeda continuousdemandand provided a stable
market for the sale of surplus production, so that farmers
andmanufacturerswould havebeenencouragedto increase
the surplusto their greaterprofit. Largerprofits meantmore
money to spend on the much wider range of goods and
services which were becoming available, many probably
broughtat first by foreign traders.But for the full flowering
of urbanisationin Britain, somethingmorewas needed.
The opportunity arose when the military advanceinto
Wales and the north was resumedin the early 70s. The
removal of almost every garrisonin a wide bandstretching
from the south-westup to Lincolnshire requiredthe estab-
lishmentof a suitablesystemof local governmentto replace
76 the military administration.This was achieved,as beforein
Gaul and in south-eastBritain, by using the Iron Age tribal 'Pax Romana'
structure,eachsuitabletribe being constituteda civitas. The
managementwas placedin the handsof thosemembersof
the tribal aristocracywho were acceptableto the provincial
administrationand, as far as we know from the evidence
available from both Britain and other western provinces,
was modelledon the systemusedin the charteredtowns.
Consequently,there would have been a council and two
pairs of magistratesin each.Variationswere, nevertheless,
allowed on occasionto take accountof local customsand
nomenclature.
Eachestablishedcivitas also neededa centre-a capital -
from which the administrationcould work. The site for it
would normally havebeenchosenfrom amongthe military
villages in, or near, which lived the greatestproportion of
the tribal leaders.Thus, the village so selectedformed the
nucleusfor the town which was to grow in its place,andthis
phaseof developmentsaw the foundation of nine towns
that rankedascivitas capitals.But the rateof progresswithin
them was uneven, demonstratingyet again the voluntary
natureof the process,and we find that someof the newly
designatedtowns developedrapidly while others lagged
behind. It also happenedto be an age when, over much of
the empire,local governmentwas investingin major public
buildings, such as the integratedforum and basilica com-
plex. By around the turn of the first and secondcenturies,
Cirencester, Silchester, Winchester, Exeter, Verulamium
and possiblysomeotherswerewell on the way to achieving
the desiredquotaof public buildings, while others,suchas,
Leicester,Wroxeterand Caistor-by-Norwich,did not reach
the same peak until almost the middle of the second
century. Furtherdistinctionsbetweenindividual towns can
also be detected.There is considerablevariation in size,
rangingfrom about101 ha for Cirencesterto about44 ha for
Leicesterand down to about 17 ha for Caerwent,and the
areaof the town is usually reflectedin the size of its public
buildings. No two fora or bath-housesare alike in their
planning; even such basically simple buildings as amphi-
theatres show differences. There are also unexpected
surprises;some of the most sophisticated,Mediterranean-
style, private housesare to be found in the little town of
Caerwent, on the fringe of the civilised area of Roman
Britain. Indeed the only common factors to be observed
amongmost towns were probablythe planned,rectangular
systemof streetswhich the majority possessed, the siting of
the forum and basilica at the main cross-roadsin the town
centre,the existence,eventually,of the normalrun of public 77
'Pax Romana' buildings and works, such as forum, bath-house,water
supplyandamphitheatre,andthe useof the town centrefor
commercialpremises;there the similarities end, and there
are evenexceptionsin thesecriteria.
It seemsclear, therefore, that the constructionof towns
was left largely to private enterprise,even if, in the early
days, it was supportedby the loan of military architects.So
we can demonstrateonceagainthe lack of compulsion,and
correspondinglythe degreeof voluntary acceptance,prac-
tised by the provincial governmenton the one handandby
the local inhabitantson the other. There is evidence,as we
have alreadyseen,for practicalhelp being providedby the
former for the latter, but mainly we mustconcludethat these
towns were constructed,and paid for, by the native Britons
for their own use. Had this not been so, we would surely
have detecteda much more rigid, standardisedpattern.
Moreover, no government, ancient or modern, has yet
successfullydeviseda way of compelling people to spend
their own money on buildings, goods and serviceswhich
they do not want. In orderto achievethatendthe moneyhas
first to be taken in someform of tax or levy and then spent
on these unwanted objectives by a governmentagency,
speciallysetup for the purpose;no suchagencyeverexisted
for the specificpurposeof building towns in RomanBritain,
or, for that matter, in any other part of the empire. Indeed
the whole provincial administrationtaken togetherwould
have scarcely been large enough to do so. Moreover, it
frequentlyhadmore importantwork to attendto.
If thesetowns were, therefore,built by the native inhabi-
tants for their own use, one of the first questionsto arise is
how were they paid for. The laying-outof a regularnetwork
of streetson a nearly virgin site, the constructionof aque-
ducts and sewersand of massivepublic buildings, would
havedemandedconsiderableexpenditure.In modernterms
it would probably have cost several million pounds per
town. Yet local taxes were minimal, and revenue was
normally raisedfrom duty on goodspassingthe boundary,
from fees paid by office-holderson election,rentsfor public
land, fines levied in the courts, saleof waterfrom the aque-
duct and personalgifts. But even taken together,all these
sourceswould, seemingly, have been insufficient to raise
more than annual income, when it was large capital re-
sourcesthat were required.Admittedly, as in the restof the
empire,wealthyindividualscould donateto the community
somehandsomegift, such as a new stagefor a theatre,on
electionto the tribal councilorto a magistracy,but he would
7S havebeena rich man indeedwho could afford, without the
risk of bankruptcy,to give a completeforum andbasilica. '1\1'\ Romcl !la'
Thereare now, as therewere in antiquity, manyways for
local authorities to raise capital sums of money. It can be
raised by straightforwardborrowing, and we know from
Tacitus that, in the period immediately after the Roman
invasion, large sums were loaned to Britain's leadersby
Romanmoney-lenders.Indeed,it was the attemptat a too-
hasty retrieval by those same lenders that contributed to
the Boudiccanrebellion. We may suspect,however, that,
having onceburnt their fingers, the tribal rulers would not
be too ready to approachthe samesourcesagain. Another
way in which to raise capital is by the sale of communally-
ownedland. Although it is virtually impossibleto demon-
strate this method in action in Roman Britain, there are
differencesin the distribution patternsof villas round some
towns, which may indicate that some civitates were more
preparedto sell land to private buyers than some others.
This is most noticeable if we compare the areas around
Cirencesterand Canterbury.At the former, the town lay in
the centre of an area dominatedby many villas, with the
exception of a small inner zone, free of villas, round the
town. Round Canterbury,villas were very few in number,
in contrastto the greaternumberin the westernpart of the
tribal area. It would be rash to press this argumentmuch
further at present,but, if villas are takennormally to repre-
sentprivate farms, then we might assumethat therewas far
more land in private ownershipin the territory of Dobunni
than in that of the Cantii, possibly pointing to a greater
readinessto sell by the former tribe. Could this be the reason
why Cirencesteris both larger and apparentlymore richly-
endowedthan almostall othercivitas capitals?
Yet anotherway to raisemoneyis to capitaliseon natural
resources,which can range from timber to minerals. Al-
thoughsometribal areascontainedextensivedepositsof the
oresof iron, lead, copper,tin and silver, only iron ore could
apparently continue to be worked freely by the natives.
Someform of imperial control may well havebeenexercised
over the rest. There were seeminglyno quick profits to be
made, therefore,in this sectorof the economy,while other
minerals such as stone, lime, clay, gravel and sand, all
probably much in demand, were too readily available to
bring a large return, although undoubtedlycontributing a
measureof financial gain. Timber was, however, another
matter. All building work requires its quota of timber,
whether for walls, roofs, floors or even scaffolding.
Moreover, in the early period of urbanisationin Britain,
only public buildings were constructedof masonry, most 79
'Pax Romana' privately-ownedpropertybeingbuilt with timber frames.In
the early fourth century, a good-sizedfir tree may have
fetchedasmuchas the wheatcrop from 5 ha of land, so that
the felling of maturewoodland,which at the time abounded
in Britain, could have releasedconsiderablecapital sums,
while at the sametime it would have provided the timber
neededfor building operationsand clearedmore land for
agricultural purposes.All-round benefitswould thus have
accrued.
The last method of raising money is by seeking grants
from the central government, which in the case of the
Romanempirewasusuallydoneby obtaininga remissionof
taxesor the cancellationof a tax debt. It is not easyto show
that emperorseither remitted taxesor gave other grants to
indigent urban communitiesin Britain, although they cer-
tainly did so in a number of provinces, some being more
generousthan others. It is perhaps,therefore,not entirely
coincidencethat the two greatperiodsof urbanexpansionin
Britain occurred during the principatesof Vespasianand
Titus and Hadrian. The imperial biographer Suetonius
notes that many statuesof Titus were to be observedin
Britain and Germany, a fact normally attributed to the
emperorhaving commandeda legion in Britain and having
been governor of Lower Germany before succeedinghis
father in Rome. It is perhapsunderstandable why Germany
shouldhaveso manystatues,a governorbeingan important
man. But why should commemorativestatueshave been
erected to a mere legionary commander in sufficient
numbers to be noteworthy in Britain? It was customary
throughout the empire to honour major benefactorsby
erecting statuesto them in public places. Were those of
Titus, therefore, an indication that, through his governor,
Agricola, andafter he hadbecomeemperor,he helpedsome
of the towns of Britain by the remissionof taxes,so that they
could equip themselveswith the visible symbols of local
governmentin the form of public buildings? If so, not all
towns then benefited,for, as we have alreadyseensome,
although founded in the first century AD, were not pro-
vided with their major buildings until the principate of
Hadrian, or evenlater. This emperorvisited Britain, as well
as many other p:-ovinces;he was also greatly interestedin
encouragingbuilding schemes.It is reasonableto suppose
that, havingassessed the situationon the spot, he provided
further financial aid in Britain.
The establishment of an urban-based society un-
doubtedly brought large benefits to many people, but
HO equally disadvantagesto others. The tribal leaders were
virtually tied to the towns once they becamemagistratesor 'Pax Romana'
councillors, for there were laws governing their place of
residence.If, therefore,they possessed country estates,the
day-to-dayrunningwould havebeenplacedin the handsof
a manageror bailiff. Nevertheless,their estateswill have
gained by the provision of a continuousmarket for their
productsin the new towns and villages, which required to
be fed. The increasedprosperity must in time also have
36 Fragmentaryinscription
(CIL VI, 967) from the forum of
Trajan in Rome recordingthe
cancellationof a huge tax debt
owed to the treasury.Fullv
restoredit would h~ve rea'd:
the t\vo
[Skllllills) l'(op"lls) Q(lIe)
R(O/l1t11l11.-;) Illlp(eratorc) Cacsari
oiui Traialli I'llrliliei !(ili,,) Dil'i
Nen)11I! Nepoti] TroiaI/O lHadril1l1(J
Allgl<'lo I'OIlI(llier) I MII.Y(lll"')
fr[lb(uilICill) I'ol«,stllte) II
CO(Il)s(lIli) III q1li prill1l1s (lllll/[ill/ll
prillciplllll et s[o/IIS rt'lllittClld[o
Sl'stcrtilllllllOl'ies lIIilk.:; d'l1h'lI11
dchitll!1l fiscis 11011
IIl[i[ia 1l(1Il111l11lll1)
pracscl1tcs tillltlllll cil't's SilOS sedct
postcroscorum pmestitithac
!ihera/ilate S!'ClfnIS
reachedevenremotecountry dwellers, who could also take 'The Romansenateandthe
p~1ople
t\voto
advantageof the availability of a wider range of manu- the EmperorCaesarTrdjan
f {adrian Augustus,son ot the
facturedgoods,rangingfrom pottery to iron tools. deified Tr~ljan
the t\voParthicus,grand-
Principally, therefore,the new townsandvillagesactedas son of the deified Nervd, chid
priest, holder of thL' tribunician
marketingand servicingcentresfor catchmentareaswhich power for the secondyear, twice
varied in size accordingto their situations.To this extentwe consul, the first and onlv one
of the emperorstothe canc~1t\vo
can envisagea pattern developingin which major towns, 'lOll, IllO,OOO sestercesowed to the
like the coloniaeor civitas capitals,possesseda wider sphere tre(1SUfV and bv this liberalitv to
fender'notthe the citizens ~ow
onl~' t\vo
of influence than the nearestminor settlementsor villages, living but also'their descendants
the latter providing a much narrowerrangeof servicesover tret:' from \vurr\,.'

a smallerarea. As today, most villages could probablypro-

vide, in a single, or small numberof shops,the basicessen-
tials of life for their inhabitants.But the country folk who
dependedon the village for these, and even the villagers
themselves,might have been forced to make the longer
journey to the nearestmajor town for their more sophisti-
catedrequirements,since the towns provideda more com-
prehensiverangeof goodsand services.As, in many cases,
the major town was the centreof the communicationsystem
for a given area, this will not havebeentoo onerousa task.
Equally, it is possiblethat itinerant merchantsmade their
rounds of the countryside,as well as attending the main
urbanmarkets.So in time, we might expectthat knowledge
of the new technologies,in addition to its products,could
have spreadto even the most humble rural dwelling. But 81
'Pel:'( !\Omana' studiesof the distribution of certain types of pottery show
that this is perhaps a too optimistic view. The largest
quantities are usually found within comparatively short
distancesof main roads, indicating that, for this common
commodity, penetrationinto the deepercountrysidewas
not alwaysachieved.
There is much evidencefor the goodsand servicespro-
vided by towns both for their own inhabitantsandfor those
people in the neighbouring countryside who were de-
pendenton them. Shopswere normally numerousin the
commercialcentreof a town, and may havebeenprivately-
owned and managed,or run by a slaveor freedmanfor an
absenteeowner. In addition, in the major towns suchas the
civitas capitals,therewerepublic buildingsdevotedto trade
such as the forum, or a separatemarket hall, while in the
smaller towns and villages, an open spacewas sometimes
left in the centre to act as a market place, in which stalls
couldbeerectedon marketdays.It is, of course,oftendifficult
to show what tradeor businesswas carriedon in any shop.
Nevertheless,hardwareshopsselling samianpottery and
glasswarehavebeenfound at Colchester,the stock having
been partly preservedwhen the building was burnt in the
Boudiccanrebellion. A butchers'markethasbeensuggested
for a public building near the forum at Cirencester,where
the refusefrom bonedmeat was buried in pits beneaththe
floors. In one block at Verulamium there were shopsoccu-
pied by a wine-merchantand by manufacturingsmiths. A
goldsmithin the centreof Londonhada largeestablishment
wherethe metal wasrefined, while a smith at Silchesterwas
recovering silver from its alloys with other metals in a
cupellationfurnace. Blacksmithswere probably ubiquitous
in both large and small towns and thereis evidencefor their
activities at Silchester,Verulamiumand GreatChesterford,
while the tombstoneof anothercamefrom a cemeteryout-
sideYork. A sculptorhadhis workshopat eitherCirencester
or Bath, and the latter site has also producedevidencefor
a jeweller carving semi-precious stones. Catterick,
Verulamiumand Colchesterall had manufacturingbronze-
smiths.Eventhe comparativelyminor town at Norton, close
to the fort at Malton in east Yorkshire, possesseda gold-
smith. Workshopsfor the manufactureof second-century
mosaicpavementshavealsobeensuggestedfor a numberof
towns, suchas CirencesterandVerulamiumor Colchester.
It is even more difficult to show the presenceof shops
devotedto the manufactureand sale of organic materials,
since they will only seldomsurvive in the soil, but a leather
1)2 factory may be indicatedfor a building at Alcester. A shoe-
shopmay likewise be suggestedfor an extramuralbuilding 'Pax Romana'
at Cirencester,as it produceda large numberof hob-nails.
Presumablytherewerein eachmajor town shopsdealingin
cloth, fruit, vegetables,woodwork and leather, but it is
almostimpossibleto prove their presence.There must also
have been a number of restaurants,inns and probably
brothels.
If economicfactors were importantelementsin the com-
37 Restoredshop in Corinium
Museum,Cirencester,of a
mosaicworker. Most of the
l1iaterials usedfor IVOSZlics
were derived from different
colouredstonesor brick, but
sometimesboth colouredglass
and Si.1Illian fr,)gnll'nts \VCfl'
emploved

position of towns, there were also somein which admini-

stration played almost as crucial a role in their life. As
centresof local governmentfor either a colonial territory or
a civitas capital they would have a wide catchmentarea
attractingpeoplewho rangedfrom the administratorsthem-
selvesto those having businesswith the offices or courts.
Once there they would obviously make use of the other
facilities offered, which would be developedaccordingly,
sometimesperhapscombiningbusinesswith purchasingor 83
 (il)

38 (a) Sectionof the timber TEl

~1:CT!ON(n)~II'U~1
quay which lined the north
bankof theThamesat London,
stretchingfrom aboutLondon
Bridge to the Tower of
London. The box-like con-
struction was anchoredby
vertical postsdriven into the
foreshore;the whole structure
was presumablyfurnished 38 38 38 38 38
with a deck of planks. 38 38 38
(b) Reconstructiondrawingof a
length of the quav

CUSTOM HOUSE SITE 1973

ROMAN TI MBER QUAY AXO'O\lElRIC

84 (b)
with pleasure.The samewould be true of the lessersitesin a 'Pax Romana'
descendingdegree.
There was one major site where both thesefactors were
enhanced:London. This town seemsat first to have been
developedasthe resultof spontaneous economicgrowth, so
much so that Tacitus,in his accountof the Boudiccanrebel-
lion, refers to its large population, consisting mostly of
merchants. Its economic strength cannot, therefore, be
doubted, especiallyas, by the late first century, it had be-
come the provincial capital, seatof the governor, and the
basefor the financial managementof the province, which
was placedin the handsof the procurator.To Londoncame
tradersfrom all partsof the empire;its long quay, stretching
from near London Bridge to the Tower, will seldom have
beenidle, and, althoughimportedgoodsare known to have
travelleddirect to otherpartsof the province,Londonprob-
ably handledthe lion's share.It is not surprising,therefore,
that it becamethe largest,and probably the richesttown in
Britain. We cannotbe certainif it was promotedto chartered
status, the first stageof which would have been the inter-
mediateone of municipium. But the indicationsare there to
show that it was almost certainly a self-governingcom-
munity from a comparativelyearly age, so that promotion
must seemlikely.
We have considered,so far together, all urban settle-
ments, no matter their size and status,from the coloniae at
the top to the minor towns and villages below. The only
distinctions drawn so far have been the legal statusof the
charteredtowns on the one hand and the more restricted
servicesprovidedby the minor siteson the other. But it must
be admittedthat it is extremelydifficult to differentiatebe-
tweenmanyof the sitesin the middle of the scale.We havea
basisfor so doing in the economiccriteria mentionedabove,
but, unfortunately,it is almostimpossibleto say that such-
and-sucha town containeda greatervariety of shopsand
servicesthansuch-and-such a village ten kilometresdistant.
We would need far more detailed knowledgeabout these
sites than we have at present,for not only would all the
shopsandfactorieshaveto be identified but additIonallywe
would haveto be able to showin what goodsthey dealt, and
what level of tradewas enjoyedby them.
Thereis, however,a possibleway roundsucha difficulty,
becausea wide economic base in a town is sometimes
matchedby the amenitieswhich the placeoffers, andwhich
are not to be found in the lessersites. Fortunatelyamenities
often require buildings or structuresof a specific nature,
which canbe readily identified by their plan or their fittings. 85
'Pax Romana' Thus the provision of special administrative buildings, a
public bath-house,a supplyof runningwater, good sewers,
a theatre or amphitheatre,colonnadedor arcadedstreets
and good quality housing,are all indicative of a fairly high
level of enjoymenton the part of the inhabitants.Happily, in
the Roman world, we can distinguish those sites which
possessall these amenities as representingthe peak of
urbanisation. Below, however, there can be no clear-cut
distinctions, but only a gradually-descendingseries in
which those in the middle possesssome amenitieswhile
thoseat the bottomhavenonethataredetectable.As yet it is
almostimpossibleto sayat preciselywhat point on the scale
we stop calling such sites towns; attemptsto do so have
created some invidious distinctions and have only
manufacturedmore difficulties than canbe readily solved.
The amenities which have so far been categorised are
normally to be found in the major towns of Britain, suchas
the coloniae, mUllicipia and civitas capitals.Other sitesoften
possesssome,if not all, while at thebottomof the list thereis
a seriesof settlementswhich do not appearto have any of
the representativebuildings. These might justifiably be
called villages, since they seem to provide only the most
basicservicesfor their inhabitants,but to do so is perhapsa
little unwise since so few have beeneven partly, let alone
fully, excavated.
The amenitieswhich can be readily identified have al-
readybeenlisted. Apart from private housing,most would
have beenprovidedby the local authority for the benefit of
the inhabitants. First and foremost would probably have
been the forum and basilica, used not only as offices and
law-courts by the administration but also providing ac-
commodationfor shopkeepersand itinerant traders who
could set up their stalls in the colonnadesor the piazza.
Important also were the streets,which in many towns, as
with Lincoln, VerulamiumandCirencester,wereflankedby
colonnadesor arcadesto give protectionboth to shoppers
and to shopkeepers'wares displayedin the open-fronted
buildings behind. The streets themselveswere cambered
and metalledand usually providedwith drainagegulleys to
carry away water. Neverthelessconstant traffic quickly
wore out the surfaceswhich often degeneratedinto fine
dust or mud according to the weather; as a result repairs
were frequent. Consequentlythe streetlevels were gradu-
ally raised in height, sometimes causing considerable
annoyanceto householdersor shopkeepers who found that
wateror mud drainedinto their premises.
86 The most importantsocial building was undoubtedlythe
bath-housewhich would possessrooms maintainedat dif- 'Pax Romana'
ferent temperaturesby meansof hypocausts,or underfloor
heating. Many were of considerablesize and splendour,
that at Wroxeter even containingthe unusualfeature of an
outdoorswimmingbath. There,also, the walls were in part
lined with mosaic, while in others veneersof imported
marbleswere similarly used.Most containedeitheran open
area, or a coveredhall, which could be used for exercise.

The bathsalso housedthe main public lavatory which was 39 Vicw of the eMlv iourth-
flushed by the outflow of waste water. As a result large centurv bath-houseat
Cattcrick during excavation.
sewerswere requiredwhich sometimescommunicated,as This building succeededtwo
at Lincoln, with a considerablesystemunderlyingthe main earlier bath-houses,but was
streets.A bath-house,therefore,requiredgreatvolumesof nevercompleted
runningwater, suppliedfrom the town'saqueduct.It canbe
shown that almost every major, as well as some minor,
towns were suppliedwith water in this manner,the aque-
ductsnormally tappinga sourcewhich was so situatedthat
thewaterwasnot only unpollutedbutcouldalsobeled to the
town by gravity flow in a pipe or ditch. Only at Lincoln was
there, seemingly, a more complicated system where the
water had to be carried to a hill-top town. In most cases,
once the supply of water reachedthe town it was distri- 87
'Pax Romana' buted, either in pipesof lead, wood or ceramic,or by con-
duits constructedof stone,to both public andprivate users.
Specialbuildingsdevotedto entertainmentwerealsocon-
structedin many towns and formed part of the amenities
they provided. Foremostin Britain was the amphitheatre,
an elliptical building with a central arena surroundedby
rakedbanksof seats.Varioustypesof blood-lettingsportsor
spectacleswere performed in them, such as gladiatorial
40 Maumburv Rings,
Dorchester.The town's
amphitheatrewas built on the
site 01 a Neolithic henge
monument,the banksof
which were supplementedto
carry the seatinground the
arena.The amphitheatreis
unusualin havingonly one
arenaentranceand the struc-
tural elementswerecomposed
entirely of wood

combats, or fights betweenman and beast, or beastand

beast, as well as certain forms of public execution. The
majority were large enoughto accommodatenot only the
entire populationof the town but probablyalso a high pro-
portion of country visitors. The theatre,on the other hand,
was altogetherlesspopularin Britain; few areknown andat
least two were associatedwith temples. Normally, they
were D-shaped buildings with the stage set along the
straight side and with ranks of seats round the circum-
ference.In north-westEurope,however,a compromisewas
sometimesadoptedand the theatrewas so constructedthat
it could double as an amphitheatreif the need arose.The
theatre at Verulamium, closely related to an adjacent
temple,wasplannedin this mannerandwasalmostcircular
88 in shape.In thesecircumstancesit seemsvery likely that it
wasthe religious, or semi-religious,spectaclesperformedin 'Pax Romana'
it that demandedthe extra spacein the arena,in addition to
a raisedstage,and it may be that it was the natureof these
performancesassociatedwith Celtic cults that dictated the
planningof the building, and not the needto economiseby
conflatingtwo buildingsinto one.Whennot connectedwith
a temple, however, the theatrewas usedfor mimes, panto-
mimesand recitations,a type of amusementwhich was not
perhapsvery popularin Britain.
The third main form of public entertainmentin the Roman
world was horse-and chariot-racing,which took place in
the circus, a long rectangularbuilding with one rounded
end. No suchstructureshaveyet beenidentified in Britain,
but it would be surprising,knowing the Celtic love of both
horse-racingand gambling, had the sport not been prac-
tised. There is however, a suggestivebuilding at Wroxeter
which seemsto be connectedwith a nearbytemple, whose
deitiesincludedanequinecpntent.Ritual horse-racingmay,
therefore,havebeenpart of the cult practices.
Among the lesseramenitiesof the major towns mustalso
be rated the provision of a far wider range of temples,
representativeof many different cults. Among them were
both classicaland native varieties, which were often syn-
thesisedin a mixture of religious thoughts,so that Minerva
might be equatedwith Brigantia in northern England or
with Sulis at Bath. Thus the religious repertoire of major
townswasmoreextensivethanthat of the lessersettlements
which might only boasta single temple dedicatedto a par-
ticular native deity. Consequently,the inhabitantsof the
larger towns had a greaterchoice in their dedications,so
coveringa wider rangeof humanactivities.
The higher standardof private housingcan also be con-
sideredasan amenity, althoughit was sometime beforethe
peakof luxury wasreachedaroundthe middle of the second
century.Eventhenhouseswere still occasionallybeingcon-
structedwith timber frames, which precludedthe ultimate
refinement of heating by hypocaust. Neverthelesssuch
houses could still contain first-class mosaics and wall
paintings and it is possible to distinguish, in many cases,
betweenthe rooms occupiedby the family and thoseof the
slavesor servants.Many houseswhich startedfrom humble
beginningsgrew to considerablesize with any numberup
to four wings, arranged around an inner courtyard or
garden. Some even possessedtheir own small, private,
bath suites,while occasionallysomewerealso connectedto
the town's water supply.
Whether protection can be classedas an amenity is an 89
'Pax Romana'
41 Fourth-centurytown-
housesat the Beel:hes.
Cirencester.rhe further con-
tained d fillt' rl1osaic, 111anu-
tactufl'd locally. with an
illustration of;1 hareat the
centre
90
arguablepoint, since it is not impossiblethat sometowns,
such as the British coloniae, were fortified for the sake of
appearance,rather than for protection. Nevertheless,the
provision of defencesfor whateverpurpose,albeit only a
bank and ditch, or a more elaboratesystem of masonry
walls, gatesand turrets, must have given the inhabitantsa
comfortable feeling of safety. By the end of the second
centurymostmajor towns, togetherwith someminor ones,
had been given at least an earth bank and a ditch, while
some,as with London, Colchester,Lincoln and Gloucester,
had been fully or partly equippedwith masonryfortifica-
tions. It would seemthat the intention had beento provide
masonrydefencesfor all those sites then fortified, but the
suddenlyarising needfor a speedycompletionrequired a
compromise;hencethe different methodsof construction.
However, by the endof the third century thosetowns with
earthbankshadbeenstrengthenedby the addition of stone
walls, while some, not previously fortified at all, had been
equally protected.There is a direct comparisonhere to be
drawn between the towns of Britain and of Gaul and
Germany.In the latter provinces,the seriousbarbarianin-
vasionswhich took place soonafter the middle of the third
century caught many towns unawaresand with no de-
fences; many sufferedbadly, and when shortly afterwards
walls were erected, they frequently enclosedonly a small 'Pax Roman,,'
part of the original area.Britain, on the otherhand,was not
touchedby those troubles. Had it been, the towns would
probablyhavefared lessbadly, sincemosthadalreadybeen
protected as a precautionary measure. Had those pre-
cautions not then been taken it is unlikely that defences
would havebeenbuilt later, so that when, in the late fourth
and fifth centuries,external forces beganto attack Britain,

the towns would havesufferedasbadly asdid thosein Gaul 42 Aerial photographshow-

at an earlier date. So the precautions,even though they ing cropmarkscausedby
buildings ,lnd otherstructures
were not neededat the time, paid eventualdividendsand in the minor town on INatling
preservedthe towns of Britain longer than might otherwise Streetd Whiltun Lodge
havebeenthe case. (B,mnaventa).This town was
reputedlvthe birthplaceof St
In addition to the major towns and to what we might call Patrick. Although the bound-
'generalpurpose'minor settlements,which shouldinclude cHies c1earlvcontinuedinto the
the military villages of the north and Wales, there were a lighter colouredfield in the
top centre,that part was unfor-
numberof smallersitesthat grew on an altogethernarrower tunately dcstrovedbv gravel
base. Thesewere the sites which had a specific function, digging before ,'xcavations
more often thannot relatedto religiousor industrialfactors. cuuld take place
Two of the most obviously connectedwith religion were
the two spasat Bath andBuxton. The site at Bathis compara-
tively well known and at its centre was a large sanctuary
with a classicalstyled temple dedicatedjointly to Sulis and
Minerva. The Celtic deity gave its nameto the site: Aquae 91
'Pax Romana' Sulis. Connectedto the religiousenclosurewasthe main hot
spring and the various and extensive bathing establish-
mentswhich led from it. The town was ultimately deemed
importantenoughto be given walls, and it is possibl~flexible that
part of its overall function was as a military convalescent
centre.Although little is known aboutthe restof the town, it
may be assumedthat it primarily servedthe largenumberof
pilgrims who visited the site, and secondarily,perhaps,the
belt of rich villas which eventually grew in its neighbour-
hood. Altogetherlessis known of Buxton. That it was a site
closely akin in nature to Bath is given by its name: Aquae
Arnemetiae.Hot springsexist, even today, but nothing is
known of the Roman bathing establishment.Another site
which seems to have been connected with a religious
sanctuaryis Springheadin north-west Kent, but its de-
velopmentwason a muchmoremodestscale.
Among the places which seem primarily to have been
associatedwith industrymight bementionedCharterhouse-
in- Mendip, wheretherewere extensiveleadmines. At first
the metal was extracted under military supervision,
denotingthe probableexistenceof an imperial estate.Later,
however, a sizeable settlementgrew, complete with an
amphitheatre,and, with the eventual cessationof army
control, it is likely that the mineswere leasedto concession-
aires, either companies or wealthy individuals; their
presenceis, in fact, attestedas early as the late first century.
Othersiteswhich seemto havebeencloselyconnectedwith
extractive industries are Kenchesterand Weston-under-
Penyard,both in Herefordshire.They seemto have served
the iron-ore mines of the Forestof Dean, and Kenchester
became sufficiently important to be fortified. Similarly,
Mancetter, on the main road, Watling Street, near
Nuneaton,seemsto havebeenthe servicecentrefor exten-
sive potteries, stretching for several square kilometres
aroundit. Wilderspool, in Cheshire,on the otherhand, not
only made pots, but also contributed to the metal- and
glass-workingindustries.
In sum, therefore,thereweremanynucleatedsettlements
rangingwidely in both sizeandstatus;the significantdiffer-
encebetweenthoseat the top andthoseat the bottomwould
seemto be the level of amenitiesoffered, not only for the
local inhabitants,but also for the peoplein the countryside
round about. The larger the site and the greaterthe variety
of amenitiesoffered, thenthe greaterthe areait could serve.
As alreadynoted, there is no difficulty in referring to those
at the top of the scale as towns, but it becomesalmost
92 impossiblewithin the boundariesof our presentknowledge
 0 t
-
~
~
[I)

......
~
=-
8 0 ~
'1 ...,
:;r:l
00 2
.,
[I)

Po.
'" :a; ;;;-
:::I
'"
200

\0
w
'p"x !<.umana' to distinguishbetweena town and a village in the middle
ordersof the hierarchy,as, indeedit sometimesis today.
The countrysidewhich was servedby thesesettlements
during the Roman period in Britain showsan equal diver-
sity. In most areas,the processof romanisationwas slower
than in the correspondingtowns, while there remained
zones beyond the lowlands in which Roman culture and
technologywas, at best, acquiredbut fitfully. From this we
can infer that towns were an essentialrequirementfor the
full developmentof the countrysidein a romanisedmanner.
A glanceat a distribution map of Romanvillas showshow
intimately they were connectedto the towns and villages;
where none existed, neither were there more than isolated
villas, such as that near Illogan in Cornwall. In the West
Country, farm residencesremainedmuch as they hadbeen
in the Iron Age, the extent of romanisationbeing usually
limited to the useof better-qualitypotteryandmetalwork.
We can consider,therefore,that the villa was an essential
elementof a largely romanisedcountryside,althoughhere,
as with towns, there was also a hierarchy,with, at the top,
the large, splendid, first-century examplesat Fishbourne,
Eccles and Angmering, through the middle range of com-
fortable houses,suchasmid-second-century Ditchley, High
Wycombeand Park Street, to the small cottagetype repre-
sentedby the earliestbuildings at Park Streetand Welwyn.
Moreover, it can sometimesbe shown, or suspected,that
villas replacedearlier, Iron Age farms. What producedthe
transformation?Undoubtedlyit must have beenpartly the
disseminationof the techniquesof new construction,which
were probablyfirst observedin the towns and then applied
to country houses. But the developmentof an Iron Age
farmhouse into a villa also required capital investment,
sometimeson a considerablescale.Suchcapitalwill mainly
have accrued from the profits on the sale of marketable
produceto the towns and villages and to the army. It may,
therefore, have taken some time for a farmer to have ac-
cumulated the necessarycapital, which might possibly
accountfor the slower pace ofdevelopmentin the country-
side. First would have to come an increasein production,
brought about partly by the demandsof the Roman tax-
collector, and necessitatingthe clearanceof more land for
cultivation or pasture.To help this processthere became
availablea wider rangeof new and better-qualityfarm im-
plements, such as the heavier plough with mould-board
and coulter, the iron-boundwoodenspade,more efficient
sickles and scythes,larger and more robust grub axes and
94 saws,which enabledboth the clearanceof forest and scrub
to take placemore easilyand the ploughingof heaviersoils. 'Pax Romana'
As alreadyhintedearlierthe felling of woodlandmight itself
provide a useful capital return. But as the clearancein-
creased,so greaterwould have becomethe surplusof pro-
duction which could be usedto satisfy other markets.The
growth of profits would ultimately haveled to the accumu-
lation of capital, since probably not all of the annualyield
would havebeenneededfor the ordinaryrunningexpenses
43 Aerial photogrdphof the
exposedMea of the villa at
Witcol1lbe (CIos.j. The dId
lies on the sCdrpof the
Cotswolds overlooking thl'
SevernValley and CIOllcester

of the farm. As a rough and readyguide, therefore,the size

and standardof furnishing of a villa is a measurenot of the
size of a farm but of its profi tabili ty.
However,therearecomplications,of which it is wise to be
aware, before using this yard-stick in a wholesalemanner.
Villas can representvarious classesof land-using people
andtherearea numberof permutationswhich canbe made.
They can representthe permanentdomesticresidencesof
the land-owning gentry, farming large acreages,perhaps
with the help of tenantsor dependants.But in the main,
we might suspectthat, with one or two exceptions,these
arrangementswere confined to the fourth century. Equally
they could representthe residencesof the tenantfarmers.
Alternatively they might be the houses of bailiffs or
managersrunning large estatesfor absenteelandlords,into
which categorywe shouldalsofit thoseusedby the imperial
procurator'smen for administeringimperial estates,suchas
the building called a principia at Combe Down near Bath.
They could also be the housesof small-scalefreeholders. 95
'Pax Romana'
44 LL'ad sc'al isslIL'd by the
procuratorof Britannia
Superiorand found in the
I'I'illeiplll at CombeDown, out-
side Bath. It is stampedl'BR5
for P(mpillcinc) Br(it£7llllinc) .
5(lIl'crioris). This villa was the
headquarters of an imperial
estate.
96
Finally, since the word villa was, and is, not always used
strictly to meana farm, they could representthe residences
of those engagedin industrial enterprises,such as mineral
extraction or pottery-making.So the complexitiesof land-
ownershipand use in the Romanperiod were probablynot
muchlessthan thoseof today. Sinceour information for the
period is so slight it is seldompossibleto judgethe relation-
ship betweenone villa and its neighbours. Since, also, a
market economywas functioning, estatescould be bought
andsold, expandedor contracted,andevensequestrated by
the emperor;all were eventswhich might producelittle or
no immediatevisible alterationin the appearance of the villa
residence at the centre, but might be important for its
economiclife.
In view of the foregoingassessment, it is probablyright to
conclude that the few early villas of substancewere the
propertiesof people already in possessionof good capital
resources. The palatial residence at Fishbourne, near
Chichester, has been linked with the client king of the
southern Atrebates, Cogidubnus, and there are many
features of the building which might well justify such
a conclusion, but for the fact that it was barely com-
pletedbeforethe supposeddateof his death.Lesscertainty
attachesto the other splendid building at Eccles in west
Kent, but if it is right to associatethe Kentish kingdom with
Adminius, as hasbeensuggestedon coin evidence,it is not
impossiblethat it washe who built it. As the only known ally
of Rome among the hostile Catuvellauni, it is more than
likely that he returnedto Britain in the wake of the Roman
army. But suchmenwould alreadybe possessed of consider-
able fortunes,which may havebeensupplemented by their
servicesin the Romancause,and, providing the inclination
was there, they could haveequippedthemselveswith spec-
tacular country housesin the latest fashion. The contrast 'Pax Romana'
comeswhen we considerPrasutagus,the client king of the
Iceni, who, despitehis supposedwealth, doesnot seemto
have felt the need for such an outward display of pro-
Romanenthusiasm,for no villa of this classor early datehas
yet beenfound in Norfolk. We must not forget, either, the
possibility that theseearly villas were the result of the in-
vestmentof foreign capital in a new provinceon the part of
merchants,who sawthe opportunityto buy themselvesinto
the land-owningclasses.
But for the larger proportionof Romano-Britishvillas, we
can probably infer that they were developedby local land-
ownersor tenantfarmersfor their own use. In mostcasesit
was the endof the first centurybeforeRoman-stylearchitec-
ture replacedthe native round-house,and the earliest of
such buildings were usually extremely simple, often con-
sisting of no more than a single block with, perhaps,an
externalcorridor. Nevertheless,by the later secondcentury
many of thesehad becomemuch larger, often by the addi-
tion of subsidiary wings to the original nucleus, and, al-
thoughthe standardswerestill comparativelymodestwhen
comparedwith the best town housesof the period, they
appearto havebeencomfortabledwellings. Improvements
can also be noted in the farm buildings, with barns and
granariesconstructedto houseanimals,cerealsand equip-
ment. A well-built, damp-and rodent-proofgranarywould
in many ways have contributedmost to the successof the
establishmentfor, by storing the grain until mid-winter or
the spring, it would have commandeda much higher price
when releasedon to the market. Equally, shelteredstock-
yards and sheep-pens,togetherwith winter fodder crops
like hay or roots, would haveenabledmore fresh meatto be
supplied all the year round. In the Iron Age, We might
suspectthat there was a glut of fresh meat in the autumn
when surplusstock was slaughteredbecauseof the lack of
winter feed, followed by a considerablescarcity until the
following springwith only smoked,dried or saltedvarieties
available.Economically,therefore,suchbuildings, together
with their stock and stored crops, representeda very big
advancein farming methods, leading to a much higher
degreeof profitability. A secondaryeffect would havebeen
the introduction of a more balanceddiet all the year round
andconsequentlya healthierpopulation.
During the third century, the countrysidewas touchedto
somedegreeby the political andeconomicuncertaintyof the
times. Moreover, we are as yet unable to say how the civil
war at the endof the secondcenturyaffectedprivateestates 97
'Pax Romana' in Britain. If, as in Spain, large-scalesequestrationstook
place, as they may well have done, the sequel for the
country housesmight have beenserious,leading to disuse
andneglect.
A numberof attemptshave beenmaderecently to relate
villas to their estates,ranging from simple calculationsof a
granary's capacity, assessedin terms of crop yields and
acreages,to more detailedcomputationsof stock holdings,
cultivated areas,natural woodland and grazing. But such
figures, although attractive and well worthwhile, must
alwaysbe viewedwith extremecaution,sincethey canonly
representthe most generalpicture of the farming economy
of the time. Nevertheless,they area beginningandit is only
throughsuchstudiesthat we shall perhapsone day obtaina
fuller understandingof the villa system and its related
agriculturalpractices.
Not all farming in Britain during the Roman period was
associatedwith villas. In a numberof placesin the lowland
areas,suchasCranbourneChase,the Fens,alongthe South
Downs andelsewhere,native-stylefarms continuedto exist
during the second and third centuries. It is sometimes
arguedthat the first two areaswere imperial estates,with
the inhabitantsbeing either tenantsor slaves. Such farms
sometimesformed loose nucleationswhich, in the Fens,
seldom exceeded a dozen or so individual dwellings,
whereasin Wiltshire they appearas sizeablevillages. On
the South Downs they seemto be placed on the marginal
upland grazing of the villas down on the Sussexcoastal
plain. It is, therefore,exceedinglydifficult to explain their
relativepositionwith the villas. It may be that they represent
small free-holderswho possessedneither the capital, nor
the meansto accumulateit, to advancetheir stationin life, or
possiblythey were tenantsor slavesof a villa estate.
The traditional patternssurvivedto a greaterextentin the
south-west,Wales and the hill country of northernBritain.
The basic farm unit in much of Devon and Cornwall re-
mained,as in the Iron Age, an enclosedhouse-typeknown
as the 'round'. They were near-circular,or sometimessub-
rectangular, enclosures containing one or more round
houses.The earthbankswhich surroundedthemwerethick
andstone-faced,but were unlikely to havebeenfor defence;
insteadthey were probably intendedto provide shelter, to
preventstockand children strayingfar from the house,and
to keep out maraudingwild animals. During the Roman
period, however, a characteristicdevelopmentwas the
courtyard house, seemingly derived from the round, in
98 which a numberof rooms, mostly circular in shape,were
containedwithin a thick outerwall and openedinwardson 'Pax Romana'
to a central court. Clusters of these housesformed small
villages, suchas that at Chysausterin Cornwall.
Similar basicfarming units existedin Walesandthe north,
althoughtherewere a numberof both regionaland chrono-
logical variations. On occasion, disused hill-forts were
turned into farms, such as that at Dinorben in north-east
Wales, where the owner was not only practisingthe most
up-to-datemethodsof farming, but was also still living in a
traditional Iron Age round-house.He should, therefore,be
seenas a man who, in the lowland area, would probably
have aspired in time to a villa, but owing to a lack of
incentive or example,or to an innateconservatism,did not
do so.
There is much evidencefor the fields associatedwith the
many different types of farm. The so-calledCeltic fields of
the Iron Age survived in many placesthrough the Roman
period and the total area devoted to them may then well
havebeenincreased.There is also evidencein someplaces
that fields of this type werebeingreplacedby thoseof larger
size, which presumably made ploughing easier with a
heavier machine. In other places, notably the Fens, settle-
ments frequently had pockets of small, rectangular en-
closures,which may have beenusedfor horticultural pur-
poses,or for enclosingstock. Likewise, other farms suchas
Rockbourne, Hants., seem to have been associatedwith
large, dyked areas that were probably cattle or sheep
ranches.It is still difficult to associatethe majority of villas
with their cultivated areasand, although some may have
continued to use Celtic fields, it is not impossible that a
systemof openfields was employedin many, which unfor-
tunatelyleavelittle traceof their boundaries.
Binding both the towns and the countrysideof Britain
together was a system of communications far more
developedthanany in the Iron Age. Most of the main roads
were first laid out to supportthe lines of military advance
acrossEngland, Wales and finally Scotland,and no doubt
continuedto serve for the movementof troops and stores
even after their upkeepwas relegatedto the local, civilian
authorities.Lesserroadswere graduallyaddedto the main
trunk systemand so linked minor towns and villages with
the major. But many smallersettlementsandoutlying farms
musthavecontinuedto usemeandering,unmetalledtrack-
ways. The cost of upkeep of the system was probably
considerable,roads, in the absenceof tar macadam,de-
generatingrapidly to ruttedtracksafter the frosts andrain of
winter. Annual maintenancemust, therefore, have been 99
45 A length of unmetalled
trackwaydiscoveredduring
the constructionof the
reservoirRutland Water.
Traffic had causedsome
erosionof the bedrock forming
a slightly hollowed way, in the
bottom of which wheel-ruts
can be seen.Sucha track led
probablyfrom a minor road to
a small farm or settlement
46 A cross-sectionof a carvel-
built boat found at Blackfriars,
London, on the north bankof
the Thames,togetherwith
reconstructedmodelsof this
and the Countv Hall boat, in
the Museumof London. The
latter, from County Hall,
is thought to be of
Mediterraneanbuild
necessary to repair the surfaces and to ensure the best
possibledrainage,
Despite the improvement in communications brought
about by the construction of an adequate network, road
transport always remained expensive, which must have
placed severerestrictions on its use over long distances. It
has been calculated that a half-tonne load carried over some
500 km would have doubled in price by the time it reached
its destination. Consequently, use was made, wherever
possible, of water transport. This was an ideal method for
carrying heavy, bulky or fragile goods and must have been
very much cheaper. Britain, as with Gaul, was favoured by
an extensive river system and many natural harbours, and
the degree to which they were used for transport has prob-
ably always been underestimatedowing to lack of evidence.
Indeed it can be shown that much of the pottery production
reached its markets, often a considerable distance from the
 'Pax Romana'

47 Masonry rdief of a large

four-wheeledwaggondrawn
by three horsesplacedabreast,
from the Igel monument,Trier
(W. Germany)
factories,by way of river andcoastwiseroutes,so thatwares
manufacturedin EastAnglia or the EastMidlands travelled
asfar as the northernfrontiers. It hasoftenbeenclaimedthat
the Car Dyke of the Lincolnshireand CambridgeFenswas
constructed as an artificial waterway, linking the river
systemsof the Wash with those of the Humber. Recent
researchhas, however, shown that this was unlikely and
that it was more probably part of an extensiveland recla-
mation scheme.Aids to navigationwere few, althoughan
army river pilot is known to have operatedon the Humber
and a pair of lighthouses, set one on either side of the
harbourentrance,guidedshipsinto Dover at night.
A further benefit of the pax Romanawas the trading links
madebetweenBritain and other provinces,now sharinga
largely common currency. Goods reachedBritain from all
partsof the empire and there were especiallystrongbonds
with the Gaulish, Spanishand Germanprovinces. Wine,
oil, pottery, metalwork, glasswareand other manufactured
goods, for which there is much less evidence, arrived in
Britain in large quantities,being shippedto major ports like
London or York where, at both sites, quaysare known. In
return, Britain mostly exported raw materials such as
metals, grain, leather and skins and wool, although there
are indications of some manufacturedgoods being in-
cluded. Occasionallymore exotic articlesarrived; a pieceof
silk damaskis known from a Kentish burial, while different
kinds of coloured marblesand other building stonesfrom
the Mediterraneanwere shippedfrom time to time to em-
bellish both public andprivatebuildings.
The increasedopportunities for trade encouragednot
only agricultural producersbut also manufacturers.The 101
'P,n I\omana' materialsknown to RomanBritain remainedthe sameas in
the Iron Age, but the scale of working becamemuch in-
creased.It would seemthat imperial controlwasmaintained
over the areasproducingores of lead and silver and these
were for a time often worked under direct military super-
vision in Somerset,Derbyshireand Flintshire. But private
contractorscould obtainleasesof the mineswhich werealso
possibly vestedin the local authority. British lead certainly
travelledto Gaul, while it is to be expectedthat much of the
silver went to augmentsuppliesto the imperial mints for
coinage. Neverthelesssome almost certainly reachedthe
civilian markets and, as already noted above, there were
silversmiths practising in several towns. Lead was ex-
tensivelyusedfor plumbing, for the manufactureof coffins
and, alloyedwith tin as pewter,for tableware.Tin itself was
obtainedfrom Cornwall, but little official interestseemsto
havebeentakenin it before the fourth century. Apart from
pewter, tin was mainly used to give a silvery coating to
bronzeornamentsandvessels.Only one gold mine appears
to have beenworked in the Romanperiod at Dolocauthiin
south-westWales, and there again, as with silver, imperial
control appearsto have been exercised.Thesemines cer-
tainly seemto havebeenamongthe mostefficiently worked
in Britain with both open-castand galleried versions in
operation.Provisionwas madefor their drainageby water-
wheelsand a numberof aqueductsbroughtwaterto the site
to aid both the mining and extraction processes.Again,
however,someof the metal seemsto havebeensold on the
open market and manufacturinggoldsmithsworked there
andin otherplaces.Copperwaschiefly obtainedfrom north
Wales, Anglesey and the Marches but not in sufficient
quantities,seemingly,to warrantofficial interference.It was
used, either by itself or alloyed as brass or bronze, for
making many objects of personal adornmentas well as
tableware, statuettes,fittings on furniture and carts and
military equipment.Indeedthe objectsoccur so commonly
in Britain that it mustbe doubtful if the local sourceswould
havebeensufficient to supplyall the needs.
Iron was probably the most important metal to be pro-
duced and also the most abundantlyoccurring. Extensive
extractiontook placein the Weald, the Forestof Deanandin
a wide belt following the Jurassiclimestonefrom Oxford-
shire to Lincolnshire. Its use was equally extensiveand it
becamea necessityfor the building industryaswell asmany
othertrades.Probablyoneof the principal advancesin tech-
nology, whencomparedwith the Iron Age, wasthe produc-
]02 tion of good-quality, well-temperedtools for carpenters,
 stonemasonsand the like. Newly-introduced processes 'Pax Romallcl'
suchascase-hardening andcarburationenableda mild steel
to be producedwhich wasof an undoubtedadvantagein the
manufactureof tools and weaponsof all kinds.
Of other industries, perhapsthat devoted to the pro-
duction of ceramic goods is the most fully documented.
Wheel-madepottery was being madein Britain before the
Roman conquest,but the quantities turned out after the
invasion increased enormously. In addition to locally-
producedwares, several major centrescan be identified
whosewarestravelledmorewidely; amongthemin the first
and secondcenturiescan be quotedColchester,Mancetter-
Hartshill, the Isle of Purbeck,the Nenevalley and Cantley,
Doncaster,most of which manufacturedtheir own charac-
teristic vessels. A good deal of researchhas been done
recentlyto showthe distantmarketswhich theseareasoften
servedin addition to their own localities. An extensionof
the industry producedboth brick and tile, which were re-
quired in great quantitiesfor building construction.Unlike
the pottery industry, however,which remainedvery much
in the handsof individual pottersor small firms, mostbrick
production seemsto have beenundertakenby larger con-
cerns. The imperial procurator'sdepartmentmade bricks
and tiles for use in public and official buildings in London,
while the municipal authority at Gloucester likewise
possessed its own kilns; in eachcasestampson the products
denotedownership.Otherlarge private firms are known in
the Cirencesterregion. Moreover, the army frequently pro-
vided its own materials,sometimesamalgamatingthe pro-
duction of brick and tile with pottery; works depots are
thought to have existed outsidemost legionary fortresses,
like that known at Holt, Denbighshire,which served the
fortressat Chester.
There were certainly other industries connectedwith
textiles and leather, but they are much less susceptibleto
archaeologicalinvestigationsincemost of the materialswill
haveperished.One literary sourcedoes,however,mention
an imperial weaving mill, probably at Winchester,but the
building has never been identified. Occasionally water-
logged conditions on a site will enable some evidenceto
survive, such as that which suggestsa large tannery at
Catterick, but they tend to be rare. Equally, the evidencefor
other extractive industriesonly rarely survives to indicate
the stone,gravel, sandor clay quarrieswhich providedthe
raw materials of the building industry, or for open-cast
coal-mines, which yielded fuel for both industrial and
domestic purposes; most have been destroyed in more ILl]
'Pax Romana' recent workings. Salt, on the other hand, an essentialre-
quirementfor curing skins, preservingmeatand fish andas
an element in the diet, was extracted from sea-waterin
numerousplacesroundthe coast,suchasin the Thamesand
Severnestuariesand the Wash.A gooddealof evidencehas
survivedto showhow the processworkedfirst by the initial
concentration,and then by the final evaporation,of sea-
waterin ceramicpansover openfires.
Another major benefit of the pax Romanawas the estab-
lishment of an adequatesystemof law and order, admini-
stered at different levels. In most provinces native laws,
where they existed, were still respected,but the Roman
systemof administrationprovidedpropercourtswheredis-
putescould be settledand arbitrationobtained.Most minor
casescould be tried by the local magistrates,but they were
under an obligation to remit more important ones to the
governor'sassizecourt. Romancitizenshadalwaysto abide
by Roman law, so that conflicts could, and did, arise be-
tween Roman and native, which had to be settled. It was
always open, too, for a Roman citizen to appeal to the
emperor'scourts in Rome, providing he had the money
to pay the cost of transporting and maintaining all the
witnessesuntil the casecame for trial. We know of some
instanceswherethis must havehappened.
It was probablyin the realmsof religion andburial that the
leasteffectwasfelt after the Romanoccupation.Many native
cults continuedin use, respectedalike by both Briton and
Roman.Someclassicalcults becamepopularwith the native
populationand in doing so often receiveda veneerof celti-
cism, frequently becomingwholly identified with a native
deity. Fundamentally,the religiousandsuperstitiousbeliefs
of both sideswere too close for much friction to be gener-
ated, and it was only with the politically-biasedcults such
as Druidism or Christianity that the Romans interfered.
Similarly the belief in an after-life regulatedthe burial prac-
tices of both classical and Celtic worlds, provision for it
usuallybeingmadeby the inclusionin the graveof personal
possessions,relating to the person's wealth, and by a
supply of food and drink. Both cremationand inhumation
were practisedaccording to the prevailing fashion of the
time. Some of the more advancedIron Age peopleshad
erectedbarrows over their graves, which could be either
squareor circular, and the counterpartin the Romanworld
is to be seenin the elaboratecircular mausoleum,often built
wholly in masonry, but sometimescontaining an earthen
core. The only wholly foreign habit which seemsto have
104 beenintroducedto Britain was the Romanpracticeof mark-
ing a graveby meansof an upright standingstone,bearing 'Pax Romana'
on it an inscription describing the dead person and
sometimesaccompaniedby a pictorial representation.
By and large, therefore, it can be seen that the Britons
benefited materially from the Roman conquest; on the
spiritual sidelittle wasgained.It might be arguedin termsof
modern political jargon that they lost their freedom when
they becamesubject to the Roman imperial power. But in
order to acceptsuch a hypothesis,we would first have to
establish that they were free in the real, and not in the
modernpolitical, sensebeforethe Romansarrived, and that
would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to do.
Admittedly tribal leaderscould make war on their neigh-
bours, or exercisearbitrary justice over their peoples,or
even sell them into slavery, but that hardly amountedto
freedom for the subjectpeoplesunder them. The only real
freedomwas enjoyedby the leadersthemselves,so that for
the vast massof the populationthe Romanoccupationcan
have madelittle difference; for many life would have been
equallygrim in both periods.

lOS
 Chaptersix The peopleof Roman
Britain - the army and
the administration
During the first and secondcenturiesin Britain, the headof
both military andcivilian administrationswasthe governor,
who was personally appointed by the emperor. Since
Britain was an imperial as opposedto a senatorialprovince,
andcontainedmorethanonelegion, he wasnormally a man
who had been consul in Rome but who, for reasonsof
protocol, took the lower title of legatus augusti pro praetore.
Thereafter,with the division of Britain into two provincesin
the early third century, Superiorand Inferior, the govern-
ment of Britannia Superiorremainedin the handsof a con-
sul, while the lesser province, with only one legion, was
governedby a man of praetorianrank.
We know the namesandsomethingof the careersof about
three dozen consulargovernors, togetherwith those of a
half-dozenor so praetoriangovernorsof Britannia Inferior.
Thesemen were drawn from the senatorialorder at the top
of society and, as with the lower orders, if enteringpublic
service, they followed a set career structure, the cursus
honorum, which was carefully designedto provide a wide
rangeof experiences,both civil and military, to fit them for
their work. The first step takenas a youngman was often a
tribuneshipin a legion, and at leastone governorof Britain,
Julius Agricola, so served his first appointmentin this
province. Tribunes acted primarily as staff officers to the
legionarycommanderand would havebeenin an excellent
position to gain first-hand experiencein the arts of warfare
and military administration. Then would have followed
oneof a seriesof lessermagistracies,after which the rank of
quaestorwould be attained,usually at the minimum ageof
25, and at which stageentry to the senatecould be gained;
the duties of quaestorwere mainly financial and the posts
were distributedbetweenthe senatorialprovinces,assisting
the governors, and Rome, where attendanceupon the
emperoror consulswas required. Julius Agricola held the
quaestorshipin Asia, while QuintusVeraniusand Neratius
Marcellus, governorsin Britain from c.AD 57-9 and 103
respectively,were both quaestorsto the emperor.The post
was the lowestof the regularmagistracies,from which pro-
106 motion, for a patrician, was often secureddirect to the
praetorship,or even omitted altogether,in which casehe Army and
could proceeddirectly to the consulship;for a plebeianthe administration
normal step to the praetorshipwas by way of the office of
tribune of the people. Originally in the Republic, the
praetors,varying in number from time to time, were re-
sponsible for the administration of justice and also for
certain military matters, but their importance declined
under the principate and the job ultimately became an
48 Trajan'sColumnerectedin
the Forumof Trajanin Romein
AD 113 to celebratethe em-
peror'sDacianvictories. The
columncarriesa continuous
spiralof decorationfrom top to
bottom in which are shown
scenesfrom the campaigns

107
Army and honoraryposition. In the sameway the office of tribune of
administration the people, while embracingmuch power in the Republic,
ostensibly in protecting the lives and property of the
common people, mainly from exploitation by the Senate,
likewise declinedin importance,losing most of its practical
functions; neverthelessthere was still political capital to be
made from the post, and most emperors personally
accepted its annual conferment. Among the British
governors, several, including Quintus Veranius, Julius
Agricola, and Platorius Nepos, builder of Hadrian'sWall,
are known to have held office as tribunes of the people
before proceeding to the praetorship. Ultimately in the
principate there were eighteenpraetorsand the minimum
agefor attainingthe postwas setat 30.
The command"of a legion would normally follow the
praetorshipand at least two governorsof Britain, Petillius
Cerealisand Julius Agricola, held legionary commandsin
the provincethey werelater to govern.Petillius Cerealiswas
legateof Legio IX at the time of the Boudiccanrebellion, in
which the legion suffered a severe reverse, losing many
men. However, it doesnot seemto haveaffectedhis career,
for he returnedto Britain as governorin the early 70s, when
Agricola was commandingLegio XX. The latter's experi-
ence of Britain was, therefore, further expandedby the
campaigninto Brigantia, during which he would havebeen
able to assessthe fighting qualitiesof the hill-people of the
north and so was, in many ways, better-equippedfor
the war he was later to conduct there when he became
governor. After a legionary command,the next stepwas to
the governorshipof a praetorianprovince,eitherimperial or
senatorial.Agricola becamegovernorof Aquitaniain south-
west Gaul; Platorius Nepos was promoted to be imperial
legateof Thrace, which only becamea praetorianprovince
under Trajan. The term of office in such a post varied in
lengthbut wason averageaboutthreeyears,after which the
person, if fortunate, might return to Rome to accept the
consulship.
Oncea consulshiphad beenheld a whole seriesof senior
promotionscamewithin reach,while often at this stagealso
some form of priesthood was conferred, so uniting the
secular and sacredoffices. Being a consular province, all
governorsof Britain would have previously held a consul-
ship, and in a number of casescame fresh from it to the
province. Such was the case with PetroniusTurpilianus,
who succeededSuetoniusPaullinusin the aftermathof the
Boudiccanrebellion and who, togetherwith his successor,
108 TrebelliusMaximus, waslargely responsiblefor the ultimate
pacification. Otherswent first to different provincesbefore Army and
reaching Britain and Julius Severus, governor from administration
AD 127-33, servedin Dacia Superiorand Moesia Inferior,
on the Danube,before takingup his British post. But, even
though a man could become governor of an imperial
provinceimmediatelyafter his consulate,he had to wait ten
years before obtaining jurisdiction over a senatorial
province of consularrank. Consequently,most men who
were ultimately promotedto oneof the two suchsenatorial
provinces, Asia and Africa, had seen much service else-
where. Either of these two positions was consideredthe
crowning successof a careerand a numberof menwho had
been governorsof Britain, such as Didius Gallus, Vettius
Bolanus, Julius Frontinus and Lollius Urbicus, went on to
reach this peak of achievement,failing or after which, a
series of posts in Rome itself were available, perhapsin-
cluding anotherconsulship,or to be prefectof Rome,or one
of a number of positions supervisingthe most important
public works suchas aqueductsor sewers,or one of several
religiousoffices. JuliusFrontinus,for instance,not only held
a second consulship after leaving Asia, but also became
successivelycuratorof the city's watersupplyandconsulfor
the third time. While in chargeof the aqueducts,he com-
pletely reorganisedtheir managementon a much more
efficient basis, suppressingmany of the corrupt practices
which had becomeassociatedwith them. In so doing, he
recordedhis activitiesin a treatisewhich is still invaluablein
consideringthe problems of urban water supplies in the
empire; he also found time to write books on military
strategy,much of which must have beenbasedon his ex-
periencesas governorof Britain, when he was responsible
for the pacification of Wales. He also combinedthis work
with the sacrificial duties of augur. Lollius Urbicus became
prefectof Romeafterbeinggovernorof Africa, which healso
combinedwith a priestly duty. Some governorsof Britain
were not so fortunate. Both OstoriusScapulaand Quintus
Veranius died in office, while for Julius Agricola and for
someothersit seemsto haverepresentedthe virtual termin-
ation of their public careers.By way of contrast, Helvius
Pertinax, governor from AD 185-90, ultimately became
emperorfor a few brief months at the end of the second
century, and another,Clodius Albinus, just afterwards,set
himself up as a claimant in the civil war of AD 193-6 and
was recognisedas Caesarby SeptimiusSeverus.
Suchwerethe men, manyof themamongthe ablestin the
empire,who were sentto governBritain. Few, after the first
century,camefrom Italy, but weredrawnfrom a wide range 109
Army and of provinces.JuliusAgricola wasbornin ForumJulii (Frejus)
administration in Gallia Narbonensis,Platorius Nepos came from Spain,
Julius Severusfrom Aeguum in Dalmatia, Lollius Urbicus
from Numidia and PompeiusFalco probablyfrom Cilicia in
modern Turkey. Sometimesalso, careerswere helped to
prosperby meansof an advantageous marriageandit would
appearthat Petillius Cerealiswasa son-in-lawof Vespasian,
while Agricola was undoubtedlyaidedby his marriageto a
daughterof a Narbonensiansenator.Suchwasthe casewith
Rufinus; at the outsetof his careerin the equestrianorder
as a tribune of an auxiliary regiment stationed at High
Rochester,he had married Julia Lucilla, a woman of sena-
torial rank, but he died while in north Britain; had he lived
his wife would no doubt have helped his advancementto
the senatorialorder. It can be seen, also, that such men,
before coming to Britain, obtainedthe widest possibleex-
perienceof the affairs of state, both in civil and military
matters. In time it became a regular feature for future
governorsof Britain to commanda legion and hold office as
a praetoriangovernorin one of the front line provincessuch
as Pannonia,Dacia or Germanywhere they might experi-
enceconditionssimilar to what could be expectedin Britain.
Some, nevertheless, were better administrators than
generals, or vice versa, while others managedto com-
bine the two roles without difficulty. The duties of a prov-
incial governormight rangefrom adjudicatingin the courts
betweendisputantsclaiming settlementsaccordingto both
Roman and Celtic law, to the conducting of severecam-
paignsin the mountainousareasof Walesor the north, andit
can be appreciatedthereforethat in the main thesewere no
ordinary men; the careerstructurehad seento it that only
the fittest survived. Admittedly, it is true that some prov-
incial governorswerealso rogues,but Britain seemsto have
beensparedthe worst excesses.
In someprovincesat certaintimes the military dutiesof a
governor must have been paramount,in which case the
civilian side of the administrationcould well have suffered
neglect.Consequently,we find from the time of the Flavian
emperorslegal assistantsbeing appointed to help in the
courts.Thesemen, also from the senatorialorder, rankedas
legatesandwere personallychosenby the emperor,the full
title being legatusiuridicus; normally they were of praetorian
statusand actedas a deputy in legal matters,althoughthe
ultimate responsibility for all decisionsremainedwith the
governor. In addition such an officer might be called upon
occasionallyto act as governor, as happenedin Britain to
llU Antius Crescensearly in the third century. We know the
 49 Dedication(CIL III, 9960) to
IavolenusPriscus,legal officer
of Britain, from Nedinum
(Dalmatia).The inscription
reads:
C(aio) Octal'io Tidio Tossiallo
lavolclIO Prisco leg(ato) lcg(ionis) lV
Flav(ia) leg(ato) leg(iollis) III
AlIg(llsta) illridic(o) provil1c(iae)
Hrittalllliac icg(ato) cOllslllari
provillc(iae) Genl1(al1iae)superioris
legatocOllslIlari provillc(iac) Syriae
procollsllii provillc(iac) Africae
pOlltifici P(ublills) Mlitilius Plibli
filills C/a(udia) Crispill/IS
t(estnmellto)p(olli) i(lIssit) amico
carissil110
'To CaiusOctaviusTidius
Tossianuslavolenus Prisclls,
legateof the Fourth Legion
Flavia, legateof the Third Legion
Augusta,law officer of the
Provinceof Britain, consular
governorof the Provinceof
UpperGermany,consular
governorof the Provinceof Syria,
proconsulof the Provinceof
Africa, priestof the sacred
college;PubliusMutilius
Crispinus, son of Publiusof the
Claudiantribe, orderedthis to be
set up underhis will, to his
dearestfriend.'

namesof five holdersof the post in Britain, amongwhom

should be mentioned the first two, Salvius Liberalis and
Javolenus Priscus. Liberalis was acquainted with the
younger Pliny, who regardedhim highly as an advocate,
and he cameto the particular notice of Vespasian in a case
involving a Greekmillionaire. He was succeededin Britain
by Priscus,who waswell known for his writings on Roman
law andwho later becameheadof a famousschoolof jurists
in Rome. Both men servedin Britain at the time of the great
expansionof the province underthe Flavian governorsand
it is likely that much of the successfulpolitical and admini- 111
Army and strative arrangementsthen made had beenplacedin their
administration hands. Priscus, a native of Dalmatia, went on to follow a
most distinguished career, governing in turn Upper
Germany, Syria and Africa. Knowledge of the law and its
operations, including advocacy, was therefore also an
essentialingredientin the make-upof the senatorialcareer,
it being expectedthat at sometime or anothera man might
well have to plead on behalf of one of his clients. Under
Hadrian, however, changeswere made and a systemwas
introducedwherebythe senatorialjurist becamesupplanted
by a professionallawyer from a lower social order, the
equestrianclass.In this respectit is worth noting one man,
Volusius Maecianus,who beganhis careerby commanding
an infantry regiment under Hadrian. He then took to the
law, rising to becomeprefectof Egypt, andwas also chosen
to give legal instructionto MarcusAurelius before the latter
becameemperor.
The next most important man to the governor in the
provincial administration was the imperial procurator,
againnominatedby the emperor,and entirely independent
of the governor's jurisdiction. He controlled all financial
matterssuchas tax and revenuecollection and the admini-
stration of imperial estatesand mines. Procuratorswere
recruited from the equestrianorder of society, the next in
descentfrom the senatorial, and, as with that class, pos-
sessedtheir own career structure. To achieve equestrian
rank it was necessaryto be free-bornand to possesswealth
to the value of 400,000 sestercesas comparedwith one
million sestercesfor entry into the senatorialclass. As a
result the order was open to many provincialsand even to
retired legionary centurions. An eques Romanus, possibly
called Macrinus, died at Colchester,wherehis fragmentary
tombstonewas found; he is the only British representative
known, apartfrom imperialofficials servingin the province.
Procuratorsoccupied different levels of rank and their
seniority was gradedaccording to the the salary they re-
ceived. The procurator of Britain commandeda salary of
200,000sesterceswhich was on a par with most otherprov-
incial holdersof the office. We haveonly the namesof some
ten or so in the British province and for most the position
seemsto have been the peak of their career, only a few
thereafterrising higher in the imperial service.Perhapsthe
best known are CatusDecianus,whoseactionsstimulated
the Boudiccanrebellion, and Julius Classicianuswho was
responsiblefor copingwith the aftermath,and who died in
office in London. His fragmentarytombstoneunfortunately
112 hasmissing that part which would have given hiscareerin
detail, but it tells us that he was married to Julia Pacata, Army and
daughter of Julius Indus, a citizen of Trier. Indus had administration
distinguishedhimself in helping to crush a revolt in the
Rhineland in AD 21, and had also commandeda cavalry
regimentwhich, later, under its name the ala Indiana, was
stationedat Cirencestersometimeafter the invasion. It is
probablethat Classicianuswas himself a Rhinelander,and,
beinga provincial, might havebeenexpectedto show more
sympathyto the Britons after the rebellion. 50 Altar dedicated(RIB 824) bv
A recentdiscoverymadeat Inveresk, eastof Edinburgh, M. MaeniusAgrippa, tribune'
which matchesanotherinscription found at an earlier date, of the first cohortof Spanidfds
is an altar dedicatedby anotherimperial procurator,Lucius set up at Marvport (Cumbria):
[oui Op(tiJl/(J) M (axilllo) ('I JllI/JI(iI")
Sabinianus.We can only speculateon the purposeof his Aug(lIsli) M (arcIIs) ,\1at'(Jlills)
journey to Scotland,which may havebeenconnectedwith flexible
AsripP(I1) trilnllllt::> po~(uit)

a censusof the population for taxation, on one of the oc- 'To Jupiter, bestclnd greatest,
and to the Deitv of the Emperor,
casionswhen Scotlandhad beenbrought within the prov- MarcusMaenius Agrippa,
ince, or with arrangementsfor the collection of customs tribuT1l', set this up.'
dutieson the new frontier. The full careerof M. Maenius
The normal careerstructure of an equestrianembraced Agrippa is providedbv
anotherinscription which was
first a number of military commands,these being in suc- set up in his honourin
cessionthe prefect of a quingenaryauxiliary infantry regi- Camerinum(elL XI, 5632). It
ment, tribune of a similar milliary unit, or in a legion, and recordsthat he held command
successivelyof the Second
prefectof a quingenarycavalry regiment.If a man was then Flavian Cohortof Britons, the
singled out to commandthe larger, and rarer, cavalry regi- first part-mountedCohortof
ment, one thousandstrong, he was almost sure of further Spaniards,the First Ala of
heavycavalrv of Caulsand
promotion. He might then be recruited into the procurat- l"l 11~oniflexible
'lns: and the British
orial service, which, as already shown, contained many fleet, ultimately becoming
different levels, ending, as with PompeiusHomullus, the Imperial Procuratorof Britain.
procuratorof Britain early in Trajan'sprincipate, by being
procuratorof Lugdunensisand Aquitania and culminating
as the emperor'ssecretaryto the treasury.Equally open to
the equestrianorder was the command of a fleet, and
MaeniusAgrippa had beenprefectof the British fleet, with
headquartersat Boulogne, before becoming procurator
of the province under Antoninus Pius. An inscription
mentioninganotherprefectof the samefleet showshow the
IOV~
equestrianorder could be penetratedby retired centurions, EFNVM'AJCD
for Flavius Quietushad previously beenchief centurionof MMAE,kG
Legio XX, basedat Chester,and while in this capacity he TRIBVN
hadled an expeditionaryforce to North Africa to helpquell a -vs
revolt. Yet anotherway of being selectedto commandan
auxiliary regimentas the first step to higher promotionwas
PO S
by entering the PraetorianGuard, the emperor'spersonal
bodyguard. After sixteen years' service a man might be
asked to undertake provincial service in a higher rank.
So we find PaterniusMaternus commandingan infantry
regiment of Nervians, possibly at Netherby, Aurunceius
/\,rl11\' and Felicessemusa tribune at nearby Bewcastle, and Flavius
adI1lll1istrd liun Maximianuscommandingan infantry regimentof Dacians
at Birdoswald;all hadbeensecondedfrom the Praetorians.
Before collection of taxes could take place, detailed
surveys of property and possessionshad to be made -a
census.Very occasionallya high senatorialofficial, or even
the emperorin person, supervisedsuch work, but it was
more normally done, especiallyafter the reform of the civil
serviceby Hadrian, by a procuratorappointedfor the pur-
pose. Statilius Optatus carried out these duties both in
Britain andGaul, while Gn. MunatiusAurelius Bassusheld
the post of censor of Roman citizens in the colonia at
Colchester. The latter's career, noted on an inscription
erectedin his home town of Nomentumin Italy, is charac-
teristic; he held three auxiliary commands,two of which
were with the same regiment, the second cohort of
Asturians, stationedin Britain, beforebecomingprocurator
and censor. He had also held various posts in the local
municipal administrationof his hometown, suchascurator
of the roads,patronof the city, priest, aedileand duumvir.
Equestrianprefectsor procuratorswere also employedto
govern certain imperial provinces, such as Rhaetia, in the
angle formed by the headwatersof the Rhine and Danube,
the provinces in the neighbourhoodof the Alps, the two
Mauretanian provinces in north Africa and also Egypt,
although the latter is always consideredas a special case.
Some provinces, such as Judaea and Thrace, were so
governed at first, but were later promoted to praetorian
or consular status. Unfortunately we know of only a few
officers who, having served in Britain, definitely reached
this peakof the equestriancareer,althoughsomeauthorities
considerthat, for a time, after the division of Britain into two
provinces, Britannia Inferior was a procuratorial province
over which the consular governor of Superior exercised
control. If so, then both Oclatinius Adventusand Cocceius
Nigrinus may have held office in this position early in the
third century;both areattestedon inscriptions,but thereare
difficulties in acceptingthis interpretation.
We should also rememberthat equestrians,on accumu-
lating sufficient wealth, could be promotedinto the sena-
torial order, especiallyin the later periods.Helvius Pertinax,
who, as already told, ultimately for a brief spell became
emperor, so began his career, starting as the prefect of a
part-mountedinfantry regiment of Gauls, and then pro-
ceedingby the normal stagesto provincial procurator,after
which he was elected to the senateand becamein turn
Hi governorof severalprovincesincluding Britain.
 It will alreadyhavebeenperceivedthat there was a con- Amw and
siderableoverlap in the early empirebetweenmilitary and administration
civilian appointments,with a high degreeof interchange-
ability between them. In the provincial hierarchy, the
legatesof legionsrankedhigh and could, theoretically,take
chargeof the administrationin the absenceof the governor,
in the sameway that we have seencould be doneby a law
officer. We haveinformationon somedozenor morelegion-
ary legates in Britain, either from inscriptions referring
directly, or obliquely, to them or from literary sources.One
is known from an honorific dedicationfrom Caerwent,the
only example of such an inscription in Britain. Tiberius
Claudius Paulinus commanded Legio II Augusta at
Caerleonearly in the third century. It is to be assumedthat
while there he performedsome helpful act or made some
gift to the Silures, whose civitas capital was at nearby
Caerwent.In return, he may havebeenelecteda patron,or
more simply his act was commemoratedby the erectionof a
statueand a record of his later career,madein the normal
manner. He had also been governor of senatorial Callia
Narbonensisand imperial Callia Lugdunensis, and, al-
though it is not recordedon this inscription, he returnedto
Britain to becomepraetoriangovernor of the province of
Inferior. There is an inscription from Vieux which confirms
his British governorship,and one of his clients, Sennius
Sollemnis,possiblyreturnedwith him asan assessor,work-
ing at the headquartersof Legio VI at York; this town was
also the capital of Britannia Inferior, and the governorwas,
in addition, legateof the legion.
Another legionarylegatewho later distinguishedhimself
was Vespasian,who commandedLegio II Augusta in the
invasion forces. His biographer, Suetonius,mentions his
vigorous campaignin southernBritain in somedetail, and
the damageinflicted by the legion on native fortifications
and settlementshasbeenattestedby excavation.Vespasian
waslater given commandof an army in Judaeato suppressa
revolt of the Jews,andit was therethat he becameemperor,
beingso hailedfirst by troopsin Moesia,during the civil war
of AD 68-9. It is also of interest that in the sameyear the
governorof Britain, Trebellius Maximus, was forced to flee
owing to mutiny in the army. The civil war preventedthe
immediatedispatchof a replacementand for a short time
RosciusCoelius, legateof Legio XX, actedas governor.
In the lower echelonsof governmentservice there were
a large number of people, usually professional soldiers
secondedfor duty from army units and ranging from pri-
vatesto seniorcenturions.Little is known of their careersor 11S
Army Clnd private lives, although tombstones,when found, usually
administration indicate the office which they held at the time of death.
Attacheddirectly to the governor'sstaff were a numberof
clerks and orderlieswho carriedout dutiesin the praetorium
(governmentoffices). In chargewas the princeps, usually a
seniorcenturion;a tombstonefrom London, the provincial
capital, illustrates such a man carrying both a centurion's
vine-staff and a scroll. His name was Vivius Marcianus,
married to Januaria Martina; he belonged to Legio II
Augusta, and it has been suggested,not without reason,
that he was serving in London as princeps praetorii. Tomb-
stones of ordinary soldiers, as well as that of another
centurion, representingboth Legio VI and XX have also
been discoveredthere and possibly representmen of de-
tachmentssent to London for ceremonialor guard duties,
who were accommodatedin a specialfort built for them, in
the first half of the secondcentury,in the Cripplegateareaof
the city. Most interesting, however, is a fragmentary
monumenterectedto the memory of Celsus, speculatorof
Legio II Augusta, by three of his colleagues.Thirty such
officers were usually attachedto the governor'sstaff and
they wereresponsiblefor the arrestandcustodyof prisoners
and also for executions.They are seldom to be found far
away from the praetorium, and their presencein London is
the most valid indicator that the town was the provincial
capitaland seatof the governor,at any ratefrom the late first
centuryonwards.
Othergovernmentofficials of junior statuswere stationed
at various placesin the province, mostly engagedin police
duties, or in supervising the transport of army supplies.
They werecalledvariouslybelleficiarii, regiollarii, or stationarii
accordingto their work andwereoften attachedto someone
of superior rank. Hence, in Britain, there was a scatterof
belleficiarii or sillgulares cOllsularis. Three are known from
Catterick, where therewas an importantpostingstationon
oneof the principal main roadsto the northernfrontier. One
dedication,by a sillgularis Titus Irdas (?), to the god of roads
and paths, would seemto suggestthat he had some duty
connectedwith highways. An apparentsecondaryinscrip-
tion on the samealtar mentionsVarius Vitalis, a belleficiarius,
who restoredthe stone,presumablyto its original position.
Yet another official of similar rank, whose name has not
survived in full, set up a dedication there to the goddess
Suria. It is clear, therefore, from the successionof men
stationedat Catterick,that it wasa supervisorycentrefor the
provincial government.Further belleficiarii were postedat
110 Winchester,Dorchester(Oxon.) and Wroxeter, in the civ-
ilian part of the province, while others occur with some Armv ,llld
frequencyat northernforts. But apart from making general administrdtiOt1
deductionsit is difficult to saywhat their precisedutieswere
at each place. A more unusualofficial, a strator consularis,
Anicius Saturninus, was stationed at Irchester, near
Wellingborough. He may have been in charge of stables
which perhapscollectedhorses,on behalf of the governor,
by way of taxes, or by direct buying, presumablyas re-
51 Dr,1\\ illS of ,111 ill'icription
(now lost), from Dorchester-
ol1-Than1l's,on an altar (RIB
235) dL'dicatl'd bv a a /l[,ll['ti, idrlll'
«1llsll/oris. It read,:
I ("'I) Cl(l'lill/(l)\/ (nillln) r'I
,\"(II)!IIlIli/l(U::') AlIg(lI:.tOr/{Jll)
.v1 (arcus) Vl/r(iIlS) St7'l'rliS
flexible
h(clldit'iarills) ((J(II }s(lI{ilri~) I1!WI/
(/II/I nlIILt'I/i.., £111') S(UU) IJ((I..,lIlt)

flexible
'fl) jupikr, Bl'<..,t dlll..! Crl'<ltl'~t.

. I~O~M
dlld tn tht'! )L'ltll''''' ut the LIl1-
flexible
pl'rur"", 0.-1ar(u'-> \ <lril ~
flexible Sl'\ L'ru.."

:£TNMINB~AVG
I h'lll'tll/,mu", n1 tht..' gll\'l'rnOr, '->L't
up thh clltc1f \\ lth Ih '>l-rl't'll-, trnm
hl~ P\\ n IUlld..., .

.M"'A R~EV~VS
,.. B " CoS ,. J

lARAMI' CV!'1
jCANCELLIj' I

AI) ~ S A ~ ~1

placementsfor the army, but the precisefunctions of these

officers are not always certain. Another of similar rank,
CordiusCandidus,appearsto havebeenstationedat Dover,
where he may well have been in charge, in the docks, of
shipmentscrossingthe Channel.
Regionalsupervisionwas usuallyin the handsof a centur- 117
Army and ion, and one is known from Bath. SeveriusEmeritus re-
administration stored a shrine which had apparently been wrecked by
vandals, which act he commemoratedby the erection of
anotheraltar. Sometimesin specialcases,also, supervision
was combinedwith the commandof an auxiliary regiment,
as at Ribchester(Lancs.), where, towardsthe middle of the
third century, a regiment of heavy cavalry of Sarmatian
origin, from southernRussia,was stationedin the fort. At
52 Partof a dedimtion to the
Italian mothergoddesses by a
stmtor ClJllslliaris at Dover. It
reads: Cia
SI(ralor) co(ll)s(lIlaris) 01 (liS)
Cor[dills] Calldid(lIs) [Mal]ril>(lIs)
I lillie[ is I aedoll [fe jeil 1'(0111111)
s(cJ/z'CIIS) [l(ibclls) lII(erilo)]
'Transportofficer of the consular
governor,Oills Cordius
Candidus,built this shrine to the
Mother Goddesses of Italy, will-
inglv anddeservedlvfuli/fling his
\'0\\'.'

that time it wasbecomingincreasinglycommonfor troopsto

be recruitedfrom outsidethe empireand, on retirement,for
them to be settled in special areas around their forts. A
documentary source refers to a veteran settlement at
Ribchester,while two inscriptions from the site, together
with a suggestionfrom a third, an exceedinglyfragmentary
altar, refer to legionary centurionscommandingboth the
cavalry unit and the region, presumablycontaining the
settlement.Aelius Antoninus was secondedfor this duty
from Legio VI at York; Floridius Natalisdoesnot statewhich
legion he belongedto, and in the third instancethere is a
reference to a centurion of Legio XX, based at Chester,
lIt., whosenameis missing.
 In the procuratorial sphereof the administration,similar Army and
junior ranks existed, but we know little of them in Britain. administration
There were probably fairly numerousassistants,who may
have helpedin the central office or have beengiven charge
of animperialestateto manage.That suchmenwereoftenof
lowly origin is demonstratedby an inscription from a build-
ing referred to as a principia at Combe Down, just outside
Bath. It is a dedicationto Caracallain the early third century,
53 Altar irom Bath (RiB] 52)
erectedby a regional
centurion.It reads:
LOCIIIIl rcligioslllll per il/soIcllffall!
alltUI1l pir/uti et IllIIlIlll/i)
Alig(IlSti) rcpllrgatllll1 reddidit
G (ailis) S{'7.1cri1iS Emcritlls c(cllturio)
rt'g(iullt7rills)

'This holy spot, wreckedbv

insolenthandsand cleansed
afresh,Galus Sl'verius Emeritus,
centurionin chargeof the region,
hds restoredto the virtue dnd
deity' of the l'lllperOL'

119
Army and and mentionsan assistantprocurator,Naevius, who was a
administration freed imperial slave andwho was responsiblefor the build-
ing's restoration. Doubtless there were other men of his
class elsewhere in Britain, for there must have been a
numberof imperial estatesin the province.
Among professional soldiers the army obviously pos-
sessedits own promotional ladder, although as we have
already seen, the higher officers had their careerslinked
with the civilian administration.The processsaysmuch for
the high standardsreachedand maintainedby what were,
in effect, part-time officers. No professional,long-service
army, of Roman or more recent vintage, has ever been
happyunderthe commandof youngvolunteerofficers with
restrictedexperience.Unless the officers can be respected
for their ability and expertisein commandingmen, much
troublecanarise.In the Romanarmy this wasto someextent
circumventedby the existenceof the centurionate,long-
serving professionalsto a man, which acted as a buffer
between officers and men. Even today a young and in-
experiencedsubaltern,if he is sensible,will gratefully accept
help and advice, even on parade,from a veteranwarrant
officer or senior NCO, without in any way impairing the
relationshipbetweencommissionedofficer andotherranks:
similarly in the Romanarmy, with oneimportantexception.
The young and green tribune in the first posting of his
senatorialcareerrankedas the titular second-in-command
of the legion. It can seldomif ever havehappenedin recent
times that a newly-commissionedsubaltern, even in the
fiercestbattle, would suddenlyhavefound himselfactingas
divisional commander,after all his seniorshad beenkilled;
yet that could have been the equivalent position of the
tribune. It seemsunthinkable, therefore, that the tribune
would havetakencommandin battleif the legatewaskilled.
Nevertheless,tribuneswereoften given chargeof legionary
detachmentsworking away from the basefortress, such as
one who seems to have commandeda vexillation from
Legio VI at Corbridge. Consequently,in the Roman army
very greatreliancewas placedin the field on the centurions,
one to eachof the sixty centuriesinto which the legion was
divided. For tactical, rather than administrative, con-
veniencethe centurieswere groupedinto ten cohorts, the
first of which included in its strengthmost of the primarily
non-combatantranks. The centurionstook their seniority
from the number of their century and cohort, so that the
centurion of the first century of the first cohort was the
undisputed senior, professional, combatant soldier and
12() would presumablyhave beende facto second-in-command
in battle. It was thereforean extremely important position Armvand
and usually held for only a limited time immediatelybefore administration
retirement.
We have already referred to an instancewhere a chief
centurionhad enteredthe equestrianorder and beengiven
commandof the British fleet. Another post opento him on
retirementwas that of camp prefectof a legion. This officer
wasthird in the hierarchyof the legionarycommand,but his

54 Dedication to the emperors

Valerian and Gallienus(RIB
334) recordingthe restoration
of the barracksof the seventh
cohortof Legio II Augustaat
Caerleon.The governor,the
legionarycommanderand the
camp prefectare all men-
tioned. It reads:
11Ilp(cratores) Valerial/lls ct
Gailil'lIlis Allg{usti) l'f VaicriflllllS
IJObilissilllllS Ctles(ar) (UllOrti VII
eellturiasa solo restiiucrllllt per
OcStiCill11l iuham u(irul1l)
c(fariss/IIlUIII) legatlllll
AlIg(lIslorlllll) !,r(o) I'r(lIclorc) cl
VitlllllSill1ll Laetilliallll!1llcg(atlllll)
It.'g(i(J/lis) 1I Allg(IISti1c) CUrilllh'
DOIIIifUo) Potl.'lItilll) pracf(ecto)
/eg(iollis) eiusdem

'The emperorsValerian dnd

CalliL'l1us, Augusti ,lnd Valerian,
Illdst noble Caesar,restoredfrom
ground level barrack-blocksfor
the Se\'enthCohort, thruugh the
,1gl'l1Cy of Desticiusluba, of sen<l-
duties lay primarily with the administration.Nevertheless, turial rdnk and the emperor's
he could on occasionbe left in command,ashappenedto the pruprdctorian!eg<ltt', dna of
VitU!,lSius L<wtlilianus, !eg,lte ot
unfortunatePoeniusPostumusof Legio II Augusta at the the Se(nndLegit)!) flexible
.~llgllst(l,

time of the Boudiccanrebellion. Orderedto bring the legion undt'r thl' dlclfge ot DOl1litius
I'otcntinlls, prefectof thl' said
to SuetoniusPaullinus' assistance,he failed to do so and ll'gitHl.'
committedsuicide. We have evidencefor some half dozen
officers of this rank in Britain andfrom it we canseethat they
were often deputed to supervise intricate construction
work. Domitius Potentinusof Legio II Augustaat Caerleon
is recorded as having rebuilt the barrack blocks for the
seventh cohort during the third century. Aurelius
Alexander, sometimeprefect of Legio XX at Chesterand a
native of Syria, perhapsretired to live in the civil settlement
outsidethe fortress,for his tombstonerecordsthat he was72
when he died. Another prefectof Legio XX had beenchief
centurion of Legio XXII Deiotarianabefore his promotion
andhad probablyservedin Egypt.
Our knowledge from Britain of the chief legionary cen-
turions is equally slight. Some half-dozen are attestedby 121
Army and
administration
55 Fragrncntarytnn.bstollc
(RIB 5(9) from Chesterof an
un-nanledcenturionsuccess-
ivel\' ot Legio V ivlacedonica,
VlII Augusta, II Augusta.1nd
XX V.lleria Victrix. It reads:
]1'1Ii>(li/w Irii>lI) dCII III lin)
h'X(i(l/lWI!) V ;\-111l'iti(olliwc) i't VIlI
flexible
AlIgIIl.,lilc) t'I /I AII,~(!I'IiIt') ci XX
t"(llfcritlc) V(ldrici:-;) ('ixit 1111 II is LXI
Ari:, t/(l/i/)(crtll:') 'l(erc..; j t"(II(iclIlllIIll)
dUnli'lt)
. ut the Publili,ll1 yoting tribe,
l."L'nturiun uf the Legilll1S filth
l\Ll(t.'Linnicd, Lighlh AUgU...,tcl,
flexible
Sl'C(lnd Augustaand T\\Tntidh
ValcriLl Victri\., lived 61 \'CLlrs. HIS
trt'l'dmall and heir Aris"till h,ld
this set up.'
122
inscriptions,mostly so fragmentarythat the namesare lost,
while two are complete but anonymous. However, the
reputedwealth of suchmen is demonstratedby an inscrip-
tion from a cemeteryareaat Caerleonwhich tells of a chief
centurionwho paid for a funeral monumentor burial pbt,
perhapsfor a club, out of his own pocket. Another man,
Cocceius Severus, attestedin an inscription from north-
west Italy, rose to becomeprefect of Legio X Gemina. He
had previously been chief centurion of the ill-starred
Legio IX Hispanawhich was stationedat York until it was
probably removedto Nijmegenin the early 120s. At about
the sametime, PontiusSabinus,chief centurionof Legio III
Augusta, stationedin Africa, was placed in commandof
reinforcementssentto Britain; the detachmentwasmadeup
of 1,000 men each from Legio VII Gemina stationed in
Spain, and VIII Augustaand XXII Primigeniain Germany.
Later Sabinus entered the equestrianorder, becoming a
tribune in Legio VI Ferrata and subsequentlyimperial
procuratorof Gallia Narbonensis.
In contrastwith the information on chief centurions,we
know of over fifty legionary centurions who served in
Britain. An analysis of the inscriptions serves well to
emphasisethe mobility and versatility of such officers,
alreadyindicatedabove,and perhapsbestdemonstrated by
a fragmentaryexample,on which the nameis missing,from
Chester. This man had served successivelywith Legio V
Macedonicaand VIII Augusta, probably in Germany,after
which he was transferredto Legio II Augustaat Caerleon,
and finally finished up with Legio XX at Chester,where he
died at the age of 61, probablywhile still in service. Indeed
when the inscriptionsare consideredtogether,a very high
proportion are found to representcenturionspostedaway
from legionary headquarters,a considerablenumberof the
dedicationscomingfrom auxiliary forts. In manycases,such
as at the forts at GretaBridge, Corbridge,GreatChesters,or
in the quarriesor on lengthsof Hadrian'sWall, they were
clearly in commandof legionary detachmentsengagedin
constructionwork. In others, they had been secondedor Arnw and
promoted to command auxiliary regiments, as may be administration
suggestedfor a dedicationto Jupiter at Bewcastle,where a
centurionof Legio II Augustais associatedwith a regiment
of Dacians. A clear case of promotion is indicated by a
similar dedication at Maryport on the Cumberlandcoast,
in which CensoriusCornelianus, sometime centurion of
Legio X Fretensis with service mainly in the eastern
56 Fr~lgllwntM\'
flexible dedic,ltioll
to the emperorSeverus
Alexander(RIl31738), datedto
AD 225, r(,cording the restora-
tion of d granan',in the auxili-
arv furt on Hadrian'sWall at
C;~cat
flexible Chcsters,bl' a legionarv
centuriun. It rl'"ds:
flexibleA1 (ilrCll:::')
Illlp(L'mt(Jr) C(/('~(ar)
Aur(i'lius) flexible
SC'l'L'rlh AIc:u7I1dcr ]J(il ~)
} d(ir) AIiX(usfll-';) !1l1/Ti'1I111

l'ctll::.tat(' coIIJllh":'WJI JJu{UtlhlC":')

wlr(nrli.";) II Astuntl// S((,(I('filllllle)
A (lcJ:alldriallat') il sofo restilucrullt

flexible
iil(!I/) r('~t'lIti' .J iv111.\'llJltl
FGHGJ
[.

flexible1"(lIl 1"("cI,',c')
IAIIg(II"111
(11I\illilell ViI/knlll M,"IIi1Iie'
dCllturiollc) lcS(iollis) . Fjl(":'[c(l 11
t'f [)('xlro ((l(II)S(lIli/)lls) I
'ThL' l'mperor C<ll"-iar \br(lI~ flexible
Allrelllls c.;l'\'l'rUS Ak\cll1dl'r Pius
h,li" :\ugustus tur the soldiersnt
tlw Sc(pnd Cuhurt ut ;\sturi<ltlS,
sh'lcd :\k\.<1ndl'r''-i, rt'sturl'd trll!ll
ground k'\'L'1 this grcll1clr\' tdllt-'11 in
thrulIgh '\\'-';C, \\-hik the prl)\'inlt'
WclS gln'lT!wd by l"itl\.irnlls,
t'!llpl'n lr' s prupr,ll'tllridll Iq:;cl tL',
provinces, is shown as commanderof an infantry unit of under thL' dl,uge nt \,'alcrius
Spaniards. Other monumentsreflect the reinforcements [\tuti,llic;, (l'nturiotl ot the
broughtto Britain in the early third century. A tombstoneat Lt:.'gitlIL in tilt' (llIlsuL..,hip pI
hhl"lL'-i fllr the ,'-it'UHld time ,llld
Piercebridgerecordsthe deathof a centurion,... Gracilis, of Dl"tcr.·
Legio XXII Primigenia,who was almostcertainly a member
of the detachment,while two morealtarsfrom the samesite
record the dedications of another centurion, Julius
Valentinus, also from GermaniaSuperior, and of Lollius
Venator, centurionof Legio II Augustaand commanderof
the whole force. Another sequenceof inscriptions implies
the postingof legionaryunits in forts awayfrom their head-
quarters, such as the quartet of dedicationsfrom the ex-
ceptionallylarge fort at Newsteadwhich record two differ-
ent centurionsof Legio XX who were stationedthere with
legionarydetachments,togetherwith an auxiliary regiment
of cavalry, the Vocontii. A detachmentof Legio II Augusta
was stationedat Auchendavyon the Antonine Wall, since
not only is the centurion in command, CocceiusFirmus,
mentionedon four different altars, but also thereis a build- 123
Armvand ing record, and two tombstonesof legionaries,erectedby
administration that legion.
Yet anotheraspectof Roman army life in Britain is con-
tained in three altars from Bath, dedicatedby centurionsof
Legio II AugustaandVI respectively.These,togetherwith a
further dedicationby a standard-bearer of Legio II Augusta,
a tombstoneof an armourer of Legio XX, and others of
private soldiers, have led to suggestionsthat Bath, with its
curative hot springs,was usedas a convalescentstationby
the army.
Certainly considerablecare was taken of the soldier'sfit-
ness, to the extent that even invalid diets were sometimes
prescribedfor those in ill-health. Moreover, all fortresses
andmostforts containeda hospitalin which therewould be
a numberof wards and one or more operatingtheatresand
treatmentrooms. The health of eachunit was in the care of
professional medical attendants and orderlies, among
whom are to be found a numberof Greeks,consideredto be
the best medical practitionersof the day; two altars, each
inscribed with a Greek text, were set up at Chester by
doctors, Hermogenesand Antiochos. Normally such men
held the rank of centurion and there is a dedication from
Housesteads set up by Anicius Ingenuus,a medical officer
of this rank in an infantry regiment of Tungrians, while
another, whose name is incomplete, was attached to a
cavalry unit at Binchester. We might also wonder at the
Greek dedicationto Asclepiusset up by EgnatiusPastorat
Maryport; Asclepius was a god of healing and thereforea
favourite deity of doctors. Neverthelesswe should not be
too hasty in ascribing it to a doctor for, at Lanchester,the
tribune of a cohort, Flavius Titianus erectedan altar also in
Greekto the samedeity.
Medical attention by professionaldoctors was but one
aspectof the wide rangeof specialistservicesrequiredby the
army. An armourer of Legio XX has already been men-
tioned at Bath, where his tombstonewas erectedby a guild
of armourers,but whetherof Bath or Chesterwe cannotbe
sure. A closely related post was that of the man entrusted
with keepingthe arms store, one probablyattachedto each
century; Gemellus,carrying out this duty in a centurycom-
mandedby Flavius Hilarius, died at Castlesteads,having
served most likely in an auxiliary regiment. Military
engineers are also known; Quintus was stationed at
Carrawburghon Hadrian'sWall, but with which unit we
cannotbe sure, while Amandusand Gamidiahusservedat
Birrens. To thesemay be coupled,as having parallel duties,
124 Attonius Quintianus, a surveyor, who was posted to
· Piercebridge. His work was connected principally with Army and
laying out the lines of fortifications and military buildings, administration
while engineers, in addition to their construction work,
might have been engagedon engines of war; surveyors
might also have had to measureout land allotments. In a
somewhatdifferent categoryis a river pilot of Legio VI at
York, Minucius Audens, who was probably employed in
navigatingsupplyvesselsup anddown the Humber.
57 Fragmentaryaltar URS !ix,
235) erectedby a Greekdoctor
at Chester.It reads:
ITANYITEIPOXAC
ANElPmTflN CflTHPAC EN
AElANATOICIN ACKAHITION
HITIOXEIPA YrEIHN
ITANAKEIAN EIHTPOC
[AjNTI[OjXOS[ ....
'The doctor Antiochos
[honouredJ(the) savioursof men
preeminentamongthe
immortals,Asklepiosof the
healinghand, Hygeia (and)
Panakeia.'

The efficiency of the Roman army dependedon a cease-

less round of drills and exercises, allied with first-rate
recordsand logistic systems.Consequentlydrill-instructors
werean essentialpart of the organisation;Flavius Blandinus
held sucha post and left a dedicationat a templeat Ly<;lney
(Glos.). In legionary fortresses,covered drill-sheds were
often provided for wet-weather instruction. Clerks of
variousgradesarealsoattested;CeleriniusVita lis wasa staff
clerk of Legio IX at York. Anotherof similar rank, Peltrasius
Maximus, who later servedasa tribuneat Bewcastlebeyond 125
Army and
administration
58 Bronzeansateplate (RIB
30S) from the templeat
Lydney (Glos.). The inscrip-
tion reads:
O(co) !vl(nrli) Nodollii Fl(m'ills)
Blalldilllls or/natura 'u(otwn}
s(oillit) l(il>l'lls) Ill(crilo)
'Tu the Cod Mars Nodons,
Flavius Blandinus,drill-
instructor, gladly' dnd deservedl'
fulfilled his vow.'
Nodonswas a Celtic god with
attributesof healing, and was
hereequatedwith Mars, who
in this contextwas often
ascribedsimilar power"".
Flavius BlandinusOlav well
havebeen d dril -instr~lctor
administration
attachedto a nearbvfort.
126
Hadrian's Wall, had been promoted by the praetorian
governors, presumablyfor distinguishedservice in their
office, while a third is known to havedied at GreatChesters,
also on Hadrian'sWall. The latter was probablyattachedto
an auxiliary unit. Legionaryclerks, occupyinga more senior
position than the foregoing, possiblybeing in chargeof the
recordoffice, are known at both Chesterand Caerleon,and
another,belongingto an auxiliary infantry regiment, left a
dedication at Ebchester. An accounts clerk, presumably
servingin the pay office, was stationedat Corbridge.
The army also dependedon a variety of brasswind in-
strumentsfor signalling instructions in battle or in base
camps.A trumpeter,Longinus, of an auxiliary regimentof
Batavians, died at Carrawburgh;the instrument he used
was long and straight. By contrast,the large curved horns
which were employed on other occasionsmay have been
usedby a soldier of Legio II Augusta,Aelius Lucanus,who
carvedhis name in one of the quarriesproviding building
stonefor Hadrian'sWall. Therewere also standard-bearers
of different grades,dependingon whetherthey belongedto
legions, or infantry or cavalry units, whose positions de-
mandedmore thanjust the carryingof standards;they were
normally responsiblefor the finances of their century and
also had chargeof the burial club funds, to which a soldier
contributed during life in order to ensure for himself a
decentburial with an appropriatemonument.In addition
there are someinstanceson the continentwhere standard-
bearersappear to have been made responsiblefor extra-
mural markets.The position was, therefore,comparatively
seniorand in many casesensuredpromotion to centurion.
Somedozenanda half menof this rank (sigllifer) areattested
in Britain from both legionary and auxiliary units, such as
Duccius Rufinus who was a standard-bearerof Legio IX at
York and who died at the early age of 28; or Flavinus, who Army and
died at Corbridge,havingbeenstandard-bearer in the troop administntion
of Candidus, of the cavalry regiment Petriana, the only
milliary cavalry unit known to haveservedin Britain; or the
nameless standard-bearerof an infantry regiment of
Batavians who died at Carrawburgh. Of another class
(imagillifer) thereis JavolenusSaturnalisof Legio II Augusta
who had a dedicationerectedon his behalfat Bath, perhaps
in returnfor beingcuredof somesickness.It is an interesting
inscription, for it was put up by his freedman, Manius
Dionisias, and shows that soldiers even below the rank of
centurioncould afford to purchaseand maintainslaves.
There are many ordinary legionaries known from in-
scriptionsand representingall the legionswhich servedfor
any time in Britain. Most, as might be expected,are con-
nectedwith the main fortressesof the legionsto which they
belonged,but therearea numberattestedfrom otherplaces.
Three from Bath again indicate the possibility that the site
was an army convalescentcentre,especiallyas two of them
died and were buried there. One in particular is worthy of
note, for it recordsthe burial of Valerius Latinus, legionary
of Legio XX, who died at the age of 35 after twenty years'
service;if the figures arecorrecthe musthaveenlistedat the
early age of 15. Apart from the special casesalready cited
above there are also the tombstonesof three legionary
soldiers from London, who were presumablyin detach-
mentssecondedfor duty in connectionwith the governor's
residence. From Lincoln, Caerleon and Chester come
examples which attest the mounted soldiers, usually
numbering120 per legion, and which were normally distri-
buted through the centuries. Individual inscriptions can
also indicate abnormal affairs, such as that of a nameless
optio (junior officer to a centurion),presumablyof Legio XX
from Chester,who died in a shipwreckandwhosebody was
never recovered.On his tombstonethe normal H(ic) 5(itus)
E(st) (He is buried here) was reducedto 5(itus) E(st) with a
spaceleft for H(ic) to be insertedshouldthe body havebeen
recovered. There are also scatteredaround the northern
forts a number of referencesto legionary soldiers; mostly
they would have been engagedon constructionwork, or
stationedas membersof a maintenanceparty, or engagedin
works depots,suchas the arsenalat Corbridge.
It can be appreciatedfrom the foregoing remarks about
the Romanlegionsin Britain thata systematicstudyof all the
evidence can produce a comparatively fully-documented
account relating to several aspects.In the first place, the
movementsof the legions, or of their detachments,can be 127
Army and traced with considerableaccuracy, even if, for the early
administration yearsafter the invasion, there are still a numberof gapsfor
which the evidenceis still lacking. We can see the legions
fighting, or at work on peacetimeactivities. We canestimate
their religious beliefs from their dedications erected to
various deities, both corporately and individually. It is
possible to make a rough calculation of the normal age of
enlistmentand length of service and also to obtain some
59 Fragmentarytombstone
(RIB 544), from Chester,of an
optio lost at seain a shipwreck,
whosebody was probablynot
recovered.It reads:
.] opl[i]onis ad spelll ordinis
c(cnluria) Lucili Iilgenui qui
naufragioperil s(ilus) e(sl)
.. oplio, of the centuryof
Lucilius Ingenuus,and awaiting
promotion to centurion, who
died by shipwreck. He is buried.'·
The missingH of the normal
terminatingphraseH(ic)
S(itus) E(st) was never
inserted

indication of life expectation,since a fair number died in

service, but whether from accident, natural causesor in
action we cannotsay. From sometombstoneswe can learn
of their families and, perhapsmore important, their placeof
origin from which they enlisted. In the early days of the
empire most legionary recruits came from northern Italy,
but later manycamefrom Spainand Callia Narbonensis;all
were areaswhere large numbersof legionary veteranshad
beensettledin c%lliac, from which the sonsfollowed their
fathers' calling. By the later secondcentury, recruits were
being drawn from a much wider areaand the north African
128 and easternprovinces,as also those nearerat hand on the
Rhine and Danube, were providing their quota for the Army and
legions serving in Britain. Occasionallyalso, tombstones administration
carry valuablepictorial evidenceof the deadperson,which
may well have been carved during his lifetime; such an
instanceis the memorial of the centurionof Legio XX from
Colchester,FavoniusFacilis, clean-shavenand in full uni-
form and as proudand arroganta man as was everpictured
in stone. In contrast, there is the memorial to a cavalry
trooper, Aurelius Lucius from Chester,which shows him
beardedand moustached,and with longish hair brushed
backwards.Cavalrymenwerefrequentlydepictedon horse-
back, with spearpoised,riding down a fallen enemy,who is
sometimesshown in a fighting attitude or else in a sub-
missive, crouching position. The tombstoneof a trooper,
Rufus Sita, of a part-mountedregimentof Thraciansfrom
Gloucesteris remarkable,not so much for the portrayal of
the dead man, but for the craggy-featuredbarbarianlying
beneaththe horse'sfeet; in the circumstancesof time and
place the man is probably intendedto representa Silurian
tribesmanfrom southWales.
Apart from the legions serving in Britain, there were as
alreadyindicatedabovea considerablenumberof auxiliary
troops, both cavalry and infantry. We have already con-
sideredsomeof their officers, sincecommandof an auxiliary
regiment was an essentialingredientin the early careerof
the equestrianorder. It is interestingto note, though, that
the subordinateofficers, such as infantry centurions or
cavalry decurions, seldom gained promotion into the
legions. The principal difference betweenlegionariesand
auxiliaries in the early empire lay in the former, but not the
latter, being Roman citizens. Consequently,conditions of
pay and servicewere betterfor legionaries,but when, in the
early third century, citizenship was conferred on all free-
born inhabitants of the empire, these distinctions hence-
forward becameless and less important, so leadingin time
almostto a completereversalof roles. Unlike thelegionsalso,
the early auxiliaries were almostinvariably recruitedin the
more distant provinces.Britain provideda numberof regi-
mentsboth of cavalryandinfantry of different gradeswhich
served on the Rhine and Danube frontiers and in North
Africa andSpain.A quick calculationshowsthata minimum
of some17,000menhadto be recruitedinitially for theseregi-
mentsovera periodstretchingthroughboth first andsecond
centuries. It should be noted that during this time units
formed in one provincewere usually transferredto another
for safety. Thereafter the regiment's strength was main-
tained in most casesby local recruitment, and we find a 129
Army and Brigantian, Nectovelius,serving with the secondcohort of
administration Thraciansat Mumrills on the AntonineWall, althoughthere
is someevidenceto showthat territorial enlistmentstill con-
tinued with detachmentsfrom Britain. Undoubtedly, the
pride of the British regimentswas the milliary cavalry unit
Ala Flavia AugustaBritannica Civium Romanorumwhich was
servingin the provinceof PannoniaInferior during muchof
the secondcentury. Despiteits name,which would suggest
60 Tombstoneu\m 2142) ot a
Brigantian, 0Jectoveliu5,who
servedin (1n duxiliaf:' [eginlent
at Mumrills on the Antoninc
Wall. It reads:
LJ/::> AI (01111)11:';) ,\:l'(/ll,'r'iIiL" ,flltil,")

fhgfh
t'lIldiL"i..; illl(l/t1rlllll) lXXX
Villi lillt/OUI::'

'It) tilL' "pinh ut thL' dl'pclrted;

l'<l'Ltnn-,lius, snn ut Vinde\., dgL'd
2Y, oft} Vt'cHS' SlTV1Lt:', ()f thl'
I:hig<llltiall tril,l', Ill' Sl'ITt'd in thl'
Sl'UlIld Cohort llfThr<1l'iclIlS '

that its original formation took place under the Flavian

emperors,thereis somereasonto believethatitwas thesame
unit that Tacitusmentionedas having takenpart in the civil
war of AD 69. Yet this seemsdoubtful sincemilliaryalae were
virtually unknown in the Roman army before the Flavian
period. They always remained comparativelyuncommon
units; no more than ten are attestedand even one of these
was a camel corps for use in Arabia. The British regiment
was further distinguishedby its grant of corporatecitizen-
ship, normally given to an auxiliary unit for some notable
service. If not so honouredduring service, most soldiers
servingin thesebranchesof the army weregiven the citizen-
ship on discharge, which enabled them, among other
things, to legalize by marriage any associationwhich had
beenformed with a womanwhile they were serving. Enlist-
ing in these regiments was, therefore, an avenue to full
citizenshipfor many provincials. Confermentwas madeby
13Ll means of the diploma, inscribed on bronze sheets and
copiedfrom the original documentkept in Rome.A number Army and
of these records have been found in Britain, and give in- administration
formation on many of the auxiliary units stationedin the
provinceas well ason their members.Although the number
of regiments in Britain varied from time to time, at the
maximum there were deployedprobably some 90 cohorts
and alae containingabout 50,000 men, which far exceeded
the legionarystrengthof the British garrison.Sincemanyof
thesemenwould havesettledin Britain on retirement,it can
be seenthat they representeda large potential reservoirof
Romancitizens,so leadingin time to a considerableincrease
in that elementin the populationof the province.
Considering the number of auxiliary regiments that
servedin Britain it is surprisingthat we, in fact, know less
abouttheir men than we do correspondinglyfor the legion-
aries. Recordsof sometwo dozenor so private soldiershave
survived, togetherwith aboutan equivalentnumbereachof
centurions and decurions. Mostly they belonged to the
general run of cohortes and alae, but there are some in-
dividuals whose records representmore unusual circum-
stances, or detachmentsof a special character. At both
Risingham beyond, and Great Chestersupon, Hadrian's
Wall are attestedspecial units of spearmen,originally re-
cruited in the province of Raetia. At Risingham they had
beenplacedunderthe commandof the successivetribunes
of the regularinfantry regimentservingin the samefort and
seem to have been presentin the early third century. At
GreatChestersthe unit appearsunderthe commandof their
own centurion, Tabellius Victor. A decurio princepsor chief
decurion, Aurelius Armiger, probably of a part-mounted
regiment, was stationed at Castlesteads.Three other
prillcipes are also mentionedon inscriptions from this site,
Vic ... Severus,MessiusOpsequensand Aelius Martinus,
but whetherthey were centurionsor decurionsis not speci-
fied. Moreover, the regimentstationedthere seemsto have
beenvery consciousof minor distinctionsand the order of
precedenceof its centuries,for the somewhatarchaicterms
hastatusprior, /zastatusposterior, princepsposteriorare all used
on different building inscriptions; but they may refer to
legionarydetachments.Another interestingmemorialof an
auxiliary trooper comes from Malton (Yorks.). Aurelius
Macrinus died there having servedin the Imperial House-
hold Cavalry in Rome, as a mounted bodyguardfor the
emperor.Thesemen were normally selectedfrom ordinary
cavalry regiments, and it was customary for most to be
recruited from the Germanand Pannonianprovinces.De-
tachmentsof the Guard visited Britain from time to time 131
Armv and whenaccompanyingan emperor,suchas thosewhich came
,1dministrabon with Claudius,HadrianandSeptimusSeverus.It may have
happenedthat during one of these visits Macrinus liked
what he saw of Britain and decidedto retire therewhen the
time came;perhapshe hadbeenat York with Severus.
Below the level of the regular auxiliary regimentswere a
numberof smallerunits referredto as Ilumeri or cunei. None
were formed before the end of the first century, and the
detachmentswere sometimes incorporated for specific
functions or for the use of special weapons.Two units of
lightermen (barcarii), one with the nameTigris appended,
served at Lancasterand South Shields. It has been sug-
gestedthat, in addition to their transportduties, they were
expected to engage in offensive action during the late
empire,for which their vesselswould havebeenideal in the
shallow waters of the Lune estuaryand MorecambeBay,
and in the mouth of the Tyne. A unit of Syrian archers,
apparently,servedat Kirkby Thore and can be matchedby
the regularcohortof Hamianarchers,alsofrom Syria, which
served first at Carvoran, just behind Hadrian'sWall, and
was then moved to Bar Hill on the Antonine Wall before
finally returning to Carvoran. These Syrians belonged to
one of the few regimentswhich retained recruiting links
with its homeland. Another detachment, stationed at
Burgh-by-Sandson Hadrian's Wall, had originally been
raised among the Moorish tribes of north Africa. Other
Illlllleri were employedas long-rangescoutingpartiescalled
expioratores,and were stationedin the outpostforts beyond
Hadrian'sWall; both Risinghamand High Rochesterpos-
sessedsuchmen who seemto havebeensupernumeraryto
the regulargarrisons.It has sometimesbeensuggestedthat
they were not residentin the forts but lived in the native
settlementsin the surroundingcountryside,which would
have given them far better opportunitiesof obtaining in-
formation of impending attacksor movementsof people.
Certainly the forts concernedare hardly large enough to
accommodateall the extra personnel,but they could have
actedas headquarters,receivinginformationand relaying it
to the appropriateauthorities.
As with the legions, it can be seenthat a parallel study of
inscriptionsand other sourcesyields information concern-
ing the movementof auxiliary regimentsand their soldiers.
Examples have already been quoted to show how these
units moved about the country; one further example will
suffice. Cohors I Baetasiorumcivium Romanorum,500 strong,
was originally recruitedin Lower Germanyin the areawe
132 now know asHolland. Theyfirst appearin Britain at Bar Hill
on the Antonine Wall, during its short secondoccupation. Armv clnd
From there they seemto have moved to Maryport on the administratiun
Cumberlandcoast, where they were commandedby the
prefectAttius Tutor. Therethenappearsto havebeena brief
return to the Antonine Wall, this time at Old Kilpatrick,
when they were commandedby Publicius Maternus but
were also associatedwith a centurionof Legio I Italica. This
legion was stationedin Lower Moesia and the presenceof
one of its officers in Britain suggestslegionary reinforce-
ments,perhapsduring the campaignof Ulpius Marcellusin
the early 180s. What happenedto the cohort immediately
afterwardswe cannot say, but by the middle of the third
century, if not before, it hadbeenpostedto the newly-built
SaxonShorefort at Reculver,on the north Kent coast,where
it seemsto haveremaineduntil the end.
The last sectionof the armedforcesto be consideredis the
Romannavy, which was in effect an extensionof the army
and which, before the late third century, was mainly em-
ployed in the carriageof troops and supplies. There were
several fleets stationed round the empire, the two most
important being in Italy at Misenum and Ravenna.Fleets
were also stationedon someof the major rivers suchas the
Rhine and Danube,while the Channelcoastsof Britain and
Gaul were servedby the ClassisBritannica. Despiteits name
its headquarters were at Boulogne, even though its com-
mander was responsibleto the British governor; in the
secondcenturyDover, andpossiblysomeotherportson the
southand eastcoasts,becameclosely linked with its activi-
ties. Its commanderranked as a prefect of the equestrian
order with equivalenceto an imperial procurator.Aufidius
Pantera, who left a dedication to Neptune at Lympne,
becameprefectunderHadrianafter commandinga milliary
regimentof cavalryin Pannonia.Earlier, BaeniusBlassianus
hadbeencommanderunderTrajan. MaeniusAgrippa is per-
haps the most fully documentedholder of the office; he
began his career as prefect of the second part-mounted
cohort of Britons in Moesia from where he was sent 'ill
expeditionelll Britamlicam' by Hadrian as tribune of the first
part-mountedcohort of Spaniards.He then took command
of the first ala of heavy cavalry of Gauls and Pannonians
before being promotedto the rank of imperial procurator,
which qualified him to be appointedprefect of the British
fleet. Finally he was transferredunderAntoninusPius to be
imperial procurator of Britain, having spent much of his
service in, or with soldiers recruited from, the province.
Another prefect, whosenameis lost, had held not only the
commandof the British fleet but also, at onetime or another, 133
Army and the imperial procuratorship of Lugdunensisand Aquitania,
administration MauretaniaTingitana,and CappadociaandArmenia. From
the commandof the British fleet he went on to be prefect
of the fleet at Ravenna,beforeapparentlyendinghis career
as prefect of Egypt. Another, also nameless,apparently
held commandof a combinedfleet madeup from Britain,
GermanyandMoesia,was thenpraesidialprocuratorof the
Alpine provinceof Cottia, andalso sub-prefectof the fleet at
Misenum.
But perhaps the best-known of the commanderswas
Carausius,who, after a distinguishedmilitary career,had
been appointed prefect with special orders to suppress
piracy and raiding in the southernapproachesof the North
Seaat the end of the third century. Suspicionsreachedthe
authoritiesthat he wasdiverting recoveredgoodsto his own
useand orderswere sentfor his execution.Carausius,how-
ever, anticipatedeventsand sailed for Britain where, with
the supportof the army and the people,he sethimself up as
emperor.
Of other officers, the Digest refers to a chief pilot, an
arciligubemes,SeiusSaturninus,over whosewill therewasa
legal dispute handledby the Flavian law officer of Britain,
Javolenus Priscus. From Boulogne there are some in-
scriptions mentioning ships' captains, triararcils, such as
Arrenius Verecundiusand GraeciusTertinus; also a bellc-
jiciarius, Lottius Secundus,perhapsattachedto the prefect.
Tacitusrefersto ships'pilots in his accountof the mutiny of a
cohort of Usipi during Agricola's Scottish campaigns.
Detachmentsof the fleet also carried out repair work on
Hadrian'sWall, being responsiblefor restoringa granaryat
Benwell and lengthsof the curtainbetweenBirdoswaldand
Castlesteads.
Having consideredthe imperial administrationand the
Romanarmedforces, we can turn our attentionto the part
playedby British organisationsin the administrationat both
provincial and local levels. Unfortunately,there is a dearth
of relevantinscriptionsfrom Britain and in many casesthe
gaps have to be filled by reference to other, similarly-
governedprovinces,suchas thoseof Gaul or Germany.But
we mustbewareof applyingsuchinformationtoo literally to
Britain, since Roman provincial administration was ex-
tremely flexible, and what suited one province admirably
may havebeenconsideredinappropriatefor another.
At provinciallevel, the nativepopulationwasrepresented
by a council, to which all constituentlocal administrations
sent delegates.It had very little power, although it did
134 possessthe right of communicatingdirectly with the em-
peror over the governor's head. It could also appoint Armvand
patrons of the province, important men, well versed in administration
affairs of state,who could, if needbe, pleadthe causeof the
Britons in Rome itself. Two patrons are known; Vettius
Valens had previouslyoccupiedthe post of legatus iuridicus
in the province in the middle of the secondcentury, and
would havebeenan ideal choice.The otherwasJuliusAsper
who was a consul in the early third century, but nothing is
61 The tombstone(elL XII!,
3540) of a warship captainof
the British tleet erectedat
Boulogne:
D(l5) MimI/hilS) Q(lIIlIlo) Arrmio
Vfrcelll1do Tr(iarc!w) Clla"is)
Br(ill1lll1ieac) IlfrcdcspIOI1l'l1dllll1)
e(lIrm'il)
'To the Codsof the undefwurld,
and to Quintus Arrenius
Verecundus, ship'scapt<lin of thl'
British tlet'L His hL'ir..;, pidced Uhi . .
stone)in position dccordingto his
will.'

known of his British connections.Chiefly, however, the

duties of the provincial council were concernedwith the
supervision of the Imperial Cult. They had to appoint
annually a high priest who had to reside at the cult centre
and organisethe various festivals or demonstrationswhich
the cult demanded;he also had to pay for them out of his
own pocket, since the council was not empoweredto raise
moneyby meansof taxesor levies. The first we hearof the
cult and its servantsis in the account of the Boudiccan
rebellion by Tacitus, in which he recountsthe complaints
of the priests as they verged on bankruptcywith the ex-
cessiveexpendituredemanded.The cult centrethen lay at
Colchester,althoughthereare slight groundsto believethat
the provincial council later removedits offices to London,
even though the principal temple remainedat Colchester.
Certainlyin London the council wasresponsiblefor erecting
a dedicationto the deity of the emperoron behalf of the 135
/\rmv clnd province. Moreover, Claudia Martina, the young wife of a
administration servantor slaveof the council namedAnencletus,died and
was buried in London, but neither inscription provides
absoluteproof for the migration of the council.
At local government level, several different types of
organisationexisted.In the yearsafter the invasion,usewas
made of client monarchs,rulers who were consideredre-
liable by the Romanadministrationand who, by controlling
tribal territories, would help to economiseon Romanman-
power. At least two such kingdomsare attestedduring the
first century in Britain, with strong suspicionsof a third,
while later, others were used as confederatesbeyond the
frontiers to help give stability in theseregions.The southern
Atrebates were one such kingdom within the province,
ruled first by Verica and then by Cogidubnus.Verica is
known from the coinswhich he issuedandwhich circulated
over parts of Sussex,Surrey and Hampshire.It has long
beenrecognisedthat many of his coins owe much to Roman
designsand evenworkmanship.Cogidubnusprobablysuc-
ceededhim in the early yearsafter the conquestandreigned
apparentlyuntil nearlyAD 80. Although he issuedno coins
he is recordedon an inscription from Chichesterand in a
passagein Tacitus, who mentions that he had remained
faithful to Rome'down to our own time'. The inscription is
normally interpreted to show that Cogidubnusheld not
only the title of client king, but also that of imperial legate.
However, that part of the inscription is badly damagedand
the reading has recently been disputed. Nevertheless,he
seemsto have been a man with considerablepower and
influence, even perhaps commanding detachments of
Roman soldiers stationedat Chichester,and undertaking
somedutieswhich were normally reservedfor the emperor,
suchas giving approvalto the formation of tradeguilds. On
his death, however, his kingdom was divided into three
civitates,the tradition of the kingdombeingpreservedin the
namegiven to that at the centre,the Regni.
The other client kingdom for which there is indisputable
evidenceis that of the Iceni of Norfolk. They submittedto
Claudius at the invasion and were allowed to retain their
tribal institutionsin a state,probablyfor a shorttime outside
the province. Within six years,however, they seemto have
beenbroughtwithin it, after a minor rebellion had beenput
down by Roman auxiliaries. Their first ruler, known only
from coins, was probablyAntedios,but it is probablethat he
was deposedafter the rebellion, when control passedto the
more reliable Prasutagus.He, unlike Cogidubnus,appears
136 to havebeenin no greathasteto adoptRomanways. Yet he
was aware of the political demandsof the Roman empire, Army and
even if he was not quite up-to-date, for he made Nero ddministration
co-heir in his will to try to preservehis kingdom after his
death. But it is doubtful if the share left to Nero was
consideredsufficient, the emperorat the time being greedy
for cash. His widow, Boudicca, is well known from the
accountsof the rebellion which bearsher name,but the two
daughters remain shadowy figures in the background.
Perhapshe was unfortunatein having no sons. If indeed
therewere none, it is an interestinggeneticcommentaryon
the natureandcharacterof Boudiccawhich fits well with our
understandingof her.
Beyond the northern frontier in the 50s and 60s lay
the kingdom of Brigantia, ruled by yet another queen,
Cartimandua,whom we may suspectwas also a client of
the Roman state. She is known solely from referencesin
Tacitus,andsheappearsto havebeenmoreof a liability than
an asset,althoughfor a time shehelpedstabilisethe frontier
district. Nevertheless,Romanarms had to go to her assist-
ancemore than once and, on the last occasion,they had to
rescue her from the activities of her sometime consort,
Venutius, who had declaredwar on Rome.
Outside the client kingdoms, at local governmentlevel,
the organisationwas split betweenthe charteredtowns -
cololliae and municipia - and the native civitates, which were
basedmainly on the original Iron Age tribal structure.As far
as can be judged, and the evidenceis by no meansconclu-
sive even when that from other provinces is added, the
civitates were administeredin much the same way as the
charteredtowns, possessing a councilof decurionsandpairs
of magistrates,the dlloviri and the aediles. In some places
quaestoresalso existed and had charge of financial affairs;
whetherFlavius Martius, who is describedas a quaestoron
a tombstonefrom Old Penrith, acted in this capacity for
the ciZ'itas Carvetiorum, of which he was apparently a
decurion, cannot be decided on the information given.
He is the only possiblelocal governmentquaestorattestedin
Britain. Decurions are scarcely better demonstrated.A
namelessdecurion of the colonia at Gloucesterdied at Bath
at an advancedage; Volusia Faustina, wife of Aurelius
Senecio,a decurionof Lincoln, died and was buried there.
Shewas commemoratedby a stoneon which spacewas left
for the later inclusion of a memorial to her husband;it was
insteadoccupiedby a referenceto Claudius Catiotus, but
under what circumstanceswe cannotsay. Flavius Bellator,
decurionof York, died aged29 and thereforehad becomea
councillor at an unduly early age, the normal qualification 137
Army and being 30. He was buried originally in a stonesarcophagus,
administration but when found it containedthe body of a young woman
who hadusurpedhis place.At leastone decurionof another
provinceis alsoattestedin Britain; CorneliusPeregrinuswas
tribune of a cohort servingat Maryport andalso decurionof
his hometown, Saldae,a colonia in MauretaniaCaesariensis.
No duoviri are known from Britain, althougha fragmen-
tary inscription, recentlyfound at Cirencester,containsthe
lettersVIR on what appearsto be part of an imperial dedica-
tion. The word could be expandedto duumviror duoviri, but
could equallybe sevir, a lessimportantofficial chargedwith
the local maintenanceof the Imperial Cult. At nearby
Gloucester,the initials, but no more, of someof the duoviri
are recordedon the stampsplacedon bricks and tiles from
the municipal brickworks to denotepublic ownership. An
aedile, Ulpius Januarius from Brough-on-Humber, is
known from an inscriptionrecordingthe gift and dedication
of a new stagebuilding for the theatre.He was a magistrate
chargedwith the upkeepof public works in the vicus Petua-
riellsis, the probable capital of the civitas Parisorum of east
Yorkshire. There is slightly more evidence for the seviri
Augustales,who, as alreadyindicated,were the six officials
in a local government organisation responsible for the
Imperial Cult. They were normally rich freedmen and
usually merchants, who were debarred from holding
normal magistracies.VerecundiusDiogenesand Aurelius
Lunaris both held the office in York, while Lunaris was also
a sevir of Lincoln. The former died and was buried in York,
togetherwith his wife, Julia Fortunata;Lunaris may have
retired to Bordeaux,where he dedicateda fine altar, prob-
ably carriedall the way from York, to the goddessBoudiga
andon which his offices werenoted.A very recentfind from
Lincoln recordsanotherholder of the office in the colonia on
a dedicationof a templeof the cult.
Evidencefor the namesof the urban sites and civitates is
more prolific. Inscriptions refer to all four of the British
coloniaeandto London,while further evidenceon them, and
on other towns, is included in such literary sourcesas the
Antonine Itinerary, Ptolemy'S Geography and the Notitia
Dignitatum. Two inscriptions, from Wroxeter and
Caerwent, disclose respectively the functioning of the
civitas Cornoviorum and the civitas Silurull1, the latter also
carrying a referenceto the tribal council. Since most of the
inhabitantswere not Romancitizens, at leastuntil the early
third-century edict of Caracalla, all that was required of
them, when it was necessaryto state their origin, was the
138 name of their tribe. Some thirty or so British inscriptions
give this information which covers not only indigenous Army clnd
tribes but also somefrom other provinces.Doubtlessmany administration
peopleremainedall their lives in the placeswherethey were
born, but this small sampleservesto show that there was,
nevertheless,a considerablemobility amongthe peoplesof
the empire, Britain included, which was not restrictedonly
to the army. For instance Similis of the Cantii is found
dedicatingto the Mother Goddessesat Colchester.Philus,
of the Gaulish tribe of the Sequani,died and was buried at
Cirencester.Tribeswomenof the Comovii andthe Dobunni
arefound respectivelyat Ilkley andTempleboroughin York-
shire. VerecundiusDiogenes, mentionedabove as a sevir
Augustalisof York, camefrom the Bituriges Cubi of south-
west Gaul, while his wife came from Sardinia. Regina,
originally a slave of Catuvellaunianorigin, was married
to Baratesfrom Palmyrain Syria and was buried at South
Shields, while her husbandappearsto have died at Cor-
bridge, after his wife's death. Detachmentsof Dumnonii,
Durotriges and Brigantes all helped in the late fourth
century to rebuild sectionsof Hadrian'sWall. Needlessto
say, Britons are also found in otherprovinces,usuallyas the
result of enlistmentin the army. A Dobunnianwas serving
in a British infantry regimentin PannoniaSuperior.Ulpius
Novanticuswas born of a Coritanianfather, Adcobrovatus,
and enlistedin anotherregimentwhich servedin Dacia; he
received his citizenship on dischargeand seemsto have
settledat Porolissumin that province.
There were minor levels of administrationbelow that of
civitas, eachprobablybeing divided into country districts or
pagi. Someof thesecanbe identified in Brigantianterritory,
but generallyin Britain not much is known of them. Vici of
varying types, the smallestunits of built-up land, are also
attested.The village settlementsoutsideforts were so rated
and were permitted a small degree of self-government
undera pair of magistrates.In the vicusat Old Carlislea loyal
dedication made jointly to Jupiter and the emperor
Gordianuswas erectedcorporatelyby the villagers under
their magistrates,towardsthe cost of which the inhabitants
had personallycontributed. Military vici of this type must
have grown with surprising rapidity, for even during the
short occupationof the Antonine Wall they sprangup out-
side the forts; the community of villagers at Carriden is
commemoratedin an altar to Jupiter. Other sites could also
be legally classedas vici, including perhapsmany of the
civitas capitals; certainly Brough-on-Humberwas one, as
attestedby the inscriptionof Ulpius Januarius.It is probable
also that mostminor townsand somemajor settlementsof a 139
Annv clnd non-urbannature, would be given the title, such as Water
,1Liministratilll1 Newton, where the statusis recordedon a pottery vessel
madethereby the potter Cunoarus.Large towns could also
be divided into constituentvici. Lincoln is known to have
had two suchdivisions in the lower part of the town, named
after guilds set up in favour of the two deities Apollo and
Mercury.
It can be seenfrom this summaryof evidencerelating to
the army and the administrationin Britain that a good deal
can be deducedabout the peoplewho were involved in it,
evenif the recordis patchy. It will be obvious,also, that the
quantity and quality declines in passingdown the social
scale.This is, unfortunately,mosttrue aboutthe indigenous
inhabitantsof Britain, a fact which will be bestappreciatedin
the next chapter. Nevertheless,it is sometimessurprising
how much information can be obtained even from the
slenderestsources,andwithout it our knowledgeof Roman
Britain would be infinitely poorer.

140
 The people of Roman Chapterseven

Britain - migrant and

native
The principal difference between prehistoric and Roman
Britain is the degreeof anonymity which cloaks the former
period. With the exceptionof sometribal rulers mentioned
in classicalliterary sourcesor attestedon coins, the people
canonly be studiedI'll bloc as socialor political groups.Only
with the adventof Romedo the individual membersof those
societiesbegin to standout from the crowd, and, when they
do, we can often see them againstthe backgroundof their
activities. No one has yet calculatedthe numberof named
peoplewho are known to have lived in or visited Britain in
the Romanperiod, but if we include all thosewho denoted
ownershipof an object simply by scratchingtheir namesor
initials upon it, there must be several thousand. They,
therefore, provide a considerablereservoir of knowledge,
which can often be extendedto cover many of the social,
religiousand mercantileactivities of the province.
As alreadyindicatedin the previouschapter,the Roman
army was a considerablesourceof migrantsto Britain, since
the first units to arrive had all been recruited in other
provinces.Many of the men, upon discharge,would have
settledin Britain; it neededonly a small percentageof that
first army of some 50,000 men to provide the initial few
thousandmigrants, while the numberswould have gradu-
ally increased as regiments were exchanged, or others
brought to reinforce the original garrison. The new colonia
foundedat Colchesterin AD 49 is an admirableexampleof
what was happening;it could well have containedup to
2,000 dischargedlegionary veterans,but unfortunatelywe
know no personaldetails of the individuals who becameits
first inhabitants.The two centurionsand one cavalryman
whose tombstones have been found probably died at
Colchesterbefore the colonia was establishedand while it
was still an army base.There is scarcelymore information
from the other military cololliai' at Gloucesterand Lincoln,
although the latter has producedthe tombstoneof Julius
Galenus,a native of Lyons anda veteranof Legio VI, but he
cannothavebeenamongthe original colonistsandpresum-
ably settledtherelater. Lincoln wasalso the placechosenfor
retirementby a namelessdecurionof a cavalry regimentof 1-11
Migrant and native Asturians. Two other legionary veterans, Crescensand
AeresiusSaenusof Legio VI, had, however, retired to the
colollia at York, but this city was not a veteranfoundation,
having beenpromotedto colonial rank probablyduring the
early third century. These areexamplesof retired soldiers
wishing to stay nearwhere they had served,presumablyso
as to remain close to their friends and companions.Simi-
larly, we find that the civilian settlementsaround other
62 Fragmentarytombstone
(RIB 363) of a centenarian
veteranof Legio II Augusta,
from Caerleon.It reads:
IDUs) M(l7lliillls) jlll/(IlIS) VI7/CIIS
(Jet(L'rtlllllS) Icg(i{.l!lis) 11 Allg{usfnc)
l'ixit auni::; C Ill/(ia) SeClilldillt7
collillll.Y ct luI (iu-:::.) l\1artillllS filius
f(17'IClldlllll) ,(IIri/i'CrIIlll)
'To the spirits of the departed.
Julius Vatens,veteranof the
SecondLegion Augusta,lived
lllO vears.Julia Secundind,his
\ ·if~, dnd Julius rYlartinus, his
administration
SUIl, had this set up.'

fortressesand forts attractedtheir quota of retired soldiers.

Five examplescan be cited from Caerleon:Flavius Natalis,
Julius Decuminus, Julius Severus, Valerius Verecundius
and Julius Valens, with the last three being specified as
veterans of Legio II Augusta. The tombstone of Julius
Valensalso carriesthe information that he lived to the quite
incredibleage, for thosetimes, of 100 andis, so far, the only
centenarian attested from RomanBritain. The stonewas set
up by his son, Julius Martinus, and wife, Julia Secundina,
who was herself commemoratedon a separatememorial
which recordedher age as 75. Similarly at Chestertomb-
stones record some half-dozen veterans, including one
from Legio II Adjutrix, despiteits short stayin that fortress.
Unfortunatelythey give little informationbeyondthe man's
name, rank and age, but we can note that Licinius Valens
hadoriginally enlistedfrom his hometown of ArIes in Callia
N arbonensis.
142 Although many auxiliary soldiersmust also have retired
in Britain, there are few instanceswhere the fact is actually Migrant and native
recorded.Aurelius Tasulus,describedas a veteran,erected
an altar to the god, Belatucadrus,at Old Carlislebut he does
not specify his regimentalthoughit is more than likely that
he servedin the cavalryregimentstationedin the fort during
the late secondcentury;the vicusat Old Carlisleis oneof the
few in Britain whosecorporateexistenceis indicatedby an
inscription. Therewas, of course,the known veteransettle-
ment of Sarmatiansat Ribchester,but apart from the three
centurionsin chargeat one time or another,we know only of
the wife, Aelia Matrona, the mother-in-law, Campania
Dubitata, and the son, Marcus Julius Maximus, of Julius
Maximus who was secondedfrom the Sarmatiancavalry to
be a memberof the governor'sauxiliary bodyguard.
But soldierswerequite free to movearoundon retirement
and it is likely that many did so, perhaps, if they had
savings, setting up in businessor trade and joining the
alreadylarge band of migrant merchantswho had come to
Britain in searchof wealth. Someof the latter have already
beenmentionedin the precedingchapter,suchas Aurelius
Lunaris and Verecundius Diogenes, seviri Augllstales at
York, with their connectionswith south-westFranceand
possibly the wine trade; to them we can add a further in- 63 A dedicationfrom York
recllrding the gitt of an arch to
scriptionat Bordeauxrecordinganothermerchanttrading to a shrinebv Lucius Viducius
Britain, SolimariusSecundinus.Barates,from Palmyra,and Placidus, ~vh()
administration is almostcer-
husbandof the Catuvellaunianwoman Regina, may have tainlv to be identified with the
man'ofthe samenamewho
been a maker of military standards.Philus the Sequanian erectedan altar at Colijnsplaat
(1'1 64 bclow):
[I(""i) ClUJlllllo) ;\1(11\1/110)
A(clclIlo) LJ(Ullcilt'llo)]l'I CClliu LuCl
administration
[ci Il(llllllllil,",) Alll~(l"lullIIll)
L(lIcill:;) Vidllciu:; [I.(uci) !Ufill'';)
Pla]cidlls dOlllo [ciL'it(atc)J
VdioCIlS[sjillll1 [Pr(ol'il1ciIlC)
LlIS(dIlI1Cllsis) J\: ksotiator
[Brit(l1l1l1iciallll:-;) Ajrcll/II ct fail/iiI!
[d(ollu)d(cdil) I(ow)d("lu)]
d(cerclo) [d(CCllli<'/Ill/) ICral,' l'I
[SCICl((JW(llh(llil,",)]

'To Jupiter, Best, Gredtes!dnd

Eternal, of Doliche, and to the
Geniusof the Placeand to the
administration
Dl'iti~'s of the Emperors,Lucius
Viducius Placidus,son of Lucius,
of the countr\' of tlw \'eliocasses
in Calha Lugdunensis,llwfch,lnt
trading \\'ith Hritain, gave this
arch and v<1ulted passage<lS a
gift, the site being given by
decreeof the councillors (of the
city of York) in the consulshipof
Gralusdnd Sl'leuchus'(AD 221),
(J am grateful to ProL], E,
Bogaersfor his vcrsion of the
restoredtext)
i'vIigrant and native could have beenattractedto Cirencesterby trade. In addi-
tion a fair number of people who had trading connexions
with Britain are known from continental sources.Among
them we can number the pottery-merchant Viducius
Placidus,native of the region aroundRouen,who set up an
arch at York and an altar at the mouth of the river East
ScheIdtin Holland; he was a rich man, for he was able to
donateboth the arch and part of a shrine, dedicatedjointly
64 i'vIigrant
rr{1gnlcntdr~/ aitdr frun1
Clllijnsplaat, the Netherlands.
dedicatedbv a merchant
trading witl; Britain. It reads:
Delle Nehelcllfliae Placidll5 VidllCi
filUus) Clllt'S VCliOCll:;;sillillS
!lcgotil1ttor) Brittllll1(icialllls)
,'(OIWII) ,(oluil) l(ibell,) lIl(crilo)

'To the godd~'ss

i'vIigranti':l'il.eicnnid,
Plclcidus, SlHi of V'iducus, citiL~'n
i'vIigrant
nf the \' t!lill(dSSt'S, Illt'rch,lnt with
Hrit<lill, willingly <lnd dl'ServL'dly
pdid his \\)\\'.'

to JupiterDolichenus,the spirits of the placeand the deities

of the emperorsat York. It is not impossiblethat, like his two
fellow-merchantsat York, he was also a scuir of the colony.
The sanctuariesto Nehalennia near Colijnsplaat, at the
mouth of the East Scheidt, and at Domburg on the island
of Walcheren, appear to have been very popular with
merchants,and in view of their positions there must be a
strong possibility that many of the people who dedicated
therewereconnectedwith British trade,eventhoughonly a
very small number made a specific mention of the fact.
Among the altarsrecoveredfrom the sitescan be numbered
those of the salt-fish merchants Exingius Agricola, a
Treveran by birth but working from Cologne, Cornelius
Superstis, Julius Januariusand Julius Florentinus, all of
Cologne; the merchantsof fish-sauce(allccarills) Secundius
Similis, CariniusGratusand Gatullinius Seggo;the pottery
merchant,trading with Britain, SecundiniusSilvanus; the
144 freedman, Arisenius Marius, also trading with Britain;
and Commodus,a wine merchant.Two more, Vegisonius 65 ,\Itd.-from Culil'lspla"t. the
Marinus and Gimioga describethemselvesas Ilauta which N"therlands,dedicatedto
i\1chdlennid bv d potter;
could mean either sailor or more likely in this context, Illerchant trading with Brit,lin.
shipper. Another, Julius Aprilis, was a veteranand some- The front p,lIlcl (a) reads:
time bel1eficiarills conslliaris, and may well have set up in DCl7c\:klllll'h'llIlial' l)l) IIltTCI'::, n'de
businesson retirement. At Cassel,a tombstonehad been ((11 I.";C1t'll fa."; ;\1(171'(11.";)

SC(lI liti (in iii.':' ? )Sih'llIllb IIcgotiator

erectedin memoryof a Briton, Fufidius, who may havebeen involved,
crctariu[...;j Hritt7l/l/i(ial//l[~! in the -i'(otlllll)

a clothing merchant,while another,possiblyfrom Britannia involved,

~(uf/{itJ /liill'lb) /Iliaito)
in the
'To the goddess\.:ehalcnni{) on
Superior,but who is nameless,seemsto havebeencarrying ,lCcount uf her good prlltection uf
on the same line of businessat Marsal in Gallia Belgica. \'LuclIS Secund(inius?)Sih',lllllS,
pnttl'r:' IlWrch<lnt with Britain,
Xanten also has a record of a clothing importer, Priminius wjllingh' <lnd dcsL'n"cdl:" p<lid his
Ingennus,while Colognehas a generalmerchant,Aurelius vow'·
Verus, again trading to Britain. Another probabletrader in tb) showsthe reM taceof the
a slightly different category that we might include is altar with simul,ltcd draperies;
Antonianus, who dedicated a shrine to the Mother (c) showsthe left-hand side
and (d) the right-handside of
Goddessesat Bowness-on-Solway.In three metrical lines the stone
he promisedto gild the letters on the altar, if the goddesses
causedhis ventureto prosper.It is more thanlikely that this
refers to a trading expedition, either up the west coast of
Scotland, or even across to Ireland. A scatter of Roman
goodshas beenfound on settlementsites in both areas,so
there were doubtless trading connections across the
frontiers to both parts.
Not only merchantstravelled to Britain, but also crafts-
men and professionalpeople. A stonemason,Priscus,was
working at Bath and set up a dedicationto the local deity of
the hot springs,Sulis; he cameoriginally from the Chartres
region of Gaul. In the pottery industry, the comparatively
large numberof Romancitizenswho were involved, in the 145
Migrant and native first century, with the manufactureof mortaria, can only
imply migrant workers. From amongthem we might quote
Attius Marinus who began at Colchester,before moving
first to Radlett(Herts.)andthento Hartshill, nearNuneaton,
which formed, togetherwith the Mancetterarea,one of the
largestcentresof the industry. Also working at Colchester
were the five Sexti Valerii, possiblyall freedmenandclients
of a common patron, while two, and perhaps more,
66 FragmentarvaltM(CILXIII,
8793) from Dmnburg, the
Netherlands,recordinga
dedicationto the goddess
Nehclenniabv Secundinius
Silvanus, pottery merchantto
Britain. The text is the sameas
PI. 65 aboH'.

l DEA6 . fhgfh gf .
oIrM RcXS·RE'C ~ CO N SER
;; VA TAS M~s\cvFb:SILVANVS
~ I\f.GO tl 0 C .tirl.1-.,{,>.",.
R-&.JJ A f\ I V S

I1
B R 1.. T A Jo
rr "(CIANVS
~ . V "' ~ '\ .~, ..S___ l (J'. ~ M
.\-: '_"~-.n.~.~~ , ' :./ .'\.,\ '; .;. i:'~~1

Q. Valerii may have set up new workshops near Rich-

borough. One of the latter, Valerius Veranius, had appar-
ently moved from somewherenearBavai and recordedthe
name of his new factory on some of his vessels as
DOG(or C)AERIA FACTUM 'madeat Dogaeria';it is not,
unfortunately, placeable. Even if his workshop had
remainedin Gaul, nearthe Channelcoast,theremusthave
beenstrongtradinglinks with Britain, in view of the number
of mortariafound in the provincewith the relevantstamps.
Rutilius Ripanuswas yet another,who set up in the same
businessat Radlett. A further group of potterscamelater to
Britain, during the late secondcentury,whenattemptswere
146 made to found samianfactories at a numberof places, of
which the mostimportantwas at Colchester.Sincethe pro- Migrant and native
duction of samianware requiresspecialtechniquesas well
asmaterials,it is likely thatthe pottershadacquiredthe skills
beforecoming to Britain. Most of the vesselsproducedhere
haveaffinities with EastGaulish types, which points to the
probable origin of the people concerned. They did not
restrict their activities solely to the manufactureof samian,
but also producedcolour-coatedvesselsand mortaria. It is
67 Fragmentaryaltar (RiB
149), from Bath, dedicatedby
an immigrant stonemason
from the Chartresareaof
France.It reads:
Prisclis TlHlti lUlills) Itlpidnrill[sl
(il'!!, Car[IlIlJlmll' SII[liJ dme
l'(Otlllll) [,(Olllit) l(ibm,) III(erilo)J
'PrisclIs, son uf Toutius, a stone-
mason,tribesmanof the
Carnutes,to the goddessSulis
willingly and deservedlvfulfilled
his VO\v.'

probablyas well that they did so for the samian,owing to a

lack of the right clay, was very poor in quality and never
achievedmuchof a distributionor popularity;consequently
the attemptwas short-lived.Therewere perhapssometwo
dozen or so potters involved in the project, of whom the
mostprolific was probablySenilis. His stampedvesselsare
also found in EastGaul, including Rheinzabern,one of the
principal factories for East Gaulish samian, and it is likely
that his origin lay in that area.
Migrantswere also interestedin the extractiveindustries.
The lead and silver mines of Britain were from the first
exploitedundergovernmentcontrol asimperial estates.But
private persons or partners, providing that they could 147
~<Ii)

68 marks.: ta) graffito

I?'ou~'sgraffito b
inscnorobeforetiring Of! tho.>
rim 01 anOxfordshire
mortariwn:Tamesibugus;,b)an
illiterate poU~'s.
graffito stampOlll the-
rim ot anOxfordsBUre
fnortarrum; Ie) graffito In-
scribedbeforefiring onaVessi>1
ma<.ieatRushden {Northants).
Vitali:>; ~d) stampon a samian
vessdmanufacturedat
Colchester.Senilis(t?\cit);. Ie)
bag,nentof imitation samian
from GreatCas.terton.prob-
ably rn.ade nearby.it is.
c
stampedAnymdin:us

d
e

148
reassurethe imperial procurator that they had sufficient Migrant and native
working capital for the efficient runningof the mines, could
obtain concessions.Lack of the necessaryfunds was prob-
ably the reasonwhy no obviousBritons appearin the lists in
the early stagesof development.Instead we find Roman
citizens, probably rich freedmen, undertaking the work.
Nipius Ascanius,whosenamedenotesan Italian origin, was
engagedin the Somersetmines of the Mendips by AD 60
and later extendedhis operationsto Flintshire. Claudius
Triferna was also active in Somerset,and his interestslater
expandedto take in some of the Derbyshiremines of the
PeakDistrict. Another working in the sameareawas Julius
Protus,whosepigs of lead were also marked, significantly,
'from the silver works'.
Among professionalpeoplewe might mentionDemetrius
of Tarsus, a teacherof Greek and also presumablysome-
thing of a geographer;he is mentioned by Plutarch as
'having just returned from Britain' where he had, among
other things, beensent, probablyby the governorAgricola,
on an expedition round the north of Scotland.Two Greek
inscriptionsset up at York by a Demetrius,one a dedication
to the deitiesof the governor'sresidence,the otherto Ocean
and Tethys, are almost certainly attributable to the same
man. Unfortunately not all the referencesto migrants in
Britain containallusionsto the natureof their businessin the
province. Somemay well havebeenretired soldiers;others
were possibly slaves or freedmen. The sourcesare often
tantalisingin their obscurity. For instancewe may wonder
in what circumstancesa Dacian, Mettus, from the lower
Danube region, came to be buried near Tetbury, some
20 km south-westof Cirencester.What was the business
which brought Peregrinusto Bath from around Trier? He
did not erectan altar to Sulis, the local deity, but to the gods
of his homeland, Loucetius Mars and Nemetona,so it is
unlikely that he cameseekinga cure for a sickness.Why did
a Caledonian,Lossio Veda, makea joint dedicationto Mars
Campesium and the emperor Severus Alexander at
Colchester?A woman, Rusonia A ventina, from around
Metz in Gaul, died at Bath and her tombstonewas put up
by a male heir; therewas no mentionof a husband.Was she,
therefore,a camp-follower who cameto Britain in the wake
of the army in the days before soldierscould contractlegal
marriages?Or was she a freed slave?How can we account
for Sacer,a Senonianfrom centralGaul, at Lincoln together
with his wife and family? What wasValeriusTheodorianus,
a citizen of NomentumnearRome, doing in York? He died
aged35, so he is unlikely to haveseenmilitary service,since 149
69 Pigs oi 1t'<lLl carrying thl' a
n,lrnes of individuill ((In-
(essionJires or partnershi ps:
(il) from C.umel (;\;. Willes),
(.lst inscription C(ai,,;) Nip;(",)
A,nlll;(IIS); (b) from Green Ore
(Somerset). counterstilmped
on the side Ti(/IUi/b) CI(alldills)
Tri/kma) ; (e) from Syde
(Glos.), countC'rstamped lin
the side SIX(il'la l i.<) :\11.11'(,11'''); (d)
from HexgrilvC' Park (NolIs.),
eil st inscription C(ai",;) 'Ill(ills)
Prl.llll S Bril(llIl1liculll) (S(lCi(lrlllll)
LIII(lIdllrt'lIsilllll) ('X 'Irgl'lI/tlriis,
'Briti sh (lead) from the ~ilvcr
works of th,' LutudMum
(ompany, (under the man,l!,;e-
ment of) Gaius lui ius Prot us';
(e) from Chun:hover
(W<1rwi(ks.), (.ls1 inscription
So..;or(lIlII) LIII(udart'l/siwlI)
8r(i/alllli(lIIlI) ('.\" ,rr:<t'II/tlrii,;, b
' British (!c,ld) from the silver
works 01 th,' Lutudarum
company'

150
noneis mentionedand the stonewas erectedon the orders Migrant and native
of his mother. Was Hermes, a 16-year-old boy from
Commagenein northernSyria, who wascommemorated by
a fulsome dedicationin Greekat the fort of Brough-under-
Stainmore,a slaveof one of the officers of the garrison?Can
we say the sameaboutLabareus,a German,who dedicated
at Maryport to an outlandishdeity, presumablyof his native
land, called Setlocenia, or about the Raetian woman,
Titullinia Pussitta, who died at Netherby, after she had
probablybeenemancipated? What was the contextin which
another German, Lurius, erected a joint memorial at
Chesters to his sister, wife and son? Was the Jewish
boy, Salmanes,who died aged 15 at Auchendavyon the
AntonineWall, the sonof an easterntraderwho hadchosen
to cross the empire and do businesson its most northerly
frontier? Three Greeks are also attestedin Britain, apart
from thosewith medical connectionsalreadymentionedin
the precedingchapter.One, FlaviusHelius, lived in Lincoln
with his wife; another,Antigonus Papias,who was prob-
ably a Christian, had migrated to Carlisle, while the third,
Aufidius Olussa,died in London. Since most Greekswere
exemptedfrom recruitmentinto the army, it is probablethat
they also were merchants.
70 Tombstone(RIB 758) of a
youth from Commagene
(Syria) set up at Brough-
under-Stainmore(Cumbria).It
reads:
EKKI;<,a€)(ET1/ TL~ iawv TVJLf3W(L)
U"K€q,IJEVT' ;mo (Cumbria).
JLoip1/~ 'EpJL,y,(v}
(Cumbria).
KOJLJLaY1/vov '1TO~ q,paU"Cr.Tw
'TOO' 68Ei7'YJtt;· XaiPE (IV, 7Tai,
nap' '£I-£0v, K7]V1Tep (Jvy}'TOV
f3io(v) EP1T1/('}~'
(Cumbria). (Cumbria).
WKVTaT'
yap JL€PfJ1TWV E1TL (Cumbria).
K'JLJL€piwv
y,y,(v}. KOV W€vU"€L, ay[alJo~]
(Cumbria).
yap <> 1Tai~(Cumbria).
(Cumbria). a. <TV
[KaAov]
'Let sometraveller, on seeing
Hermesof Commagene,aged
sixteenyears,shelteredin the
tomb by fate, call out: I give you
my greetings,young man,
thoughmortal the pathof life you
slowly tread,for swiftly you have
winged your way to the land of
the Cimmerianfolk. Nor will
your words be false, for the lad is
good,andyou will do him a good
service,'

151
Migrant and native
71 Tombstone(I,-IIJ 2K12) of"
YLlung Semitic boy from
Auchendavyon the Antoninc
Wall. It reads:
f)(z:;) ;\-f(llllihu:;) Silfl li1l C~
this L',p.'
1111(110.';) xv SaIIllI1I/C" jlo:;/lit
'Tll the spirits of the departed;
Saimaneslived 15 vears.
S<lIJll(lIlL'S set this L',p.'
152
Thesecited instancesof migrantsamongthe population
of the province must representa very small sampleof the
total, especiallyas inscriptionsof all types are rare finds in
much of lowland Britain. If they are taken with thosefrom
other backgrounds,such as retired membersof the army
and administration,it would probably be not far from the
truth to say that almost every other province of the empire
was representedin Britain at one time or another.Not only
is this a commentaryon the freedomof the individual in the
empire, but also it demonstratesthat travel within it was
comparativelyeasyand safe. Moreover, it indicatesthe way
in which the British populationwould havebecomefar more
cosmopolitanover the years, so giving rise to the habitual
use of severaldifferent languagesor dialects and stressing
the need for Latin to be learnt as a common tongue, if all
were to understandeachother.
Examination of the evidencealso shows that many in-
dustries and trades of Roman Britain are representedby
namedpractitionersof native descent;this is especiallyso in
the hardwareindustrieswhoseproductsmore or less tend
to survive burial in the ground. Nevertheless,care must be
takenin assessingmakers'nameswhich areassociatedwith
portableobjects,particularlyof a personalnature,sincethey
may havemovedfar from their placesof manufacture,even
perhapsbeingimports from otherprovinces.
A young slave, unfortunately nameless,was placed in
chargeof a goldsmith'sshop at Norton in east Yorkshire,
according to a building inscription which must have been
built into its walls; consequently,we shouldassumethat he
was a practising goldsmith. Other workshops existed in
London, CirencesterandVerulamiumbut we know nothing
of their personnel.Similarly, with the manufactureof silver
"L1Lut
objects, a large factory has been identified at Silchester,
althoughthe workers againremainanonymous.There are,
however, silver ingots of characteristicdouble-axeshape,
which are found in late fourth-centurycontexts.It hasbeen
claimed that they were usedfor the paymentof officials, in
bullion rather than in coinage, which by then tended to
changerapidly in value. Theseingots were often stamped
with the name of the factory and, although we cannotbe
absolutelycertainthat thesewere situatedin Britain, we can
be reasonablyconfident that it was so, becauseBritain
remained one of the most important silver-producing
provinces in the later empire. One ingot from London
carries the stamp ex offe HOllorini; it is possible, therefore,
that Honorinushad a workshopin London. Two more are
known from the Coleraine hoard of silver from northern
Ireland and were probablylooted on a piratical expedition. Migrant and native
One, broken in half, is stampedCurmissi (the works of
Curmissus), the other ex of Patrici (the workshop of
Patricius).The stampof Curmissusis repeatedmorefully on
an ingot from Kent.
But the extractionof silver was intimately connectedwith
lead, since the ores are usually found in combination.Con-
sequentlywe canassumethat, in mostcaseswhereproduc-
72 Fragmentary tombstone
(RIB 955) of a Creek, from
Carlisle. It reads:
LJ(LS) M(!lll i/'/s) F/!l(1'ill);
this L',p.'~ Papia::; clui;;
AlltiS{lI/(/I) CrC(IIS
pixit /11I/J(l::; pIll :; lIIiJlIIS LX qllt'lIll1d
1Il0dlllll (l(COJIIOtil7tll ll! ti7ti:~ tlllill1l711/
this L',p.'
n : ~i.'(lcm'this
it St'l'tilllil1
L',p.'
VO I.
'T{) thL' spirits of the departeddnd
Flavius i\ntigonusPapias,~1
CitiZl'l1 of Greece;lived 60 VL'ars,
n10rl' or less, dnd gave thisbd~kL',p.'to thL\
Fateshis sDullent for that extent
of time. Septilllia Do. . (set this
up).'

The fOn1lUl a used to describe

his age is commonlyemploved
in Christiancontexts

73 Bonl' comb (rum London

(Britannia ii , 299) stilmped with
the ovvner's, or Il'l(lker?sr llaI11(':
DIG NVS

tion of lead is associatedwith individuals or partners,they

may well have been engagedin the purification of silver.
One examplehas alreadybeenquoted: that of Julius Protus
in Derbyshire,wherespecificmentionis made of the extrac-
tion of the silver contentfrom the raw material. The same
areaalso saw the developmentof a companyof partners,of
whom, incidentally , JuliusProtusmay have beenone,called
the societasLutudarensis;Rubrius Abascantuswas possibly 153

74 Bronze statuetteof a nude,
but helmeted,Mars denarii.'
(l~IB 274)
from Torksey, nearLincoln. It
wascastby;{ local coppersmith
who donatedthe metal. The
inscriptionsread:
(a)
(not shown) Dco Mar(tl) t'f
NII(lIli,li)l>(lIs) AlIg(IIS/0nllll)
Colas/wi Bruceiusct Caratills de SilO
donorlillf
'To the god Mars and the Deities
of the Emperors,the Cobsuni,
Brucciusand Caratius,presented
this at their O'v\'n expense'
(b)
ad :-:.cstcr(tios) 11(/lI/{//[(ls) ((cllll/lIl)
Cclatlls I1CrarillS tecit ct t1en1ll1cllti
ItI'(mlll) dOllln'i/ tIlC/III11 (dcl/anis) III
'at a enstof 100 sesterces;Celatus
the coppersmithfashionedit and
gavc a pound of bronzeat the
cost of 3 denarii.'
154
anotherpartner, for his namealso appearson a pig of lead
from the samesource.A secondgroupof partnersworkedin
the Mendipsin the late first centuryunderthe companytitle
of societasNovaec.,but unfortunatelythey did not quotetheir
individual names.
Lead was used extensively in Britain for plumbing,
making coffins and other articles. One remarkablepiece of
work is the ornamentedleadcasketof late datefrom Caistor
(Lines.), madeby an experiencedplumber, Cunobarrus.It
was made from lead sheet, 6.35 mm thick, on which the
decorationand the maker'snamewere castin low relief. He
musthavebeenproudof his work, for the nameappearson
all four sides. Two military plumbersmay be indicatedby
the namesPriuis and Aticurto scratchedon a water-pipe
from the legionaryfortressat Chester.Leadwasalsoalloyed
with tin, normally obtainedfrom Cornwall, to form pewter,
which in the later empire was commonly usedfor making
tableware.An ingot, stampedwith the name Syagriushas
beendredgedfrom the Thamesupstreamfrom London, and
may denotea manufacturerof pewterobjects;judging from
the distributionof mouldsfor making the vessels,it was not
an uncommonoccupation.
Copperand its alloys were widely used for a very large
variety of objects,and coppersmithswere probablypresent
in somenumbersin most of the larger towns. Evidencefor
manufacturingsmiths comes from Verulamium, Catterick
and Colchesterand a number are known by name from
other sitesas well. Cintusmusdedicateda bronzeplaqueto
SilvanusCallirios at a templeoutsidethe town of Colchester,
while also from outsidethat town, camea large cakeof raw
metal, weighing nearly 10 kg, on which is stamped the
initials V.H. et B, which probably allude to a partnership.
Anothercoppersmith,Celatus,workedin Lincoln or nearby
and was responsiblefor castinga small statueof a nudebut
helmetedMars for Brucciusand Caratius,who paid him 100
sesterces;however,in return he donateda poundof metal,
costing 3 denarii, free of charge. Hacheston,a settlement
site in Suffolk, has produceda bronze scale-panmarked
with the maker's name, Banna; interestingly, the name
Bannais also recordedon anotherscale-panfrom SeaMills,
near Bristol. Martlesham,not far from Hacheston,has pro-
duceda now broken statuettededicatedto Mars, madeby
Glaucusfor Simplicia, while from Werehamin Norfolk has
comea bronzesteelyardstampedAdvatucus.This seeming
concentrationof bronze-workersin East Anglia is a re-
minderthata small site at Wattisfield, not far from Thetford,
hasproducedmouldsfor the manufactureof bronzerazors,
 Migrclllt c1nd nc1ti,'t'

75 Bnll1 i l'denarii.'
~lt 'l'l: (fl~ : ; ,:" ,
" lrddenarii.'
10;' ). frolll \\'ndl'lI11 (Norfoll-)
~I , lrl
denarii.'pl'd wi I h I Ill' l11,ll-,' r' ~
,1,lllll" AD\'ATVC\'S

while broocheswere madeat Caistor-by-Norwich.A small

bronze ansate plaque from Catterick, possibly attached
originally to a military uniform, was stampedneatly in the
centre with the name Dubnus. But all these small objects
could easily have travelled far from their place of manu-
facture. A very large numberof bronzeand coppervessels
are stampedwith the makers'names,but most, including
such articles as paterae,jugs and flagons, were probably
manufacturedin otherprovincesand so cannotnormally be
taken as evidence for British coppersmiths. Although
broochesoccur with considerableregularity on Romano-
British sites, many were imported from northern Gaul.
There is, however, some evidencefor their local manufac-
ture and in addition to Caistor-by-Norwich, mentioned
above, Baldock (Herts.) was perhapsalso a factory. Few
broochesindicate their maker, but one from the Maidstone
area, of so-called 'Colchester'type, carries the moulded

76 Broll!.l' ,m"lll' pl'H)lfl' (JUS

I. 240). po~ ~ib l~ ' ,1 pit'':o;' (li ,1
Illilif.lr\' 1Illi iorlll . irolll
C 1llt'ri·(k. II i~ ~1'H l1Pl ' d ",ilh
Ihl'denarii.'
Ill,lkl ' r' ~ n,lml': DVBi'\VS

I ~~
Migrant and native
77 Iron knife blade (IRS Ii x,
240) from Catterickstamped
with the maker'sname:
VICTOR V.r:
156
inscription NOIllI.F, or NOIJ IJ us fecit. But we cannotbe absol-
utely certainthat Nonnuswas working in Britain, although
it is possible.
Blacksmithsmust also have been ubiquitous, as well as
the makersof more specialisediron-work suchas cutlersor
tool-makers.A fine, but somewhatweathered,tombstone
of a smith, found at DringhousesoutsideYork, is unfortu-
nately anonymous,but it depictshim wearingwhat may be
a leatherapron over his tunic; he is forging with a hammer
an objectwhich he holds with tongson an anvil. Many such
men were extremely accomplished and an axe head,
stampedL·G·R, from Newstead,was consideredby the
excavatorto have beenmadeby a professionaltool-maker.
He may well have beenan army smith whoseinitial letters
denoteRoman citizenship. Another tool-maker, Martinus,
is known from a chisel stamped with his name from
London, while knives made by the cutlers Victor and
Basilius have turned up at Catterick and London respec-
tively, but perhapsonly after travelling somedistancefrom
their place of manufacture.A maker of iron styli, possibly
called Regnus,may also havehadhis workshopin London.
Occasionally, the names of manufacturersof trinkets or
toilet articlesare recorded,suchasthe makerof bonecombs,
Dignus, from London.
Considering the quantity of pottery which was manu-
facturedin RomanBritain, it is unfortunatethat we know so
little about the potters, for vesselswere only exceptionally
markedwith the maker'sname.The one classof vesselto be
consistentlyso marked,at leastduring the first and second
centuries,were the mortaria, shallow bowls probablyused
for maceratingfruit and vegetablesbefore cooking. Refer- Migrant and native
encehas alreadybeenmadeto someof the migrant potters
who madethesevesselsin Britain during the yearsafter the
conquest,but it was not long beforethey were being turned
out in somequantity by native manufacturers.One of the
most prolific in the late first century was Albinus, whose
vesselsrangedin distribution as far as Scotland,but with 78 Iron knife blade from
by far the largest quantity occurring in the London- London, stampedwith the
maker'sname: BASILIS

Hertfordshire area. Some of his vesselsare also stamped 79 I ron <nvl from London
with the place of manufacture,which appearsto be called possiblya leather-worker's
tool, ,tampedwith the
Lugdunum, but which cannot be related to either of the milker's name:TITVI
Gaulishsitessimilarly named;it is mostlikely to lie between
London and Verulamium, in an area which contained
several known sites where mortaria were manufactured,
such as Radlett and Brockley Hill. Indeedthere are strong
suspicionsthat Albinus hada sonMatugenus,who wasalso
a potterandwho is known to haveworkedatthelatterplace.
Another well-attested,but later, potter was Sarrius, who
beganhis careerat Hartshill nearNuneatonbut later moved
to Cantley, near Doncaster, presumablyto be nearer his
marketwhich lay predominantlyin the North.
Apart from mortaria,someothervesselswerestamped,or
otherwise occasionally marked with their maker's name.
One suchpotter, whosestampcould be readas Indixivixus, 80 Two c-hisels from London
stampedwith their makers'
was active in the N ene Valley, near Peterborough;he pro- names:(a) MARTIi'll; (b)
duced colour-coatedimitations of samianvessels,mainly AI'RILIS F(ECIT)
Migrant and native
a b
81 5t'lmped mort,Hia, both
frum Leicester:(01) All,illIlS, lie
was one of the most prolific
nlanufacturersof nlortariCl in
Britain during the lolter first
century AD, operating
apparentlyat a placec,ll1ed
Lugdunuill whost' wlwrt'-
aboutshas not vet bl)Cn
located,butwhichprobablylies
in the 5t Alb,lIls district of
Hertfordshire,He appearsto
havehad a son, MOiligOlllS,
who followed him in the same
busincss;(b) Sorrill',- Also a
prulitic producer,in the
secondcenturvAD, who
worked tirst i;l the Manedter-
Holrtshill arcol bdoremoving to
RossingtonBridge, ne,1r
Doncaster
158
derivedfrom EastGaulishforms, togetherwith othertypes.
Therewere, also, a large numberof semi-literateor illiterate
potters who, in trying to follow the fashionabletrend of
stampingtheir productswith their names,were often only
able to createa die containinga variety of symbols.They are
to be found most commonly in the Thames Valley area
where in the fourth century a considerableindustry was
thriving. Of a numberat leastonepotter, Paternus,wasable
to use an abbreviationof his full name, while someothers
coupledletters, suchas SEO, with a seriesof symbols.The
ThamesValley region also madesomemortaria and one of
the manufacturersrejoiced in the name of Tamesibugus.
othertypes.circumstancesoccasionallyprovide further in-
Exceptiona~
formation, and a potter, whose name is unfortunatelyin-
complete,but which endsprobablywith the syllable -RICO,
refers to himself in a graffito on a storagejar from Irchester,
near Wellingborough, as being the son of anotherpotter,
and throws in the extra information that he had 'madethe
lower ones', presumablyin the kiln. Another potter work-
ing in the samearea was Vitalis, while a graffito scratched
on a pot before firing from a kiln-site in Kent recordedthat
Charmidanaxhad made505 pots, which could havebeena
completechargefor a largish kiln.
If potterswere somewhatfrugal in naming their wares,
tile- and brick-makerswere not so unassuming.Moreover,
the large flat articles which they were normally producing
provided excellent surfacesfor the employeesto practise
their writing skills either with exercisesor by means of
unofficial messagesor comments.The brick and pottery
industries tended to be rather differently organised,brick
production being distributed probably betweenfewer but
largerfirms. Apart from official factoriesrun by government
departments,army units, or municipalities,to which refer-
ence has already been made, a number of private firms
are known from the stamps which they placed on their
products.In many instancesthey were madeup of threeor
occasionallyfour letters,which were the initial letterseither
 of the factory or of the tria nomina of a Roman citizen pro- Migrant and native
prietor. In Gloucestershireand Wiltshire two firms who
used the stamps Arveri and Juc . . . Digni ... are well
known, while a third, equally prolific, usedthe initials TPF,
sometimesfollowed by a fourth letter, to mark its products; 82 Stampedtiles showing
from the sameareathereare also stampssuchas LHS, LLH 111anufacturers' nanles or
initials: (a) An'cri. The firm of
and VLA. In Buckinghamshire,there seemsto have beena the Arveri were active in the
firm run by Arvienus, while in Surreytherewas one run by Cloucestershire/Wiltshire
region as were also the firm
(,1) which stampedtheir products;
(b) TPF followed in this casebv
the letter C; (c) A tile stamped
I?PCQQIVL ILOl\ETCCRSM:
R(ci) P(II/J/imc) C(/el'L'IlSilllll)
q(lIill) q\II<'1l11ll1i17lls) 111/(10)
Floro ct cr . .. )C( ... ) R( . ..)
sr. .) M( . .. ). This tile was
manufacturedbv the munici-
pal brickworks ~t Cloucester
when lulius Floru5 and some
otherman, known only by his
initials, Jointly held the posts
of duoviri quillqucllllales; (d)
b LLH, a tile stamp used by a
firm whoseproductsalso cir-
culatedin the Clollcestershire
region; (e) SCM, a tile stampby
a firm whoseproductscircu-
]a ted in the London region; (f)
T'I'BlnON, tiles stampedwith
this legendP(rocllmlor)
P(roulllciac) Br(lllllllziac)
LOIZ(dillii), were producedat an
official brickworks near
London run by the imperial
procurator'smen and presum-
ably usedfor public buildings

(e) d

e f
Migrant and native
83 G r,l ffi to on a tile from
Silchester;it containsa list of
namesandterminateswith the
openingphrasefrom Virgil's
Aelleid Book Il:
PcrtaclI::; Jlcrfidlls (untrushvorth y')
Call1l't'stcr, LliciliallllS, Cali/pilI/liS,
((lllticlIt'rCOIllI1CS (all fell silent)
160
Patendinius.At Wroxeter the letters LCH were similarly
used,while AlcesterhasproducedTCD andFarningham,in
west Kent, CSE. Unofficial commentsand remarks,which
were usually scratchedon the surfacesbefore firing, often
relate directly to the workers in the factories; sometimes
they are most revealing, others are quite obscurein their
meaning. What, for instance,induced someoneto record
thatAustalis, his fellow- worker, hadbeenwanderingabout
on his own for the last fortnight? Was it really a writing
lessonwhich causeda jumble of words to be scratchedon a
tile from Silchester,but endingsurprisinglywith the open-
ing phrase,conticuereOllllles, from the secondbook of the
Aeneid,by Virgil? Did the tile-makerwho scratched'satis' on
one of his tiles really imply that he was fed-up, or was he
simply recordingthe endof a productionrun with 'enough'?
Straightforwardcommentsare largely self-explanatory,as
'Candidushasmade... roofing-tiles' from Cirencester;the
anonymousreferenceon a box-flue tile from Dover that
someonehadmade550 of them; Cabriabanusfrom Plaxtolin
Kent who was recording the individual manufactureof
roller-stamped,voussoir-shaped,box-flue tiles; or Primus
from Leicesterwho had madeten box-flue tiles. It hasbeen Migrant and native
arguedthat suchworkers would needto be taughtLatin in
order to record their productionand other mattersrelating
to the business,which might well be true. But we cannot
allow brick-makersa monopolyof literacy andif it is true for
themit is probablytrue also for all trades.
Although glasswareand window glass were manufac-
tured in Britain in several places, we have no definite
records of its operatives, unlike many continental glass-
works which often impressedtheir initials or names on
mould-formedvessels.Many suchvesselswereimportedto
Britain and it is not impossiblethat somewere madehere,
but no decisive evidenceconnectingthem to a glassworks
hasyet beenproduced.Alcesterhasproduceda glassbottle
with the name of the factory of Sabelliusmoulded on the
base;more normally the firm is indicatedsimply by initials,
as with tiles.
Of the remaining extractiveindustriesand their second-
ary workings, such as quarrying of various forms, that
obtainingto stonecanbe bestrelatedto its workers.Millions
of cubic metresof different typesof building materialsmust
have been excavatedin the Roman period and there is a
good deal of evidence for the quarries, especially in the
neighbourhoodof Hadrian'sWall. But there, as might be
expected,and as mentionedin the precedingchapter,they
wereworkedby the army, who left behinda largenumberof
inscriptions cut in the rock faces, recording the namesof
units and personnelengaged.Other quarriesare known in
the vicinity of Cirencester,Bath, Canterburyand Lincoln
and many other sites, but unfortunately civilian workers
were lesseagerto recordtheir activities. The migrant stone-
masonat Bath hasalreadybeenmentioned.In the samearea
worked the sculptor, Sulinus, son of Brucetus,who erected
altars dedicated to the Suleviae at both Bath and
Cirencester. Indeed, it has been claimed that the place
where his altar was found in Cirencesterwas the site of his
workshop,for it producedseveralotherpiecesof sculpture,
which included the representationin relief of two triads of
Mother Goddesses;alternativelyit may havebeena shrine
dedicatedto these deities. Not far away from a site near
Stroud, a relief of Mars, in a gabled setting of reasonable
quality, records that it was carved by Juventinus for
Gulioepius. Another masons'or sculptors'workshop, un-
fortunately with no recordof names,hasbeenidentified in
the Lanchester,Chester-Ie-Street areaof CountyDurham.It
seemsto have been working in the third century, mainly
manufacturingaltars, which travelled quite widely to such 161
Migrant and native placesas far apartasOld CarlisleandWilderspool. The villa
at BarnsleyPark, nearCirencester,hasproduceda building
stonewith the nameFirminius carvedupon it; he may have
beenone of the masonsemployedon the construction.Two
fragmentarynames,...MAS and ...AMUA, on a column
segmentfrom Fishbourne,might also indicatemasons.
The clothing industry, both becauseits products were
seldommarkedandrapidly perishundernormalconditions

84 Altar (1\1/3 105) from of burial in Britain, is poorly represented.Woollen cloth

Cirencesterdedicatedbv a must havebeenthe commonest,althoughthereis evidence
sculptor: -
for linen, and even silk, in the province; leatherwas used
5ulc((')is Sulil/liS Bft/Cell (filills)
('(otll/II) s(oiuit) !(ihclls) lII(crito)
extensively, not only for boots and shoes, but also for
'To the Suleviae,Sulinus, son of
garments.We have alreadyintroducedclothing merchants
RrUCl'tllS, \villingly· and from the Rhineland,andit is perhapsworth mentioningthat
deservedlyfulfilled his vow.'
Britain enjoyed some distinction in the empire for its
85 Altar (1,1Il 151) from Bath woollen goods.Two items of clothing, the birrus Britannicus
dedicatedby the samesculptor and the tapeteBritannicum are both mentionedin the price
,15 in pI. 84 above:

Suln'i:::; 5l1fillllS s(u/(p)tor I3rllccti

code of Diocletian, while a third, the tossia Britannica, is
((ilillS) sacrlllil ((ccit) l(ibells) recordedon an inscription from north-westGaul, in a list of
lII{erito)
presentssentby the governorof BritanniaInferior, Claudius
'To the Suleviae,Sulinus
sculptor, son of Brucetus,gladIv
Paulinus, to his friend and client, Sennius Sollemnis.
and deservedIv madethis Leather was frequently used for clothing both as under-
offering.' "
 86 Melson's stone hom the
villa at Barnsley Park, near
Cirencester. The namewas
prob.lbly FIRM INIYS

T
o
n
e
n
u
c v
c
garmentsand top clothes,and also for shoes. The latter are
occasionallystampedon the sole with the maker'sname,
87 Mason's, or carpenter's,
squareof bronze, which
belongedto Q(uintus) cur.. ,)
and a lady's slipper from Chesterholmwas marked by Valenus, from C mterbury
Aebutius Thales,a shoemakerof somedistinction, judging
from the quality of the article. Another small scrap of
leather, possibly part of a garmentor soft furnishing, and
stampedwith the nameVerus, wasfound in London, andis 163
l'vIigrant and native
88 Sole of a lady's slipper
(Britanniaiv, 332), stamped
with the maker'sname:
L(I1ciIls) AcjJ(I1tiIls) Ti1l7/cs T(iti)
f(iliw;), from Chesterholm
(Vindolanda)near Iladrian's
Wall
89 Fragmentof ledtlwr from
London, marked
BVRDONIVS, who would
havebeenei ther the m,l ker or
the owner
164
a reminder of the pair of leather bikini pants discovered
therein a welL
In the woodworking trades, that of cooper is best re-
presented;neverthelesswe must remember that barrels
travelledfar and may, therefore,representcoopersworking
in other provinces. A number of internally-markedbarrel
staveshave come from London and include the names,or
their abbreviations:Fusc.Mac.; MCS; T. Senbon.;Aviti; and
Galuisi; from Silchesterwe canaddVerctissaeandNio. The
staveswere also frequently numberedin sequence,to ease
the task of assembly. External markings, on the same
barrels, probably indicate the name of the shipper or
merchant;one of the London exampleshad beenbranded
with the name Vettius Catullius, while two from Silchester
were inscribed respectivelywith Sualinosand Herm., the
latter probably an abbreviation for Hermogenesor some
suchname.
British merchantspurveying food and drink are equally
difficult to identify, althoughsomemay well be implied by
the numerousgraffiti which arecarvedor paintedon pottery
vessels.Among themcanbe numbereda considerablebody
of exportersto Britain of comestibles,like oil or fish-sauce,
from Spain or Gaul. The amphoraeor flagons used for
transporting these goods are frequently stampedon the
handleswith the name of the factory from which the con-
tents came. Alternatively they were markedon the body of
the containerby painting or scratching,suchas thosefrom
Silchestercarrying either the stampsof the Scimnianestate
in southern Spain, or the name Junius Melissus, who
appearsto have been the estate'sproprietor, or that from
Londonwhich haspaintedon the neck: 'twin wine, produce
of Aurelius, bailiff of MunatiusCeler'.
 Another classof merchant,with perhapsan ethical bias, 90 Drawing of the four sides of
is that which made up ointments for medicinal purposes. an oculist'sointmentstamp
from Chester(Britannia viii,
These were apparently made in cakes, either for direct 435). They read, respectively,
applicationor for solution first in an appropriateliquid such in retrograde:
asvinegaror wine; the cakeswerestampedwith the maker's (a) Q(ullItl) lul(li) Ma rtllI (i) ,
Dlapso[rlCllIllJ
name,the type of ointmentandits purpose,the stampbeing
'QuintusJulius Martinus,
usually carved from a soft stone. At Kenchester,Aurelius the anti-irritant.'
Polychroniduswas marketing salves made of gall, helio- (b) QlullItl) lul(il) MartllI(I).

ni t k a m ivio
Croc(odes) ad Asprl(tudllIelll)

(a) 'QuintusJulius Martinus,

the safiron salvefor
soreness,'
(e) QlullIti) lul(il) MartllIl.
Staet","
'QuintusJulius Martinus,
the unguent:

ni t k a m ivio
(d) Q(ullItl) lul(il) Martl(III).
(b) Pmeilli

'QuintusJulius Martinus,
the ointments:

91 A similar stamp (JRS liv,

181) to PI. 90 above, from
Kenchester(Hereford). The
four sidesread, againin

ni t k a m ivio
retrograde:
(e)
(a) Polyclmm(ides) dialepido(s)
'Polyehronides,the copper-
oxide salve:
(b) Aur(eli) Polyc!zrollidi
adyolitlwil post (illlpetulll
lippitudilIis)
'Aurelius Polvehronides,the

ni t k a m ivio
heliotropesaiveafter (the
(d) onsetof ophthalmia):
(e) PolyclmJlli(dl) dla cllOles
'Polyehronides,the gall

_____
salve:
The fourth side (not
illustrated) refersto a
swan-whitesalve'for useat the
onsetof ophthalmia

a c
b
Migrant and native trope, copperoxide and swan-white,while at ChesterJulius
Martinus was manufacturingan unguent, an anti-irritant
compound,and a saffron salve for soreness.Another prac-
titioner, Valerius Amandus, whose stamp was found at
Sandy(Beds.) madevinegarlotion for running eyes,drops
for dim sight, poppy ointmentfor useafter inflammationof
the eyes, and a mixture for clearing the sight. A very large
numberof the prescriptionswerefor applicationto the eyes,
an indication that afflictions of this part of the anatomywere
commoneven in Britain; dust and flies togethercan rapidly
causeeye infections as can be seenin any underdeveloped
country today.
Although nowadaysmen manufacturingsuchointments
would be accordedprofessionalstatus as pharmacists,in
Roman times they were probably consideredas little more
thanmerchants.But professionalpeopledid exist in Roman
Britain, following much the samebasic callings as today:
law, teaching,priesthoodsand, at its higher levels of prac-
tice, medicine. We know very little of the practitioners,but
Juvenal mentions British jurists being trained to plead by
Gauls. Lawyers must havebeenavailableto draft contracts
suchas thosefound on woodenwriting-tabletsin London.
One, incompletereads'... this money when the applica-
tions have beendrafted will be owed to me by Crescensor
the party concerned;paymentdueon the Ides ... first'. The
second,evenmore damaged,refers to goodsbeing sold, to
the owner'sshop, to ship-buildingand to permissionbeing
given for someaction to be·taken.Anothercarriesan oath to
Jupiter and the deity of the emperor,Domitian. A migrant
teacherof Greek, Demetrius, has been mentionedabove,
and the large number of graffiti on walls, tiles and other
oddments which appear to be writing exercises are a
reminder that teachers of Latin were probably fairly
numerous.Somepriestsand priestessesare also known by
name. Calpurnius Receptuswas a priest of Sulis in the
important religious centre at Bath, where also the sooth-
sayer,Marcius Memor, performedhis duties. A priestessof
Heracles(the Syrian equivalentof Hercules), Diodora, set
up an altar at Corbridge to her deity, and it is likely that
Pulcher, who set up a companionaltar to Astarte, the con-
sort of Heracles, was also a priest. Neither dedicator is
a Roman citizen and both altars are inscribed in Greek.
Another altar from the area of Hadrian's Wall refers to
ApoUonius, a priest of Nemesis, and one from near
Milecastle3 gives the nameof Julius Maximus, but the name
of the deity he servedis missing.Medical practitionershave
166 already beenmentionedin military contexts,but none are
known from purely civilian sources.However,a chancefind Migrant and native
madesometimeagoin the ThamesnearTaplow hasrecently
been newly interpreted,to give a referenceto a specialist
veterinary physician. Unfortunately the name is incom-
plete, but the inscription, in Greek, on the side of a ceramic
vesselrefers to a 1JI1IlolJlcdiclIS, or mule doctor.
Also well attestedin Britain are the two large socialclasses
of contemporarysociety, the slavesand freedmen.Several
92 Amphora sherd from
Carpowwith an incised
graffito, in Creek,reading:
IIPACI[.

Wine tlavouredwith hore-

hound(TO 7TpauLOv)was
recommendedfor chestcom-
plaints in early medicine

93 Craffito incised on a
ceramicvesselfound in the
river ThamesnearTaplow
(Britallilia vii, 279). It had
probably beenusedas a
cinerarv urn to contain the
ashes(;f a mule doctor. The
second,and only compre-
hensibleline, reads,in Creek:
.. ]MANTIOCMYAO<PICI[.
. .JMdlltiUS mule-doctor[.

167
Migrant and native tombstonesand somealtars were set up by the latter, since
normally a slave received his freedom on the death of his
master. Two altars mentioning a legionary centurion,
Aufidius Maximus, at Bath were set up by his freedmen,
Aufidius Eutuchesand Aufidius Lemnus, while a tomb-
stoneof a legionary standard-bearer,IavolenusSaturnalis,
was likewise erectedby his freedman,Manius Dionisias, at
the sametown. CaeciliusMusicusthe freedmanof Caecilius
94 Tombstone(RIB 560) of
threeyoung slaves,dedicated
bv their master,from Chester.
It reads:
Dis Mallihlls Ali/(i)all(lIs) eft]
Alllial[i]lialllls all(1l0rtlIlZ) X Pro Ills
all(1l0rtl11l) XII POl11peillS Oplaills
dOl11illllS f(acielld1l11l) c(lIrllvil)
'To the spirits of the departed,
Atilianus and Antiatilianus, aged
10, Pratus,aged12; their master,
Pompeius Optatus,had this set
up.'

Rufus, a decurionof York, is recordedas having dedicated

the coffin of Rufus' wife, Aelia Severa. Sometimesalso a
masterwould erecta memorialto a slaveor freedman,such
as can be seenon two tombstonesfrom Chester:Asurius
Fortis put up a memorial to his freedmanEtacontius,and
PompeiusOptatuscommemoratedhis three young slaves,
the twins Atilianus and Antiatilianus, aged10, and Pratus,
aged12. Occasionallya freedmanwas also madethe heir of
168 his master,as was the caseof Aristio who becameheir to a
namelesscenturion at Chester. Another interestingdocu- Migrant and native
mentin this contextis a woodenwriting-tabletfrom London
which is in the form of a letter from a master,Rufus, son of
Callisunus,to his slave, Epillicus, who was probablyacting
asa bailiff or managerof a business.It containsan injunction
to makea list andsendit to his master,and also to look after
everything carefully, ending finally with an instruction to
sell a slave-girl. It is also apparentfrom a tombstoneat
95 Fragmentof a wooden
writing tablet from the
Walbrook, London. The
reverseside (not shown)
sometimeshad the address
inscribed,in this case
LCJNOINIO. The upperside
originally had its recessedface
filled with wax, into which the
messagewas scratchedwith a
pointed impl,'ment-a stylus.
Halton Chestersthat even slaves could form their own But the pressureapplied was
often sufficient to penetrate'
burial clubs, for a namelessslave of Hardalio was com- the surtaceof the underlying
memoratedby his fellow-slaves.Severalimperial freedmen wood so that, although the
certainlyvisited Britain and somemay havesettled.Publius wax has long sincedis-
appearedduring burial, a taint
Nikomedes dedicated to the goddessBritannia at York, trl)Ce l)f the n1L'Ssage (dn be
while another reachedHousesteads.A third, Aquilinus, detected.but reelli onlv with
dedicatedan altar to Jupiterin London to commemoratethe ditficultv. This partiCL;IM letter
readsin cursive script:
restorationof a temple,andmusthavebeena comparatively
J\/ltu:, m/!i:'lIl1i :,i1ll1fCfI/ cppillico ct
rich man. (lllillihll'-; colltll/1Cn1l11ihus (crtiores

Needlessto say thereis a very large group of inscriptions "('0.-:; ('sse (red.() IllC reele I'olere sf l'us
/1/{/in'lIll£'cistis rosoll1ittitc omllia
from Britain which containno referencesto occupations,but dilIgl'1ltil r citra agaslit illanz pllellom
from them we can discern family groups, in which most ad /lUll/lIILllll rcdigas.

types of relationshiphave been recorded,or we can make 'Rulus. son of Callisunus.greet-

deductionsabout peoples'beliefs and superstitions.From
the vicusoutsidethe fort at Old Penrith,thereis a tombstone
set up by Limisius to the memory of his 45-year-old-wife,
Aicetuos, and his I2-year-old daughter,Lattio. In the same
ing tu Epillicus and<111 his fdlovvs.
I belil'vl' vou kn()\v I am verv
\vl'll.nativeIf \,~HI hdVt:' madc the list,
pil"aSL' ;enJ. Du you !ook after
t'very,thing cdn'ful\~/.
nativeSeethat
you turn that s!ave-girl intu cash.

place a legionary tribune, Claudius Severus, records the

Rufus. probablya.business-
death of his 13-year-oldadopteddaughter,Ylas; another man, is obviouslygiving in-
foster-childis mentionedon a fragmentarytombstonefrom structionsto his bailiif or head
York, while an I8-year-old girl, Mercatilla, is oddly de- slaveabout the running of his
scribedas freedwomanandadopteddaughterof Magniusat affairs during an absence.The
letter is unfortunateivbroken
Bath, the implication being that she was the daughterof a at an interestingjuncture, but
slave.York alsopossesses someexcellentexamplesof family the Idst phrasecould be given
the alternativetranslationof:
tombstones,such as that erected by Aeresius Saenus,a 'See that vou get your monev's
legionaryveteran,for his wife, sonanddaughter.Only nine worth from that sl,we-girl'
monthsseparatedthe agesof the latter, who at the time of
their deathwere both within the secondyear of life, while
his wife was nearly 40. We might wonder what affliction
carriedthem off apparentlysimultaneously.Also at York is 169
Migrant and native the tombstoneof Corellia Optata,the 13-year-olddaughter
of Corellius Fortis, who was sufficiently well-educated
to composefive lines of Latin verse as her epitaph. From
near York comes the inscribed sarcophagusby Valerius
Vindicianus to his wife, Titia Pinta, and two sons,Valerius
Adjutor and Varialus. From Silchester,thereis a tombstone
of the wife, Flavia Victorina, of a memberprobablyof one of
the most important families in the town, the Tammonii. A

96 fragnlt'nlarv dedication
from London (Britllllllia vii,
378) recordingthe restoration
of a temple to Jupiterby an
imperial freedmanand his
triends, or colleagues.It reads:
[I(m'i) O(l'lilll[l)] M(l/xill"')
[tcllll'lwJ/ I "L'dlls(t)aic (OIlII7i1SIIII1
A'l"ilill"' AIIg(lIsti) lii'(erlll,) <'I
. .\1er(ator d Alldax L't Grilec(us)
rcstitllcr(lIllt)

'To Jupitcr bestand greatest,this

temple fallen down through agc,
AquilinLis imperial freedmandnd
Mercatorand Audax and
Crac(usrestoredto its former
state. '

170
high proportion of such tombstonescommemoratequite Migrant and native
youngchildren and are undoubtedlya reminderof the high
rate of infant mortality, when quite common childhood
diseases,in the absenceof propermedicalcare,could often
result in death. But it is also clear in many casesthat, once
the years of childhood had passed,there was a reasonable
possibility of reaching quite advancedyears. Actual ill-
health is mentioned on a fragmentary tombstone from
Risinghamandrefersto the substitution,for this reason,of a
son, as heir, by anotherrelative.
The religious dedicationsof Britain show a very wide
spectrumof beliefs, embracingnot only almostall the major
classical deities and immortals, but also introductions to
Britain from other provinces, as well as a considerable
numberof indigenousgods and goddesses;all indicate the
functioning of the interpretatio Romana, whereby non-
classical deities could be incorporated in the Roman
pantheon.This fusion of beliefs is perhapsbest demon-
stratedby the altar erectedat Benwell, on Hadrian'sWall, to
a purely local, Celtic deity, Antenociticus.It was put up by
Tineius Longus, Roman citizen and prefect of the cavalry
regimentof the Asturians, to celebratehis promotion into

97 Tombstone(R/ll684) of ,1
young girl from York. It reads:
[0(15) I M(alli/'u,) Cord/Ill Oplala
all(IlUflllll) XlIi Sccrcti qlli A1i1l e~
rcgnl7 AchcrllSi17 Dilis iI/colitis, qllo:.-;
parlin pCtlll1t post llllllino (,itc
eXISl/lIS (illi;::. d SiIllUI17LTllIll

corpo(r)is wnhm il1S0lltis snnte

gel/ItoI' sjlc captus IIllqua SIlIJrt'IIII1J1/
III1I1C l1ate lIliscn7lldu::. def/co til/cIIl
Q(uilllu,) Core(l/ius) Forlis palkr)
f(aci('}/dlllll) c(urm'il)

'To the spirits of the departt'd:

Corellia Optataaged 13. Ye
lllysteriolls spirits whu dwcll in
Pluto's Acherusianrealms,<lnd
vvhom the meagreashesand. the
shadc,empty semblanceof the
body, seek, following the brief
light of life; sire of an innocent
daughter,I, a pitiable victim of
unfair hope, bevv'ail her final end.
QuintusCorellius fortis, her
father, had this set up.'

171
:\[igrant ,md natin' the highestsocialclassof Rome,the senatorialorder,andhis
designationas a quaestor.
The religion of the Roman state embraced first the
Imperial Cult and the Capitoline Triad: Jupiter Optimus
Maximus, Juno and Minerva. It is hardly surprising there-
fore that they becamethe chief official dedicationsof the
army, both corporatelyand individually. There are nearly
150 dedicationsto Jupiter, in one guise or another, from
Britain, the large majority having been set up at northern
forts by army units or their personnel.A very large groupof
altars was discoveredat Maryport on the Cumbriancoast.
They had mostly been erected by the successivecom-
manderson behalf of the units in garrison, and clearly in-
dicatethe practicewherebynew altarswere setup annually
on the edgeof the paradeground, while the old oneswere
buried nearby. Three different units are mentioned, and
among the commandingofficers was the tribune Maenius
Agrippa who went on to commandthe British Heetandwho
later becameprocurator of the province. Another similar
sequenceof dedicationsto Jupiter, over twenty in number,
comesfrom Birdoswald. All were erectedover a period by
the first Aelian cohort of Dacians, and thirteen different
commanderscan be detected. Altars or other forms of
dedication to Juno and Minerva tend, however, to be less
common.On the other handdedications,either aloneor in
combinationwith one or more other deities, to the Imperial
Cult were widespreadover the whole province, showing
that in time it had becomean acceptableform of worship to
native as well as Roman. The wording can take several
different forms; the normal practice was to invoke the
deified ancestorsof the reigning emperor,as do most im-
perial dedicationson both religiousand secularbuildings. A
variant, however, employedthe formula DOlllus Divina, to
include all membersof the imperial household,both living
and dead, while a further alternative made use of the
emperor'sspiritual powers:the /lUlIlen Augusti.A rarer form
altogether, used solely by the army, were dedicationsto
Disciplillae Augusti. One interestingseriesof imperial dedi-
cations appearsin the north of Britain c. AD 213. They all
with one accord protest in the most fulsome words the
loyalty of respectiveunits to the emperorCaracalla.It has
beensuggestedthat, after the assassinationof Geta by his
brother, some disaffection occurred in the ranks of the
British garrison, which theseinscriptionswere intendedto
conceal.
In commonwith army andofficial practice,the cults of the
172 principal classical deities are to be found in the higher
centresof romanisation,such as London, the colonial' and :\ I igrd J1 t ,md 11,1 ti \l'
some civitas capitals. Jupiter was accorded rights at
Chichesterand Cirencester,althoughin a form which was
peculiarto the north-westernprovinces.At Aldboroughhe
waslinked with the Mother Goddesses.Minerva waslinked
with Neptune in a temple at Chichesterwhich had been
erectedby the local guild of smiths, while in the great re-
ligious establishmentat Bath shewas combinedwith Sulis,
the local deity of the hot springs;in the north sheis equated
with the tribal patrondeity Brigantia. Mars was popularbut
more often than not in localisedform wherehe wasequated
with a local deity and often took different attributes from
those of the purely classical concept. At Lydney he was
linked with the Celtic god Nodens,who wasassociatedwith
healing,while in a shrinejust outsideLincoln the dedication
was to Mars Rigonemetos- king of the groves. Mercury
was also fairly popular and seemsto have beenone of the
deities associatedwith the chief religious centre of the
Trinovantesat Gosbecks,nearColchester,but againthereis
moreoften thannot a connectionwith a Celtic deity. Among
other classical figures representedin Britain can be noted
Apollo, sometimeslinked with Maponus,as occurrednear
Carlisle, Diana, Hercules, Silvanus and Vulcan, together
with Fortuneand Victory.
Celtic deities were far more numerous,often possessing
only quite localisedattraction,and they tendedto represent
natural processes,places or powers. One of the most
popular associationswas with water and the shrine of
Coventinaoutsidethe fort at Carrawburghwasbuilt rounda
spring, into which many small offerings had been thrown
over a long period of time. Another was the cult of the
Mother Goddesses,practisedwidely over Celtic Europe,
whosecounterpartin the classicalworld was Ceres.It was
basically a fertility cult connectedwith crops and regener-
ation, and usually the deities appearas a triple manifes-
tation to denote their power. They, and a minor variant,
were well liked in and around Cirencester,where dedica-
tions to the SulevianMothers and pictorial representations
on stone were made. At York, the altar of the river pilot,
Minucius Audens, was set up to the Matres of Africa, Italy
and Gaul; at Benwell and Cramond occur the Matres
Campestres- of the parade-ground- while at Binchester
there were the Matres Ollototae. The latter derivative seems
to havebeenpopularwith beneficiarii, for no lessthan two of
the three altars so dedicatedthere were set up by these
officers.
Some of the Celtic deities propitiated in Britain were 173
Migrant and native undoubtedly brought in from other parts of the empire,
suchas Gaul, Germanyandthe Danubearea.Mars Lenusor
Ocelus, known at Chedworth, Caerwent and Carlisle,
originatedin the Treveranareaof the Rhineland,and Mars
Rigisamus,with a representativein Somerset,had travelled
from Aquitania. The IlUl1/erus Hlllludifridus at Housesteads
united a dedicationto the deity of the emperorwith three
goddesses from their homeland,Alaisiagae,Baudihillia and
98 Dedicationin verseto the
Syrian Goddess,from
Carvoran(RIB 1791). It reads:
JIII/llillef Leolli Virgo eadeMi sifll/
spieifero illsti il/t'entrix llrhilllll
ctJllditriJ./l.'t qllis Illlillcrihus }/()ssc
cOlltlsit dcos:lt!rgo cadclJIlIlt7tcr
dh1l1l11 Pax Virtus Ccrcs/dea51fria
lai/cei'itillll ct 111m pC/lsitalls/ i/;cac!o
'cislIlJI 51/tia sidlls ediditlLillt/IlC
COIClldlll'll: ill de Clillcti didici,;ZllS /'ita
iJlfL'f/cXlt 11 II/n ill t' il/ductlls tliO/
A:1arclis Cllccilius DOJ1l1timllls
IIzilitalls/lrill/lllJlS ill prrlCfccto dOllo
pnll([pl':'.

'The Virgin in her heavenlyplace

rides upon the Lion; bearerof
corn, inventorof law, founderof
cities, by' \vhosegifts it is man's
good lot to kno\\/ the gods: therc-
fore she is the i'vlothl.'r of the
gods, Pe<lct', Virtuc, Ceres,the
Syrian Coddess,weighing life
dnd laws in her balance.Syria has
sent the constellationseenin the
heaven::;to Libvd to be
worshipped:thencehave wc <111
learned.Thus has understood,
led bv thy godhead,Marcus
Caecilius Donatianus,servingas
tribune in the pustof prefectby'
the empt.·ror'sgift.'

Friagabis,while a detachmentof the Suebiantribe stationed

at Lanchester brought with them their own deity,
Garmangabis.Another more popular deity supposedly
originating in Germany was Vitiris, who seems to have
appealedto a wide rangeof people.Carvoranhasa group of
174 altars so dedicated,and no less than three were put up by
 Necalames,in eachcase,presumably,in return for favours Migrant dnd native
receivedfrom the deitv.
If Germanunits brought their own godswith them, it is
not surprising that we also find deities representativeof
regiments from other parts of the empire. The cohort of
Hamian Archers from Syria, also stationed at Carvoran,
naturally erectedaltars to their native deitiesand the Syrian
Goddessand the goddessHammia were commemorated
not only on altars but also on a plaque, inscribed with ten
iambic senarii, in which Syria was coupled with Ceres.
There is also an altar to JupiterHeliopolitanus,a derivative
from the temple of Jupiterat Baalbekin the sameprovince.
Other easterncults reachedBritain at the handsof soldiers
or merchants,giving rise to shrinesor templesdevoted to
Serapis, Isis, Astarte and Mithras, in addition to another
variant of Jupiter worship, again originating in Syria and
given the nameJupiter Dolichenusafter its place of origin.
Among easterncults mentionshouldalso be madeof Chris-
tianity, which after AD 313 becamea permitted religion.
Before that date,however,it is naturally unusualto find any
overt referencesto it, since they might have invited per-
secution, but there is evidence in literary sources for
its practice in Britain during the third century, to which
date probably also belong the Manchesterand Cirencester
acrostics,with their concealedChristianmeaning.
In all this multitude of private religious dedications,we
seldom receive any indication as to the reason why they
weremade,beyondthe mostfrugal referencethat so-and-so
had fulfilled a vow made to the deity. What lay concealed,
for instance, behind the erection of an altar at High
Rochesterto Silvanus Pantheus,god of woodlands and
uncultivatedlands, with a somewhatuncertainreputation,
on behalf of the welfare of the tribune Rufinus and his wife
Lucilla, jointly by his freedman Eutychesand his depen-
dants?If we are to believe the evidence,not a great deal of
good camefrom the act, sincea fragmentarytombstoneof a
namelesstribune of the first cohortof Vardulli, setup by his
wife, Julia Lucilla, may well have commemoratedthe same
Rufinus; Julia Lucilla is describedas belongingto the sena-
torial order, so that her husband, having made a good
marriage, was cut short at the outset of a very promising
career.
Thereis, however,a classof inscriptionwhich is usuallya
little more explicit. From time to time peoplescratchedon a
leadsheeta curseagainstsomeonewho hadwrongedthem,
and either nailed it to a post in the precinct of a temple, or
droppedit into a spring, so as to call down the wrath of a 175
Migrant and native particular deity upon the head of the malefactor. Recent
excavationsmade on a temple site at Uley (Glos,) have
yielded over a hundred such curses. Another, found in
associationwith a religious site at Ratcliffe-on-Soar(Notts.),
invokes the help of Jupiterto recovera sumof moneystolen
from a man whosenamewas probably CaniusDignus. The
god is invited to plaguethe thief with all sortsof uncomfort-
able pains, psychological and physical, and in return for

99 Altar (RIB 1271) dedicated

bv the freedmanof the tribune
of an auxiliary regiment
stationedat High Rochester.It
reads:
Sil1'llllO [Pallltilell [I' 1m sa[lute
l{ultill[illrib(lIl1l) el [Ljuciliaeeills
EuhlClllls lih(l'rlus) C(IIII1) s(llis)
"(Oilllll) s(oillit) l(ibells) lIl(erilo)

'To SilvanusPantheusfor the

welfare of Rufinus, the tribune,
and Lucilla, his (wife), Eutvchus,
the freedman,with his '
dependants,willingly and
deservedlvfulfilled his vow:
Rufinus' tombstoneis also
known from High Rochester,
althoughhis nameis missing
(RIB 1288):
. coil(orlis) I Vardul(iorulll)
[. . praef(t'clo) I coh(orlis) I
Aug(uslae) Lllsiltllwr(um) item
coil(ortis) I Breucor(wlI)
sllbcllr(atori) piae Flamil1iae et
alimelll(orum) subcur(atori) operi
I'ubl(icorlllll) III lit! Lllcilia
c(iarissillw) t(emilla) marito b(me)
m(rrellli) Z'ix(it) all(lIos) XLVIII
m(ellses) VI d (ies) XXV
. to. . of the first cohort
of the Vardulli. . prefectof
the first cohort Augustaof
Lusitanians,also of the first
cohortof Breuci, sub-curatorof
the Flaminian Wav and doles,
sub-curatorof public works, Julia
Lucilla, of senatorialrank (setthis
up), to her well-deserving
husband:he lived 48 years,6
months,25 days:

176
recoveryof the money is promiseda tentn of its value as a iVligrant dnd native
reward. In the Roman world it was up to the wronged
personto bring a thief to justice and prosecutehim in the
courts. Where the thief was not known, it was very likely
thought that the placing of a curseupon him might help in
the initial detectiveprocesses.A cursewhich had beencom-
mitted to the watersof the hot springsat Bath refers to the
kidnapping of Vilbia. The deity is invited to liquefy the
100 Curseinscribedon a lead
sheet,found in the reservoir
below the King's Bath at Bath.
It readsin transposedtorm:
Qui lIIilii Vith/olll iIlI ott7'('it :::.i( lillI/at

dgf
1

(Olliodo [1/oll/uta Ijllit'i7ll1

"i'OIHi'it Er:::'lIl't'fl'II."
Vt'riaJlu~ iVligrant
Sl'I'LTiJlll."; AIIX/l:::.fll1i~
ell/llitWIIII::: Catlhlllill/ill/l1";
CCr/lIllllilla ILlI,ill17
, \1av hc who l'.lI'ricd off Vilhia
frun; TlW bl'cunll' a..:; liquid as
\vatcr. L\1av) she \\-hn obsct'neh
de\'ouredher (become)dumb, ~
wlwtherV't_'ivinnd, E:\supereu5,
Scvcrinus. iVligrant
/\UgU~t.lIiS,

. C0J11iti<1IlUS , C.ltusminianus,
,,~ Cermanilb(or) [ovin.l.'

;.:.Y2~
~
"'i~~'.

11i~:~~;~!;'l

captor,andtherefollows a list of possiblesuspects:Velvinna,

Exsupereus,Verianus,Severinus,Augustalis, Comitianus,
Catusminianus,Germanilla and Jovina. It is an interesting
list, sinceit containsboth male and female names,suggest-
ing perhapsthat Vilbia was the nameof a slave, or possibly
even of an animal. If she was neither, then the statements
might almost appearto be a commentaryon contemporary
sexualpractices.
Another source of information about the people of the
province is the large collection of graffiti which were
scratchedor punchedon a very wide variety of objects,such
as ceramic or metal vessels, personal trinkets, building
stones or wall-plaster. Mostly this was done simply to
denoteownershipof the object, such as the samianbowl
and silver spoon,found togetherin a rubbishpit at the villa 177
Migrant and nati\'L' at Eccles in Kent, on which the name Januarishad been
scratched.Sometimessimple messagesor allusions were
made, such as the oft-quoted piece of Italian red-gloss
pottery from Leicesterlinking the namesof Lucius, a gladi-
ator, with Verecunda,possibly an actress.The writing of
graffiti on walls is by no meansa modernpractice,but hasa
strongtradition in almostevery literate society. Nothing yet
discoveredin Britain can competewith the many examples
found in such places as Pompeii or Ostia, yet they still
providean interestingsocialcommentaryon RomanBritain.
Obscenewords or phraseswere scratchedon walls of a
derelict house in the centre of Leicester and painted,
possibly as part of the decoration,on the wall of a villa at
Alresford (Essex);if the latter wasindeedpart of the original
design, we might well wonder what it had incorporated.
How, also, might we interpretthe information impartedby
the sameLeicestersource,that Civilis is imprisoned,or was
he, alternatively,simply hiding?
This and the preceding chapter have been principally
concernedwith the introduction of the dramatis personaeof
RomanBritain, in sucha way that they illustrate as much as
possible of the activities of their daily lives, their careers,
beliefs and personalities.Since there are many gapsin this
form of evidence for Britain, it means that the resulting
synthesisis by no meanscompletelycomprehensive.In this
respectit must be rememberedthat much of the evidence
required to fill these gaps has to be derived either from
archaeologicalsources,which in the absenceof inscriptions
are essentially anonymous, or from analogies in other
provinces. Although the net has been stretchedas widely
as possible,peoplementionedin the latter categoryare not
strictly relevant to this accountas they were never inhabi-
tants of, or even visitors to, Britain. The British evidence,
allied with allusionsto temporaryor permanentresidentsof
the provincefrom outside,mustthereforestandon its own.

178
 The benefit for Rome - Chaptereight
a conclusion

We haveseenin the earlierchapterssomethingof the people

who lived and worked in Roman Britain, their way of life
and the benefitsand disadvantages which accruedto them
from the Romanoccupation.In conclusion,we may briefly
review the cost to Rome of the maintenanceof the British
provinceand the profits obtainedfrom it.
The cost of upkeep was considerable.As already indi-
cated in Chapter4, Britain, for its size, containedone of
the largestgarrisonsof any provincein the empire. A rough
computation- it is not possibleon the availableevidenceto
be more accurate- shows that, at the time of Domitian,
whenAgricola was conductinghis northerncampaigns,the
annualwagesalone of the army almost certainly exceeded
13 million denarii. The figure is probably conservative,but
still representsa very considerablesumof money. Add to it
almostany figure one caresto think of to cover the remain-
ing expensesof the governorand his staff, the procurator
and his staff, occasionalgrants to, or remission of taxes
from, municipalities, and the cost of raw materials and
equipment,and it likely that a sum approaching20 million
denarii, equivalentto some90,000 kg of silver, would have
beenneededannually to run the province. To the financial
cost must be added the almost permanentdrain on the
empire'smanpowerresources.The frontiers of Britain were
seldomat peace,resulting, if not always in a flood, then at
leastin a constanttrickle of casualtiesneedingreplacement,
to which must also be added the vacanciescausedin the
ranks by retirement. There is no doubt that this problem
becamemuch aggravatedtowards the end of the second
centuryand remainedin being until the end of the occupa-
tion.
So much for the debit side; by what did Rome profit, and
did this profit balancethe cost?In the first place there was
probablya psychologicalgain simply causedby the capture
of Britain; the morale of the conqueroris invariably im-
provedby success.Strategicallyalso the frontiers of Britain,
expensivethoughthey wereto maintain,mustbe setagainst
a wider backgroundand not viewed purely in local terms.
They acted as the frontiers of north-west Gaul and, to a 179
The benefit for Rome lesserextent, Spainand so allowed peacefuland profitable
life to develop in these provinces, as well as in lowland
Britain, largely unhinderedby military interference.Had
this not beenso, thenthe maintenanceof a frontier alongthe
Channel coast of Gaul would almost certainly have been
moreexpensiveboth in termsof cashandmanpower;more-
over total revenue would have been correspondinglyre-
duced. The invasion of Britain brought with it not only an
increasein the supply of slaves,resulting directly from the
warfare, but also, in the longer term, a boostto recruitment
for the army in the occupiedareas,so to someextenthelping
to neutralise the drain on manpower which was simul-
taneouslytaking place.The occupationalsoprovideda large
populationwho had to pay taxes,both in cashand in kind,
so spreading the cost of upkeep of the north-western
frontier garrisonsover a far wider area.Moreover, the extra
territory which was annexedhelped to producefood and
materialsfor thosesamegarrisonsand so again spreadthe
burdenof supply. We have no information on the amount
of tax which the British peoplecontributed,so we cannot
tell if they could by themselveshave carried the cost of the
army and the administrationstationedin the province.
Other benefits directly accruing to Rome were those de-
rived from the exploitation of mineral resourcesand those
from the various activities of the imperial estates, land
owned by the emperor. Although Britain possessedde-
posits of all the commonly used metals, it seemsunlikely
that silver productioncould ever have reachedthe level of
90,000 kg annuallyrequiredto pay for the armedforcesand
other expenditureunder Domitian. Neverthelessthe silver
depositswere a not insignificant part of the empire'stotal
resourcesand came into their own in the later fourth
century, along with tin. Britain also provided a new and
largely unexploitedmarketfor goodsfrom elsewherein the
empire and so, through the widening activities of mer-
chants, and the additional taxes which they consequently
paid, helpedto increaseimperial revenues,further swollen
in turn by customsdutiesexactedon the goodspassingthe
frontiers or the provincial boundaries. In turn also, the
empire profited further by the goodswhich were produced
in Britain and then exportedto other provincesor beyond
the frontiers, although there was probably very little in
Britain which could not have been equally well provided
from elsewhere.
Canwe, on this information, assessBritain as a profitable
province?If all the factors are consideredtogetherthen it
180 probablywas, makingit worth the severaltensof thousands
of millions of denarii sunk in it over the period of occupa- The benefit for I\OI11l'
tion. Only onceapparentlydid Romanresolvefalter when,
underNero, therewas talk of abandonment,but eventhen
it was deemedto be a too-costly operation. For the re-
mainder,proof of the value of Britain to Romecomesin the
subsequentevents.Thrice Britain secededfrom the empire
on accountof the personalambitionsof officersor governors
and thrice was recoveredby the centralauthority in Rome.
On at least three other occasionsit was subjectedto severe
invasionsfrom outsideand sufferedseveralinternal rebel-
lions, andeachtime considerableefforts weremadeto expel
the invaders,or crush the rebels,and set mattersright. Yet
in someways Britain was as isolatedfrom the heart of the
empire as the easternprovinceswhich were subjugatedby
Trajan and so soon afterwardsabandonedby Hadrian. It
was almost more isolated, and possibly less wealthy, than
Dacia, yet that province was never recoveredafter the bar-
barian invasionsof the later third century. Indeed, Britain
remained a province until the break-up of the western
empire in the early fifth century, and even then there sur-
vived a desire, fostered by Britons on one side and the
Church in Rome on the other, so to remain, despite the
military impossibility of achievingit. Few of the measuresto
guardBritish securityover the yearswould havebeentaken
had Rome developedany seriousdoubtson the wisdom of
retaining the province as part of her empire. We should
thereforeconcludethat Rome could not do without Britain
and that, consideredas a whole, there was greaterprofit
than loss.

lSI
 The best of
early Roman BritaiIl

Selectedsites of the Iron Age and early Roman

periods to visit in Britain

Placesmarkedwith an asteriskhavea museumon the site.

Urban
Ancaster,Lines. (SK 9843)
South-eastcornerof defencesvisible as earthworks.
* Aldborough,Yorks. (SE 4066)
Sectionsof the defencesandinternalbuildingsexposed.
* Bath, Somerset(ST 7564)
Spaandassociatedbaths.
Caerwent,Mon. (ST 4690)
Most of the circuit of the walls, with gatesand externalbastions
still standingto a considerableheight.
Caistor-by-Norwich,Norfolk (TG 2303)
Circuit of defencesmostlyvisible asearthworks;internalfeatures
sometimesshowas crop-marks.
Chesterton,Warwicks. (SP3459)
Line of defencesvisible as earthworks.
* Cirencester,Glos. (SP0201)
Sectionof the north-eastwall exposed;amphitheatrevisible asan
earthwork.
* Colchester,Essex(TL 9925)
Circuit of walls; Balkerne(west) gate;north-eastgate;also
defencesof Iron Age oppidum.
* Dorchester,Dorset(SY 6990)
Amphitheatre;internalbuildings at Colliton Parkexposed.
GreatCasterton,Leics. (TF 0009)
North-eastcornerof defencesvisible as earthworks.
* Leicester,Leics. (SK 51)04)
Jewry wall and partsof bath -houseexposed.
* Lincoln, Lines. (SK 9771)
Sectionsof defencesof both upperand lower towns. Newport
Arch (north gate);eastand south-westgatesexposed.
Silchester,Hants. (SU 6462)
Circuit of walls; internal featuressometimesseenas crop-marks
and earthworks;amphitheatre;also sectionsof defencesof Iron
Age oppidum.
* Vemlamium,Herts. (TL 1307)
Circuit of walls; internalbuildings; theatre;also sectionsof
defencesof Iron Age oppidum.
* Wall, Staffs. (SK 1006)
Partsof mansio,including bath-house,exposed.
182 Wroxeter, Salop. (SJ 5608)
 Bath-houseand associatedbuildings; part of forum; sectionsof The bestof
the defencesvisible asearthworks. mrlv Rom,l11 Britain
* York, Yorkshire (SE 6052)
Seemilitary sites.

Iron Age hill-forts and oppida (seealso Urban sites)

Bigbury, Kent (TR 117575)
Sectionsof defences,particularlyon the north side, visible in
woodland.
Hod Hill, Dorset(ST 857106)
Hill-fort with Romanauxiliary fort in north-westcorner; some
hut circles still visible.
Maiden Castle, Dorset (SY 669885)
Hill-fort of greatsize.
Stanwick,Yorks. (NZ 1811)
Oppidul1l with sectionsof defencesstill visible.

Rural
Beadlam,Yorks. (SE 6384)
Villa with partsvisible.
Bignor, Sussex(SU 9814)
Villa with partsvisible.
* Chedworth,Glos. (SP0513)
Villa with partsvisible.
Ewe Close, Cumbria (NY 6013)
Native village visible as earthworks.
Brading, LO.w. (SZ 5986)
Villa with partsvisible.
* Fishbourne,W. Sussex(SU 8303)
Supposedpalaceof King Cogidubnus.
* Lullingstone,Kent (TA 5365)
Villa with partsvisible.
ChisenburvWarren,Wilts. (SU 179538)
vil ~ge
NativeNative visible asearthworks.

Military
Ardoch, Tavside(NN 8410)
Auxiliary fO'rt and campaigncampsvisible as earthworks.
Birrens, Dumfriesand Gallowav (NY 2175)
Auxiliary fort with gatesstill st;nding.
Borough-by-Bainbridge,North Yorks. (5D 9390)
Auxiliary fort visible as earthworks.
Burnswark,Dumfriesand Galloway (NY 1878)
Practicesiegecampsflanking an Iron Age hill-fort.
Brecon-Gaer,Brecon(50 0029)
Auxiliary fort with fortifications exposed.
* Caerleon,Mon. (ST 3390)
Legionaryfortress,with someareasexposed;amphitheatre.
Blaen-Cwm-Bach,WestGlam. (557998)
Campaigncamp.
* Chester,Cheshire(5J 4066)
Legionaryfortress.Circuit of the defences;amphitheatre;
RoodeeWall.
ChewGreen,Northumberland(NY 8398)
Fortlet and seriesof campaigncampsvisible as earthworks. 183
The bestof Hardknott, Cumbria (NY 2101)
e,HI\' Rom,lll Brit,lin Auxiliary fort with visible paradegroundoutside.
High Rochester,Northumbria(NY 8398)
Auxiliary fort with somedefencesstill standing.
Hod Hill, Dorset(ST 8510)
Vexillation fort in cornerof Iron Age hill-fort.
Inchtuthill, Tayside(NO 1239)
Legionaryfortress;outlinesshowas low embankments.
* Malton, Yorks. (SE 7971)
Auxiliarv fort.
* Richbor~ugh,
iVligrant Kent (TR 3260)
Beach-headdefencesoverlain by triumphal monumentand
SaxonShorefort.
StainmorePass,Yorks.-Cumbria(NY 7914 to NZ 0813)
Roadwith signal stations(RoperCastle,BowesMoor and
Maiden Castle)and campaigncampsvisible asearthworks.
Whitlev Castle,Northumberland(NY 6948)
Auxi li~rv
iVligrant fort.
* York, Yorks. (SE 6052)
Legionaryfortress. Circuit of defences;headquarters
building
(underMinster).

Frontier works
Antonine Wall (NS 4673 to NT 0280)
Good sectionsvisible at: Watling Lodge (NS 8679); RoughCastle
(NS 8479); latter also site of fort.
HadriansWall (NZ 223627to NY 3066)
Good sectionsvisible at: Birdoswald(NY 615664);Wall Town
Crags(NY 675665);CawfieldsMilecastle(NY 715667);Turret 265
at BruntonHouse(NY 922698).
Forts at:
Carrawburgh,Northumberland(NY 8751)
Fort visible asearthworks.Templeof Mithraslaid out nearsouth-
westcorner.
* Chesterholm,Northumberland(NY 7766)
Partsof internalbuildings exposed.Site of recentexcavationsin
the attachedpicus.
* Chesters,Northumberland(NY 9170)
Many of the internalbuildings are exposed;alsoextra-mural
bath-house.Abutmentof bridge over North Tyne nearby(NY
915701).
* Corbridge,Northumberland(NY 9864)
Stanegatefort to rearof wall; later an importantarsenalsituated
within a large town. Many buildings exposed.
* Housesteads, Northumberland(NY 7868)
Fortifications, internalbuildingsin both fort and vicus exposed.
Nearbyto the eastlies the Knag Burn customsgateway(NY
7969).

Communications, industrial centres and other remains

Dolocauthi, Carmarthen(SN 6640)
Site of Romangold mines. Aqueductsservingthe works and
settlementstill visible on hillside aboveand to the north-east.
Dover, Kent (TR 3241)
Light-housesituatedon the cliff-top within the walls of the
1H4 medievalcastle.
Helpringham,Lines. (TF 1540) The bestof
Artificial drainagechannelknown as the Car Dyke visible at its carh' Rom<,l1 Britain
besthere.
Lincoln - Good sectionsof Romanroad can be seenboth north
andsouthof the town runningin north from SK 973797to 972827,
in southfrom SK 985626to 990496.
Bartlow Hills, Essex(TL 5844)
Tumuli of the earlv Romanperiod.
Charterhouse-in-Mendip, Avon (ST 5056)
Romansilver/leadmines;amphitheatre.

li-l:=i
Index

Pagenumbersin bold type refer to illustrationsand their captions.

A Attonius Quintianus,124 burials: Iron Age, 39, 48-9;

Aufidius Eutuches,168 Romano-British,
Native104
Abernethy,hill-fort at, 31 Aufidius Lemnus,168 Burton Fleming,
Native cemeteryat, 48
administration,74, 76, 83, 104 Aufidius Maximus, 168 Buxton, 91
Advatucus,154, 155 Aufidius Olussa,151
AebutiusThales,L., 163, 164 Aufidius Pantera,133
Aelius Antoninus,118 Augustus,19-20,21,51, 75 c
Aelius Lucanus,126 Aurelius Alexander,121
AeresiusSaenus,142, 169 Aurelius Armiger, 131 Cabriabanus,160
Albinus, 157, 158 Aurelius Lucius, 129 CaeciliusDonatianus,M., 174
Alcester,82, 161 Aurelius Lunaris, M., 138, 143 CaeciliusMusicus,168
Aldborough,171 Aurelius Macrinus,131 CaeciliusRufus, 168
Amandus,124 Aurelius Polychronidus,164 Caerleon,legionaryfortressat,
Amminus (Adminius), 20, 25, 26 Aurelius Senecio,137 59,121,142
96 Aurelius Tasulus,143 Caerwent,77, 115, 138, 174
amphitheatres,86 Aurelius Verus, 145 Caistor-by-Norwich,77, 155
Anandinus,148 AurunceiusFelicessemus, 113-14 Caligula, 26, 51
Anencletus,136 Austalis, 159 CalpurniusReceptus,166
Anglesey,Druids at, 46, 56 auxiliary regiments,110, 113,123, Camulodonum,
Native 12, 15, 16, 19,21,
Angmering, villa at, 94 124, 126, 129-33,143, 171, 37,53
Anicius Ingenuus,124 173-5 Candidus,160
Anicius Saturninus,117 Aylesford, cemeteryat, 48 CaniusDignus, 176
Antedios,136 Canterbury,7, 8, 43, 76, 79, 161,
Antiatilianus, 168 163
AntigonusPapias,151, 153 Caracalla,69, 138
Antiochos,124 B
Caratacus,24,37,51,55
Antius Crescens,
Native M., 110 Carausius,134
Antonianus,145 BadburyRings, hill-fort at, 32 Car Dyke, 101
AntonineWall, 63-6, 67, 133, 139 BaeniusBassianus,133 careers,106-15
AntoninusPius, 63, 66, 133 Bagendon,oppidumat, 16,43 43 CariniusGratus, 144
Appollonius, 166 Banna,154 Cartimandua,55, 58, 137
Aprilis, 157 Barates,139, 143 Cassel,traderfrom, 145
aqueducts,87, 102 barcarii, 132 Cassivellaun"us,
Native5-6, 9, 12-19, 35
Aquilinus, 169, 170 Basilius, 156, 157 Catterick,82, 103, 116,154, 155
archers,132 Bath,82,89,91,119,124,137,145, CatusDecianus, 112
AriseniusMarius, 144 149,161,166,168,173,177 Catuvellauni,1, 5, 9,12,13-20,51
Aristio, 168 bath-house,87,89 Celatus,154
armourer,124 Belgae,the, 12-17 CeleriniusVitalis, 125
Arrenius Verecundius,134, 135 bencficiarus,116, 117, 134, 145 Celsus,116
Arveri,159 Bigbury, hill-fort at,S, 8, 16 censor,114
Arvienus, 159 Boduoccus,24 CensoriusCornelianus, 123
Asurius Fortis, 168 Bordeaux,inscription from, 143 centurion,116, 118, 119,120-3,
Aticurto, 154 Boudicca,46, 56, 137 129, 168
Atilianus, 168 Boulogne,26, 113 Charmidanax,158
Atrebates,23 Brancaster,fort at, 71 Charterhouse,Somerset,92
Atthedomarus(Addedomarus), brick and tile, 103, 158,159 Chedworth,174
20,24 Brigantes,58, 60, 66, 67, 69, 137 Chelmsford,56
Attius Marinus, 146 Brough-on-Humber,138, 139 Chester,legionaryfortressat, 59,
Attius Tutor, 133 Burdonius,164 103, 121, 124, 125, 142, 154,168

190
Chichester,24, 25, 53, 136, 173 Ditchley, villa at, 94 Gimioga, 145
Christianity, 104, 151, 175,181 Diviciacus, 12, 14 glass,92, 161
Chysauste;,99 Dobunni,19 Glaucus,154
Cintusmus,154 Domitius Potentinus,121 Gloucester,76, 90, 103, 137, 141,
circus, 89 Dorchester,Dorset,88 159
Cirencester,77, 79, 82, 86, 103, Dorchester,Oxon., 116, 117 gold,9,82,102, 152
138, 139, 149, 152,160, 161, 173 Dover, 2, 101, 117, 133,160 ... Gracilis, 123
civitas, 72, 73, 77, 79, 137, 138-9 drill-instructor, 125, 126 GraeciusTertinus,134
Claudius,26, 51, 53, 54, 75, 132 drink, 82, 164 graffiti,177-8
ClaudiusPaulinus,Ti., 115, 162 Druids,45-7,51,56,104 GreatChesterford,82
ClaudiusTriferna, Ti., 149 Dubnovellaunus,20, 22, 24, 26
clerk, 125-6 Dubnus,155
clients, 136 DucciusRufinus, 126 H
ClodiusAlbinus, D., 68, 70, 109
cloth, 103, 145, 162-3 Hadrian,60, 80, 81, 112, 132,133
CocceiusFirmus, M., 123 E Hadrian'sWall, 60-3, 66, 67, 69,
CocceiusNigrinus, 114 108, 131, 134, 139,161
CocceiusSeverus,122 Eccles,villa at, 94, 96 Hardalio, 169
Cogidubnus,56, 96, 136 Eggardon,hill-fort at, 32 Heathrow,templeat, 47
coins, Iron Age, 2, 3, 12, 14, 18, Epaticcus,23, 24 Helvius Pertinax,P., 109, 114
20,39 Epillicus, 169 Hermes,151
Colchester,56, 57, 75, 82, 90,103, EppilIus,20 Hermogenes,124
114,129,135,139,141,146,154, Etacontius,168 High Wycombe,villa at, 94
173 Eutvches,175, 176 hill-forts, 18, 29, 30-7
Colijnsplaat(with Domburg),144 Exeter,77 Hod Hill, hill-fort at, 29, 35
Cologne,tradersfrom, 144-5 Exingius Agricola, 144 Holt, 103
colonia, 72, 73, 74-6, 90, 137, 138, Honorinus,152
141-2 houses:Iron Age, 41-2; Romano-
CombeDown, principia at, 95, 96, F British, 89, 90
119
Commius,3, 6, 18 farming: Iron Age, 10, 38-41, 94,
Commodus,145 98; Romano-British,80, 94, 97 I
Commodus,emperor,68 FavoniusFacilis, M., 129
copper,9, 102, 154-6 Fecamp,hill-fort at, 17 IavolenusPriscus,c., 111, 134
Corbridge,fort at, 68, 120 fields, 99 IavolenusSaturnalis,127, 168
CordiusCandidus,0.,117,118 Firminius, 162, 163 Iceni, 25, 56, 136
Corellia Optata, 170, 171 Fishbourne,94, 96, 162 IIIogan, villa at, 94
Corio...,24 Flavia Victorina, 170 imperial estates,95, 96, 98
Coritani,25 Flavinus,127 implements,agricultural,94
CorneliusPeregrinus,138 Flavius Bellator, 137 InchtuthiI, legionaryfortressat,
CorneliusSuperstis, 144 Flavius B1andinus,125, 126 59
Crescens,142 FlaviusHelius, 151 Indixivixus, 157
Crickley Hill, hill-fort at, 29, 30, FlaviusHilarius, 124 Irchester,117
31,34,35,36,41 FlaviusMartius, 137 iron, 9, 82, 92, 102, 156
cuneus,132 Flavius Natalis, 142 IvinghoeBeacon,hill-fort at, 30,
Cunoarus,140 FlaviusQuietus,Sex., 113 31,35
Cunobarrus,154 Flavius Titianus, 124
Cunobelin,3, 21-4, 37, 39,42 Floridius Natalis, 118
Curmissus,153 food,82,97,104, 164 J
curses,176, 177 fortifications, urban, 90
Cu... Valenus,Q., 163 forum and basilica,77, 82, 86 jewellery, 82
freedman,127, 167-9, 175 Juc ... Digni ... , 159
Frilford, templeat, 47 Julia Fortunata,138
D frontiers, 55, 60-6, 179 Julia LucilIa, 175, 176
Fufidius, 145 Julius Agricola, Cn., 58, 59,
Danebury,hill-fort at, 29, 33, 35, 80, 106, 108, 109, 149, 179
41 Julius Aprilis, 145
Demetrius,of Tarsus,149, 166 G Julius Asper, 135
Didius Gallus, A., 109 Julius Caesar,c., 1-11, 12-18,
Dignus, 153 Gamidiahus,124 26, 33, 34, 35, 51
Dinorben,99 Gatullinius Seggo,144 Julius Classicianus,c., 112
Diodora, 166 Gemellus,124 Julius Decuminus,142

191
Julius Florentinus,144
Julius Frontinus, Sex., 58, 109
Julius Galenus,141
Julius Januarius,144
Julius Martinus, Q., 164
Julius Maximus (1), 143
Julius Maximus (2), 166
Julius Protus, G., 149, 150, 153
Julius Severus,142
Julius Severus,Sex., 109
Julius Valens, 142
Julius Valentinus, 123
Julius Verus, c., 67
Junius Melissus, 164
Juvenal, 166
Juventinus,161
K mosaics,82, 83, 89
Kenchester,92, 165
L Protus,168
Labareus,151
lead,9,92,102, 149, 150,154
leather,82, 103, 163-4
legates,106-15,134, 135
legions, 2, 5, 53, 66, 67, 74, 108, Ne~tovelius,
113,115,116, 120-7, 133, 141-2
Leicester,70, 77, 161
Licinius Valens, 142
Limisius, 169
Lincoln, 75, 86, 87, 90, 137, 138,
140, 141, 149, 161
Littlebourne, Kent, 8
Lollius Urbicus, Q., 109
Lollius Venator, 123
London, 57, 82, 84, 85, 90, 103,
116,135,138,151,152,154,156, OclantiniusAdventus,114
159, 163,164, 169, 173
Longinus, 126
Loose,oppidumat, 37
Lossio Veda, 149
Lottius Secundus,134
Lucius Sabinianu5,113
Lympne,133
Lyons, 68, 75
Lurius, 151
M Park Street,villa at, 94
Macrinus,112
MaeniusAgrippa, M., 113, 133,
172
magistrates,137, 139,159
Maiden Castle,hill-fort at, 29, 33
Mam Tor, hill-fort at, 31, 42
Mancetter,92, 103, 146
Manching,oppidum at, 18, 37
Manius Dionisias,127, 168 Philus, 139, 143
Mantius, 167 pilot, 125, 134
Marcellus, N., 106 PlatoriusNepos.. A., 108
Marcius Memor, 166 Plautius,A., 55
Marsal, trader from, 145 Plutarch,149
Martinus, 156, 157 PoeniusPostumus,121
masons,145, 147, 161, 162, 163 PompeiusFalco, Q., 110
medical practitioners,124, 125, PompeiusHomullus, Cn., 113
165-6, 167 PompeiusOptatus,168
Mercatilla,169 PontiusSabinus.122
metal-working,49-50, 82, Postumus,71
101-3 potters,145-7, 156-8
Mettus, 149 pottery: Iron Age, 43, 49;
Minchinhampton,oppidulll at, Romano-British,57, 82, 92, 103,
16, 24,38 144-5
minerals,79, 92, 103, 147,149, praetor,106-7
161 Praetorianguard,113-14
Minucius Audens,M., 125, 173 Prasutagus,56, 97, 136
prefect,114, 171
Munatius Aurelius Bassus,Gn., Priminius Ingennus,145
114 Priscus,145, 147
MunatiusCeler, 164 Priuis, 154
1Il1illicipilllll, 85, 137 procurator,112-14,119, 159
Ptolemv,138
N PublPulcher,
ici~s Maternus,133
PubliusNikomedes,169
Naevius,120 Pulcher,166
navy, Roman,70, 113, 133-4
Pulcher, 130
Nero, 58, 137, 181
Newstead,fort at, 59 Q
Nipius Ascanius,c., 149, 150
quaestor,106
Norton, 82, 152
quays,84,85
Novantae,68
Quintus,124
Illl/llerus, 132, 174
o R
RainsboroughCamp, hill-fort at,
Oldburv, Kent, hill-fort at, 17, 35
18, 36 Reculver, fort at, 71, 133
Old Carlisle, Z'iclis at, 143 Regina,139, 143
oppida, 9, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, Regnus,156
37-8 religion: Iron Age, 44-7; Romano-
Orange,triumphal arch at, 28 British, 47, 89, 91, 104, 124,135,
OstoriusScapula,P., 109 138,139,140,143,144,154,161,
166,169,171-5
Ribchester,fort, at, 118, 143
p Richborough,53
roads,99, 100
Rockbourne,99
Patendinius,159 RosciusCoelius,M., 115
PaterniusMaternu5,113 RoughCastle,fort at, 64
Paternus,158 rounds,42, 98
Patricius,153 Rubrius Abascantus,153
patron,135 Rufinus, 175, 176
PelatrasiusMaximus, 125 Rufus, 169
Peregrinus,149 Rufus Sita, 129
Petillius Cerealis,Q., 58, 108 RusoniaAventina, 149
PetroniusTurpilianus, P., 108 Rutilius Ripanus,146
192
s T Verica, 20, 23-4, 26, 42, 51, 53,
136
Sabellius,161 TabelliusVictor, 131 Verulamium,12, 15, 16, 19,21, 26,
Sacer,149 Tacitus,46, 85, 134, 135, 136,137 37,48,57,76,77,82,86,88,152,
Salmanes,151, 152 Tamesibugus,148 154
salt, 104 Tasciovanus,19, 21 Verus, 163
SalviusLiberalis, c., 111 taxes,55, 78, 80, 81, 180 Vespasian,58, 80, 111, 115
Sarrius,157, 158 temples,47, 75 veteran,141-3, 145
SaxonShore,71 theatres,88 Vettius Bolanus,M., 109
sculpture,82 ThistletonDyer, templesat, 47 Vettius Catullius, 164
sea-level,changesin, 2 Tiberius, 23, 51 Vettius Valens,135
SecundiniusSilvanus,M., 144, tin, 9, 102, 154 Victor, 156
145, 146 Tincommius,19,20,51 Viducius Placidus,L., 143, 144
SecundiusSimilis, 144, Tineius Longus,171 Vilbia, 177
SeiusSaturninus,134 Titullinia Pussitta,151 villages, 76, 91-4, 139, 143
Selgovae,68 Titus, 80 villas, 93, 94-8
Senilis, 147, 148 Titus Irdas, 116 Virgil, quotationsfrom, 160
SenniusSollemnis,T., 162 Togodumnus,24, 37, 51 Vitalis, 148, 158
SeptimiusSeverus,68-9, 70, 109, trade,18, 43-4, 81, 82-5, 101, 143- Vivius Marcianus,116
132 5, 164-6 Volusius Maecianus,112
settlements,Iron Age, 38-9, 69 Trajan, 60, 107, 133 Votadini,68
SeveriusEmeritus,G., 118, transport,100, 101
119 TrebellinusMaximus, M., 108,
seDir AZigustalis,138, 143 115 w
sewers,87 tribunes,106, 108, 120, 125,133,
ships,100 138,169,175 Wallbury Camp,Essex,9
Silchester,23, 38, 77, 82, 152, 160, Trinovantes,1, 6, 12, 15, 19-21, Walmer, 2, 3, 7, 8
164, 170 37,56,173 warfare, Iron Age, 29-38
Silures,56 trumpeter,126 Water Newton, 140
silver, 9, 43, 82, 102, 152-3, 179, weapons,33
180 Welwvn: cemeteriesat, 43, 48;
Similis, 139 u Iror; Age importsat, 43; villa at,
singularis, 116 94
slaves,46, 82, 98, 136, 139, 149, Uley, cursesat, 176 Weston-under-Penvard,92
151, 167, 168,180 Ulpius Januarius,138, 139 Wheathampstead, (;Pl'idZllll at, 6,
societas,150, 153-4 Ulpius Marcellus,133 7,8,9,10,12,15,16,37
SolimariusSecundinus,143 Ulpius Novanticus,139 Wheeler,Sir Mortimer, 9
spas,91 Whilton Lodge, 91
spearmen,131 Wilderspool,92
speculator,116 v Winchester,37, 77, 103, 116
Springhead,92 Witcombe, villa at, 95
standard-bearer, 124, 127,168 Valerii, Q., 146 wood, 10, 79, 164
Stanegate,60 Valerii, Sexti, 146 Wroxeter: legionaryfortressat,
Stanwick,oppidumat, 16, 17, Valerius Amandus,166 59; town at, 77, 87, 89, 116,
38 Valerius Latinus, 127 138
Stanwix, fort at, 63 ValeriusMartialis, 123
StatiliusOptatus,T., 114 ValeriusTheodosianus,149
Strabo,41, 43 Valerius Veranius,146 x
strator, 117, 118 Valerius Verecundius,142
streets,86 Valerius Vindicianus, 170 Xanten, traderfrom, 145
Suessiones,12, 14, Varius Vitalis, 116
Suetonius,80, 115 VegisoniusMarinus, 145
SuetoniusPaullinus,c., 55, 108, Veneti,l y
121 Venutius,137
Sulinus,161, 162 Veranius,Q., 106, 108,109 Ylas, 169
surveyor,124 Vercingetorix,18 York: colollia at, 82, 138, 139, 144,
Swariing, cemeteryat, 48 VerecundiusDiogenes,138, 139, 149,169;legionaryfortressat,
Syagrius,154 143 59,68, 149, 173

193